,,ideal ,,commonwealths ,,plutarch',s ,,lycurgus ,,more',s ,,utopia ,,bacon',s ,,new ,,atlantis ,,campanella',s ,,city ,,of ,,the ,,sun ,,and ,a ,,fragment ,,of ,,hall',s ,,mundus ,,alter ,,et ,,idem ,,with ,,an ,,introduction ,,by ,,henry ,,morley ,,ll4,d41 ,,professor ,,of ,,english ,,literature ,,at ,,university ,,college1 ,,london ,,fifth ,,edition ,,london ,,george ,,routledge ,,and ,,sons1 ,,limited ,,broadway1 ,,ludgate ,,hill ,,glasgow1 ,,manchester1 ,,and ,,new ,,york #ahij ,,morley',s ,,universal ,,library4 #a4 ,sheridan's ,plays4 #b4 ,plays from ,molire4 ,by ,english ,dramatists4 #c4 ,marlowe's ,faustus and ,goethe's ,faust4 #d4 ,chronicle of the ,cid4 #e4 ,rabelais' ,gargantua and the ,heroic ,deeds of ,pantagruel4 #f4 ,machiavelli's ,prince4 #g4 ,bacon's ,essays4 #h4 ,defoe's ,journal of the ,plague ,year4 #i4 ,locke on ,civil ,government and ,filmer's ,patriarcha4 #aj4 ,butler's ,analogy of ,religion4 #aa4 ,dryden's ,virgil4 #ab4 ,scott's ,demonology and ,witchcraft4 #ac4 ,herrick's ,hesperides4 #ad4 ,coleridge's ,table-,talk4 #ae4 ,boccaccio's ,decameron4 #af4 ,sterne's ,tristram ,shandy4 #ag4 ,chapman's ,homer's ,iliad4 #ah4 ,medival ,tales4 #ai4 ,voltaire's ,candide1 and ,johnson's ,rasselas4 #bj4 ,jonson's ,plays and ,poems4 #ba4 ,hobbes's ,leviathan4 #bb4 ,samuel ,butler's ,hudibras4 #bc4 ,ideal ,commonwealths4 #bd4 ,cavendish's ,life of ,wolsey4 #be #bf4 ,don ,quixote4 #bg4 ,burlesque ,plays and ,poems4 #bh4 ,dante's ,divine ,comedy4 ,,longfellow',s ,translation4 #bi4 ,goldsmith's ,vicar of ,wakefield1 ,plays1 and ,poems4 #cj4 ,fables and ,proverbs from the ,sanskrit4 7,hitopadesa47 #ca4 ,lamb's ,essays of ,elia4 #cb4 ,the ,history of ,thomas ,ellwood4 #cc4 ,emerson's ,essays1 c4 #cd4 ,southey's ,life of ,nelson4 #ce4 ,de ,quincey's ,confession of an ,opium-,eater1 c4 #cf4 ,stories of ,ireland4 ,by ,miss ,,edgeworth4 #cg4 ,frere's ,aristophanes3 ,acharnians1 ,knights1 ,birds4 #ch4 ,burke's ,speeches and ,letters4 #ci4 ,thomas ,kempis4 #dj4 ,popular ,songs of ,ireland4 #da4 ,potter's schylus4 #db4 ,goethe's ,faust3 ,part ,,ii4 ,,anster',s ,translation4 #dc4 ,famous ,pamphlets4 #dd4 ,francklin's ,sophocles4 #de4 ,m4,g4 ,lewis's ,tales of ,terror and ,wonder4 #df4 ,vestiges of the ,natural ,history of ,creation4 #dg4 ,drayton's ,barons' ,wars1 ,nymphidia1 c4 #dh4 ,cobbett's ,advice to ,young ,men4 #di4 ,the ,banquet of ,dante4 #ej4 ,walker's ,original4 #ea4 ,schiller's ,poems and ,ballads4 #eb4 ,peele's ,plays and ,poems4 #ec4 ,harrington's ,oceana4 #ed4 ,euripides3 ,alcestis and other ,plays4 #ee4 ,praed's ,essays4 #ef4 ,traditional ,tales4 ,,allan ,,cunningham4 #eg4 ,hooker's ,ecclesiastical ,polity4 ,books ,i4-,,iv4 #eh4 ,euripides3 ,the ,bacchanals and other ,plays4 #ei4 ,izaak ,walton's ,lives4 #fj4 ,aristotle's ,politics4 #fa4 ,euripides3 ,hecuba and other ,plays4 #fb4 ,rabelais--,sequel to ,pantagruel4 #fc4 ,a ,miscellany4 ,marvels of clear type and general neatness4--,daily ,telegraph4 ,,introduction4 ,plato in his ,republic argues that it is the aim of ,individual ,man as of the ,state to be wise1 brave and temperate4 ,in a ,state1 he says1 there are three orders1 the ,guardians1 the ,auxiliaries1 the ,producers4 ,wisdom should be the special virtue of the ,guardians2 ,courage of the ,auxiliaries2 and ,temperance of all4 ,these three virtues belong respectively to the ,individual ,man1 ,wisdom to his ,rational part2 ,courage to his ,spirited2 and ,temperance to his ,appetitive3 while in the ,state as in the ,man it is ,injustice that disturbs their harmony4 ,because the character of ,man appears in the ,state unchanged1 but in a larger form1 ,plato represented ,socrates as studying the ideal man himself through an ,ideal ,commonwealth4 ,in another of his dialogues1 ,critias1 of which we have only the beginning1 ,socrates wishes that he could see how such a commonwealth would work1 if it were set moving4 ,critias undertakes to tell him4 ,for he has received tradition of events that happened more than nine thousand years ago1 when the ,athenians themselves were such ideal citizens4 ,critias has received this tradition1 he says1 from a ninety-year-old grandfather1 whose father1 ,dropides1 was the friend of ,solon4 ,solon1 lawgiver and poet1 had heard it from the priests of the goddess ,neth or ,athene at ,sais1 and had begun to shape it into a heroic poem4 ,this was the tradition3--,nine thousand years before the time of ,solon1 the goddess ,athene1 who was worshipped also in ,sais1 had given to her ,athenians a healthy climate1 a fertile soil1 and temperate people strong in wisdom and courage4 ,their ,republic was like that which ,socrates imagined1 and it had to bear the shock of a great invasion by the people of the vast island ,atlantis4 ,this island1 larger than all ,libya and ,asia put together1 was once in the sea westward beyond the ,atlantic waves1--thus ,america was dreamed of long before it was discovered4 ,atlantis had ten kings1 descended from ten sons of ,poseidon 7,neptune71 who was the god magnificently worshipped by its people4 ,vast power and dominion1 that extended through all ,libya as far as ,egypt1 and over a part of ,europe1 caused the ,atlantid kings to grow ambitious and unjust4 ,then they entered the ,mediterranean and fell upon ,athens with enormous force4 ,but in the little band of citizens1 temperate1 brave1 and wise1 there were forces of ,reason able to resist and overcome brute strength4 ,now1 however1 gone are the ,atlantids1 gone are the old virtues of ,athens4 ,earthquakes and deluges laid waste the world4 ,the whole great island of ,atlantis1 with its people and its wealth1 sank to the bottom of the ocean4 ,the ideal warriors of ,athens1 in one day and night1 were swallowed by an earthquake1 and were to be seen no more4 ,plato1 a philosopher with the soul of a poet1 died in the year #cdg before ,christ4 ,plutarch was writing at the close of the first century after ,christ1 and in his parallel ,lives of ,greeks and ,romans1 the most famous of his many writings1 he took occasion to paint an ,ideal ,commonwealth as the conception of ,lycurgus1 the half mythical or all mythical ,solon of ,sparta4 ,to ,plutarch's ,life of ,lycurgus1 as well as to ,plato1 ,thomas ,more and others have been indebted for some part of the shaping of their philosophic dreams4 ,the discovery of the ,new ,world at the end of the fifteenth century followed hard upon the diffusion of the new invention of printing1 and came at a time when the fall of ,constantinople by scattering ,greek scholars1 who became teachers in ,italy1 ,france and elsewhere1 spread the study of ,greek1 and caused ,plato to live again4 ,little had been heard of him through the ,arabs1 who cared little for his poetic method4 ,but with the revival of learning he had become a force in ,europe1 a strong aid to the ,reformers4 ,sir ,thomas ,more's ,utopia was written in the years #aeae-af1 when its author's age was about thirty-seven4 ,he was a young man of twenty when ,columbus first touched the continent named after the ,florentine ,amerigo ,vespucci1 who made his voyages to it in the years #adii-aejc4 ,more wrote his ,utopia when imaginations of men were stirred by the sudden enlargement of their conceptions of the world1 and ,amerigo ,vespucci's account of his voyages1 first printed in #aejg1 was fresh in every scholar's mind4 ,he imagined a traveller1 ,raphael ,hythloday--whose name is from ,greek words that mean ,knowing in ,trifles--who had sailed with ,vespucci on his three last voyages1 but had not returned from the last voyage until1 after separation from his comrades1 he had wandered into some farther discovery of his own4 ,thus he had found1 somewhere in those parts1 the island of ,utopia4 ,its name is from ,greek words meaning ,nowhere4 ,more had gone on an embassy to ,brussels with ,cuthbert ,tunstal when he wrote his philosophical satire upon ,european1 and more particularly ,english1 statecraft1 in the form of an ,ideal ,commonwealth described by ,hythloday as he had found it in ,utopia4 ,it was printed at ,louvain in the latter part of the year #aeaf1 under the editorship of ,erasmus1 and that enlightened young secretary to the municipality of ,antwerp1 ,peter ,giles1 or gidius1 who is introduced into the story4 ,utopia was not printed in ,england in the reign of ,henry ,,viii41 and could not be1 for its satire was too direct to be misunderstood1 even when it mocked ,english policy with ironical praise for doing exactly what it failed to do4 ,more was a wit and a philosopher1 but at the same time so practical and earnest that ,erasmus tells of a burgomaster at ,antwerp who fastened upon the parable of ,utopia with such goodwill that he learnt it by heart4 ,and in #aeag ,erasmus advised a correspondent to send for ,utopia1 if he had not yet read it1 and if he wished to see the true source of all political evils4 ,francis ,bacon's ,new ,atlantis1 first written in ,latin1 was published in #afbi1 three years after its author's death4 ,bacon placed his ,ideal ,commonwealth in those seas where a great ,austral continent was even then supposed to be1 but had not been discovered4 ,as the old ,atlantis implied a foreboding of the ,american continent1 so the ,new ,atlantis implied foreboding of the ,australian4 ,bacon in his philosophy sought through experimental science the dominion of men over things1 for ,nature is only governed by obeying her4 ,in his ,ideal ,world of the ,new ,atlantis1 ,science is made the civilizer who binds man to man1 and is his leader to the love of ,god4 ,thomas ,campanella was ,bacon's contemporary1 a man only seven years younger2 and an ,italian who suffered for his ardour in the cause of science4 ,he was born in ,calabria in #aefh1 and died in #afci4 ,he entered the ,dominican order when a boy1 but had a free and eager appetite for knowledge4 ,he urged1 like ,bacon1 that ,nature should be studied through her own works1 not through books2 he attacked1 like ,bacon1 the dead faith in ,aristotle1 that instead of following his energetic spirit of research1 lapsed into blind idolatry4 ,campanella strenuously urged that men should reform all sciences by following ,nature and the books of ,god4 ,he had been stirring in this way for ten years1 when there arose in ,calabria a conspiracy against the ,spanish rule4 ,campanella1 who was an ,italian patriot was seized and sent to ,naples4 ,the ,spanish inquisition joined in attack on him4 ,he was accused of books he had not written and of opinions he did not hold2 he was seven times put to the question and suffered1 with firmness of mind1 the most cruel tortures4 ,the ,pope interceded in vain for him with the ,king of ,spain4 ,he suffered imprisonment for twenty-seven years1 during which time he wrote much1 and one piece of his prison work was his ideal of ,the ,city of the ,sun4 ,released at last from his prison1 ,campanella went to ,rome1 where he was defended by ,pope ,urban ,,viii4 against continued violence of attack4 ,but he was compelled at last to leave ,rome1 and made his escape as a servant in the livery of the ,french ambassador4 ,in ,paris1 ,richelieu became ,campanella's friend2 the ,king of ,france gave him a pension of three thousand livres2 the ,sorbonne vouched for the orthodoxy of his writings4 ,he died in ,paris1 at the age of seventy-one1 in the ,convent of the ,dominicans4 ,of ,campanella's ,civitas ,solis1 which has not hitherto been translated into ,english1 the translation here given1 with one or two omissions of detail which can well be spared1 has been made for me by my old pupil and friend1 ,mr4 ,thomas ,w4 ,halliday4 ,in the works 7published in #aggf7 of the witty ,dr4 ,william ,king1 who played much with the subject of cookery1 is a fragment found among his remaining papers1 and given by his editors as an original piece in the manner of ,rabelais4 ,it seems never to have been observed that this is only a translation of that part of ,joseph ,hall's ,mundus ,alter es ,idem1 which deals with the kitchen side of life4 ,the fragment will be found at the end of this volume1 preceded by a short description of the other parts of ,hall's ,world which is other than ours1 and yet the same4 ,h4,m4 ,march #ahhe4 ,,plutarch',s ,,life ,,of ,,lycurgus4 ,,life ,,of ,,lycurgus4 ,of ,lycurgus the lawgiver we have nothing to relate that is certain and uncontroverted4 ,for there are different accounts of his birth1 his travels1 his death1 and especially of the laws and form of government which he established4 ,but least of all are the times agreed upon in which this great man lived4 ,for some say he flourished at the same time with ,iphitus1 and joined with him in settling the cessation of arms during the ,olympic games4 ,among these is ,aristotle the philosopher1 who alleges for proof an ,olympic quoit1 on which was preserved the inscription of ,lycurgus's name4 ,but others who1 with ,eratosthenes and ,apollodorus1 compute the time by the succession of the ,spartan kings1 place him much earlier than the first ,olympiad4 ,timus1 however1 supposes that1 as there were two ,lycurguses in ,sparta at different times1 the actions of both are ascribed to one1 on account of his particular renown2 and that the more ancient of them lived not long after ,homer3 nay1 some say he had seen him4 ,xenophon too confirms the opinion of his antiquity1 when he makes him contemporary with the ,heraclid4 ,it is true1 the latest of the ,lacedmonian kings were of the lineage of the ,heraclid2 but ,xenophon there seems to speak of the first and more immediate descendants of ,hercules4 ,as the history of those times is thus involved1 in relating the circumstances of ,lycurgus's life1 we shall endeavour to select such as are least controverted1 and follow authors of the greatest credit4 ,simonides the poet1 tells us1 that ,prytanis1 not ,eunomus1 was father to ,lycurgus4 ,but most writers give us the genealogy of ,lycurgus and ,eunomus in a different manner2 for1 according to them1 ,sous was the son of ,patrocles1 and grandson of ,aristodemus1 ,eurytion the son of ,sous1 ,prytanis of ,eurytion1 and ,eunomus of ,prytanis2 to this ,eunomus was born ,polydectes1 by a former wife1 and by a second1 named ,dianassa1 ,lycurgus4 ,eutychidas1 however1 says ,lycurgus was the sixth from ,patrocles1 and the eleventh from ,hercules4 ,the most distinguished of his ancestors was ,sous1 under whom the ,lacedmonians made the ,helotes their slaves1 and gained an extensive tract of land from the ,arcadians4 ,of this ,sous it is related1 that1 being besieged by the ,clitorians in a difficult post where there was no water1 he agreed to give up all his conquests1 provided that himself and all his army should drink of the neighbouring spring4 ,when these conditions were sworn to1 he assembled his forces1 and offered his kingdom to the man that would forbear drinking2 not one of them1 however1 would deny himself1 but they all drank4 ,then ,sous went down to the spring himself1 and having only sprinkled his face in sight of the enemy1 he marched off1 and still held the country1 because all had not drank4 ,yet1 though he was highly honoured for this1 the family had not their name from him1 but from his son1 were called ,eurytionid2 and this1 because ,eurytion seems to be the first who relaxed the strictness of kingly government1 inclining to the interest of the people1 and ingratiating himself with them4 ,upon this relaxation their encroachments increased1 and the succeeding kings1 either becoming odious1 treating them with greater rigour1 or else giving way through weakness or in hopes of favour1 for a long time anarchy and confusion prevailed in ,sparta2 by which one of its kings1 the father of ,lycurgus1 lost his life4 ,for while he was endeavouring to part some persons who were concerned in a fray1 he received a wound by a kitchen knife1 of which he died1 leaving the kingdom to his eldest son ,polydectes4 ,but he too dying soon after1 the general voice gave it for ,lycurgus to ascend the throne2 and he actually did so1 till it appeared that his brother's widow was pregnant4 ,as soon as he perceived this1 he declared that the kingdom belonged to her issue1 provided it were male1 and he kept the administration in his hands only as his guardian4 ,this he did with the title of ,prodicos1 which the ,lacedmonians give to the guardians of infant kings4 ,soon after1 the queen made him a private overture1 that she would destroy her child1 upon condition that he would marry her when king of ,sparta4 ,though he detested her wickedness1 he said nothing against the proposal1 but pretending to approve it1 charged her not to take any drugs to procure an abortion1 lest she should endanger her own health or life2 for he would take care that the child1 as soon as born1 should be destroyed4 ,thus he artfully drew on the woman to her full time1 and1 when he heard she was in labour1 he sent persons to attend and watch her delivery1 with orders1 if it were a girl1 to give it to the women1 but if a boy1 to bring it to him1 in whatever business he might be engaged4 ,it happened that he was at supper with the magistrates when she was delivered of a boy1 and his servants1 who were present1 carried the child to him4 ,when he received it1 he is reported to have said to the company1 ,spartans1 see here your new-born king4 ,he then laid him down upon the chair of state1 and named him ,charilaus1 because of the joy and admiration of his magnanimity and justice testified by all present4 ,thus the reign of ,lycurgus lasted only eight months4 ,but the citizens had a great veneration for him on other accounts1 and there were more that paid him their attentions1 and were ready to execute his commands1 out of regard to his virtues1 than those that obeyed him as a guardian to the king1 and director of the administration4 ,there were not1 however1 wanting those that envied him1 and opposed his advancement1 as too high for so young a man2 particularly the relations and friends of the queen-mother1 who seemed to have been treated with contempt4 ,her brother ,leonidas1 one day boldly attacked him with virulent language1 and scrupled not to tell him that he was well assured he would soon be king2 thus preparing suspicions1 and matter of accusation against ,lycurgus1 in case any accident should befall the king4 ,insinuations of the same kind were likewise spread by the queen-mother4 ,moved with this ill-treatment1 and fearing some dark design1 he determined to get clear of all suspicion1 by travelling into other countries1 till his nephew should be grown up1 and have a son to succeed him in the kingdom4 ,he set sail1 therefore1 and landed in ,crete4 ,there having observed the forms of government1 and conversed with the most illustrious personages1 he was struck with admiration of some of their laws1 and resolved at his return to make use of them in ,sparta4 ,some others he rejected4 ,among the friends he gained in ,crete was ,thales1 with whom he had interest enough to persuade him to go and settle at ,sparta4 ,thales was famed for his wisdom and political abilities3 he was withal a lyric poet1 who under colour of exercising his art1 performed as great things as the most excellent lawgivers4 ,for his odes were so many persuasives to obedience and unanimity1 as by means of melody and numbers they had great grace and power1 they softened insensibly the manners of the audience1 drew them off from the animosities which then prevailed1 and united them in zeal for excellence and virtue4 ,so that1 in some measure1 he prepared the way for ,lycurgus towards the instruction of the ,spartans4 ,from ,crete ,lycurgus passed to ,asia1 desirous1 as is said1 to compare the ,ionian expense and luxury with the ,cretan frugality and hard diet1 so as to judge what effect each had on their several manners and governments2 just as physicians compare bodies that are weak and sickly with the healthy and robust4 ,there also1 probably1 he met with ,homer's poems1 which were preserved by the posterity of ,cleophylus4 ,observing that many moral sentences and much political knowledge were intermixed with his stories1 which had an irresistible charm1 he collected them into one body1 and transcribed them with pleasure1 in order to take them home with him4 ,for his glorious poetry was not yet fully known in ,greece2 only some particular pieces were in a few hands1 as they happened to be dispersed4 ,lycurgus was the first that made them generally known4 ,the ,egyptians likewise suppose that he visited them2 and as of all their institutions he was most pleased with their distinguishing the military men from the rest of the people1 he took the same method at ,sparta1 and1 by separating from these the mechanics and artificers1 he rendered the constitution more noble and more of a piece4 ,this assertion of the ,egyptians is confirmed by some of the ,greek writers4 ,but we know of no one1 except ,aristocrates1 son of ,hipparchus1 and a ,spartan1 who has affirmed that he went to ,libya and ,spain1 and in his ,indian excursions conversed with the ,gymnosophists4 ,the ,lacedmonians found the want of ,lycurgus when absent1 and sent many embassies to entreat him to return4 ,for they perceived that their kings had barely the title and outward appendages of royalty1 but in nothing else differed from the multitude2 whereas ,lycurgus had abilities from nature to guide the measures of government1 and powers of persuasion1 that drew the hearts of men to him4 ,the kings1 however1 where consulted about his return1 and they hoped that in his presence they should experience less insolence amongst the people4 ,returning then to a city thus disposed1 he immediately applied himself to alter the whole frame of the constitution2 sensible that a partial change1 and the introducing of some new laws1 would be of no sort of advantage2 but1 as in the case of a body diseased and full of bad humours1 whose temperament is to be corrected and new formed by medicines1 it was necessary to begin a new regimen4 ,with these sentiments he went to ,delphi1 and when he had offered and consulted the god1 he returned with that celebrated oracle1 in which the priestess called him ,beloved of the gods1 and rather a god than a man4 ,as to his request that he might enact good laws1 she told him1 ,apollo had heard his request1 and promised that the constitution he should establish would be the most excellent in the world4 ,thus encouraged1 he applied to the nobility1 and desired them to put their hands to the work2 addressing himself privately at first to his friends1 and afterwards by degrees1 trying the disposition of others1 and preparing them to concur in the business4 ,when matters were ripe1 he ordered thirty of the principal citizens to appear armed in the market-place by break of day1 to strike terror into such as might desire to oppose him4 ,hermippus has given us the names of twenty of the most eminent of them2 but he that had the greatest share in the whole enterprise1 and gave ,lycurgus the best assistance in the establishing of his laws1 was called ,arithmiades4 ,upon the first alarm1 king ,charilaus1 apprehending it to be a design against his person1 took refuge in the ,chalcioicos4 ,but he was soon satisfied1 and accepted of their oath4 ,nay1 so far from being obstinate1 he joined in the undertaking4 ,indeed1 he was so remarkable for the gentleness of his disposition1 that ,archelaus1 his partner in the throne1 is reported to have said to some that were praising the young king1 ,yes1 ,charilaus is a good man to be sure1 who cannot find in his heart to punish the bad4 ,among the many new institutions of ,lycurgus1 the first and most important was that of a senate2 which sharing1 as ,plato says1 in the power of the kings1 too imperious and unrestrained before1 and having equal authority with them1 was the means of keeping them within the bounds of moderation1 and highly contributed to the preservation of the state4 ,for before it had been veering and unsettled1 sometimes inclining to arbitrary power1 and sometimes towards a pure democracy2 but this establishment of a senate1 an intermediate body1 like ballast1 kept it in a just equilibrium1 and put it in a safe posture3 the twenty-eight senators adhering to the kings1 whenever they saw the people too encroaching1 and1 on the other hand1 supporting the people1 when the kings attempted to make themselves absolute4 ,this1 according to ,aristotle1 was the number of senators fixed upon1 because two of the thirty associates of ,lycurgus deserted the business through fear4 ,but ,sphrus tells us there were only twenty-eight at first entrusted with the design4 ,something1 perhaps1 there is in its being a perfect number1 formed of seven multiplied by four1 and withal the first number1 after six1 that is equal to all its parts4 ,but ,i rather think1 just so many senators were created1 that1 together with the two kings1 the whole body might consist of thirty members4 ,he had this institution so much at heart1 that he obtained from ,delphi an oracle in its behalf1 called rhetra1 or the decree4 ,this was couched in very ancient and uncommon terms1 which interpreted1 ran thus3 ,when you have built a temple to the ,syllanian ,jupiter1 and the ,syllanian ,minerva1 divided the people into tribes and classes1 and established a senate of thirty persons1 including the two kings1 you shall occasionally summon the people to an assembly between ,babyce and ,cnacion1 and they shall have the determining voice4 ,babyce and ,cnacion are now called ,oenus4 ,but ,aristotle thinks1 by ,cnacion is meant the river1 and by ,babyce the bridge4 ,between these they held their assemblies1 having neither halls1 nor any kind of building for that purpose4 ,these things he thought of no advantage to their councils1 but rather a disservice2 as they distracted the attention1 and turned it upon trifles1 on observing the statues and pictures1 the splendid roofs1 and every other theatrical ornament4 ,the people thus assembled had no right to propose any subject of debate1 and were only authorized to ratify or reject what might be proposed to them by the senate and the kings4 ,but because1 in process of time1 the people1 by additions or retrenchments1 changed the terms1 and perverted the sense of the decrees1 the kings ,polydorus and ,theopompus inserted in the rhetra this clause3 ,if the people attempt to corrupt any law1 the senate and chiefs shall retire3 that is1 they shall dissolve the assembly1 and annul the alterations4 ,and they found means to persuade the ,spartans that this too was ordered by ,apollo2 as we learn from these verses of ,tyrtus3 ,ye sons of ,sparta1 who at ,phbus' shrine ,your humble vows prefer1 attentive hear ,the god's decision4 ,o'er your beauteous lands ,two guardian kings1 a senate1 and the voice ,of the concurring people1 lasting laws ,shall with joint power establish4 ,though the government was thus tempered by ,lycurgus1 yet soon after it degenerated into an oligarchy1 whose power was exercised with such wantonness and violence1 that it wanted indeed a bridle1 as ,plato expresses it4 ,this curb they found in the authority of the ,ephori1 about a hundred and thirty years after ,lycurgus4 ,elatus was the first invested with this dignity1 in the reign of ,theopompus2 who1 when his wife upbraided him1 that he would leave the regal power to his children less than he received it1 replied1 ,nay but greater1 because more lasting4 ,and1 in fact1 the prerogative1 so stripped of all extravagant pretensions1 no longer occasioned either envy or danger to its possessors4 ,by these means they escaped the miseries which befell the ,messenian and ,argive kings1 who would not in the least relax the severity of their power in favour of the people4 ,indeed1 from nothing more does the wisdom and foresight of ,lycurgus appear1 than from the disorderly governments1 and the bad understanding that subsisted between the kings and people of ,messena and ,argos1 neighbouring states1 and related in blood to ,sparta4 ,for1 as at first they were in all respects equal to her1 and possessed of a better country1 and yet preserved no lasting happiness1 but1 through the insolence of the kings and disobedience of the people1 were harassed with perpetual troubles1 they made it very evident that it was really a felicity more than human1 a blessing from heaven to the ,spartans1 to have a legislator who knew so well how to frame and temper their government4 ,but this was an event of a later date4 ,a second and bolder political enterprise of ,lycurgus was a new division of the lands4 ,for he found a prodigious inequality1 the city overcharged with many indigent persons1 who had no land1 and the wealth centred in the hands of a few4 ,determined1 therefore1 to root out the evils of insolence1 envy1 avarice1 and luxury1 and those distempers of a state still more inveterate and fatal1 ,i mean poverty and riches1 he persuaded them to cancel all former divisions of land1 and to make new ones1 in such a manner that they might be perfectly equal in their possessions and way of living4 ,hence1 if they were ambitious of distinction they might seek it in virtue1 as no other difference was left between them but that which arises from the dishonour of base actions and the praise of good ones4 ,his proposal was put in practice4 ,he made nine thousand lots for the territory of ,sparta1 which he distributed among so many citizens1 and thirty thousand for the inhabitants of the rest of ,laconia4 ,but some say he made only six thousand shares for the city1 and that ,polydorus added three thousand afterwards2 others1 that ,polydorus doubled the number appointed by ,lycurgus1 which were only four thousand five hundred4 ,each lot was capable of producing 7one year with another7 seventy bushels of grain for each man1 and twelve for each woman1 besides a quantity of wine and oil in proportion4 ,such a provision they thought sufficient for health and a good habit of body1 and they wanted nothing more4 ,a story goes of our legislator1 that some time after returning from a journey through the fields just reaped1 and seeing the shocks standing parallel and equal1 he smiled1 and said to some that were by1 ,how like is ,laconia to an estate newly divided among many brothers6 ,after this1 he attempted to divide also the movables1 in order to take away all appearance of inequality2 but he soon perceived that they could not bear to have their goods directly taken from them1 and therefore took another method1 counterworking their avarice by a stratagem4 ,first he stopped the currency of the gold and silver coin1 and ordered that they should make use of iron money only1 then to a great quantity and weight of this he assigned but a small value2 so that to lay up ten min1 a whole room was required1 and to remove it1 nothing less than a yoke of oxen4 ,when this became current1 many kinds of injustice ceased in ,lacedmon4 ,who would steal or take a bribe1 who would defraud or rob1 when he could not conceal the booty2 when he could neither be dignified by the possession of it1 nor if cut in pieces be served by its use8 ,for we are told that when hot1 they quenched it in vinegar1 to make it brittle and unmalleable1 and consequently unfit for any other service4 ,in the next place1 he excluded unprofitable and superfluous arts3 indeed1 if he had not done this1 most of them would have fallen of themselves1 when the new money took place1 as the manufactures could not be disposed of4 ,their iron coin would not pass in the rest of ,greece1 but was ridiculed and despised2 so that the ,spartans had no means of purchasing any foreign or curious wares2 nor did any merchant-ship unlade in their harbours4 ,there were not even to be found in all their country either sophists1 wandering fortune-tellers1 keepers of infamous houses1 or dealers in gold and silver trinkets1 because there was no money4 ,thus luxury1 losing by degrees the means that cherished and supported it1 died away of itself3 even they who had great possessions1 had no advantage from them1 since they could not be displayed in public1 but must lie useless1 in unregarded repositories4 ,hence it was1 that excellent workmanship was shown in their useful and necessary furniture1 as beds1 chairs1 and tables2 and the ,lacedmonian cup called cothon1 as ,critias informs us1 was highly valued1 particularly in campaigns3 for the water1 which must then of necessity be drank1 though it would often otherwise offend the sight1 had its muddiness concealed by the colour of the cup1 and the thick part stopping at the shelving brim1 it came clearer to the lips4 ,of these improvements the lawgiver was the cause2 for the workmen having no more employment in matters of mere curiosity1 showed the excellence of their art in necessary things4 ,desirous to complete the conquest of luxury1 and exterminate the love of riches1 he introduced a third institution1 which was wisely enough and ingeniously contrived4 ,this was the use of public tables1 where all were to eat in common of the same meat1 and such kinds of it as were appointed by law4 ,at the same time they were forbidden to eat at home1 upon expensive couches and tables1 to call in the assistance of butchers and cooks1 or to fatten like voracious animals in private4 ,for so not only their manners would be corrupted1 but their bodies disordered2 abandoned to all manner of sensuality and dissoluteness1 they would require long sleep1 warm baths1 and the same indulgence as in perpetual sickness4 ,to effect this was certainly very great2 but it was greater still1 to secure riches from rapine and from envy1 as ,theophrastus expresses it1 or rather by their eating in common1 and by the frugality of their table1 to take from riches their very being4 ,for what use or enjoyment of them1 what peculiar display of magnificence could there be1 where the poor man went to the same refreshment with the rich8 ,hence the observation1 that it was only at ,sparta where ,plutus 7according to the proverb7 was kept blind1 and like an image1 destitute of life or motion4 ,it must further be observed1 that they had not the privilege to eat at home1 and so to come without appetite to the public repast3 they made a point of it to observe any one that did not eat and drink with them1 and to reproach him as an intemperate and effeminate person that was sick of the common diet4 ,the rich1 therefore 7we are told71 were more offended with this regulation than with any other1 and1 rising in a body1 they loudly expressed their indignation3 nay1 they proceeded so far as to assault ,lycurgus with stones1 so that he was forced to fly from the assembly and take refuge in a temple4 ,unhappily1 however1 before he reached it1 a young man named ,alcander1 hasty in his resentments1 though not otherwise ill-tempered1 came up with him1 and1 upon his turning round1 struck out one of his eyes with a stick4 ,lycurgus then stopped short1 and1 without giving way to passion1 showed the people his eye beat out1 and his face streaming with blood4 ,they were so struck with shame and sorrow at the sight1 that they surrendered ,alcander to him1 and conducted him home with the utmost expressions of regret4 ,lycurgus thanked them for their care of his person1 and dismissed them all except ,alcander4 ,he took him into his house1 but showed no ill treatment either by word or action2 only ordering him to wait upon him1 instead of his usual servants and attendants4 ,the youth1 who was of an ingenuous disposition1 without murmuring1 did as he was commanded4 ,living in this manner with ,lycurgus1 and having an opportunity to observe the mildness and goodness of his heart1 his strict temperance and indefatigable industry1 he told his friends that ,lycurgus was not that proud and severe man he might have been taken for1 but1 above all others1 gentle and engaging in his behaviour4 ,this1 then1 was the chastisement1 and this punishment he suffered1 of a wild and headstrong young man to become a very modest and prudent citizen4 ,in memory of his misfortune1 ,lycurgus built a temple to ,minerva ,optiletis1 so called by him from a term which the ,dorians use for the eye4 ,yet ,dioscorides1 who wrote a treatise concerning the ,lacedmonian government1 and others1 relate that his eye was hurt1 but not put out1 and that he built the temple in gratitude to the goddess for his cure4 ,however1 the ,spartans never carried staves to their assemblies afterwards4 ,the public repasts were called by the ,cretans ,andria2 but the ,lacedmonians styled them ,phiditia1 either from their tendency to friendship and mutual benevolence1 phiditia being used instead of philitia2 or else from their teaching frugality and parsimony1 which the word pheido signifies4 ,but it is not all impossible that the first letter might by some means or other be added1 and so phiditia take place of editia1 which barely signifies eating4 ,there were fifteen persons to a table1 or a few more or less4 ,each of them was obliged to bring in monthly a bushel of meal1 eight gallons of wine1 five pounds of cheese1 two pounds and a half of figs1 and a little money to buy flesh and fish4 ,if any of them happened to offer a sacrifice of first fruits1 or to kill venison1 he sent a part of it to the public table3 for after a sacrifice or hunting1 he was at liberty to sup at home3 but the rest were to appear at the usual place4 ,for a long time this eating in common was observed with great exactness3 so that when king ,agis returned from a successful expedition against the ,athenians1 and from a desire to sup with his wife1 requested to have his portion at home1 the ,polemarchs refused to send it3 nay1 when1 through resentment1 he neglected1 the day following1 to offer the sacrifice usual on occasion of victory1 they set a fine upon him4 ,children also were introduced at these public tables1 as so many schools of sobriety4 ,there they heard discourses concerning government1 and were instructed in the most liberal breeding4 ,there they were allowed to jest without scurrility1 and were not to take it ill when the raillery was returned4 ,for it was reckoned worthy of a ,lacedmonian to bear a jest3 but if any one's patience failed1 he had only to desire them to be quiet1 and they left off immediately4 ,when they first entered1 the oldest man present pointed to the door1 and said1 ,not a word spoken in this company goes out there4 ,the admitting of any man to a particular table was under the following regulation4 ,each member of that small society took a little ball of soft bread in his hand4 ,this he was to drop1 without saying a word1 into a vessel called caddos1 which the waiter carried upon his head4 ,in case he approved of the candidate1 he did it without altering the figure1 if not1 he first pressed it flat in his hand2 for a flatted ball was considered as a negative4 ,and if but one such was found1 the person was not admitted1 as they thought it proper that the whole company should be satisfied with each other4 ,he who thus rejected1 was said to have no luck in the caddos4 ,the dish that was in the highest esteem amongst them was the black broth4 ,the old men were so fond of it that they ranged themselves on one side and eat it1 leaving the meat to the young people4 ,it is related of a king of ,pontus1 that he purchased a ,lacedmonian cook1 for the sake of this broth4 ,but when he came to taste it he strongly expressed his dislike2 and the cook made answer1 ,sir1 to make this broth relish1 it is necessary first to bathe in the ,eurotas4 ,after they had drank moderately1 they went home without lights4 ,indeed1 they were forbidden to walk with a light either on this or any other occasion1 that they might accustom themselves to march in the darkest night boldly and resolutely4 ,such was the order of their public repasts4 ,lycurgus left none of his laws in writing2 it was ordered in one of the ,rhetr that none should be written4 ,for what he thought most conducive to the virtue and happiness of a city1 was principles interwoven with the manners and breeding of the people4 ,these would remain immovable1 as founded in inclination1 and be the strongest and most lasting tie2 and the habits which education produced in the youth1 would answer in each the purpose of a lawgiver4 ,as for smaller matters1 contracts about property1 and whatever occasionally varied1 it was better not to reduce these to a written form and unalterable method1 but to suffer them to change with the times1 and to admit of additions or retrenchments at the pleasure of persons so well educated4 ,for he resolved the whole business of legislation into the bringing up of youth4 ,and this1 as we have observed1 was the reason why one of his ordinances forbad them to have any written laws4 ,another ordinance levelled against magnificence and expense1 directed that the ceilings of houses should be wrought with no tool but the axe and the doors with nothing but the saw4 ,for1 as ,epaminondas is reported to have said afterwards1 of his table1 ,treason lurks not under such a dinner1 so ,lycurgus perceived before him1 that such a house admits of no luxury and needless splendour4 ,indeed1 no man could be so absurd as to bring into a dwelling so homely and simple1 bedsteads with silver feet1 purple coverlets1 golden cups1 and a train of expense that follows these3 but all would necessarily have the bed suitable to the room1 the coverlet of the bed and the rest of their utensils and furniture to that4 ,from this plain sort of dwellings1 proceeded the question of ,leotychidas the elder to his host1 when he supped at ,corinth1 and saw the ceiling of the room very splendid and curiously wrought1 ,whether trees grew square in his country4 ,a third ordinance of ,lycurgus was1 that they should not often make war against the same enemy1 lest1 by being frequently put upon defending themselves1 they too should become able warriors in their turn4 ,and this they most blamed king ,agesilaus for afterwards1 that by frequent and continued incursions into ,boeotia1 he taught the ,thebans to make head against the ,lacedmonians4 ,this made ,antalcidas say1 when he saw him wounded1 ,the ,thebans pay you well for making them good soldiers who neither were willing nor able to fight you before4 ,these ordinances he called ,rhetr1 as if they had been oracles and decrees of the ,deity himself4 ,as for the education of youth1 which he looked upon as the greatest and most glorious work of a lawgiver1 he began with it at the very source1 taking into consideration their conception and birth1 by regulating the marriages4 ,for he did not 7as ,aristotle says7 desist from his attempt to bring the women under sober rules4 ,they had1 indeed1 assumed great liberty and power on account of the frequent expeditions of their husbands1 during which they were left sole mistresses at home1 and so gained an undue deference and improper titles2 but notwithstanding this he took all possible care of them4 ,he ordered the virgins to exercise themselves in running1 wrestling1 and throwing quoits and darts2 that their bodies being strong and vigorous1 the children afterwards produced from them might be the same2 and that1 thus fortified by exercise1 they might the better support the pangs of child-birth1 and be delivered with safety4 ,in order to take away the excessive tenderness and delicacy of the sex1 the consequence of a recluse life1 he accustomed the virgins occasionally to be seen naked as well as the young men1 and to dance and sing in their presence on certain festivals4 ,there they sometimes indulged in a little raillery upon those that had misbehaved themselves1 and sometimes they sung encomiums on such as deserved them1 thus exciting in the young men a useful emulation and love of glory4 ,for he who was praised for his bravery and celebrated among the virgins1 went away perfectly happy3 while their satirical glances thrown out in sport1 were no less cutting than serious admonitions2 especially as the kings and senate went with the other citizens to see all that passed4 ,as for the virgins appearing naked1 there was nothing disgraceful in it1 because everything was conducted with modesty1 and without one indecent word or action4 ,nay1 it caused a simplicity of manners and an emulation for the best habit of body2 their ideas too were naturally enlarged1 while they were not excluded from their share of bravery and honour4 ,hence they were furnished with sentiments and language1 such as ,gorgo the wife of ,leonidas is said to have made use of4 ,when a woman of another country said to her1 ,you of ,lacedmon are the only women in the world that rule the men2 she answered1 ,we are the only women that bring forth men4 ,these public dances and other exercises of the young maidens naked1 in sight of the young men1 were1 moreover1 incentives to marriage3 and1 to use ,plato's expression1 drew them almost as necessarily by the attractions of love1 as a geometrical conclusion follows from the premises4 ,to encourage it still more1 some marks of infamy were set upon those that continued bachelors4 ,for they were not permitted to see these exercises of the naked virgins2 and the magistrates commanded them to march naked round the market-place in the winter1 and to sing a song composed against themselves1 which expressed how justly they were punished for their disobedience to the laws4 ,they were also deprived of that honour and respect which the younger people paid to the old2 so that nobody found fault with what was said to ,dercyllidas1 though an eminent commander4 ,it seems1 when he came one day into company1 a young man1 instead of rising up and giving place1 told him1 ,you have no child to give place to me1 when ,i am old4 ,in their marriages1 the bridegroom carried off the bride by violence2 and she was never chosen in a tender age1 but when she had arrived at full maturity4 ,then the woman that had the direction of the wedding1 cut the bride's hair close to the skin1 dressed her in man's clothes1 laid her upon a mattrass1 and left her in the dark4 ,the bridegroom1 neither oppressed with wine nor enervated with luxury1 but perfectly sober1 as having always supped at the common table1 went in privately1 untied her girdle1 and carried her to another bed4 ,having stayed there a short time1 he modestly retired to his usual apartment1 to sleep with the other young men2 and observed the same conduct afterwards1 spending the day with his companions1 and reposing himself with them in the night1 nor even visiting his bride but with great caution and apprehensions of being discovered by the rest of the family2 the bride at the same time exerted all her art to contrive convenient opportunities for their private meetings4 ,and this they did not for a short time only1 but some of them even had children before they had an interview with their wives in the daytime4 ,this kind of commerce not only exercised their temperance and chastity1 but kept their bodies fruitful1 and the first ardour of their love fresh and unabated2 for as they were not satiated like those that are always with their wives1 there still was place for unextinguished desire4 ,when he had thus established a proper regard to modesty and decorum with respect to marriage1 he was equally studious to drive from that state the vain and womanish passion of jealousy2 by making it quite as reputable to have children in common with persons of merit1 as to avoid all offensive freedom in their own behaviour to their wives4 ,he laughed at those who revenge with wars and bloodshed the communication of a married woman's favours2 and allowed1 that if a man in years should have a young wife1 he might introduce to her some handsome and honest young man1 whom he most approved of1 and when she had a child of this generous race1 bring it up as his own4 ,on the other hand1 he allowed1 that if a man of character should entertain a passion for a married woman on account of her modesty and the beauty of her children1 he might treat with her husband for admission to her company1 that so planting in a beauty-bearing soil1 he might produce excellent children1 the congenial offspring of excellent parents4 ,for1 in the first place1 ,lycurgus considered children1 not so much the property of their parents as of the state2 and therefore he would not have them begot by ordinary persons1 but by the best men in it4 ,in the next place1 he observed the vanity and absurdity of other nations1 where people study to have their horses and dogs of the finest breed they can procure either by interest or money2 and yet keep their wives shut up1 that they may have children by none but themselves1 though they may happen to be doting1 decrepit1 or infirm4 ,as if children1 when sprung from a bad stock1 and consequently good for nothing1 were no detriment to those whom they belong to1 and who have the trouble of bringing them up1 nor any advantage1 when well descended and of a generous disposition4 ,these regulations tending to secure a healthy offspring1 and consequently beneficial to the state1 were so far from encouraging that licentiousness of the women which prevailed afterwards1 that adultery was not known amongst them4 ,a saying1 upon this subject of ,geradas1 an ancient ,spartan1 is thus related4 ,a stranger had asked him1 ,what punishment their law appointed for adulterers8 ,he answered1 ,my friend1 there are no adulterers in our country4 ,the other replied1 ,but what if there should be one8 ,why then1 says ,geradas1 he must forfeit a bull so large that he might drink of the ,eurotas from the top of ,mount ,taygetus4 ,when the stranger expressed his surprise at this1 and said1 ,how can such a bull be found8 ,geradas answered with a smile1 ,how can an adulterer be found in ,sparta8 ,this is the account we have of their marriages4 ,it was not left to the father to rear what children he pleased1 but he was obliged to carry the child to a place called ,lesche1 to be examined by the most ancient men of the tribe1 who were assembled there4 ,if it was strong and well-proportioned1 they gave orders for its education1 and assigned it one of the nine thousand shares of land2 but if it was weakly and deformed1 they ordered it to be thrown into the place called ,apothet1 which is a deep cavern near the mountain ,taygetus2 concluding that its life could be no advantage either to itself or to the public1 since nature had not given it at first any strength or goodness of constitution4 ,for the same reason the women did not wash their new-born infants with water1 but with wine1 thus making some trial of their habit of body2 imagining that sickly and epileptic children sink and die under the experiment1 while healthy became more vigorous and hardy4 ,great care and art was also exerted by the nurses2 for1 as they never swathed the infants1 their limbs had a freer turn1 and their countenances a more liberal air2 besides1 they used them to any sort of meat1 to have no terrors in the dark1 nor to be afraid of being alone1 and to leave all ill humour and unmanly crying4 ,hence people of other countries purchased ,lacedmonian nurses for their children2 and ,alcibiades the ,athenian is said to have been nursed by ,amicla1 a ,spartan4 ,but if he was fortunate in a nurse1 he was not so in a preceptor3 for ,zopyrus1 appointed to that office by ,pericles1 was1 as ,plato tells us1 no better qualified than a common slave4 ,the ,spartan children were not in that manner1 under tutors purchased or hired with money1 nor were the parents at liberty to educate them as they pleased3 but as soon as they were seven years old1 ,lycurgus ordered them to be enrolled in companies1 where they were all kept under the same order and discipline1 and had their exercises and recreations in common4 ,he who showed the most conduct and courage amongst them1 was made captain of the company4 ,the rest kept their eyes upon him1 obeyed his orders1 and bore with patience the punishment he inflicted3 so that their whole education was an exercise of obedience4 ,the old men were present at their diversions1 and often suggested some occasion of dispute or quarrel1 that they might observe with exactness the spirit of each1 and their firmness in battle4 ,as for learning1 they had just what was absolutely necessary4 ,all the rest of their education was calculated to make them subject to command1 to endure labour1 to fight and conquer4 ,they added1 therefore1 to their discipline1 as they advance in age2 cutting their hair very close1 making them go barefoot1 and play1 for the most part1 quite naked4 ,at twelve years of age1 their under garment was taken away1 and but one upper one a year allowed them4 ,hence they were necessarily dirty in their persons1 and not indulged the great favour of baths1 and oils1 except on some particular days of the year4 ,they slept in companies1 on beds made of the tops of reeds1 which they gathered with their own hands1 without knives1 and brought from the banks of the ,eurotas4 ,in winter they were permitted to add a little thistle-down1 as that seemed to have some warmth in it4 ,at this age1 the most distinguished amongst them became the favourite companions of the elder2 and the old men attended more constantly their places of exercise1 observing their trials of strength and wit1 not slightly and in a cursory manner1 but as their fathers1 guardians1 and governors3 so that there was neither time nor place where persons were wanting to instruct and chastise them4 ,one of the best and ablest men of the city was1 moreover1 appointed inspector of the youth3 and he gave the command of each company to the discreetest and most spirited of those called ,irens4 ,an ,iren was one that had been two years out of the class of boys3 a ,melliren one of the oldest lads4 ,this ,iren1 then1 a youth twenty years old1 gives orders to those under his command in their little battles1 and has them to serve him at his house4 ,he sends the oldest of them to fetch wood1 and the younger to gather pot-herbs3 these they steal where they can find them1 either slily getting into gardens1 or else craftily and warily creeping to the common tables4 ,but if any one be caught1 he is severely flogged for negligence or want of dexterity4 ,they steal1 too1 whatever victuals they possibly can1 ingeniously contriving to do it when persons are asleep1 or keep but indifferent watch4 ,if they are discovered1 they are punished not only with whipping1 but with hunger4 ,indeed1 their supper is but slender at all times1 that1 to fence against want1 they may be forced to exercise their courage and address4 ,this is the first intention of their spare diet3 a subordinate one is1 to make them grow tall4 ,for when the animal spirits are not too much oppressed by a great quantity of food1 which stretches itself out in breadth and thickness1 they mount upwards by their natural lightness1 and the body easily and freely shoots up in height4 ,this also contributes to make them handsome2 for thin and slender habits yield more freely to nature1 which then gives a fine proportion to the limbs2 whilst the heavy and gross resist her by their weight4 ,so women that take physic during their pregnancy1 have slighter children indeed1 but of a finer and more delicate turn1 because the suppleness of the matter more readily obeys the plastic power4 ,however1 these are speculations which we shall leave to others4 ,the boys steal with so much caution1 that one of them having conveyed a young fox under his garment1 suffered the creature to tear out his bowels with his teeth and claws1 choosing rather to die than to be detected4 ,nor does this appear incredible1 if we consider what their young men can endure to this day2 for we have seen many of them expire under the lash at the altar of ,diana ,orthia4 ,the ,iren1 reposing himself after supper1 used to order one of the boys to sing a song2 to another he put some question which required a judicious answer3 for example1 ,who was the best man in the city8 or ,what he thought of such an action8 ,this accustomed them from their childhood to judge of the virtues1 to enter into the affairs of their countrymen4 ,for if one of them was asked1 ,who is a good citizen1 or who an infamous one1 and hesitated in his answer1 he was considered a boy of slow parts1 and of a soul that would not aspire to honour4 ,the answer was likewise to have a reason assigned for it1 and proof conceived in few words4 ,he whose account of the matter was wrong1 by way of punishment had his thumb bit by the ,iren4 ,the old men and magistrates often attended these little trials1 to see whether the ,iren exercised his authority in a rational and proper manner4 ,he was permitted1 indeed1 to inflict the penalties2 but when the boys were gone1 he was to be chastised himself1 if he had punished them either with too much severity or remissness4 ,the adopters of favourites also shared both in the honour and disgrace of their boys3 and one of them is said to have been mulcted by the magistrates1 because the boy whom he had taken into his affections let some ungenerous word or cry escape him as he was fighting4 ,this love was so honourable and in so much esteem1 that the virgins too had their lovers amongst the most virtuous matrons4 ,a competition of affection caused no misunderstanding1 but rather a mutual friendship between those that had fixed their regards upon the same youth1 and an united endeavour to make him as accomplished as possible4 ,the boys were also taught to use sharp repartee1 seasoned with humour1 and whatever they said was to be concise and pithy4 ,for ,lycurgus1 as we have observed1 fixed but a small value on a considerable quantity of his iron money2 but1 on the contrary1 the worth of speech was to consist in its being comprised in a few plain words1 pregnant with a great deal of sense3 and he contrived that by long silence they might learn to be sententious and acute in their replies4 ,as debauchery often causes weakness and sterility in the body1 so the intemperance of the tongue makes conversation empty and insipid4 ,king ,agis1 therefore1 when a certain ,athenian laughed at the ,lacedmonian short swords1 and said1 ,the jugglers would swallow them with ease upon the stage1 answered in his laconic way1 ,and yet we can reach our enemies' hearts with them4 ,indeed1 to me there seems to be something in this concise manner of speaking which immediately reaches the object aimed at1 and forcibly strikes the mind of the hearer4 ,lycurgus himself was short and sententious in his discourse1 if we may judge by some of his answers which are recorded2 that1 for instance1 concerning the constitution4 ,when one advised him to establish a popular government in ,lacedmon1 ,go1 said he1 and first make a trial of it in thy own family4 ,that again1 concerning sacrifices to the ,deity1 when he was asked why he appointed them so trifling and of so little value1 ,that we might never be in want1 said he1 of something to offer him4 ,once more1 when they inquired of him1 what sort of martial exercises he allowed of1 he answered1 ,all1 except those in which you stretch out your hands4 ,several such like replies of his are said to be taken from the letters which he wrote to his countrymen3 as to their question1 ,how shall we best guard against the invasion of an enemy8--,by continuing poor1 and not desiring in your possessions to be one above another4 ,and to the question1 whether they should enclose ,sparta with walls1 ,that city is well fortified1 which has a wall of men instead of brick4 ,whether these and some other letters ascribed to him are genuine or not1 is no easy matter to determine4 ,however1 that they hated long speeches1 the following apophthegms are a farther proof4 ,king ,leonidas said to one who discoursed at an improper time about affairs of some concern1 ,my friend1 you should not talk so much to the purpose1 of what it is not to the purpose to talk of4 ,charilaus1 the nephew of ,lycurgus1 being asked why his uncle had made so few laws1 answered1 ,to men of few words1 few laws are sufficient4 ,some people finding fault with ,hecatus the sophist1 because1 when admitted to one of the public repasts1 he said nothing all the time1 ,archidamidas replied1 ,he that knows how to speak1 knows also when to speak4 ,the manner of their repartees1 which1 as ,i said1 were seasoned with humour1 may be gathered from these instances4 ,when a troublesome fellow was pestering ,demaratus with impertinent questions1 and this in particular several times repeated1 ,who is the best man in ,sparta8 ,he answered1 ,he that is least like you4 ,to some who were commending the ,eleans for managing the ,olympic games with so much justice and propriety1 ,agis said1 ,what great matter is it1 if the ,eleans do justice once in five years8 ,when a stranger was professing his regard for ,theopompus1 and saying that his own countrymen called him ,philolacon 7a lover of the ,lacedmonians71 the king answered him1 ,my good friend1 it were much better1 if they called you ,philopolites 7a lover of your own countrymen74 ,plistonax1 the son of ,pausanias1 replied to an orator of ,athens1 who said the ,lacedmonians had no learning4 ,true1 for we are the only people of ,greece that have learned no ill of you4 ,to one who asked what number of men there was in ,sparta1 ,archidamidas said1 ,enough to keep bad men at a distance4 ,even when they indulged a vein of pleasantry1 one might perceive that they would not use one unnecessary word1 nor let an expression escape them that had not some sense worth attending to4 ,for one being asked to go and hear a person who imitated the nightingale to perfection1 answered1 ,i have heard the nightingale herself4 ,another said1 upon reading this epitaph1 ,victims of ,mars1 at ,selinus they fell1 ,who quench'd the rage of tyranny-- ,and they deserved to fall1 for1 instead of quenching it1 they should have let it burn out4 ,a young man answered one that promised him some game-cocks that would stand their death1 ,give me those that will be the death of others4 ,another seeing some people carried into the country in litters1 said1 ,may ,i never sit in any place where ,i cannot rise before the aged6 ,this was the manner of their apophthegms3 so that it has been justly enough observed that the term lakonizein 7to act the ,lacedmonian7 is to be referred rather to the exercises of the mind1 than those of the body4 ,nor were poetry and music less cultivated among them1 than a concise dignity of expression4 ,their songs had a spirit1 which could rouse the soul1 and impel it in an enthusiastic manner to action4 ,the language was plain and manly1 the subject serious and moral4 ,for they consisted chiefly of the praises of heroes that had died for ,sparta1 or else of expressions of detestation for such wretches as had declined the glorious opportunity1 and rather chose to drag on life in misery and contempt4 ,nor did they forget to express an ambition for glory suitable to their respective ages4 ,of this it may not be amiss to give an instance4 ,there were three choirs on their festivals1 corresponding with the three ages of man4 ,the old men began1 ,once in battle bold we shone2 the young men answered1 ,try us3 our vigour is not gone2 and the boys concluded1 ,the palm remains for us alone4 ,indeed1 if we consider with some attention such of the ,lacedmonian poems as are still extant1 and get into those airs which were played upon the flute when they marched to battle1 we must agree that ,terpander and ,pindar have very fitly joined valour and music together4 ,the former thus speaks of ,lacedmon1 ,there gleams the youth's bright falchion3 there the muse ,lifts her sweet voice3 there awful ,justice opes ,her wide pavilion4 ,and ,pindar sings1 ,there in grave council sits the sage2 ,there burns the youth's resistless rage ,to hurl the quiv'ring lance2 ,the ,muse with glory crowns their arms1 ,and ,melody exerts her charms1 ,and ,pleasure leads the dance4 ,thus we are informed1 not only of their warlike turn1 but their skill in music4 ,for as the ,spartan poet says1 ,to swell the bold notes of the lyre1 ,becomes the warrior's lofty fire4 ,and the king always offered sacrifice to the muses before a battle1 putting his troops in mind1 ,i suppose1 of their early education and of the judgment that would be passed upon them2 as well as that those divinities might teach them to despite danger1 while they performed some exploit fit for them to celebrate4 ,on these occasions they relaxed the severity of their discipline1 permitting their men to be curious in dressing their hair1 and elegant in their arms and apparel1 while they expressed their alacrity1 like horses full of fire and neighing for the race4 ,they let their hair1 therefore1 grow from their youth1 but took more particular care1 when they expected an action1 to have it well combed and shining2 remembering a saying of ,lycurgus1 that a large head of hair made the handsome more graceful1 and the ugly more terrible4 ,the exercises1 too1 of the young men1 during the campaigns1 were more moderate1 their diet not so hard1 and their whole treatment more indulgent3 so that they were the only people in the world with whom military discipline wore1 in time of war1 a gentler face than usual4 ,when the army was drawn up1 and the enemy near1 the king sacrificed a goat1 and commanded them all to set garlands upon their heads1 and the musicians to play ,castro's march1 while himself began the pan1 which was the signal to advance4 ,it was at once a solemn and dreadful sight to see them measuring their steps to the sound of music1 and without the least disorder in their ranks or tumult of spirits1 moving forward cheerfully and composedly1 with harmony1 to battle4 ,neither fear nor rashness was likely to approve men so disposed1 possessed as they were of a firm presence of mind1 with courage and confidence of success1 as under the conduct of heaven4 ,when the king advanced against the enemy1 he had always with him some one that had been crowned in the public games of ,greece4 ,and they tell us1 that a ,lacedmonian1 when large sums were offered him on condition that he would not enter the ,olympic lists1 refused them1 having with much difficulty thrown his antagonist1 one put this question to him1 ,spartan1 what will you get by this victory8 ,he answered with a smile1 ,i shall have the honour to fight foremost in the ranks before my prince4 ,when they had routed the enemy1 they continued the pursuit till they were assured of the victory3 after that they immediately desisted2 deeming it neither generous nor worthy of a ,grecian to destroy those who made no farther resistance4 ,this was not only a proof of magnanimity1 but of great service to their cause4 ,for when their adversaries found that they killed such as stood it out1 but spared the fugitives1 they concluded it was better to fly than to meet their fate upon the spot4 ,hippias the sophist tells us1 that ,lycurgus himself was a man of great personal valour1 and an experienced commander4 ,philostephanus also ascribes to him the first division of cavalry into troops of fifty1 who were drawn up in a square body4 ,but ,demetrius the ,phalerean says1 that he never had any military employment1 and that there was the profoundest peace imaginable when he established the constitution of ,sparta4 ,his providing for a cessation of arms during the ,olympic games is likewise a mark of the humane and peaceable man4 ,some1 however1 acquaint us1 and among the rest ,hermippus1 that ,lucurgus at first had no communication with ,iphitus2 but coming that way1 and happening to be a spectator1 he heard behind him a human voice 7as he thought7 which expressed some wonder and displeasure that he did not put his countrymen upon resorting to so great an assembly4 ,he turned round immediately1 to discover whence the voice came1 and as there was no man to be seen1 concluded it was from heaven4 ,he joined ,iphitus1 therefore2 and ordering1 along with him1 the ceremonies of the festival1 rendered it more magnificent and lasting4 ,the discipline of the ,lacedmonians continued after they were arrived at years of maturity4 ,for no man was at liberty to live as he pleased2 the city being like one great camp1 where all had their stated allowance1 and knew their public charge1 each man concluding that he was born1 not for himself1 but for his country4 ,hence1 if they had no particular orders1 they employed themselves in inspecting the boys1 and teaching them something useful1 or in learning of those that were older than themselves4 ,one of the greatest privileges that ,lycurgus procured his countrymen1 was the enjoyment of leisure1 the consequence of his forbidding them to exercise any mechanic trade4 ,it was not worth their while to take great pains to raise a fortune1 since riches there were of no account3 and the ,helotes1 who tilled the ground1 were answerable for the produce above-mentioned4 ,to this purpose we have a story of a ,lacedmonian1 who1 happening to be at ,athens while the court sat1 was informed of a man who was fined for idleness2 and when the poor fellow was returning home in great dejection1 attended by his condoling friends1 he desired the company to show him the person that was condemned for keeping up his dignity4 ,so much beneath them they reckoned all attention to mechanics arts1 and all desire of riches6 ,lawsuits were banished from ,lacedmon with money4 ,the ,spartans knew neither riches nor poverty1 but possessed an equal competency1 and had a cheap and easy way of supplying their few wants4 ,hence1 when they were not engaged in war1 their time was taken up with dancing1 feasting1 hunting1 or meeting to exercise1 or converse4 ,they went not to market under thirty years of age1 all their necessary concerns being managed by their relations and adopters4 ,nor was it reckoned a credit to the old to be seen sauntering in the market-place2 it was deemed more suitable for them to pass great part of the day in the schools of exercise1 or places of conversation4 ,their discourse seldom turned upon money1 or business1 or trade1 but upon the praise of the excellent1 or the contempt of the worthless2 and the last was expressed with that pleasantry and humour1 which conveyed instruction and correction without seeming to intend it4 ,nor was ,lycurgus himself immoderately severe in his manner2 but1 as ,sosibius tells us1 he dedicated a little statue to the god of laughter in each hall4 ,he considered facetiousness as a seasoning of their hard exercise and diet1 and therefore ordered it to take place on all proper occasions1 in their common entertainments and parties of pleasure4 ,upon the whole1 he taught his citizens to think nothing more disagreeable than to live by 7or for7 themselves4 ,like bees1 they acted with one impulse for the public good1 and always assembled about their prince4 ,they were possessed with a thirst of honour1 an enthusiasm bordering upon insanity1 and had not a wish but for their country4 ,these sentiments are confirmed by some of their aphorisms4 ,when ,pdaretus lost his election for one of the three hundred1 he went away rejoicing that there were three hundred better men than himself found in the city4 ,pisistratidas going with some others1 ambassador to the king of ,persia's lieutenants1 was asked whether they came with a public commission1 or on their own account1 to which he answered1 ,if successful1 for the public2 if unsuccessful1 for ourselves4 ,agrileonis1 the mother of ,brasidas1 asking some ,amphipolitans that waited upon her at her house1 whether ,brasidas died honourably and as became a ,spartan8 they greatly extolled his merit1 and said there was not such a man left in ,sparta2 whereupon she replied1 ,say not so1 my friends2 for ,brasidas was indeed a man of honour1 but ,lacedmon can boast of many better men than he4 ,the senate1 as ,i said before1 consisted at first of those that were assistants to ,lycurgus in his great enterprise4 ,afterwards1 to fill up any vacancy that might happen1 he ordered the most worthy men to be selected1 of those that were full threescore years old4 ,this was the most respectable dispute in the world1 and the contest was truly glorious2 for it was not who should be swiftest among the swift1 or strongest of the strong1 but who was the wisest and best among the good and wise4 ,he who had the preference was to bear this mark of superior excellence through life1 this great authority1 which put into his hands the lives and honour of the citizens1 and every other important affair4 ,the manner of the election was this3 when the people were assembled1 some persons appointed for the purpose were shut up in a room near the place2 where they could neither see nor be seen1 and only hear the shouts of the constituents3 for by them they decided this and most other affairs4 ,each candidate walked silently through the assembly1 one after another according to lot4 ,those that were shut up had writing tables1 in which they set down in different columns the number and loudness of the shouts1 without knowing who they were for2 only they marked them as first1 second1 third1 and so on1 according to the number of the competitors4 ,he that had the most and loudest acclamations1 was declared duly elected4 ,then he was crowned with a garland1 and went round to give thanks to the gods3 a number of young men followed1 striving which should extol him most1 and the women celebrated his virtues in their songs1 and blessed his worthy life and conduct4 ,each of his relations offered him a repast1 and their address on the occasion was1 ,sparta honours you with this collation4 ,when he had finished the procession1 he went to the common table1 and lived as before4 ,only two portions were set before him1 one of which he carried away3 and as all the women related to him attended at the gates of the public hall1 he called her for whom he had the greatest esteem1 and presented her with the portion1 saying at the same time1 ,that which ,i received as a mark of honour1 ,i give to you4 ,then she was conducted home with great applause by the rest of the women4 ,lycurgus likewise made good regulations with respect to burials4 ,in the first place1 to take away all superstition1 he ordered the dead to be buried in the city1 and even permitted their monuments to be erected near the temples2 accustoming the youth to such sights from their infancy1 that they might have no uneasiness from them1 nor any horror for death1 as if people were polluted with the touch of a dead body1 or with treading upon a grave4 ,in the next place1 he suffered nothing to be buried with the corpse1 except the red cloth and the olive leaves in which it was wrapped4 ,nor would he suffer the relations to inscribe any names upon the tombs1 except of those men that fell in battle1 or those women who died in some sacred office4 ,he fixed eleven days for the time of mourning3 on the twelfth they were to put an end to it1 after offering sacrifice to ,ceres4 ,no part of life was left vacant and unimproved1 but even with their necessary actions he interwove the praise of virtue and the contempt of vice3 and he so filled the city with living examples1 that it was next to impossible1 for persons who had these from their infancy before their eyes1 not to be drawn and formed to honour4 ,for the same reason he would not permit all that desired to go abroad and see other countries1 lest they should contract foreign manners1 gain traces of a life of little discipline1 and of a different form of government4 ,he forbid strangers too to resort to ,sparta1 who could not assign a good reason for their coming2 not1 as ,thucydides says1 out of fear they should imitate the constitution of that city1 and make improvements in virtue1 but lest they should teach his own people some evil4 ,for along with foreigners come new subjects of discourse2 new discourse produces new opinions2 and from these there necessarily spring new passions and desires1 which1 like discords in music1 would disturb the established government4 ,he1 therefore1 thought it more expedient for the city to keep out of it corrupt customs and manners1 than even to prevent the introduction of a pestilence4 ,thus far1 then1 we can perceive no vestiges of a disregard to right and wrong1 which is the fault some people find with the laws of ,lycurgus1 allowing them well enough calculated to produce valour1 but not to promote justice4 ,perhaps it was the ,cryptia1 as they called it1 or ambuscade1 if that was really one of this lawgiver's institutions1 as ,aristotle says it was1 which gave ,plato so bad an impression both of ,lycurgus and his laws4 ,the governors of the youth ordered the shrewdest of them from time to time to disperse themselves in the country1 provided only with daggers and some necessary provisions4 ,in the daytime they hid themselves1 and rested in the most private places they could find1 but at night they sallied out into the roads1 and killed all the ,helotes they could meet with4 ,nay1 sometimes by day1 they fell upon them in the fields1 and murdered the ablest and strongest of them4 ,thucydides relates in his history of the ,peloponnesian war1 that the ,spartans selected such of them as were distinguished for their courage1 to the number of two thousand or more1 declared them free1 crowned them with garlands1 and conducted them to the temples of the gods2 but soon after they all disappeared2 and no one could1 either then or since1 give account in what manner they were destroyed4 ,aristotle particularly says1 that the ,ephori1 as soon as they were invested in their office1 declared war against the ,helotes1 that they might be massacred under pretence of law4 ,in other respects they treated them with great inhumanity3 sometimes they made them drink till they were intoxicated1 and in that condition led them into the public halls1 to show the young men what drunkenness was4 ,they ordered them too to sing mean songs1 and to dance ridiculous dances1 but not to meddle with any that were genteel and graceful4 ,thus they tell us1 that when the ,thebans afterwards invaded ,laconia1 and took a great number of the ,helotes prisoners1 they ordered them to sing the odes of ,terpander1 ,aleman1 or ,spendon the ,lacedmonian1 but they excused themselves1 alleging that it was forbidden by their masters4 ,those who say that a freeman in ,sparta was most a freeman1 and a slave most a slave1 seem well to have considered the difference of states4 ,but in my opinion1 it was in after-times that these cruelties took place among the ,lacedmonians1 chiefly after the great earthquake1 when1 as history informs us1 the ,helotes1 joining the ,messenians1 attacked them1 did infinite damage to the country1 and brought the city to the greatest extremity4 ,i can never ascribe to ,lycurgus so abominable an act as that of the ambuscade4 ,i would judge in this case by the mildness and justice which appeared in the rest of his conduct1 to which also the gods gave their sanction4 ,when his principal institutions had taken root in the manners of the people1 and the government was come to such maturity as to be able to support and preserve itself1 then1 as ,plato says of the ,deity1 that he rejoiced when he had created the world1 and given it its first motion2 so ,lycurgus was charmed with the beauty and greatness of his political establishment1 when he saw it exemplified in fact1 and move on in due order4 ,he was next desirous to make it immortal1 so far as human wisdom could effect it1 and to deliver it down unchanged to the latest times4 ,for this purpose he assembled all the people1 and told them the provisions he had already made for the state were indeed sufficient for virtue and happiness1 but the greatest and most important matter was still behind1 which he could not disclose to them till he had consulted the oracle2 that they must therefore inviolably observe his laws1 without altering anything in them1 till he returned from ,delphi2 and then he would acquaint them with the pleasure of ,apollo4 ,when they had all promised to do so1 and desired him to set forward1 he took an oath of the kings and senators1 and afterwards of all the citizens1 that they would abide by the present establishment till ,lycurgus came back4 ,he then took his journey to ,delphi4 ,when he arrived there1 he offered sacrifice to the gods1 and consulted the oracle1 whether his laws were sufficient to promote virtue1 and secure the happiness of the state4 ,apollo answered1 that the laws were excellent1 and that the city which kept to the constitution he had established1 would be the most glorious in the world4 ,this oracle ,lycurgus took down in writing1 and sent it to ,sparta4 ,he then offered another sacrifice1 and embraced his friends and his son1 determined never to release his citizens from their oath1 but voluntarily there to put a period to his life2 while he was yet of an age when life was not a burden1 when death was not desirable1 and while he was not unhappy in any one circumstance4 ,he1 therefore1 destroyed himself by abstaining from food1 persuaded that the very death of lawgivers should have its use1 and their exit1 so far from being insignificant1 have its share of virtue1 and be considered as a great action4 ,to him1 indeed1 whose performances were so illustrious1 the conclusion of life was the crown of happiness1 and his death was left guardian of those invaluable blessings he had procured his countrymen through life1 as they had taken an oath not to depart from his establishment till his return4 ,nor was he deceived in his expectations4 ,sparta continued superior to the rest of ,greece1 both in its government at home and reputation abroad1 so long as it retained the institution of ,lycurgus3 and this it did during the space of five hundred years1 and the reign of fourteen successive kings1 down to ,agis the son of ,archidamus4 ,as for the appointment of the ,ephori1 it was so far from weakening the constitution1 that it gave it additional vigour1 and though it seemed to be established in favour of the people1 it strengthened the aristocracy4 ,but in the reign of ,agis money found its way into ,sparta1 and with money came its inseparable attendant--avarice4 ,this was by means of ,lysander2 who1 though himself incapable of being corrupted by money1 filled his country with the love of it1 and with luxury too4 ,he brought both gold and silver from the wars1 and thereby broke through the laws of ,lycurgus4 ,while these were in force1 ,sparta was not so much under the political regulations of a commonwealth1 as the strict rules of a philosophic life2 and as the poets feign of ,hercules1 that only with a club and lion's skin he travelled over the world1 clearing it of lawless ruffians and cruel tyrants2 so the ,lacedmonians with a piece of parchment and coarse coat kept ,greece in a voluntary obedience1 destroyed usurpation and tyranny in the states1 put an end to wars1 and laid seditions asleep1 very often without either shield or lance1 and only by sending one ambassador2 to whose directions all parties concerned immediately submitted4 ,thus bees1 when their prince appears1 compose their quarrels and unite in one swarm4 ,so much did justice and good government prevail in that state1 that ,i am surprised at those who say the ,lacedmonians knew indeed how to obey1 but not how to govern3 and on this occasion quote the saying of king ,theopompus1 who1 when one told him that ,sparta was preserved by the good administration of its kings1 replied1 ,nay1 rather by the obedience of their subjects4 ,it is certain that people will not continue pliant to those who know not how to command2 but it is the part of a good governor to teach obedience4 ,he who knows how to lead well1 is sure to be well followed3 and as it is by the art of horsemanship that a horse is made gentle and tractable1 so it is by the abilities of him that fills the throne that the people become ductile and submissive4 ,such was the conduct of the ,lacedmonians1 that people did not only endure1 but even desired to be their subjects4 ,they asked not of them either ships1 money or troops1 but only a ,spartan general4 ,when they had received him1 they treated him with the greatest honour and respect2 so ,gylippus was revered by the ,sicilians1 ,brasidas by the ,chalcidians1 ,lysander1 ,callicratidas1 and ,agesilaus by all the people of ,asia4 ,these1 and such as these1 wherever they came1 were called moderators and reformers1 both of the magistrates and people1 and ,sparta itself was considered as a school of discipline1 where the beauty of life and political order were taught in the utmost perfection4 ,hence ,stratonicus seems facetiously enough to have said1 that he would order the ,athenians to have the conduct of mysteries and processions2 the ,eleans to preside in games1 as their particular province2 and the ,lacedmonians to be beaten1 if the other did amiss4 ,this was spoken in jest3 but ,antisthenes1 one of the scholars of ,socrates1 said 7more seriously7 of the ,thebans1 when he saw them pluming themselves upon their success at ,leuctra1 ,they were just like so many school-boys rejoicing that they had beaten their master4 ,it was not1 however1 the principal design of ,lycurgus that his city should govern many others1 but he considered its happiness like that of a private man1 as flowing from virtue and self-consistency3 he therefore so ordered and disposed it1 that by the freedom and sobriety of its inhabitants1 and their having a sufficiency within themselves1 its continuance might be the more secure4 ,plato1 ,diogenes1 ,zeno1 and other writers upon government1 have taken ,lycurgus for their model3 and these have attained great praise1 though they left only an idea of something excellent4 ,yet he who1 not in idea and in words1 but in fact produced a most inimitable form of government1 and by showing a whole city of philosophers1 confounded those who imagine that the so much talked of strictness of a philosophic life is impracticable2 he1 ,i say1 stands in the rank of glory far beyond the founders of all the other ,grecian states4 ,therefore ,aristotle is of opinion1 that the honours paid him in ,lacedmon were far beneath his merit4 ,yet those honours were very great2 for he has a temple there1 and they offer him a yearly sacrifice1 as a god4 ,it is also said1 that when his remains were brought home1 his tomb was struck with lightning3 a seal of divinity which no other man1 however eminent1 has had1 except ,euripides1 who died and was buried at ,arethusa in ,macedonia4 ,this was matter of great satisfaction and triumph to the friends of ,euripides1 that the same thing should befall him after death1 which had formerly happened to the most venerable of men1 and the most favoured of heaven4 ,some say1 ,lycurgus died at ,cirrha2 but ,apollothemis will have it1 that he was brought to ,elis and died there2 and ,timus and ,aristoxenus write1 that he ended his days in ,crete2 nay1 ,aristoxenus adds1 that the ,cretans show his tomb at ,pergamia1 near the high road4 ,we are told1 he left an only son named ,antiorus3 and as he died without issue1 the family was extinct4 ,his friends and relations observed his anniversary1 which subsisted for many ages1 and the days on which they met for that purpose they called ,lycurgid4 ,aristocrates1 the son of ,hipparchus1 relates1 that the friends of ,lycurgus1 with whom he sojourned1 and at last died in ,crete1 burned his body1 and1 at his request1 threw his ashes into the sea4 ,thus he guarded against the possibility of his remains being brought back to ,sparta by the ,lacedmonians1 lest they should then think themselves released from their oath1 on the pretence that he was returned1 and make innovations in the government4 ,this is what we had to say of ,lycurgus4 ,,sir ,,thomas ,,more',s ,,utopia4 ,,utopia4 ,,book ,i4 ,henry the ,eighth1 the unconquered ,king of ,england1 a prince adorned with all the virtues that become a great monarch1 having some differences of no small consequence with ,charles the most serene prince of ,castile1 sent me into ,flanders1 as his ambassador1 for treating and composing matters between them4 ,i was colleague and companion to that incomparable man ,cuthbert ,tonstal1 whom the king with such universal applause lately made ,master of the ,rolls2 but of whom ,i will say nothing2 not because ,i fear that the testimony of a friend will be suspected1 but rather because his learning and virtues are too great for me to do them justice1 and so well known1 that they need not my commendations unless ,i would1 according to the proverb1 ,show the sun with a lanthorn4 ,those that were appointed by the prince to treat with us met us at ,bruges1 according to agreement2 they were all worthy men4 ,the ,margrave of ,bruges was their head1 and the chief man among them2 but he that was esteemed the wisest1 and that spoke for the rest1 was ,george ,temse1 the ,provost of ,casselsee2 both art and nature had concurred to make him eloquent3 he was very learned in the law2 and as he had a great capacity1 so by a long practice in affairs he was very dextrous at unravelling them4 ,after we had several times met without coming to an agreement1 they went to ,brussels for some days to know the prince's pleasure4 ,and since our business would admit it1 ,i went to ,antwerp4 ,while ,i was there1 among many that visited me1 there was one that was more acceptable to me than any other1 ,peter ,giles1 born at ,antwerp1 who is a man of great honour1 and of a good rank in his town1 though less than he deserves2 for ,i do not know if there be anywhere to be found a more learned and a better bred young man3 for as he is both a very worthy and a very knowing person1 so he is so civil to all men1 so particularly kind to his friends1 and so full of candour and affection1 that there is not perhaps above one or two anywhere to be found that is in all respects so perfect a friend4 ,he is extraordinarily modest1 there is no artifice in him2 and yet no man has more of a prudent simplicity3 his conversation was so pleasant and so innocently cheerful1 that his company in a great measure lessened any longings to go back to my country1 and to my wife and children1 which an absence of four months had quickened very much4 ,one day as ,i was returning home from ,mass at ,st4 ,mary's1 which is the chief church1 and the most frequented of any in ,antwerp1 ,i saw him by accident talking with a stranger1 who seemed past the flower of his age2 his face was tanned1 he had a long beard1 and his cloak was hanging carelessly about him1 so that by his looks and habit ,i concluded he was a seaman4 ,as soon as ,peter saw me1 he came and saluted me2 and as ,i was returning his civility1 he took me aside1 and pointing to him with whom he had been discoursing1 he said1 ,do you see that man8 ,i was just thinking to bring him to you4 ,i answered1 ,he should have been very welcome on your account4 ,and on his own too1 replied he1 if you knew the man1 for there is none alive that can give so copious an account of unknown nations and countries as he can do2 which ,i know you very much desire4 ,then said ,i1 ,i did not guess amiss1 for at first sight ,i took him for a seaman4 ,but you are much mistaken1 said he1 for he has not sailed as a seaman1 but as a traveller1 or rather a philosopher4 ,this ,raphael1 who from his family carries the name of ,hythloday1 is not ignorant of the ,latin tongue1 but is eminently learned in the ,greek1 having applied himself more particularly to that than to the former1 because he had given himself much to philosophy1 in which he knew that the ,romans have left us nothing that is valuable1 except what is to be found in ,seneca and ,cicero4 ,he is a ,portuguese by birth1 and was so desirous of seeing the world1 that he divided his estate among his brothers1 run the same hazard as ,americus ,vesputius1 and bore a share in three of his four voyages1 that are now published2 only he did not return with him in his last1 but obtained leave of him almost by force1 that he might be one of those twenty-four who were left at the farthest place at which they touched1 in their last voyage to ,new ,castile4 ,the leaving him thus did not a little gratify one that was more fond of travelling than of returning home1 to be buried in his own country2 for he used often to say1 that the way to heaven was the same from all places2 and he that had no grave1 had the heaven still over him4 ,yet this disposition of mind had cost him dear1 if ,god had not been very gracious to him2 for after he1 with five ,castilians1 had travelled over many countries1 at last1 by strange good fortune1 he got to ,ceylon1 and from thence to ,calicut1 where he very happily found some ,portuguese ships2 and1 beyond all men's expectations1 returned to his native country4 ,when ,peter had said this to me1 ,i thanked him for his kindness1 in intending to give me the acquaintance of a man whose conversation he knew would be so acceptable2 and upon that ,raphael and ,i embraced each other4 ,after those civilities were past which are usual with strangers upon their first meeting1 we all went to my house1 and entering into the garden1 sat down on a green bank1 and entertained one another in discourse4 ,he told us1 that when ,vesputius had sailed away1 he and his companions that stayed behind in ,new ,castile1 by degrees insinuated themselves into the affections of the people of the country1 meeting often with them1 and treating them gently3 and at last they not only lived among them without danger1 but conversed familiarly with them2 and got so far into the heart of a prince1 whose name and country ,i have forgot1 that he both furnished them plentifully with all things necessary1 and also with the conveniences of travelling2 both boats when they went by water1 and waggons when they travelled over land3 he sent with them a very faithful guide1 who was to introduce and recommend them to such other princes as they had a mind to see3 and after many days' journey1 they came to towns1 and cities1 and to commonwealths1 that were both happily governed and well peopled4 ,under the equator1 and as far on both sides of it as the sun moves1 there lay vast deserts that were parched with the perpetual heat of the sun2 the soil was withered1 all things looked dismally1 and all places were either quite uninhabited1 or abounded with wild beasts and serpents1 and some few men1 that were neither less wild nor less cruel than the beasts themselves4 ,but as they went farther1 a new scene opened1 all things grew milder1 the air less burning1 the soil more verdant1 and even the beasts were less wild3 and at last there were nations1 towns1 and cities1 that had not only mutual commerce among themselves1 and with their neighbours1 but traded both by sea and land1 to very remote countries4 ,there they found the conveniences of seeing many countries on all hands1 for no ship went any voyage into which he and his companions were not very welcome4 ,the first vessels that they saw were flat-bottomed1 their sails were made of reeds and wicker woven close together1 only some were of leather2 but afterwards they found ships made with round keels1 and canvas sails1 and in all respects like our ships2 and the seamen understood both astronomy and navigation4 ,he got wonderfully into their favour1 by showing them the use of the needle1 of which till then they were utterly ignorant4 ,they sailed before with great caution1 and only in summer-time1 but now they count all seasons alike1 trusting wholly to the loadstone1 in which they are perhaps more secure than safe2 so that there is reason to fear that this discovery1 which was thought would prove so much to their advantage1 may by their imprudence become an occasion of much mischief to them4 ,but it were too long to dwell on all that he told us he had observed in every place2 it would be too great a digression from our present purpose3 whatever is necessary to be told1 concerning those wise and prudent institutions which he observed among civilized nations1 may perhaps be related by us on a more proper occasion4 ,we asked him many questions concerning all these things1 to which he answered very willingly2 only we made no inquiries after monsters1 than which nothing is more common2 for everywhere one may hear of ravenous dogs and wolves1 and cruel men-eaters2 but it is not so easy to find states that are well and wisely governed4 ,as he told us of many things that were amiss in those new-discovered countries1 so he reckoned up not a few things from which patterns might be taken for correcting the errors of these nations among whom we live2 of which an account may be given1 as ,i have already promised1 at some other time2 for at present ,i intend only to relate those particulars that he told us of the manners and laws of the ,utopians3 but ,i will begin with the occasion that led us to speak of that commonwealth4 ,after ,raphael had discoursed with great judgment on the many errors that were both among us and these nations2 had treated of the wise institutions both here and there1 and had spoken as distinctly of the customs and government of every nation through which he had passed1 as if he had spent his whole life in it2 ,peter being struck with admiration1 said1 ,i wonder1 ,raphael1 how it comes that you enter into no king's service1 for ,i am sure there are none to whom you would not be very acceptable3 for your learning and knowledge1 both of men and things1 is such1 that you would not only entertain them very pleasantly1 but be of great use to them1 by the examples you could set before them1 and the advices you could give them2 and by this means you would both serve your own interest1 and be of great use to all your friends4--,as for my friends1 answered he1 ,i need not be much concerned1 having already done for them all that was incumbent on me2 for when ,i was not only in good health1 but fresh and young1 ,i distributed that among my kindred and friends which other people do not part with till they are old and sick2 when they then unwillingly give that which they can enjoy no longer themselves4 ,i think my friends ought to rest contented with this1 and not to expect that for their sakes ,i should enslave myself to any king whatsoever4--,soft and fair1 said ,peter1 ,i do not mean that you should be a slave to any king1 but only that you should assist them1 and be useful to them4--,the change of the word1 said he1 does not alter the matter4--,but term it as you will1 replied ,peter1 ,i do not see any other way in which you can be so useful1 both in private to your friends1 and to the public1 and by which you can make your own condition happier4--,happier6 answered ,raphael1 is that to be compassed in a way so abhorrent to my genius8 ,now ,i live as ,i will1 to which ,i believe few courtiers can pretend4 ,and there are so many that court the favour of great men1 that there will be no great loss if they are not troubled either with me or with others of my temper4 ,upon this1 said ,i1 ,i perceive1 ,raphael1 that you neither desire wealth nor greatness2 and indeed ,i value and admire such a man much more than ,i do any of the great men in the world4 ,yet ,i think you would do what would well become so generous and philosophical a soul as yours is1 if you would apply your time and thoughts to public affairs1 even though you may happen to find it a little uneasy to yourself3 and this you can never do with so much advantage1 as by being taken into the counsel of some great prince1 and putting him on noble and worthy actions1 which ,i know you would do if you were in such a post2 for the springs both of good and evil flow from the prince1 over a whole nation1 as from a lasting fountain4 ,so much learning as you have1 even without practice in affairs1 or so great a practice as you have had1 without any other learning1 would render you a very fit counsellor to any king whatsoever4--,you are doubly mistaken1 said he1 ,mr4 ,more1 both in your opinion of me1 and in the judgment you make of things3 for as ,i have not that capacity that you fancy ,i have2 so1 if ,i had it1 the public would not be one jot the better1 when ,i had sacrificed my quiet to it4 ,for most princes apply themselves more to affairs of war than to the useful arts of peace2 and in these ,i neither have any knowledge1 nor do ,i much desire it3 they are generally more set on acquiring new kingdoms1 right or wrong1 than on governing well those they possess4 ,and among the ministers of princes1 there are none that are not so wise as to need no assistance1 or at least that do not think themselves so wise1 that they imagine they need none2 and if they court any1 it is only those for whom the prince has much personal favour1 whom by their fawnings and flatteries they endeavour to fix to their own interests3 and indeed ,nature has so made us1 that we all love to be flattered1 and to please ourselves with our own notions4 ,the old crow loves his young1 and the ape her cubs4 ,now if in such a ,court1 made up of persons who envy all others1 and only admire themselves1 a person should but propose anything that he had either read in history1 or observed in his travels1 the rest would think that the reputation of their wisdom would sink1 and that their interest would be much depressed1 if they could not run it down3 and if all other things failed1 then they would fly to this1 that such or such things pleased our ancestors1 and it were well for us if we could but match them4 ,they would set up their rest on such an answer1 as a sufficient confutation of all that could be said2 as if it were a great misfortune1 that any should be found wiser than his ancestors2 but though they willingly let go all the good things that were among those of former ages1 yet if better things are proposed they cover themselves obstinately with this excuse of reverence to past times4 ,i have met with these proud1 morose1 and absurd judgments of things in many places1 particularly once in ,england4--,was you ever there8 said ,i4--,yes1 ,i was1 answered he1 and stayed some months there1 not long after the rebellion in the west was suppressed with a great slaughter of the poor people that were engaged in it4 ,i was then much obliged to that reverend prelate1 ,john ,morton1 ,archbishop of ,canterbury1 ,cardinal1 and ,chancellor of ,england3 a man1 said he1 ,peter 7for ,mr4 ,more knows well what he was71 that was not less venerable for his wisdom and virtues1 than for the high character he bore4 ,he was of a middle stature1 not broken with age2 his looks begot reverence rather than fear2 his conversation was easy1 but serious and grave2 he sometimes took pleasure to try the force of those that came as suitors to him upon business1 by speaking sharply1 though decently to them1 and by that he discovered their spirit and presence of mind1 with which he was much delighted1 when it did not grow up to impudence1 as bearing a great resemblance to his own temper2 and he looked on such persons as the fittest men for affairs4 ,he spoke both gracefully and weightily2 he was eminently skilled in the law1 had a vast understanding1 and a prodigious memory2 and those excellent talents with which ,nature had furnished him1 were improved by study and experience4 ,when ,i was in ,england the king depended much on his counsels1 and the government seemed to be chiefly supported by him2 for from his youth he had been all along practised in affairs2 and having passed through many traverses of fortune1 he had with great cost acquired a vast stock of wisdom1 which is not soon lost when it is purchased so dear4 ,one day when ,i was dining with him there happened to be at table one of the ,english lawyers1 who took occasion to run out in a high commendation of the severe execution of justice upon thieves1 who1 as he said1 were then hanged so fast1 that there were sometimes twenty on one gibbet2 and upon that he said he could not wonder enough how it came to pass1 that since so few escaped1 there were yet so many thieves left who were still robbing in all places4 ,upon this1 ,i who took the boldness to speak freely before the ,cardinal1 said1 there was no reason to wonder at the matter1 since this way of punishing thieves was neither just in itself nor good for the public2 for as the severity was too great1 so the remedy was not effectual2 simple theft not being so great a crime that it ought to cost a man his life1 no punishment how severe soever being able to restrain those from robbing who can find out no other way of livelihood4 ',in this1' said ,i1 'not only you in ,england1 but a great part of the world imitate some ill masters that are readier to chastise their scholars than to teach them4 ,there are dreadful punishments enacted against thieves1 but it were much better to make such good provisions by which every man might be put in a method how to live1 and so be preserved from the fatal necessity of stealing and of dying for it4'--',there has been care enough taken for that1' said he1 'there are many handicrafts1 and there is husbandry1 by which they may make a shift to live unless they have a greater mind to follow ill courses4'--',that will not serve your turn1' said ,i1 'for many lose their limbs in civil or foreign wars1 as lately in the ,cornish rebellion1 and some time ago in your wars with ,france1 who being thus mutilated in the service of their king and country1 can no more follow their old trades1 and are too old to learn new ones3 but since wars are only accidental things1 and have intervals1 let us consider those things that fall out every day4 ,there is a great number of noblemen among you1 that are themselves as idle as drones1 that subsist on other men's labour1 on the labour of their tenants1 whom1 to raise their revenues1 they pare to the quick4 ,this indeed is the only instance of their frugality1 for in all other things they are prodigal1 even to the beggaring of themselves3 but besides this1 they carry about with them a great number of idle fellows1 who never learned any art by which they may gain their living2 and these1 as soon as either their lord dies1 or they themselves fall sick1 are turned out of doors2 for your lords are readier to feed idle people1 than to take care of the sick2 and often the heir is not able to keep together so great a family as his predecessor did4 ,now when the stomachs of those that are thus turned out of doors1 grow keen1 they rob no less keenly2 and what else can they do8 for when1 by wandering about1 they have worn out both their health and their clothes1 and are tattered1 and look ghastly1 men of quality will not entertain them1 and poor men dare not do it2 knowing that one who has been bred up in idleness and pleasure1 and who was used to walk about with his sword and buckler1 despising all the neighbourhood with an insolent scorn1 as far below him1 is not fit for the spade and mattock3 nor will he serve a poor man for so small a hire1 and in so low a diet as he can afford to give him4' ,to this he answered1 ',this sort of men ought to be particularly cherished1 for in them consists the force of the armies for which we have occasion2 since their birth inspires them with a nobler sense of honour1 than is to be found among tradesmen or ploughmen4'--',you may as well say1' replied ,i1 'that you must cherish thieves on the account of wars1 for you will never want the one1 as long as you have the other2 and as robbers prove sometimes gallant soldiers1 so soldiers often prove brave robbers2 so near an alliance there is between those two sorts of life4 ,but this bad custom1 so common among you1 of keeping many servants1 is not peculiar to this nation4 ,in ,france there is yet a more pestiferous sort of people1 for the whole country is full of soldiers1 still kept up in time of peace2 if such a state of a nation can be called a peace3 and these are kept in pay upon the same account that you plead for those idle retainers about noblemen2 this being a maxim of those pretended statesmen that it is necessary for the public safety1 to have a good body of veteran soldiers ever in readiness4 ,they think raw men are not to be depended on1 and they sometimes seek occasions for making war1 that they may train up their soldiers in the art of cutting throats2 or as ,sallust observed1 for keeping their hands in use1 that they may not grow dull by too long an intermission4 ,but ,france has learned to its cost1 how dangerous it is to feed such beasts4 ,the fate of the ,romans1 ,carthaginians1 and ,syrians1 and many other nations and cities1 which were both overturned and quite ruined by those standing armies1 should make others wiser3 and the folly of this maxim of the ,french1 appears plainly even from this1 that their trained soldiers often find your raw men prove too hard for them2 of which ,i will not say much1 lest you may think ,i flatter the ,english4 ,every day's experience shows1 that the mechanics in the towns1 or the clowns in the country1 are not afraid of fighting with those idle gentlemen1 if they are not disabled by some misfortune in their body1 or dispirited by extreme want1 so that you need not fear that those well-shaped and strong men 7for it is only such that noblemen love to keep about them1 till they spoil them7 who now grow feeble with ease1 and are softened with their effeminate manner of life1 would be less fit for action if they were well bred and well employed4 ,and it seems very unreasonable1 that for the prospect of a war1 which you need never have but when you please1 you should maintain so many idle men1 as will always disturb you in time of peace1 which is ever to be more considered than war4 ,but ,i do not think that this necessity of stealing arises only from hence2 there is another cause of it more peculiar to ,england4'--',what is that8' said the ,cardinal4--',the increase of pasture1' said ,i1 'by which your sheep1 which are naturally mild1 and easily kept in order1 may be said now to devour men1 and unpeople1 not only villages1 but towns2 for wherever it is found that the sheep of any soil yield a softer and richer wool than ordinary1 there the nobility and gentry1 and even those holy men the abbots1 not contented with the old rents which their farms yielded1 nor thinking it enough that they1 living at their ease1 do no good to the public1 resolve to do it hurt instead of good4 ,they stop the course of agriculture1 destroying houses and towns1 reserving only the churches1 and enclose grounds that they may lodge their sheep in them4 ,as if forests and parks had swallowed up too little of the land1 those worthy countrymen turn the best inhabited places in solitudes2 for when an insatiable wretch1 who is a plague to his country1 resolves to inclose many thousand acres of ground1 the owners1 as well as tenants1 are turned out of their possessions1 by tricks1 or by main force1 or being wearied out with ill usage1 they are forced to sell them4 ,by which means those miserable people1 both men and women1 married and unmarried1 old and young1 with their poor but numerous families 7since country business requires many hands71 are all forced to change their seats1 not knowing whither to go2 and they must sell almost for nothing their household stuff1 which could not bring them much money1 even though they might stay for a buyer4 ,when that little money is at an end1 for it will be soon spent2 what is left for them to do1 but either to steal and so to be hanged 7,god knows how justly71 or to go about and beg8 ,and if they do this1 they are put in prison as idle vagabonds2 while they would willingly work1 but can find none that will hire them2 for there is no more occasion for country labour1 to which they have been bred1 when there is no arable ground left4 ,one shepherd can look after a flock1 which will stock an extent of ground that would require many hands1 if it were to be ploughed and reaped4 ,this likewise in many places raises the price of corn4 ,the price of wool is also so risen1 that the poor people who were wont to make cloth are no more able to buy it2 and this likewise makes many of them idle4 ,for since the increase of pasture1 ,god has punished the avarice of the owners1 by a rot among the sheep1 which has destroyed vast numbers of them2 to us it might have seemed more just had it fell on the owners themselves4 ,but suppose the sheep should increase ever so much1 their price is not like to fall2 since though they cannot be called a monopoly1 because they are not engrossed by one person1 yet they are in so few hands1 and these are so rich1 that as they are not pressed to sell them sooner than they have a mind to it1 so they never do it till they have raised the price as high as possible4 ,and on the same account it is1 that the other kinds of cattle are so dear1 because many villages being pulled down1 and all country labour being much neglected1 there are none who make it their business to breed them4 ,the rich do not breed cattle as they do sheep1 but buy them lean1 and at low prices2 and after they have fattened them on their grounds1 sell them again at high rates4 ,and ,i do not think that all the inconveniences this will produce are yet observed2 for as they sell the cattle dear1 so if they are consumed faster than the breeding countries from which they are brought can afford them1 then the stock must decrease1 and this must needs end in great scarcity2 and by these means this your island1 which seemed as to this particular the happiest in the world1 will suffer much by the cursed avarice of a few persons2 besides this1 the rising of corn makes all people lessen their families as much as they can2 and what can those who are dismissed by them do1 but either beg or rob8 ,and to this last1 a man of a great mind is much sooner drawn than to the former4 ,luxury likewise breaks in apace upon you1 to set forward your poverty and misery2 there is an excessive vanity in apparel1 and great cost in diet2 and that not only in noblemen's families1 but even among tradesmen1 among the farmers themselves1 and among all ranks of persons4 ,you have also many infamous houses1 and besides those that are known1 the taverns and alehouses are no better2 add to these1 dice1 cards1 tables1 foot-ball1 tennis1 and quoits1 in which money runs fast away2 and those that are initiated into them1 must in the conclusion betake themselves to robbing for a supply4 ,banish these plagues1 and give orders that those who have dispeopled so much soil1 may either rebuild the villages they have pulled down1 or let out their grounds to such as will do it3 restrain those engrossings of the rich1 that are as bad almost as monopolies2 leave fewer occasions to idleness2 let agriculture be set up again1 and the manufacture of the wool be regulated1 that so there may be work found for those companies of idle people whom want forces to be thieves1 or who now being idle vagabonds1 or useless servants1 will certainly grow thieves at last4 ,if you do not find a remedy to these evils1 it is a vain thing to boast of your severity in punishing theft1 which though it may have the appearance of justice1 yet in itself is neither just nor convenient4 ,for if you suffer your people to be ill educated1 and their manners to be corrupted from their infancy1 and then punish them for those crimes to which their first education disposed them1 what else is to be concluded from this1 but that you first make thieves and then punish them8' ,while ,i was talking thus1 the counsellor who was present had prepared an answer1 and had resolved to resume all ,i had said1 according to the formality of a debate1 in which things are generally repeated more faithfully than they are answered2 as if the chief trial to be made were of men's memories4 ',you have talked prettily for a stranger1' said he1 'having heard of many things among us which you have not been able to consider well2 but ,i will make the whole matter plain to you1 and will first repeat in order all that you have said1 then ,i will show how much your ignorance of our affairs has misled you1 and will in the last place answer all your arguments4 ,and that ,i may begin where ,i promised1 there were four things----' ',hold your peace1' said the ,cardinal1 'this will take up too much time2 therefore we will at present ease you of the trouble of answering1 and reserve it to our next meeting1 which shall be to-morrow1 if ,raphael's affairs and yours can admit of it4 ,but1 ,raphael1' said he to me1 ',i would gladly know upon what reason it is that you think theft ought not to be punished by death8 ,would you give way to it8 ,or do you propose any other punishment that will be more useful to the public8 ,for since death does not restrain theft1 if men thought their lives would be safe1 what fear or force could restrain ill men8 ,on the contrary1 they would look on the mitigation of the punishment as an invitation to commit more crimes4' ,i answered1 ',it seems to me a very unjust thing to take away a man's life for a little money2 for nothing in the world can be of equal value with a man's life3 and if it is said1 that it is not for the money that one suffers1 but for his breaking the law1 ,i must say1 extreme justice is an extreme injury2 for we ought not to approve of these terrible laws that make the smallest offences capital1 nor of that opinion of the ,stoics1 that makes all crimes equal1 as if there were no difference to be made between the killing a man and the taking his purse1 between which1 if we examine things impartially1 there is no likeness nor proportion4 ,god has commanded us not to kill1 and shall we kill so easily for a little money8 ,but if one shall say1 that by that law we are only forbid to kill any1 except when the laws of the land allow of it2 upon the same grounds1 laws may be made in some cases to allow of adultery and perjury3 for ,god having taken from us the right of disposing1 either of our own or of other people's lives1 if it is pretended that the mutual consent of man in making laws can authorize man-slaughter in cases in which ,god has given us no example1 that it frees people from the obligation of the divine law1 and so makes murder a lawful action2 what is this1 but to give a preference to human laws before the divine8 ,and if this is once admitted1 by the same rule men may in all other things put what restrictions they please upon the laws of ,god4 ,if by the ,mosaical law1 though it was rough and severe1 as being a yoke laid on an obstinate and servile nation1 men were only fined1 and not put to death for theft1 we cannot imagine that in this new law of mercy1 in which ,god treats us with the tenderness of a father1 ,he has given us a greater license to cruelty than ,he did to the ,jews4 ,upon these reasons it is1 that ,i think putting thieves to death is not lawful2 and it is plain and obvious that it is absurd1 and of ill consequence to the commonwealth1 that a thief and a murderer should be equally punished2 for if a robber sees that his danger is the same1 if he is convicted of theft as if he were guilty of murder1 this will naturally incite him to kill the person whom otherwise he would only have robbed1 since if the punishment is the same1 there is more security1 and less danger of discovery1 when he that can best make it is put out of the way2 so that terrifying thieves too much1 provokes them to cruelty4 ',but as to the question1 what more convenient way of punishment can be found8 ,i think it is much more easier to find out that1 than to invent anything that is worse2 why should we doubt but the way that was so long in use among the old ,romans1 who understood so well the arts of government1 was very proper for their punishment8 ,they condemned such as they found guilty of great crimes1 to work their whole lives in quarries1 or to dig in mines with chains about them4 ,but the method that ,i liked best1 was that which ,i observed in my travels in ,persia1 among the ,polylerits1 who are a considerable and well-governed people4 ,they pay a yearly tribute to the ,king of ,persia2 but in all other respects they are a free nation1 and governed by their own laws4 ,they lie far from the sea1 and are environed with hills2 and being contented with the productions of their own country1 which is very fruitful1 they have little commerce with any other nation2 and as they1 according to the genius of their country1 have no inclination to enlarge their borders2 so their mountains1 and the pension they pay to the ,persian1 secure them from all invasions4 ,thus they have no wars among them3 they live rather conveniently than with splendour1 and may be rather called a happy nation1 than either eminent or famous2 for ,i do not think that they are known so much as by name to any but their next neighbours4 ,those that are found guilty of theft among them1 are bound to make restitution to the owner1 and not as it is in other places1 to the prince1 for they reckon that the prince has no more right to the stolen goods than the thief2 but if that which was stolen is no more in being1 then the goods of the thieves are estimated1 and restitution being made out of them1 the remainder is given to their wives and children3 and they themselves are condemned to serve in the public works1 but are neither imprisoned1 nor chained1 unless there happened to be some extraordinary circumstances in their crimes4 ,they go about loose and free1 working for the public4 ,if they are idle or backward to work1 they are whipped2 but if they work hard1 they are well used and treated without any mark of reproach1 only the lists of them are called always at night1 and then they are shut up4 ,they suffer no other uneasiness1 but this of constant labour2 for as they work for the public1 so they are well entertained out of the public stock1 which is done differently in different places4 ,in some places1 whatever is bestowed on them1 is raised by a charitable contribution2 and though this way may seem uncertain1 yet so merciful are the inclinations of that people1 that they are plentifully supplied by it2 but in other places1 public revenues are set aside for them2 or there is a constant tax of a poll-money raised for their maintenance4 ,in some places they are set to no public work1 but every private man that has occasion to hire workmen1 goes to the market-places and hires them of the public1 a little lower than he would do a freeman3 if they go lazily about their task1 he may quicken them with the whip4 ,by this means there is always some piece of work or other to be done by them2 and beside their livelihood1 they earn somewhat still to the public4 ,they all wear a peculiar habit1 of one certain colour1 and their hair is cropped a little above their ears1 and a piece of one of their ears is cut off4 ,their friends are allowed to give them either meat1 drink1 or clothes1 so they are of their proper colour2 but it is death1 both to the giver and taker1 if they give them money2 nor is it less penal for any freeman to take money from them1 upon any account whatsoever3 and it is also death for any of these slaves 7so they are called7 to handle arms4 ,those of every division of the country are distinguished by a peculiar mark2 which it is capital for them to lay aside1 to go out of their bounds1 or to talk with a slave of another jurisdiction2 and the very attempt of an escape is no less penal than an escape itself2 it is death for any other slave to be accessory to it2 and if a freeman engages in it he is condemned to slavery4 ,those that discover it are rewarded2 if freemen1 in money2 and if slaves1 with liberty1 together with a pardon for being accessory to it2 that so they might find their account1 rather in repenting of their engaging in such a design1 than in persisting in it4 ,these are their laws and rules in relation to robbery2 and it is obvious that they are as advantageous as they are mild and gentle2 since vice is not only destroyed1 and men preserved1 but they treated in such a manner as to make them see the necessity of being honest1 and of employing the rest of their lives in repairing the injuries they have formerly done to society4 ,nor is there any hazard of their falling back to their old customs3 and so little do travellers apprehend mischief from them1 that they generally make use of them for guides1 from one jurisdiction to another2 for there is nothing left them by which they can rob1 or be the better for it1 since as they are disarmed1 so the very having of money is a sufficient conviction3 and as they are certainly punished if discovered1 so they cannot hope to escape2 for their habit being in all the parts of it different from what is commonly worn1 they cannot fly away1 unless they would go naked1 and even then their cropped ear would betray them4 ,the only danger to be feared from them1 is their conspiring against the government3 but those of one division and neighbourhood can do nothing to any purpose1 unless a general conspiracy were laid amongst all the slaves of the several jurisdictions1 which cannot be done1 since they cannot meet or talk together2 nor will any venture on a design where the concealment would be so dangerous1 and the discovery so profitable4 ,none are quite hopeless of recovering their freedom1 since by their obedience and patience1 and by giving good grounds to believe that they will change their manner of life for the future1 they may expect at last to obtain their liberty3 and some are every year restored to it1 upon the good character that is given of them4--,when ,i had related all this1 ,i added1 that ,i did not see why such a method might not be followed with more advantage1 than could ever be expected from that severe justice which the counsellor magnified so much4 ,to this he answered1 that it could never take place in ,england1 without endangering the whole nation4 ,as he said this1 he shook his head1 made some grimaces1 and held his peace1 while all the company seemed of his opinion1 except the ,cardinal1 who said that it was not easy to form a judgment of its success1 since it was a method that never yet had been tried4 ',but if1' said he1 'when the sentence of death was passed upon a thief1 the prince would reprieve him for a while1 and make the experiment upon him1 denying him the privilege of a sanctuary2 and then if it had a good effect upon him1 it might take place2 and if it did not succeed1 the worst would be1 to execute the sentence on the condemned persons at last4 ,and ,i do not see1' added he1 'why it would be either unjust1 inconvenient1 or at all dangerous1 to admit of such a delay3 in my opinion1 the vagabonds ought to be treated in the same manner2 against whom1 though we have made many laws1 yet we have not been able to gain our end4' ,when the ,cardinal had done1 they all commended the motion1 though they had despised it when it came from me2 but more particularly commended what related to the vagabonds1 because it was his own observation4 ,i do not know whether it be worth while to tell what followed1 for it was very ridiculous2 but ,i shall venture at it1 for as it is not foreign to this matter1 so some good use may be made of it4 ,there was a jester standing by1 that counterfeited the fool so naturally1 that he seemed to be really one4 ,the jests which he offered were so cold and dull1 that we laughed more at him than at them2 yet sometimes he said1 as it were by chance1 things that were not unpleasant2 so as to justify the old proverb1 ',that he who throws the dice often1 will sometimes have a lucky hit4' ,when one of the company had said1 that ,i had taken care of the thieves1 and the ,cardinal had taken care of the vagabonds1 so that there remained nothing but that some public provision might be made for the poor1 whom sickness or old age had disabled from labour4 ',leave that to me1' said the fool1 'and ,i shall take care of them2 for there is no sort of people whose sight ,i abhor more1 having been so often vexed with them1 and with their sad complaints2 but as dolefully soever as they have told their tale1 they could never prevail so far as to draw one penny from me3 for either ,i had no mind to give them anything1 or when ,i had a mind to do it1 ,i had nothing to give them3 and they now know me so well1 that they will not lose their labour1 but let me pass without giving me any trouble1 because they hope for nothing1 no more in faith than if ,i were a priest3 but ,i would have a law made1 for sending all these beggars to monasteries1 the men to the ,benedictines to be made lay-brothers1 and the women to be nuns4' ,the ,cardinal smiled1 and approved of it in jest2 but the rest liked it in earnest4 ,there was a divine present1 who though he was a grave morose man1 yet he was so pleased with this reflection that was made on the priests and the monks1 that he began to play with the fool1 and said to him1 ',this will not deliver you from all beggars1 except you take care of us friars4'--',that is done already1' answered the fool1 'for the ,cardinal has provided for you1 by what he proposed for restraining vagabonds1 and setting them to work1 for ,i know no vagabonds like you4' ,this was well entertained by the whole company1 who looking at the ,cardinal1 perceived that he was not ill pleased at it2 only the friar himself was vexed1 as may be easily imagined1 and fell into such a passion1 that he could not forbear railing at the fool1 and calling him knave1 slanderer1 back-biter1 and son of perdition1 and then cited some dreadful threatenings out of the ,scriptures against him4 ,now the jester thought he was in his element1 and laid about him freely4 ',good friar1' said he1 'be not angry1 for it is written1 ,in patience possess your soul4'--,the friar answered 7for ,i shall give you his own words71 ',i am not angry1 you hangman2 at least ,i do not sin in it1 for the ,psalmist says1 ,be ye angry1 and sin not4'--,upon this the ,cardinal admonished him gently1 and wished him to govern his passions4 ',no1 my lord1' said he1 ',i speak not but from a good zeal1 which ,i ought to have2 for holy men have had a good zeal1 as it is said1 ,the zeal of thy house hath eaten me up2 and we sing in our church1 that those who mocked ,elisha as he went up to the house of ,god1 felt the effects of his zeal2 which that mocker1 that rogue1 that scoundrel1 will perhaps feel4'--',you do this perhaps with a good intention1' said the ,cardinal2 'but in my opinion1 it were wiser in you1 and perhaps better for you1 not to engage in so ridiculous a contest with a fool4'--',no1 my lord1' answered he1 'that were not wisely done2 for ,solomon1 the wisest of men1 said1 ,answer a fool according to his folly2 which ,i now do1 and show him the ditch into which he will fall1 if he is not aware of it2 for if the many mockers of ,elisha1 who was but one bald man1 felt the effect of his zeal1 what will become of one mocker of so many friars1 among whom there are so many bald men8 ,we have likewise a ,bull1 by which all that jeer us are excommunicated4'--,when the ,cardinal saw that there was no end of this matter1 he made a sign to the fool to withdraw1 turned the discourse another way2 and soon after rose from the table1 and dismissing us1 went to hear causes4 ,thus1 ,mr4 ,more1 ,i have run out into a tedious story1 of the length of which ,i had been ashamed1 if1 as you earnestly begged it of me1 ,i had not observed you to hearken to it1 as if you had no mind to lose any part of it4 ,i might have contracted it1 but ,i resolved to give it you at large1 that you might observe how those that despised what ,i had proposed1 no sooner perceived that the ,cardinal did not dislike it1 but presently approved of it1 fawned so on him1 and flattered him to such a degree1 that they in good earnest applauded those things that he only liked in jest4 ,and from hence you may gather1 how little courtiers would value either me or my counsels4 ,to this ,i answered1 ,you have done me a great kindness in this relation2 for as everything has been related by you1 both wisely and pleasantly1 so you have made me imagine that ,i was in my own country1 and grown young again1 by recalling that good ,cardinal to my thoughts1 in whose family ,i was bred from my childhood3 and though you are upon other accounts very dear to me1 yet you are the dearer1 because you honour his memory so much2 but after all this ,i cannot change my opinion2 for ,i still think that if you could overcome that aversion which you have to the ,courts of ,princes1 you might1 by the advice which it is in your power to give1 do a great deal of good to mankind2 and this is the chief design that every good man ought to propose to himself in living3 for your friend ,plato thinks that nations will be happy1 when either philosophers become kings1 or kings become philosophers2 it is no wonder if we are so far from that happiness1 while philosophers will not think it their duty to assist kings with their councils4--,they are not so base-minded1 said he1 but that they would willingly do it2 many of them have already done it by their books1 if those that are in power would but hearken to their good advice4 ,but ,plato judged right1 that except kings themselves became philosophers1 they who from their childhood are corrupted with false notions1 would never fall in entirely with the councils of philosophers1 and this he himself found to be true in the person of ,dionysius4 ,do not you think1 that if ,i were about any king1 proposing good laws to him1 and endeavouring to root out all the cursed seeds of evil that ,i found in him1 ,i should either be turned out of his ,court1 or at least be laughed at for my pains8 ,for instance1 what could it signify if ,i were about the ,king of ,france1 and were called into his cabinet-council1 where several wise men1 in his hearing1 were proposing many expedients2 as by what arts and practices ,milan may be kept2 and ,naples1 that had so oft slipped out of their hands1 recovered2 how the ,venetians1 and after them the rest of ,italy1 may be subdued2 and then how ,flanders1 ,brabant1 and all ,burgundy1 and some other kingdoms which he has swallowed already in his designs1 may be added to his empire4 ,one proposes a league with the ,venetians1 to be kept as long as he finds his account in it1 and that he ought to communicate councils with them1 and give them some share of the spoil1 till his success makes him need or fear them less1 and then it will be easily taken out of their hands4 ,another proposes the hiring the ,germans1 and the securing the ,switzers by pensions4 ,another proposes the gaining the ,emperor by money1 which is omnipotent with him4 ,another proposes a peace with the ,king of ,arragon1 and in order to cement it1 the yielding up the ,king of ,navarre's pretensions4 ,another thinks the ,prince of ,castile is to be wrought on1 by the hope of an alliance2 and that some of his courtiers are to be gained to the ,french faction by pensions4 ,the hardest point of all is what to do with ,england3 a treaty of peace is to be set on foot1 and if their alliance is not to be depended on1 yet it is to be made as firm as possible2 and they are to be called friends1 but suspected as enemies3 therefore the ,scots are to be kept in readiness1 to be let loose upon ,england on every occasion3 and some banished nobleman is to be supported underhand 7for by the league it cannot be done avowedly7 who has a pretension to the crown1 by which means that suspected prince may be kept in awe4 ,now when things are in so great a fermentation1 and so many gallant men are joining councils1 how to carry on the war1 if so mean a man as ,i should stand up1 and wish them to change all their councils1 to let ,italy alone1 and stay at home1 since the kingdom of ,france was indeed greater than could be well governed by one man2 that therefore he ought not to think of adding others to it3 and if after this1 ,i should propose to them the resolutions of the ,achorians1 a people that lie on the south-east of ,utopia1 who long ago engaged in war1 in order to add to the dominions of their prince another kingdom1 to which he had some pretensions by an ancient alliance4 ,this they conquered1 but found that the trouble of keeping it was equal to that by which it was gained2 that the conquered people were always either in rebellion or exposed to foreign invasions1 while they were obliged to be incessantly at war1 either for or against them1 and consequently could never disband their army2 that in the meantime they were oppressed with taxes1 their money went out of the kingdom1 their blood was spilt for the glory of their king1 without procuring the least advantage to the people1 who received not the smallest benefit from it even in time of peace2 and that their manners being corrupted by a long war1 robbery and murders everywhere abounded1 and their laws fell into contempt2 while their king1 distracted with the care of two kingdoms1 was the less able to apply his mind to the interests of either4 ,when they saw this1 and that there would be no end to these evils1 they by joint councils made an humble address to their king1 desiring him to choose which of the two kingdoms he had the greatest mind to keep1 since he could not hold both2 for they were too great a people to be governed by a divided king1 since no man would willingly have a groom that should be in common between him and another4 ,upon which the good prince was forced to quit his new kingdom to one of his friends 7who was not long after dethroned71 and to be contented with his old one4 ,to this ,i would add1 that after all those warlike attempts1 the vast confusions1 and the consumption both of treasure and of people that must follow them2 perhaps upon some misfortune1 they might be forced to throw up all at last2 therefore it seemed much more eligible that the king should improve his ancient kingdom all he could1 and make it flourish as much as possible2 that he should love his people1 and be beloved of them2 that he should live among them1 govern them gently1 and let other kingdoms alone1 since that which had fallen to his share was big enough1 if not too big for him4 ,pray how do you think would such a speech as this be heard8--,i confess1 said ,i1 ,i think not very well4 ,but what1 said he1 if ,i should sort with another kind of ministers1 whose chief contrivances and consultations were1 by what art the prince's treasures might be increased4 ,where one proposes raising the value of specie when the king's debts are large1 and lowering it when his revenues were to come in1 that so he might both pay much with a little1 and in a little receive a great deal3 another proposes a pretence of a war1 that money might be raised in order to carry it on1 and that a peace be concluded as soon as that was done2 and this with such appearances of religion as might work on the people1 and make them impute it to the piety of their prince1 and to his tenderness for the lives of his subjects4 ,a third offers some old musty laws1 that have been antiquated by a long disuse2 and which1 as they had been forgotten by all the subjects1 so they had been also broken by them2 and proposes the levying the penalties of these laws1 that as it would bring in a vast treasure1 so there might be a very good pretence for it1 since it would look like the executing a law1 and the doing of justice4 ,a fourth proposes the prohibiting of many things under severe penalties1 especially such as were against the interest of the people1 and then the dispensing with these prohibitions upon great compositions1 to those who might find their advantage in breaking them4 ,this would serve two ends1 both of them acceptable to many2 for as those whose avarice led them to transgress would be severely fined1 so the selling licenses dear would look as if a prince were tender of his people1 and would not easily1 or at low rates1 dispense with anything that might be against the public good4 ,another proposes that the judges must be made sure1 that they may declare always in favour of the prerogative1 that they must be often sent for to ,court1 that the king may hear them argue those points in which he is concerned2 since how unjust soever any of his pretensions may be1 yet still some one or other of them1 either out of contradiction to others1 or the pride of singularity1 or to make their court1 would find out some pretence or other to give the king a fair colour to carry the point3 for if the judges but differ in opinion1 the clearest thing in the world is made by that means disputable1 and truth being once brought in question1 the king may then take advantage to expound the law for his own profit2 while the judges that stand out will be brought over1 either out of fear or modesty2 and they being thus gained1 all of them may be sent to the bench to give sentence boldly1 as the king would have it3 for fair pretences will never be wanting when sentence is to be given in the prince's favour4 ,it will either be said that equity lies of his side1 or some words in the law will be found sounding that way1 or some forced sense will be put on them2 and when all other things fail1 the king's undoubted prerogative will be pretended1 as that which is above all law2 and to which a religious judge ought to have a special regard4 ,thus all consent to that maxim of ,crassus1 that a prince cannot have treasure enough1 since he must maintain his armies out of it3 that a king1 even though he would1 can do nothing unjustly2 that all property is in him1 not excepting the very persons of his subjects3 and that no man has any other property1 but that which the king out of his goodness thinks fit to leave him4 ,and they think it is the prince's interest1 that there be as little of this left as may be1 as if it were his advantage that his people should have neither riches nor liberty2 since these things make them less easy and less willing to submit to a cruel and unjust government2 whereas necessity and poverty blunts them1 makes them patient1 beats them down1 and breaks that height of spirit1 that might otherwise dispose them to rebel4 ,now what if after all these propositions were made1 ,i should rise up and assert1 that such councils were both unbecoming a king1 and mischievous to him3 and that not only his honour but his safety consisted more in his people's wealth1 than in his own2 if ,i should show that they choose a king for their own sake1 and not for his2 that by his care and endeavours they may be both easy and safe2 and that therefore a prince ought to take more care of his people's happiness than of his own1 as a shepherd is to take more care of his flock than of himself4 ,it is also certain1 that they are much mistaken that think the poverty of a nation is a means of the public safety4 ,who quarrel more than beggars8 ,who does more earnestly long for a change1 than he that is uneasy in his present circumstances8 ,and who run to create confusions with so desperate a boldness1 as those who have nothing to lose1 hope to gain by them8 ,if a king should fall under such contempt or envy1 that he could not keep his subjects in their duty1 but by oppression and ill usage1 and by rendering them poor and miserable1 it were certainly better for him to quit his kingdom1 than to retain it by such methods1 as makes him while he keeps the name of authority1 lose the majesty due to it4 ,nor is it so becoming the dignity of a king to reign over beggars1 as over rich and happy subjects4 ,and therefore ,fabricius1 a man of a noble and exalted temper1 said1 he would rather govern rich men1 than be rich himself2 since for one man to abound in wealth and pleasure1 when all about him are mourning and groaning1 is to be a gaoler and not a king4 ,he is an unskilful physician1 that cannot cure one disease without casting his patient into another3 so he that can find no other way for correcting the errors of his people1 but by taking from them the conveniences of life1 shows that he knows not what it is to govern a free nation4 ,he himself ought rather to shake off his sloth1 or to lay down his pride2 for the contempt or hatred that his people have for him1 takes its rise from the vices in himself4 ,let him live upon what belongs to him1 without wronging others1 and accommodate his expense to his revenue4 ,let him punish crimes1 and by his wise conduct let him endeavour to prevent them1 rather than be severe when he has suffered them to be too common3 let him not rashly revive laws that are abrogated by disuse1 especially if they have been long forgotten1 and never wanted2 and let him never take any penalty for the breach of them1 to which a judge would not give way in a private man1 but would look on him as a crafty and unjust person for pretending to it4 ,to these things ,i would add1 that law among the ,macarians1 a people that lie not far from ,utopia1 by which their king1 on the day on which he begins to reign1 is tied by an oath confirmed by solemn sacrifices1 never to have at once above a thousand pounds of gold in his treasures1 or so much silver as is equal to that in value4 ,this law1 they tell us1 was made by an excellent king1 who had more regard to the riches of his country than to his own wealth2 and therefore provided against the heaping up of so much treasure1 as might impoverish the people4 ,he thought that moderate sum might be sufficient for any accident2 if either the king had occasion for it against rebels1 or the kingdom against the invasion of an enemy2 but that it was not enough to encourage a prince to invade other men's rights1 a circumstance that was the chief cause of his making that law4 ,he also thought that it was a good provision for that free circulation of money1 so necessary for the course of commerce and exchange3 and when a king must distribute all those extraordinary accessions that increase treasure beyond the due pitch1 it makes him less disposed to oppress his subjects4 ,such a king as this will be the terror of ill men1 and will be beloved by all the good4 ,if1 ,i say1 ,i should talk of these or such like things1 to men that had taken their bias another way1 how deaf would they be to all ,i could say8--,no doubt1 very deaf1 answered ,i2 and no wonder1 for one is never to offer at propositions or advice that we are certain will not be entertained4 ,discourses so much out of the road could not avail anything1 nor have any effect on men whose minds were prepossessed with different sentiments4 ,this philosophical way of speculation is not unpleasant among friends in a free conversation1 but there is no room for it in the ,courts of ,princes where great affairs are carried on by authority4--,that is what ,i was saying1 replied he1 that there is no room for philosophy in the ,courts of ,princes4--,yes1 there is1 said ,i1 but not for this speculative philosophy that makes everything to be alike fitting at all times3 but there is another philosophy that is more pliable1 that knows its proper scene1 accommodates itself to it1 and teaches a man with propriety and decency to act that part which has fallen to his share4 ,if when one of ,plautus's comedies is upon the stage and a company of servants are acting their parts1 you should come out in the garb of a philosopher1 and repeat out of ',octavia' a discourse of ,seneca's to ,nero1 would it not be better for you to say nothing than by mixing things of such different natures to make an impertinent tragi-comedy8 ,for you spoil and corrupt the play that is in hand when you mix with it things of an opposite nature1 even though they are much better4 ,therefore go through with the play that is acting the best you can1 and do not confound it because another that is pleasanter comes into your thoughts4 ,it is even so in a commonwealth1 and in the councils of princes2 if ill opinions cannot be quite rooted out1 and you cannot cure some received vice according to your wishes1 you must not therefore abandon the commonwealth1 for the same reasons you should not forsake the ship in a storm because you cannot command the winds4 ,you are not obliged to assault people with discourses that are out of their road1 when you see that their received notions must prevent your making an impression upon them4 ,you ought rather to cast about and to manage things with all the dexterity in your power1 so that if you are not able to make them go well they may be as little ill as possible2 for except all men were good everything cannot be right1 and that is a blessing that ,i do not at present hope to see4 ,according to your arguments1 answered he1 all that ,i could be able to do would be to preserve myself from being mad while ,i endeavoured to cure the madness of others2 for if ,i speak truth1 ,i must repeat what ,i have said to you2 and as for lying1 whether a philosopher can do it or not1 ,i cannot tell1 ,i am sure ,i cannot do it4 ,but though these discourses may be uneasy and ungrateful to them1 ,i do not see why they should seem foolish or extravagant3 indeed if ,i should either propose such things as ,plato has contrived in his commonwealth1 or as the ,utopians practise in theirs1 though they might seem better1 as certainly they are1 yet they are so different from our establishment1 which is founded on property1 there being no such thing among them1 that ,i could not expect that it would have any effect on them2 but such discourses as mine1 which only call past evils to mind and give warning of what may follow1 have nothing in them that is so absurd that they may not be used at any time1 for they can only be unpleasant to those who are resolved to run headlong the contrary way2 and if we must let alone everything as absurd or extravagant which by reason of the wicked lives of many may seem uncouth1 we must1 even among ,christians1 give over pressing the greatest part of those things that ,christ hath taught us1 though ,he has commanded us not to conceal them1 but to proclaim on the house-tops that which ,he taught in secret4 ,the greatest parts of ,his precepts are more opposite to the lives of the men of this age than any part of my discourse has been2 but the preachers seemed to have learned that craft to which you advise me1 for they observing that the world would not willingly suit their lives to the rules that ,christ has given1 have fitted ,his doctrine as if it had been a leaden rule1 to their lives1 that so some way or other they might agree with one another4 ,but ,i see no other effect of this compliance except it be that men become more secure in their wickedness by it4 ,and this is all the success that ,i can have in a ,court1 for ,i must always differ from the rest1 and then ,i shall signify nothing2 or if ,i agree with them1 ,i shall then only help forward their madness4 ,i do not comprehend what you mean by your casting about1 or by the bending and handling things so dexterously1 that if they go not well they may go as little ill as may be2 for in ,courts they will not bear with a man's holding his peace or conniving at what others do4 ,a man must barefacedly approve of the worst counsels1 and consent to the blackest designs3 so that he would pass for a spy1 or possibly for a traitor1 that did but coldly approve of such wicked practices3 and therefore when a man is engaged in such a society1 he will be so far from being able to mend matters by his casting about1 as you call it1 that he will find no occasions of doing any good3 the ill company will sooner corrupt him1 than be the better for him3 or if notwithstanding all their ill company1 he still remains steady and innocent1 yet their follies and knavery will be imputed to him2 and by mixing counsels with them1 he must bear his share of all the blame that belongs wholly to others4 ,it was no ill simile by which ,plato set forth the unreasonableness of a philosopher's meddling with government4 ,if a man1 says he1 was to see a great company run out every day into the rain1 and take delight in being wet2 if he knew that it would be to no purpose for him to go and persuade them to return to their houses1 in order to avoid the storm1 and that all that could be expected by his going to speak to them would be that he himself should be as wet as they1 it would be best for him to keep within doors2 and since he had not influence enough to correct other people's folly1 to take care to preserve himself4 ,though to speak plainly my real sentiments1 ,i must freely own1 that as long as there is any property1 and while money is the standard of all other things1 ,i cannot think that a nation can be governed either justly or happily3 not justly1 because the best things will fall to the share of the worst men2 nor happily1 because all things will be divided among a few 7and even these are not in all respects happy71 the rest being left to be absolutely miserable4 ,therefore when ,i reflect on the wise and good constitution of the ,utopians1 among whom all things are so well governed1 and with so few laws2 where virtue hath its due reward1 and yet there is such an equality1 that every man lives in plenty2 when ,i compare with them so many other nations that are still making new laws1 and yet can never bring their constitution to a right regulation1 where notwithstanding every one has his property2 yet all the laws that they can invent have not the power either to obtain or preserve it1 or even to enable men certainly to distinguish what is their own from what is another's2 of which the many lawsuits that every day break out1 and are eternally depending1 give too plain a demonstration2 when1 ,i say1 ,i balance all these things in my thoughts1 ,i grow more favourable to ,plato1 and do not wonder that he resolved not to make any laws for such as would not submit to a community of all things3 for so wise a man could not but foresee that the setting all upon a level was the only way to make a nation happy1 which cannot be obtained so long as there is property3 for when every man draws to himself all that he can compass1 by one title or another1 it must needs follow1 that how plentiful soever a nation may be1 yet a few dividing the wealth of it among themselves1 the rest must fall into indigence4 ,so that there will be two sorts of people among them1 who deserve that their fortunes should be interchanged2 the former useless1 but wicked and ravenous2 and the latter1 who by their constant industry serve the public more than themselves1 sincere and modest men4 ,from whence ,i am persuaded1 that till property is taken away there can be no equitable or just distribution of things1 nor can the world be happily governed3 for as long as that is maintained1 the greatest and the far best part of mankind will be still oppressed with a load of cares and anxieties4 ,i confess without taking it quite away1 those pressures that lie on a great part of mankind may be made lighter2 but they can never be quite removed4 ,for if laws were made to determine at how great an extent in soil1 and at how much money every man must stop1 to limit the prince that he might not grow too great1 and to restrain the people that they might not become too insolent1 and that none might factiously aspire to public employments2 which ought neither to be sold1 nor made burthensome by a great expense2 since otherwise those that serve in them would be tempted to reimburse themselves by cheats and violence1 and it would become necessary to find out rich men for undergoing those employments which ought rather to be trusted to the wise4 ,these laws1 ,i say1 might have such effects1 as good diet and care might have on a sick man1 whose recovery is desperate3 they might allay and mitigate the disease1 but it could never be quite healed1 nor the body politic be brought again to a good habit1 as long as property remains2 and it will fall out as in a complication of diseases1 that by applying a remedy to one sore1 you will provoke another2 and that which removes the one ill symptom produces others1 while the strengthening one part of the body weakens the rest4--,on the contrary1 answered ,i1 it seems to me that men cannot live conveniently1 where all things are common3 how can there be any plenty1 where every man will excuse himself from labour8 ,for as the hope of gain doth not excite him1 so the confidence that he has in other men's industry may make him slothful3 if people come to be pinched with want1 and yet cannot dispose of anything as their own2 what can follow upon this but perpetual sedition and bloodshed1 especially when the reverence and authority due to magistrates falls to the ground8 ,for ,i cannot imagine how that can be kept up among those that are in all things equal to one another4--,i do not wonder1 said he1 that it appears so to you1 since you have no notion1 or at least no right one1 of such a constitution3 but if you had been in ,utopia with me1 and had seen their laws and rules1 as ,i did1 for the space of five years1 in which ,i lived among them2 and during which time ,i was so delighted with them1 that indeed ,i should never have left them1 if it had not been to make the discovery of that new world to the ,europeans2 you would then confess that you had never seen a people so well constituted as they1--,you will not easily persuade me1 said ,peter1 that any nation in that new world is better governed than those among us4 ,for as our understandings are not worse than theirs1 so our government1 if ,i mistake not1 being more ancient1 a long practice has helped us to find out many conveniences of life3 and some happy chances have discovered other things to us1 which no man's understanding could ever have invented4--,as for the antiquity1 either of their government1 or of ours1 said he1 you cannot pass a true judgment of it1 unless you had read their histories2 for if they are to be believed1 they had towns among them before these parts were so much as inhabited4 ,and as for those discoveries1 that have been either hit on by chance1 or made by ingenious men1 these might have happened there as well as here4 ,i do not deny but we are more ingenious than they are1 but they exceed us much in industry and application4 ,they knew little concerning us before our arrival among them2 they call us all by a general name of the nations that lie beyond the ,equinoctial ,line2 for their ,chronicle mentions a shipwreck that was made on their coast #a1bjj years ago2 and that some ,romans and ,egyptians that were in the ship1 getting safe ashore1 spent the rest of their days amongst them2 and such was their ingenuity1 that from this single opportunity they drew the advantage of learning from those unlooked-for guests1 and acquired all the useful arts that were then among the ,romans1 and which were known to these shipwrecked men3 and by the hints that they gave them1 they themselves found out even some of those arts which they could not fully explain2 so happily did they improve that accident1 of having some of our people cast upon their shore4 ,but if such an accident has at any time brought any from thence into ,europe1 we have been so far from improving it1 that we do not so much as remember it2 as in after-times perhaps it will be forgot by our people that ,i was ever there4 ,for though they from one such accident made themselves masters of all the good inventions that were among us2 yet ,i believe it would be long before we should learn or put in practice any of the good institutions that are among them4 ,and this is the true cause of their being better governed1 and living happier than we1 though we come not short of them in point of understanding or outward advantages4--,upon this ,i said to him1 ,i earnestly beg you would describe that island very particularly to us4 ,be not too short1 but set out in order all things relating to their soil1 their rivers1 their towns1 their people1 their manners1 constitution1 laws1 and1 in a word1 all that you imagine we desire to know4 ,and you may well imagine that we desire to know everything concerning them1 of which we are hitherto ignorant4--,i will do it very willingly1 said he1 for ,i have digested the whole matter carefully2 but it will take up some time1--,let us go then1 said ,i1 first and dine1 and then we shall have leisure enough4 ,he consented4 ,we went in and dined1 and after dinner came back1 and sat down in the same place4 ,i ordered my servants to take care that none might come and interrupt us4 ,and both ,peter and ,i desired ,raphael to be as good as his word4 ,when he saw that we were very intent upon it1 he paused a little to recollect himself1 and began in this manner4 ,,book ,,ii4 ,the island of ,utopia is in the middle two hundred miles broad1 and holds almost at the same breadth over a great part of it2 but it grows narrower towards both ends4 ,its figure is not unlike a crescent3 between its horns1 the sea comes in eleven miles broad1 and spreads itself into a great bay1 which is environed with land to the compass of about five hundred miles1 and is well secured from winds4 ,in this bay there is no great current1 the whole coast is1 as it were1 one continued harbour1 which gives all that live in the island great convenience for mutual commerce2 but the entry into the bay1 occasioned by rocks on the one hand1 and shallows on the other1 is very dangerous4 ,in the middle of it there is one single rock which appears above water1 and may therefore be easily avoided1 and on the top of it there is a tower in which a garrison is kept1 the other rocks lie under water1 and are very dangerous4 ,the channel is known only to the natives1 so that if any stranger should enter into the bay1 without one of their pilots1 he would run great danger of shipwreck2 for even they themselves could not pass it safe1 if some marks that are on the coast did not direct their way2 and if these should be but a little shifted1 any fleet that might come against them1 how great soever it were1 would be certainly lost4 ,on the other side of the island there are likewise many harbours2 and the coast is so fortified1 both by nature and art1 that a small number of men can hinder the descent of a great army4 ,but they report 7and there remains good marks of it to make it credible7 that this was no island at first1 but a part of the continent4 ,utopus that conquered it 7whose name it still carries1 for ,abraxa was its first name7 brought the rude and uncivilized inhabitants into such a good government1 and to that measure of politeness1 that they now far excel all the rest of mankind2 having soon subdued them1 he designed to separate them from the continent1 and to bring the sea quite round them4 ,to accomplish this1 he ordered a deep channel to be dug fifteen miles long2 and that the natives might not think he treated them like slaves1 he not only forced the inhabitants1 but also his own soldiers1 to labour in carrying it on4 ,as he set a vast number of men to work1 he beyond all men's expectations brought it to a speedy conclusion4 ,and his neighbours who at first laughed at the folly of the undertaking1 no sooner saw it brought to perfection1 than they were struck with admiration and terror4 ,there are fifty-four cities in the island1 all large and well built3 the manners1 customs1 and laws of which are the same1 and they are all contrived as near in the same manner as the ground on which they stand will allow4 ,the nearest lie at least twenty-four miles distance from one another1 and the most remote are not so far distant1 but that a man can go on foot in one day from it1 to that which lies next it4 ,every city sends three of their wisest senators once a year to ,amaurot1 to consult about their common concerns2 for that is chief town of the island1 being situated near the centre of it1 so that it is the most convenient place for their assemblies4 ,the jurisdiction of every city extends at least twenty miles3 and where the towns lie wider1 they have much more ground3 no town desires to enlarge its bounds1 for the people consider themselves rather as tenants than landlords4 ,they have built over all the country1 farmhouses for husbandmen1 which are well contrived1 and are furnished with all things necessary for country labour4 ,inhabitants are sent by turns from the cities to dwell in them2 no country family has fewer than forty men and women in it1 besides two slaves4 ,there is a master and a mistress set over every family2 and over thirty families there is a magistrate4 ,every year twenty of this family come back to the town1 after they have stayed two years in the country2 and in their room there are other twenty sent from the town1 that they may learn country work from those that have been already one year in the country1 as they must teach those that come to them the next from the town4 ,by this means such as dwell in those country farms are never ignorant of agriculture1 and so commit no errors1 which might otherwise be fatal1 and bring them under a scarcity of corn4 ,but though there is every year such a shifting of the husbandmen1 to prevent any man being forced against his will to follow that hard course of life too long2 yet many among them take such pleasure in it1 that they desire leave to continue in it many years4 ,these husbandmen till the ground1 breed cattle1 hew wood1 and convey it to the towns1 either by land or water1 as is most convenient4 ,they breed an infinite multitude of chickens in a very curious manner2 for the hens do not sit and hatch them1 but vast number of eggs are laid in a gentle and equal heat1 in order to be hatched1 and they are no sooner out of the shell1 and able to stir about1 but they seem to consider those that feed them as their mothers1 and follow them as other chickens do the hen that hatched them4 ,they breed very few horses1 but those they have are full of mettle1 and are kept only for exercising their youth in the art of sitting and riding them2 for they do not put them to any work1 either of ploughing or carriage1 in which they employ oxen2 for though their horses are stronger1 yet they find oxen can hold out longer2 and as they are not subject to so many diseases1 so they are kept upon a less charge1 and with less trouble2 and even when they are so worn out1 that they are no more fit for labour1 they are good meat at last4 ,they sow no corn1 but that which is to be their bread2 for they drink either wine1 cyder1 or perry1 and often water1 sometimes boiled with honey or liquorice1 with which they abound2 and though they know exactly how much corn will serve every town1 and all that tract of country which belongs to it1 yet they sow much more1 and breed more cattle than are necessary for their consumption2 and they give that overplus of which they make no use to their neighbours4 ,when they want anything in the country which it does not produce1 they fetch that from the town1 without carrying anything in exchange for it4 ,and the magistrates of the town take care to see it given them2 for they meet generally in the town once a month1 upon a festival day4 ,when the time of harvest comes1 the magistrates in the country send to those in the towns1 and let them know how many hands they will need for reaping the harvest2 and the number they call for being sent to them1 they commonly despatch it all in one day4 ,,of ,,their ,,towns1 ,,particularly ,,of ,,amaurot4 ,he that knows one of their towns1 knows them all1 they are so like one another1 except where the situation makes some difference4 ,i shall therefore describe one of them2 and none is so proper as ,amaurot2 for as none is more eminent1 all the rest yielding in precedence to this1 because it is the seat of their supreme council2 so there was none of them better known to me1 ,i having lived five years altogether in it4 ,it lies upon the side of a hill1 or rather a rising ground3 its figure is almost square1 for from the one side of it1 which shoots up almost to the top of the hill1 it runs down in a descent for two miles to the river ,anider2 but it is a little broader the other way that runs along by the bank of that river4 ,the ,anider rises about eighty miles above ,amaurot in a small spring at first2 but other brooks falling into it1 of which two are more considerable than the rest4 ,as it runs by ,amaurot1 it is grown half a mile broad2 but it still grows larger and larger1 till after sixty miles course below it1 it is lost in the ocean1 between the town and the sea1 and for some miles above the town1 it ebbs and flows every six hours1 with a strong current4 ,the tide comes up for about thirty miles so full1 that there is nothing but salt water in the river1 the fresh water being driven back with its force2 and above that1 for some miles1 the water is brackish2 but a little higher1 as it runs by the town1 it is quite fresh2 and when the tide ebbs1 it continues fresh all along to the sea4 ,there is a bridge cast over the river1 not of timber1 but of fair stone1 consisting of many stately arches2 it lies at that part of the town which is farthest from the sea1 so that ships without any hindrance lie all along the side of the town4 ,there is likewise another river that runs by it1 which though it is not great1 yet it runs pleasantly1 for it rises out of the same hill on which the town stands1 and so runs down through it1 and falls into the ,anider4 ,the inhabitants have fortified the fountain-head of this river1 which springs a little without the towns2 that so if they should happen to be besieged1 the enemy might not be able to stop or divert the course of the water1 nor poison it2 from thence it is carried in earthen pipes to the lower streets2 and for those places of the town to which the water of that small river cannot be conveyed1 they have great cisterns for receiving the rain-water1 which supplies the want of the other4 ,the town is compassed with a high and thick wall1 in which there are many towers and forts2 there is also a broad and deep dry ditch1 set thick with thorns1 cast round three sides of the town1 and the river is instead of a ditch on the fourth side4 ,the streets are very convenient for all carriage1 and are well sheltered from the winds4 ,their buildings are good1 and are so uniform1 that a whole side of a street looks like one house4 ,the streets are twenty feet broad2 there lie gardens behind all their houses2 these are large but enclosed with buildings1 that on all hands face the streets2 so that every house has both a door to the street1 and a back door to the garden4 ,their doors have all two leaves1 which1 as they are easily opened1 so they shut of their own accord2 and there being no property among them1 every man may freely enter into any house whatsoever4 ,at every ten years end they shift their houses by lots4 ,they cultivate their gardens with great care1 so that they have both vines1 fruits1 herbs1 and flowers in them2 and all is so well ordered1 and so finely kept1 that ,i never saw gardens anywhere that were both so fruitful and so beautiful as theirs4 ,and this humour of ordering their gardens so well1 is not only kept up by the pleasure they find in it1 but also by an emulation between the inhabitants of the several streets1 who vie with each other2 and there is indeed nothing belonging to the whole town that is both more useful and more pleasant4 ,so that he who founded the town1 seems to have taken care of nothing more than of their gardens2 for they say1 the whole scheme of the town was designed at first by ,utopus1 but he left all that belonged to the ornament and improvement of it1 to be added by those that should come after him1 that being too much for one man to bring to perfection4 ,their records1 that contain the history of their town and state1 are preserved with an exact care1 and run backwards #a1gfj years4 ,from these it appears that their houses were at first low and mean1 like cottages1 made of any sort of timber1 and were built with mud walls and thatched with straw4 ,but now their houses are three stories high3 the fronts of them are faced either with stone1 plastering1 or brick2 and between the facings of their walls they throw in their rubbish4 ,their roofs are flat1 and on them they lay a sort of plaster1 which costs very little1 and yet is so tempered that it is not apt to take fire1 and yet resists the weather more than lead4 ,they have great quantities of glass among them1 with which they glaze their windows4 ,they use also in their windows a thin linen cloth1 that is so oiled or gummed that it both keeps out the wind and gives free admission to the light4 ,,of ,,their ,,magistrates4 ,thirty families choose every year a magistrate1 who was anciently called the ,syphogrant1 but is now called the ,philarch2 and over every ten ,syphogrants1 with the families subject to them1 there is another magistrate1 who was anciently called the ,tranibor1 but of late the ,archphilarch4 ,all the ,syphogrants1 who are in number #bjj1 choose the ,prince out of a list of four1 who are named by the people of the four divisions of the city2 but they take an oath before they proceed to an election1 that they will choose him whom they think most fit for the office4 ,they give their voices secretly1 so that it is not known for whom every one gives his suffrage4 ,the ,prince is for life1 unless he is removed upon suspicion of some design to enslave the people4 ,the ,tranibors are new chosen every year1 but yet they are for the most part continued4 ,all their other magistrates are only annual4 ,the ,tranibors meet every third day1 and oftener if necessary1 and consult with the ,prince1 either concerning the affairs of the state in general1 or such private differences as may arise sometimes among the people2 though that falls out but seldom4 ,there are always two ,syphogrants called into the council-chamber1 and these are changed every day4 ,it is a fundamental rule of their government1 that no conclusion can be made in anything that relates to the public1 till it has been first debated three several days in their council4 ,it is death for any to meet and consult concerning the state1 unless it be either in their ordinary council1 or in the assembly of the whole body of the people4 ,these things have been so provided among them1 that the ,prince and the ,tranibors may not conspire together to change the government1 and enslave the people2 and therefore when anything of great importance is set on foot1 it is sent to the ,syphogrants2 who after they have communicated it to the families that belong to their divisions1 and have considered it among themselves1 make report to the senate2 and upon great occasions1 the matter is referred to the council of the whole island4 ,one rule observed in their council1 is1 never to debate a thing on the same day in which it is first proposed2 for that is always referred to the next meeting1 that so men may not rashly1 and in the heat of discourse1 engage themselves too soon1 which might bias them so much1 that instead of consulting the good of the public1 they might rather study to support their first opinions1 and by a perverse and preposterous sort of shame1 hazard their country rather than endanger their own reputation1 or venture the being suspected to have wanted foresight in the expedients that they at first proposed4 ,and therefore to prevent this1 they take care that they may rather be deliberate than sudden in their motions4 ,,of ,,their ,,trades1 ,,and ,,manner ,,of ,,life4 ,agriculture is that which is so universally understood among them1 that no person1 either man or woman1 is ignorant of it2 they are instructed in it from their childhood1 partly by what they learn at school1 and partly by practice2 they being led out often into the fields1 about the town1 where they not only see others at work1 but are likewise exercised in it themselves4 ,besides agriculture1 which is so common to them all1 every man has some peculiar trade to which he applies himself1 such as the manufacture of wool1 or flax1 masonry1 smith's work1 or carpenter's work2 for there is no sort of trade that is in great esteem among them4 ,throughout the island they wear the same sort of clothes without any other distinction1 except what is necessary to distinguish the two sexes1 and the married and unmarried4 ,the fashion never alters2 and as it is neither disagreeable nor uneasy1 so it is suited to the climate1 and calculated both for their summers and winters4 ,every family makes their own clothes2 but all among them1 women as well men1 learn one or other of the trades formerly mentioned4 ,women1 for the most part1 deal in wool and flax1 which suit best with their weakness1 leaving the ruder trades to the men4 ,the same trade generally passes down from father to son1 inclinations often following descent2 but if any man's genius lies another way1 he is by adoption translated into a family that deals in the trade to which he is inclined3 and when that is to be done1 care is taken not only by his father1 but by the magistrate1 that he may be put to a discreet and good man4 ,and if after a person has learned one trade1 he desires to acquire another1 that is also allowed1 and is managed in the same manner as the former4 ,when he has learned both1 he follows that which he likes best1 unless the public has more occasion for the other4 ,the chief1 and almost the only business of the ,syphogrants1 is to take care that no man may live idle1 but that every one may follow his trade diligently3 yet they do not wear themselves out with perpetual toil1 from morning to night1 as if they were beasts of burden1 which as it is indeed a heavy slavery1 so it is everywhere the common course of life amongst all mechanics except the ,utopians2 but they dividing the day and night into twenty-four hours1 appoint six of these for work2 three of which are before dinner2 and three after4 ,they then sup1 and at eight o'clock1 counting from noon1 go to bed and sleep eight hours4 ,the rest of their time besides that taken up in work1 eating and sleeping1 is left to every man's discretion2 yet they are not to abuse that interval to luxury and idleness1 but must employ it in some proper exercise according to their various inclinations1 which is for the most part reading4 ,it is ordinary to have public lectures every morning before daybreak2 at which none are obliged to appear but those who are marked out for literature2 yet a great many1 both men and women of all ranks1 go to hear lectures of one sort or other1 according to their inclinations4 ,but if others1 that are not made for contemplation1 choose rather to employ themselves at that time in their trades1 as many of them do1 they are not hindered1 but are rather commended1 as men that take care to serve their country4 ,after supper1 they spend an hour in some diversion1 in summer in their gardens1 and in winter in the halls where they eat2 where they entertain each other1 either with music or discourse4 ,they do not so much as know dice1 or any such foolish and mischievous games3 they have1 however1 two sorts of games not unlike our chess2 the one is between several numbers1 in which one number1 as it were1 consumes another3 the other resembles a battle between the virtues and the vices1 in which the enmity in the vices among themselves1 and their agreement against virtue1 is not unpleasantly represented2 together with the special oppositions between the particular virtues and vices2 as also the methods by which vice either openly assaults or secretly undermines virtue2 and virtue on the other hand resists it4 ,but the time appointed for labour is to be narrowly examined1 otherwise you may imagine1 that since there are only six hours appointed for work1 they may fall under a scarcity of necessary provisions4 ,but it is so far from being true1 that this time is not sufficient for supplying them with plenty of all things1 either necessary or convenient2 that it is rather too much2 and this you will easily apprehend1 if you consider how great a part of all other nations is quite idle4 ,first1 women generally do little1 who are the half of mankind2 and if some few women are diligent1 their husbands are idle3 then consider the great company of idle priests1 and of those that are called religious men2 add to these all rich men1 chiefly those that have estates in land1 who are called noblemen and gentlemen1 together with their families1 made up of idle persons1 that are kept more for show than use2 add to these1 all those strong and lusty beggars1 that go about pretending some disease1 in excuse for their begging2 and upon the whole account you will find that the number of those by whose labours mankind is supplied1 is much less than you perhaps imagined4 ,then consider how few of those that work are employed in labours that are of real service2 for we who measure all things by money1 give rise to many trades that are both vain and superfluous1 and serve only to support riot and luxury4 ,for if those who work were employed only in such things as the conveniences of life require1 there would be such an abundance of them1 that the prices of them would so sink1 that tradesmen could not be maintained by their gains2 if all those who labour about useless things1 were set to more profitable employments1 and if all they that languish out their lives in sloth and idleness1 every one of whom consumes as much as any two of the men that are at work1 were forced to labour1 you may easily imagine that a small proportion of time would serve for doing all that is either necessary1 profitable1 or pleasant to mankind1 especially while pleasure is kept within its due bounds4 ,this appears very plainly in ,utopia1 for there1 in a great city1 and in all the territory that lies round it1 you can scarce find five hundred1 either men or women1 by their age and strength1 are capable of labour1 that are not engaged in it2 even the ,syphogrants1 though excused by the law1 yet do not excuse themselves1 but work1 that by their examples they may excite the industry of the rest of the people4 ,the like exemption is allowed to those1 who being recommended to the people by the priests1 are by the secret suffrages of the ,syphogrants privileged from labour1 that they may apply themselves wholly to study2 and if any of these fall short of those hopes that they seemed at first to give1 they are obliged to return to work4 ,and sometimes a mechanic1 that so employs his leisure hours1 as to make a considerable advancement in learning1 is eased from being a tradesman1 and ranked among their learned men4 ,out of these they choose their ambassadors1 their priests1 their ,tranibors1 and the ,prince himself2 anciently called their ,barzenes1 but is called of late their ,ademus4 ,and thus from the great numbers among them that are neither suffered to be idle1 nor to be employed in any fruitless labour1 you may easily make the estimate how much may be done in those few hours in which they are obliged to labour4 ,but besides all that has been already said1 it is to be considered that the needful arts among them are managed with less labour than anywhere else4 ,the building or the repairing of houses among us employ many hands1 because often a thriftless heir suffers a house that his father built to fall into decay1 so that his successor must1 at a great cost1 repair that which he might have kept up with a small charge3 it frequently happens1 that the same house which one person built at a vast expense1 is neglected by another1 who thinks he has a more delicate sense of the beauties of architecture2 and he suffering it to fall to ruin1 builds another at no less charge4 ,but among the ,utopians1 all things are so regulated that men very seldom build upon a new piece of ground2 and are not only very quick in repairing their houses1 but show their foresight in preventing their decay3 so that their buildings are preserved very long1 with but little labour2 and thus the builders to whom that care belongs are often without employment1 except the hewing of timber1 and the squaring of stones1 that the materials may be in readiness for raising a building very suddenly1 when there is any occasion for it4 ,as to their clothes1 observe how little work is spent in them3 while they are at labour1 they are clothed with leather and skins1 cast carelessly about them1 which will last seven years2 and when they appear in public they put on an upper garment1 which hides the other2 and these are all of one colour1 and that is the natural colour of the wool4 ,as they need less woollen cloth than is used anywhere else1 so that which they make use of is much less costly4 ,they use linen cloth more2 but that is prepared with less labour1 and they value cloth only by the whiteness of the linen1 or the cleanness of the wool1 without much regard to the fineness of the thread3 while in other places1 four or five upper garments of woollen cloth1 of different colours1 and as many vests of silk1 will scarce serve one man2 and while those that are nicer think ten too few1 every man there is content with one1 which very often serves him two years4 ,nor is there anything that can tempt a man to desire more2 for if he had them1 he would neither be the warmer1 nor would he make one jot the better appearance for it4 ,and thus1 since they are all employed in some useful labour1 and since they content themselves with fewer things1 it falls out that there is a great abundance of all things among them3 so that it frequently happens1 that for want of other work1 vast numbers are sent out to mend the highways4 ,but when no public undertaking is to be performed1 the hours of working are lessened4 ,the magistrates never engage the people in unnecessary labour1 since the chief end of the constitution is to regulate labour by the necessities of the public1 and to allow all the people as much time as is necessary for the improvement of their minds1 in which they think the happiness of life consists4 ,,of ,,their ,,traffic4 ,but it is now time to explain to you the mutual intercourse of this people1 their commerce1 and the rules by which all things are distributed among them4 ,as their cities are composed of families1 so their families are made up of those that are nearly related to one another4 ,their women1 when they grow up1 are married out2 but all the males1 both children and grandchildren1 live still in the same house1 in great obedience to their common parent1 unless age has weakened his understanding2 and in that case1 he that is next to him in age comes in his room4 ,but lest any city should become either too great1 or by any accident be dispeopled1 provision is made that none of their cities may contain above six thousand families1 besides those of the country round it4 ,no family may have less than ten1 and more than sixteen persons in it2 but there can be no determined number for the children under age4 ,this rule is easily observed1 by removing some of the children of a more fruitful couple to any other family that does not abound so much in them4 ,by the same rule1 they supply cities that do not increase so fast1 from others that breed faster2 and if there is any increase over the whole island1 then they draw out a number of their citizens out of the several towns1 and send them over to the neighbouring continent2 where1 if they find that the inhabitants have more soil than they can well cultivate1 they fix a colony1 taking the inhabitants into their society1 if they are willing to live with them2 and where they do that of their own accord1 they quickly enter into their method of life1 and conform to their rules1 and this proves a happiness to both nations3 for according to their constitution1 such care is taken of the soil1 that it becomes fruitful enough for both1 though it might be otherwise too narrow and barren for any one of them4 ,but if the natives refuse to conform themselves to their laws1 they drive them out of those bounds which they mark out for themselves1 and use force if they resist4 ,for they account it a very just cause of war1 for a nation to hinder others from possessing a part of that soil1 of which they make no use1 but which is suffered to lie idle and uncultivated2 since every man has by the law of ,nature a right to such a waste portion of the earth as is necessary for his subsistence4 ,if an accident has so lessened the number of the inhabitants of any of their towns1 that it cannot be made up from the other towns of the island1 without diminishing them too much1 which is said to have fallen out but twice since they were first a people1 when great numbers were carried off by the plague2 the loss is then supplied by recalling as many as are wanted from their colonies2 for they will abandon these1 rather than suffer the towns in the island to sink too low4 ,but to return to their manner of living in society1 the oldest man of every family1 as has been already said1 is its governor4 ,wives serve their husbands1 and children their parents1 and always the younger serves the elder4 ,every city is divided into four equal parts1 and in the middle of each there is a market-place3 what is brought thither1 and manufactured by the several families1 is carried from thence to houses appointed for that purpose1 in which all things of a sort are laid by themselves2 and thither every father goes and takes whatsoever he or his family stand in need of1 without either paying for it1 or leaving anything in exchange4 ,there is no reason for giving a denial to any person1 since there is such plenty of everything among them2 and there is no danger of a man's asking for more than he needs2 they have no inducements to do this1 since they are sure that they shall always be supplied4 ,it is the fear of want that makes any of the whole race of animals either greedy or ravenous2 but besides fear1 there is in man a pride that makes him fancy it a particular glory to excel others in pomp and excess4 ,but by the laws of the ,utopians1 there is no room for this4 ,near these markets there are others for all sorts of provisions1 where there are not only herbs1 fruits1 and bread1 but also fish1 fowl1 and cattle4 ,there are also1 without their towns1 places appointed near some running water1 for killing their beasts1 and for washing away their filth2 which is done by their slaves3 for they suffer none of their citizens to kill their cattle1 because they think that pity and good-nature1 which are among the best of those affections that are born with us1 are much impaired by the butchering of animals3 nor do they suffer anything that is foul or unclean to be brought within their towns1 lest the air should be infected by ill smells which might prejudice their health4 ,in every street there are great halls that lie at an equal distance from each other1 distinguished by particular names4 ,the ,syphogrants dwell in those that are set over thirty families1 fifteen lying on one side of it1 and as many on the other4 ,in these halls they all meet and have their repasts4 ,the stewards of every one of them come to the market-place at an appointed hour2 and according to the number of those that belong to the hall1 they carry home provisions4 ,but they take more care of their sick than of any others3 these are lodged and provided for in public hospitals3 they have belonging to every town four hospitals1 that are built without their walls1 and are so large that they may pass for little towns3 by this means1 if they had ever such a number of sick persons1 they could lodge them conveniently1 and at such a distance1 that such of them as are sick of infectious diseases may be kept so far from the rest that there can be no danger of contagion4 ,the hospitals are furnished and stored with all things that are convenient for the ease and recovery of the sick2 and those that are put in them are looked after with such tender and watchful care1 and are so constantly attended by their skilful physicians1 that as none is sent to them against their will1 so there is scarce one in a whole town that1 if he should fall ill1 would not choose rather to go thither than lie sick at home4 ,after the steward of the hospitals has taken for the sick whatsoever the physician prescribes1 then the best things that are left in the market are distributed equally among the halls1 in proportion to their numbers1 only1 in the first place1 they serve the ,prince1 the chief priest1 the ,tranibors1 the ambassadors1 and strangers1 if there are any1 which indeed falls out but seldom1 and for whom there are houses well furnished1 particularly appointed for their reception when they come among them4 ,at the hours of dinner and supper1 the whole ,syphogranty being called together by sound of trumpet1 they meet and eat together1 except only such as are in the hospitals1 or lie sick at home4 ,yet after the halls are served1 no man is hindered to carry provisions home from the market-place2 for they know that none does that but for some good reason2 for though any that will may eat at home1 yet none does it willingly1 since it is both ridiculous and foolish for any to give themselves the trouble to make ready an ill dinner at home1 when there is a much more plentiful one made ready for him so near hand4 ,all the uneasy and sordid services about these halls are performed by their slaves2 but the dressing and cooking their meat1 and the ordering their tables1 belong only to the women1 all those of every family taking it by turns4 ,they sit at three or more tables1 according to their number2 the men sit towards the wall1 and the women sit on the other side1 that if any of them should be taken suddenly ill1 which is no uncommon case amongst women with child1 she may1 without disturbing the rest1 rise and go to the nurse's room1 who are there with the sucking children2 where there is always clean water at hand1 and cradles in which they may lay the young children1 if there is occasion for it1 and a fire that they may shift and dress them before it4 ,every child is nursed by its own mother1 if death or sickness does not intervene2 and in that case the ,syphogrants' wives find out a nurse quickly1 which is no hard matter2 for any one that can do it1 offers herself cheerfully2 for as they are much inclined to that piece of mercy1 so the child whom they nurse considers the nurse as its mother4 ,all the children under five years old sit among the nurses1 the rest of the younger sort of both sexes1 till they are fit for marriage1 either serve those that sit at table2 or if they are not strong enough for that1 stand by them in great silence1 and eat what is given them2 nor have they any other formality of dining4 ,in the middle of the first table1 which stands across the upper end of the hall1 sit the ,syphogrant and his wife2 for that is the chief and most conspicuous place2 next to him sit two of the most ancient1 for there go always four to a mess4 ,if there is a temple within that ,syphogranty1 the priest and his wife sit with the ,syphogrant above all the rest3 next them there is a mixture of old and young1 who are so placed1 that as the young are set near others1 so they are mixed with the more ancient2 which they say was appointed on this account1 that the gravity of the old people1 and the reverence that is due to them1 might restrain the younger from all indecent words and gestures4 ,dishes are not served up to the whole table at first1 but the best are first set before the old1 whose seats are distinguished from the young1 and after them all the rest are served alike4 ,the old men distribute to the younger any curious meats that happen to be set before them1 if there is not such an abundance of them that the whole company may be served alike4 ,thus old men are honoured with a particular respect2 yet all the rest fare as well as they4 ,both dinner and supper are begun with some lecture of morality that is read to them2 but it is so short1 that it is not tedious nor uneasy to them to hear it3 from hence the old men take occasion to entertain those about them1 with some useful and pleasant enlargements2 but they do not engross the whole discourse so to themselves1 during their meals1 that the younger may not put in for a share3 on the contrary1 they engage them to talk1 that so they may in that free way of conversation find out the force of every one's spirit1 and observe his temper4 ,they despatch their dinners quickly1 but sit long at supper2 because they go to work after the one1 and are to sleep after the other1 during which they think the stomach carries on the concoction more vigorously4 ,they never sup without music2 and there is always fruit served up after meat2 while they are at table1 some burn perfumes1 and sprinkle about fragrant ointments and sweet waters3 in short1 they want nothing that may cheer up their spirits3 they give themselves a large allowance that way1 and indulge themselves in all such pleasures as are attended with no inconvenience4 ,thus do those that are in the towns live together2 but in the country1 where they live at great distance1 every one eats at home1 and no family wants any necessary sort of provision1 for it is from them that provisions are sent unto those that live in the towns4 ,,of ,,the ,,travelling ,,of ,,the ,,utopians4 ,if any man has a mind to visit his friends that live in some other town1 or desires to travel and see the rest of the country1 he obtains leave very easily from the ,syphogrant and ,tranibors1 when there is no particular occasion for him at home3 such as travel1 carry with them a passport from the ,prince1 which both certifies the license that is granted for travelling1 and limits the time of their return4 ,they are furnished with a waggon and a slave1 who drives the oxen1 and looks after them3 but unless there are women in the company1 the waggon is sent back at the end of the journey as a needless encumbrance3 while they are on the road1 they carry no provisions with them2 yet they want nothing1 but are everywhere treated as if they were at home4 ,if they stay in any place longer than a night1 every one follows his proper occupation1 and is very well used by those of his own trade3 but if any man goes out of the city to which he belongs1 without leave1 and is found rambling without a passport1 he is severely treated1 he is punished as a fugitive1 and sent home disgracefully2 and if he falls again into the like fault1 is condemned to slavery4 ,if any man has a mind to travel only over the precinct of his own city1 he may freely do it1 with his father's permission and his wife's consent2 but when he comes into any of the country houses1 if he expects to be entertained by them1 he must labour with them and conform to their rules3 and if he does this1 he may freely go over the whole precinct2 being thus as useful to the city to which he belongs1 as if he were still within it4 ,thus you see that there are no idle persons among them1 nor pretences of excusing any from labour4 ,there are no taverns1 no alehouses nor stews among them2 nor any other occasions of corrupting each other1 of getting into corners1 or forming themselves into parties3 all men live in full view1 so that all are obliged1 both to perform their ordinary task1 and to employ themselves well in their spare hours4 ,and it is certain that a people thus ordered must live in great abundance of all things2 and these being equally distributed among them1 no man can want1 or be obliged to beg4 ,in their great council at ,amaurot1 to which there are three sent from every town once a year1 they examine what towns abound in provisions1 and what are under any scarcity1 that so the one may be furnished from the other2 and this is done freely1 without any sort of exchange2 for according to their plenty or scarcity1 they supply1 or are supplied from one another2 so that indeed the whole island is1 as it were1 one family4 ,when they have thus taken care of their whole country1 and laid up stores for two years1 which they do to prevent the ill consequences of an unfavourable season1 they order an exportation of the overplus1 both of corn1 honey1 wool1 flax1 wood1 wax1 tallow1 leather1 and cattle2 which they send out commonly in great quantities to other nations4 ,they order a seventh part of all these goods to be freely given to the poor of the countries to which they send them1 and sell the rest at moderate rates4 ,and by this exchange1 they not only bring back those few things that they need at home 7for indeed they scarce need anything but iron71 but likewise a great deal of gold and silver2 and by their driving this trade so long1 it is not to be imagined how vast a treasure they have got among them3 so that now they do not much care whether they sell off their merchandise for money in hand1 or upon trust4 ,a great part of their treasure is now in bonds2 but in all their contracts no private man stands bound1 but the writing runs in the name of the town2 and the towns that owe them money1 raise it from those private hands that owe it to them1 lay it up in their public chamber1 or enjoy the profit of it till the ,utopians call for it2 and they choose rather to let the greatest part of it lie in their hands who make advantage by it1 than to call for it themselves3 but if they see that any of their other neighbours stand more in need of it1 then they call it in and lend it to them3 whenever they are engaged in war1 which is the only occasion in which their treasure can be usefully employed1 they make use of it themselves4 ,in great extremities or sudden accidents they employ it in hiring foreign troops1 whom they more willingly expose to danger than their own people3 they give them great pay1 knowing well that this will work even on their enemies1 that it will engage them either to betray their own side1 or at least to desert it1 and that it is the best means of raising mutual jealousies among them3 for this end they have an incredible treasure2 but they do not keep it as a treasure1 but in such a manner as ,i am almost afraid to tell1 lest you think it so extravagant1 as to be hardly credible4 ,this ,i have the more reason to apprehend1 because if ,i had not seen it myself1 ,i could not have been easily persuaded to have believed it upon any man's report4 ,it is certain that all things appear incredible to us1 in proportion as they differ from own customs4 ,but one who can judge aright1 will not wonder to find1 that since their constitution differs so much from ours1 their value of gold and silver should be measured by a very different standard2 for since they have no use for money among themselves1 but keep it as a provision against events which seldom happen1 and between which there are generally long intervening intervals2 they value it no farther than it deserves1 that is1 in proportion to its use4 ,so that it is plain1 they must prefer iron either to gold or silver3 for men can no more live without iron1 than without fire or water2 but ,nature has marked out no use for the other metals1 so essential as not easily to be dispensed with4 ,the folly of men has enhanced the value of gold and silver1 because of their scarcity4 ,whereas1 on the contrary1 it is their opinion that ,nature1 as an indulgent parent1 has freely given us all the best things in great abundance1 such as water and earth1 but has laid up and hid from us the things that are vain and useless4 ,if these metals were laid up in any tower in the kingdom1 it would raise a jealousy of the ,prince and ,senate1 and give birth to that foolish mistrust into which the people are apt to fall1 a jealousy of their intending to sacrifice the interest of the public to their own private advantage4 ,if they should work it into vessels1 or any sort of plate1 they fear that the people might grow too fond of it1 and so be unwilling to let the plate be run down1 if a war made it necessary to employ it in paying their soldiers4 ,to prevent all these inconveniences1 they have fallen upon an expedient1 which as it agrees with their other policy1 so is it very different from ours1 and will scarce gain belief among us1 who value gold so much1 and lay it up so carefully4 ,they eat and drink out of vessels of earth1 or glass1 which make an agreeable appearance though formed of brittle materials3 while they make their chamber-pots and close-stools of gold and silver2 and that not only in their public halls1 but in their private houses3 of the same metals they likewise make chains and fetters for their slaves2 to some of which1 as a badge of infamy1 they hang an ear-ring of gold1 and make others wear a chain or a coronet of the same metal2 and thus they take care1 by all possible means1 to render gold and silver of no esteem4 ,and from hence it is1 that while other nations part with their gold and silver1 as unwillingly as if one tore out their bowels1 those of ,utopia would look on their giving in all they possess of those 7metals1 when there were any use for them7 but as the parting with a trifle1 or as we would esteem the loss of a penny4 ,they find pearls on their coast2 and diamonds and carbuncles on their rocks2 they do not look after them1 but if they find them by chance1 they polish them1 and with them they adorn their children1 who are delighted with them1 and glory in them during their childhood2 but when they grow to years1 and see that none but children use such baubles1 they of their own accord1 without being bid by their parents1 lay them aside2 and would be as much ashamed to use them afterwards1 as children among us1 when they come to years1 are of their puppets and other toys4 ,i never saw a clearer instance of the opposite impressions that different customs make on people1 than ,i observed in the ambassadors of the ,anemolians1 who came to ,amaurot when ,i was there4 ,as they came to treat of affairs of great consequence1 the deputies from several towns met together to wait for their coming4 ,the ambassadors of the nations that lie near ,utopia1 knowing their customs1 and that fine clothes are in no esteem among them1 that silk is despised1 and gold is a badge of infamy1 use to come very modestly clothed2 but the ,anemolians lying more remote1 and having had little commerce with them1 understanding that they were coarsely clothed1 and all in the same manner1 took it for granted that they had none of those fine things among them of which they made no use2 and they being a vain-glorious rather than a wise people1 resolved to set themselves out with so much pomp1 that they should look like gods1 and strike the eyes of the poor ,utopians with their splendour4 ,thus three ambassadors made their entry with an hundred attendants1 all clad in garments of different colours1 and the greater part in silk2 the ambassadors themselves1 who were of the nobility of their country1 were in cloth of gold1 and adorned with massy chains1 ear-rings and rings of gold3 their caps were covered with bracelets set full of pearls and other gems3 in a word1 they were set out with all those things that1 among the ,utopians1 were either the badges of slavery1 the marks of infamy1 or the playthings of children4 ,it was not unpleasant to see1 on the one side1 how they looked big1 when they compared their rich habits with the plain clothes of the ,utopians1 who were come out in great numbers to see them make their entry3 and1 on the other1 to observe how much they were mistaken in the impression which they hoped this pomp would have made on them4 ,it appeared so ridiculous a show to all that had never stirred out of their country1 and had not seen the customs of other nations1 that though they paid some reverence to those that were the most meanly clad1 as if they had been the ambassadors1 yet when they saw the ambassadors themselves1 so full of gold and chains1 they looked upon them as slaves1 and forbore to treat them with reverence4 ,you might have seen the children1 who were grown big enough to despise their playthings1 and who had thrown away their jewels1 call to their mothers1 push them gently1 and cry out1 ,see that great fool that wears pearls and gems1 as if he were yet a child4 ,while their mothers very innocently replied1 ,hold your peace1 this ,i believe is one of the ambassador's fools4 ,others censured the fashion of their chains1 and observed that they were of no use2 for they were too slight to bind their slaves1 who could easily break them2 and besides hung so loose about them1 that they thought it easy to throw them away1 and so get from them4 ,but after the ambassadors had stayed a day among them1 and saw so vast a quantity of gold in their houses1 which was as much despised by them as it was esteemed in other nations1 and beheld more gold and silver in the chains and fetters of one slave than all their ornaments amounted to1 their plumes fell1 and they were ashamed of all that glory for which they had formerly valued themselves1 and accordingly laid it aside2 a resolution that they immediately took1 when on their engaging in some free discourse with the ,utopians1 they discovered their sense of such things and their other customs4 ,the ,utopians wonder how any man should be so much taken with the glaring doubtful lustre of a jewel or a stone1 that can look up to a star1 or to the sun himself2 or how any should value himself because his cloth is made of a finer thread3 for how fine soever that thread may be1 it was once no better than the fleece of a sheep1 and that sheep was a sheep still for all its wearing it4 ,they wonder much to hear that gold which in itself is so useless a thing1 should be everywhere so much esteemed1 that even men for whom it was made1 and by whom it has its value1 should yet be thought of less value than this metal4 ,that a man of lead1 who has no more sense than a log of wood1 and is as bad as he is foolish1 should have many wise and good men to serve him1 only because he has a great heap of that metal2 and that if it should happen that by some accident or trick of law 7which sometimes produces as great changes as chance itself7 all this wealth should pass from the master to the meanest varlet of his whole family1 he himself would very soon become one of his servants1 as if he were a thing that belonged to his wealth1 and so were bound to follow its fortune4 ,but they much more admire and detest the folly of those who when they see a rich man1 though they neither owe him anything1 nor are in any sort dependent on his bounty1 yet merely because he is rich give him little less than divine honours2 even though they know him to be so covetous and base-minded1 that notwithstanding all his wealth1 he will not part with one farthing of it to them as long as he lives4 ,these and such like notions has that people imbibed1 partly from their education1 being bred in a country whose customs and laws are opposite to all such foolish maxims1 and partly from their learning and studies2 for though there are but few in any town that are so wholly excused from labour as to give themselves entirely up to their studies1 these being only such persons as discover from their childhood an extraordinary capacity and disposition for letters2 yet their children1 and a great part of the nation1 both men and women1 are taught to spend those hours in which they are not obliged to work in reading3 and this they do through the whole progress of life4 ,they have all their learning in their own tongue1 which is both a copious and pleasant language1 and in which a man can fully express his mind4 ,it runs over a great tract of many countries1 but it is not equally pure in all places4 ,they had never so much as heard of the names of any of those philosophers that are so famous in these parts of the world1 before we went among them2 and yet they had made the same discoveries as the ,greeks1 both in music1 logic1 arithmetic1 and geometry4 ,but as they are almost in everything equal to the ancient philosophers1 so they far exceed our modern logicians2 for they have never yet fallen upon the barbarous niceties that our youth are forced to learn in those trifling logical schools that are among us2 they are so far from minding chimeras1 and fantastical images made in the mind1 that none of them could comprehend what we meant when we talked to them of a man in the abstract1 as common to all men in particular 7so that though we spoke of him as a thing that we could point at with our fingers1 yet none of them could perceive him71 and yet distinct from every one1 as if he were some monstrous ,colossus or giant4 ,yet for all this ignorance of these empty notions1 they knew astronomy1 and were perfectly acquainted with the motions of the heavenly bodies1 and have many instruments1 well contrived and divided1 by which they very accurately compute the course and positions of the sun1 moon1 and stars4 ,but for the cheat1 of divining by the stars by their oppositions or conjunctions1 it has not so much as entered into their thoughts4 ,they have a particular sagacity1 founded upon much observation1 in judging of the weather1 by which they know when they may look for rain1 wind1 or other alterations in the air2 but as to the philosophy of these things1 the causes of the saltness of the sea1 of its ebbing and flowing1 and of the original and nature both of the heavens and the earth2 they dispute of them1 partly as our ancient philosophers have done1 and partly upon some new hypothesis1 in which1 as they differ from them1 so they do not in all things agree among themselves4 ,as to moral philosophy1 they have the same disputes among them as we have here3 they examine what are properly good both for the body and the mind1 and whether any outward thing can be called truly good1 or if that term belong only to the endowments of the soul4 ,they inquire likewise into the nature of virtue and pleasure2 but their chief dispute is concerning the happiness of a man1 and wherein it consists8 ,whether in some one thing1 or in a great many8 ,they seem1 indeed1 more inclinable to that opinion that places1 if not the whole1 yet the chief part of a man's happiness in pleasure2 and1 what may seem more strange1 they make use of arguments even from religion1 notwithstanding its severity and roughness1 for the support of that opinion so indulgent to pleasure2 for they never dispute concerning happiness without fetching some arguments from the principles of religion1 as well as from natural reason1 since without the former they reckon that all our inquiries after happiness must be but conjectural and defective4 ,these are their religious principles1 that the soul of man is immortal1 and that ,god of ,his goodness has designed that it should be happy2 and that ,he has therefore appointed rewards for good and virtuous actions1 and punishments for vice1 to be distributed after this life4 ,though these principles of religion are conveyed down among them by tradition1 they think that even reason itself determines a man to believe and acknowledge them1 and freely confess that if these were taken away no man would be so insensible as not to seek after pleasure by all possible means1 lawful or unlawful2 using only this caution1 that a lesser pleasure might not stand in the way of a greater1 and that no pleasure ought to be pursued that should draw a great deal of pain after it2 for they think it the maddest thing in the world to pursue virtue1 that is a sour and difficult thing2 and not only to renounce the pleasures of life1 but willingly to undergo much pain and trouble1 if a man has no prospect of a reward4 ,and what reward can there be for one that has passed his whole life1 not only without pleasure1 but in pain1 if there is nothing to be expected after death8 ,yet they do not place happiness in all sorts of pleasures1 but only in those that in themselves are good and honest4 ,there is a party among them who place happiness in bare virtue2 others think that our natures are conducted by virtue to happiness1 as that which is the chief good of man4 ,they define virtue thus1 that it is a living according to ,nature1 and think that we are made by ,god for that end2 they believe that a man then follows the dictates of ,nature when he pursues or avoids things according to the direction of reason2 they say that the first dictate of reason is the kindling in us a love and reverence for the ,divine ,majesty1 to whom we owe both all that we have1 and all that we can ever hope for4 ,in the next place1 reason directs us to keep our minds as free from passion and as cheerful as we can1 and that we should consider ourselves as bound by the ties of good-nature and humanity to use our utmost endeavours to help forward the happiness of all other persons2 for there never was any man such a morose and severe pursuer of virtue1 such an enemy to pleasure1 that though he set hard rules for men to undergo much pain1 many watchings1 and other rigours1 yet did not at the same time advise them to do all they could1 in order to relieve and ease the miserable1 and who did not represent gentleness and good-nature as amiable dispositions4 ,and from thence they infer that if a man ought to advance the welfare and comfort of the rest of mankind1 there being no virtue more proper and peculiar to our nature1 than to ease the miseries of others1 to free from trouble and anxiety1 in furnishing them with the comforts of life1 in which pleasure consists1 ,nature much more vigorously leads them to do all this for himself4 ,a life of pleasure is either a real evil1 and in that case we ought not to assist others in their pursuit of it1 but on the contrary1 to keep them from it all we can1 as from that which is most hurtful and deadly2 or if it is a good thing1 so that we not only may1 but ought to help others to it1 why then ought not a man to begin with himself8 ,since no man can be more bound to look after the good of another than after his own2 for ,nature cannot direct us to be good and kind to others1 and yet at the same time to be unmerciful and cruel to ourselves4 ,thus1 as they define virtue to be living according to ,nature1 so they imagine that ,nature prompts all people on to seek after pleasure1 as the end of all they do4 ,they also observe that in order to our supporting the pleasures of life1 ,nature inclines us to enter into society2 for there is no man so much raised above the rest of mankind as to be the only favourite of ,nature1 who1 on the contrary1 seems to have placed on a level all those that belong to the same species4 ,upon this they infer that no man ought to seek his own conveniences so eagerly as to prejudice others2 and therefore they think that not only all agreements between private persons ought to be observed2 but likewise that all those laws ought to be kept1 which either a good prince has published in due form1 or to which a people1 that is neither oppressed with tyranny nor circumvented by fraud1 has consented1 for distributing those conveniences of life which afford us all our pleasures4 ,they think it is an evidence of true wisdom for a man to pursue his own advantages1 as far as the laws allow it4 ,they account it piety to prefer the public good to one's private concerns2 but they think it unjust for a man to seek for pleasure1 by snatching another man's pleasures from him4 ,and on the contrary1 they think it a sign of a gentle and good soul1 for a man to dispense with his own advantage for the good of others2 and that by this means a good man finds as much pleasure one way1 as he parts with another2 for as he may expect the like from others when he may come to need it1 so if that should fail him1 yet the sense of a good action1 and the reflections that he makes on the love and gratitude of those whom he has so obliged1 gives the mind more pleasure than the body could have found in that from which it had restrained itself4 ,they are also persuaded that ,god will make up the loss of those small pleasures1 with a vast and endless joy1 of which religion easily convinces a good soul4 ,thus upon an inquiry into the whole matter1 they reckon that all our actions1 and even all our virtues1 terminate in pleasure1 as in our chief end and greatest happiness2 and they call every motion or state1 either of body or mind1 in which ,nature teaches us to delight1 a pleasure4 ,thus they cautiously limit pleasure only to those appetites to which ,nature leads us2 for they say that ,nature leads us only to those delights to which reason as well as sense carries us1 and by which we neither injure any other person1 nor lose the possession of greater pleasures1 and of such as draw no troubles after them2 but they look upon those delights which men by a foolish1 though common1 mistake call pleasure1 as if they could change as easily the nature of things as the use of words2 as things that greatly obstruct their real happiness1 instead of advancing it1 because they so entirely possess the minds of those that are once captivated by them with a false notion of pleasure1 that there is no room left for pleasures of a truer or purer kind4 ,there are many things that in themselves have nothing that is truly delightful2 on the contrary1 they have a good deal of bitterness in them2 and yet from our perverse appetites after forbidden objects1 are not only ranked among the pleasures1 but are made even the greatest designs of life4 ,among those who pursue these sophisticated pleasures1 they reckon such as ,i mentioned before1 who think themselves really the better for having fine clothes2 in which they think they are doubly mistaken1 both in the opinion that they have of their clothes1 and in that they have of themselves2 for if you consider the use of clothes1 why should a fine thread be thought better than a coarse one8 ,and yet these men1 as if they had some real advantages beyond others1 and did not owe them wholly to their mistakes1 look big1 seem to fancy themselves to be more valuable1 and imagine that a respect is due to them for the sake of a rich garment1 to which they would not have pretended if they had been more meanly clothed2 and even resent it as an affront1 if that respect is not paid them4 ,it is also a great folly to be taken with outward marks of respect1 which signify nothing3 for what true or real pleasure can one man find in another's standing bare1 or making legs to him8 ,will the bending another man's knees give ease to yours8 ,and will the head's being bare cure the madness of yours8 ,and yet it is wonderful to see how this false notion of pleasure bewitches many who delight themselves with the fancy of their nobility1 and are pleased with this conceit1 that they are descended from ancestors1 who have been held for some successions rich1 and who have had great possessions2 for this is all that makes nobility at present2 yet they do not think themselves a whit the less noble1 though their immediate parents have left none of this wealth to them1 or though they themselves have squandered it away4 ,the ,utopians have no better opinion of those who are much taken with gems and precious stones1 and who account it a degree of happiness1 next to a divine one1 if they can purchase one that is very extraordinary2 especially if it be of that sort of stones that is then in greatest request2 for the same sort is not at all times universally of the same value2 nor will men buy it unless it be dismounted and taken out of the gold2 the jeweller is then made to give good security1 and required solemnly to swear that the stone is true1 that by such an exact caution a false one might not be bought instead of a true3 though if you were to examine it1 your eye could find no difference between the counterfeit and that which is true2 so that they are all one to you as much as if you were blind4 ,or can it be thought that they who heap up an useless mass of wealth1 not for any use that it is to bring them1 but merely to please themselves with the contemplation of it1 enjoy any true pleasure in it8 ,the delight they find is only a false shadow of joy4 ,those are no better whose error is somewhat different from the former1 and who hide it1 out of their fear of losing it2 for what other name can fit the hiding it in the earth1 or rather the restoring it to it again1 it being thus cut off from being useful1 either to its owner or to the rest of mankind8 ,and yet the owner having hid it carefully1 is glad1 because he thinks he is now sure of it4 ,if it should be stole1 the owner1 though he might live perhaps ten years after the theft1 of which he knew nothing1 would find no difference between his having or losing it2 for both ways it was equally useless to him4 ,among those foolish pursuers of pleasure1 they reckon all that delight in hunting1 in fowling1 or gaming3 of whose madness they have only heard1 for they have no such things among them4 ,but they have asked us1 what sort of pleasure is it that men can find in throwing the dice8 ,for if there were any pleasure in it1 they think the doing of it so often should give one a surfeit of it3 and what pleasure can one find in hearing the barking and howling of dogs1 which seem rather odious than pleasant sounds8 ,nor can they comprehend the pleasure of seeing dogs run after a hare1 more than of seeing one dog run after another2 for if the seeing them run is that which gives the pleasure1 you have the same entertainment to the eye on both these occasions2 since that is the same in both cases3 but if the pleasure lies in seeing the hare killed and torn by the dogs1 this ought rather to stir pity1 that a weak1 harmless and fearful hare should be devoured by strong1 fierce1 and cruel dogs4 ,therefore all this business of hunting is1 among the ,utopians1 turned over to their butchers2 and those1 as has been already said1 are all slaves2 and they look on hunting as one of the basest parts of a butcher's work3 for they account it both more profitable and more decent to kill those beasts that are more necessary and useful to mankind2 whereas the killing and tearing of so small and miserable an animal can only attract the huntsman with a false show of pleasure1 from which he can reap but small advantage4 ,they look on the desire of the bloodshed1 even of beasts1 as a mark of a mind that is already corrupted with cruelty1 or that at least by the frequent returns of so brutal a pleasure must degenerate into it4 ,thus1 though the rabble of mankind look upon these1 and on innumerable other things of the same nature1 as pleasures2 the ,utopians1 on the contrary1 observing that there is nothing in them truly pleasant1 conclude that they are not to be reckoned among pleasures3 for though these things may create some tickling in the senses 7which seems to be a true notion of pleasure71 yet they imagine that this does not arise from the thing itself1 but from a depraved custom1 which may so vitiate a man's taste1 that bitter things may pass for sweet2 as women with child think pitch or tallow taste sweeter than honey2 but as a man's sense when corrupted1 either by a disease or some ill habit1 does not change the nature of other things1 so neither can it change the nature of pleasure4 ,they reckon up several sorts of pleasures1 which they call true ones3 some belong to the body and others to the mind4 ,the pleasures of the mind lie in knowledge1 and in that delight which the contemplation of truth carries with it2 to which they add the joyful reflections on a well-spent life1 and the assured hopes of a future happiness4 ,they divide the pleasures of the body into two sorts2 the one is that which gives our senses some real delight1 and is performed1 either by recruiting nature1 and supplying those parts which feed the internal heat of life by eating and drinking2 or when nature is eased of any surcharge that oppresses it2 when we are relieved from sudden pain1 or that which arises from satisfying the appetite which ,nature has wisely given to lead us to the propagation of the species4 ,there is another kind of pleasure that arises neither from our receiving what the body requires1 nor its being relieved when overcharged1 and yet by a secret1 unseen virtue affects the senses1 raises the passions1 and strikes the mind with generous impressions2 this is the pleasure that arises from music4 ,another kind of bodily pleasure is that which results from an undisturbed and vigorous constitution of body1 when life and active spirits seem to actuate every part4 ,this lively health1 when entirely free from all mixture of pain1 of itself gives an inward pleasure1 independent of all external objects of delight2 and though this pleasure does not so powerfully affect us1 nor act so strongly on the senses as some of the others1 yet it may be esteemed as the greatest of all pleasures1 and almost all the ,utopians reckon it the foundation and basis of all the other joys of life2 since this alone makes the state of life easy and desirable2 and when this is wanting1 a man is really capable of no other pleasure4 ,they look upon freedom from pain1 if it does not rise from perfect health1 to be a state of stupidity rather than of pleasure4 ,this subject has been very narrowly canvassed among them2 and it has been debated whether a firm and entire health could be called a pleasure or not8 ,some have thought that there was no pleasure but what was excited by some sensible motion in the body4 ,but this opinion has been long ago excluded from among them1 so that now they almost universally agree that health is the greatest of all bodily pleasures2 and that as there is a pain in sickness1 which is as opposite in its nature to pleasure as sickness itself is to health2 so they hold1 that health is accompanied with pleasure3 and if any should say that sickness is not really pain1 but that it only carries pain along with it1 they look upon that as a fetch of subtilty1 that does not much alter the matter4 ,it is all one1 in their opinion1 whether it be said that health is in itself a pleasure1 or that it begets a pleasure1 as fire gives heat2 so it be granted1 that all those whose health is entire have a true pleasure in the enjoyment of it3 and they reason thus--what is the pleasure of eating1 but that a man's health which had been weakened1 does1 with the assistance of food1 drive away hunger1 and so recruiting itself recovers its former vigour8 ,and being thus refreshed1 it finds a pleasure in that conflict2 and if the conflict is pleasure1 the victory must yet breed a greater pleasure1 except we fancy that it becomes stupid as soon as it has obtained that which it pursued1 and so neither knows nor rejoices in its own welfare4 ,if it is said that health cannot be felt1 they absolutely deny it2 for what man is in health that does not perceive it when he is awake8 ,is there any man that is so dull and stupid as not to acknowledge that he feels a delight in health8 ,and what is delight but another name for pleasure8 ,but of all pleasures1 they esteem those to be most valuable that lie in the mind2 the chief of which arises out of true virtue1 and the witness of a good conscience4 ,they account health the chief pleasure that belongs to the body2 for they think that the pleasure of eating and drinking1 and all the other delights of sense1 are only so far desirable as they give or maintain health4 ,but they are not pleasant in themselves1 otherwise than as they resist those impressions that our natural infirmities are still making upon us3 for as a wise man desires rather to avoid diseases than to take physic2 and to be freed from pain1 rather than to find ease by remedies2 so it is more desirable not to need this sort of pleasure1 than to be obliged to indulge it4 ,if any man imagines that there is a real happiness in these enjoyments1 he must then confess that he would be the happiest of all men if he were to lead his life in perpetual hunger1 thirst1 and itching1 and by consequence in perpetual eating1 drinking1 and scratching himself2 which any one may easily see would be not only a base1 but a miserable state of a life4 ,these are indeed the lowest of pleasures1 and the least pure2 for we can never relish them1 but when they are mixed with the contrary pains4 ,the pain of hunger must give us the pleasure of eating2 and here the pain out-balances the pleasure2 and as the pain is more vehement1 so it lasts much longer2 for as it begins before the pleasure1 so it does not cease but with the pleasure that extinguishes it1 and both expire together4 ,they think1 therefore1 none of those pleasures are to be valued any further than as they are necessary2 yet they rejoice in them1 and with due gratitude acknowledge the tenderness of the great ,author of ,nature1 who has planted in us appetites1 by which those things that are necessary for our preservation are likewise made pleasant to us4 ,for how miserable a thing would life be1 if those daily diseases of hunger and thirst were to be carried off by such bitter drugs as we must use for those diseases that return seldomer upon us8 ,and thus these pleasant as well as proper gifts of ,nature maintain the strength and the sprightliness of our bodies4 ,they also entertain themselves with the other delights let in at their eyes1 their ears1 and their nostrils1 as the pleasant relishes and seasonings of life1 which ,nature seems to have marked out peculiarly for man2 since no other sort of animals contemplates the figure and beauty of the universe2 nor is delighted with smells1 any farther than as they distinguish meats by them2 not do they apprehend the concords or discords of sound2 yet in all pleasures whatsoever they take care that a lesser joy does not hinder a greater1 and that pleasure may never breed pain1 which they think always follows dishonest pleasures4 ,but they think it madness for a man to wear out the beauty of his face1 or the force of his natural strength2 to corrupt the sprightliness of his body by sloth and laziness1 or to waste it by fasting2 that it is madness to weaken the strength of his constitution1 and reject the other delights of life2 unless by renouncing his own satisfaction1 he can either serve the public or promote the happiness of others1 for which he expects a greater recompense from ,god4 ,so that they look on such a course of life as the mark of a mind that is both cruel to itself1 and ungrateful to the ,author of ,nature1 as if we would not be beholden to ,him for ,his favours1 and therefore rejects all ,his blessings2 as one who should afflict himself for the empty shadow of virtue2 or for no better end than to render himself capable of bearing those misfortunes which possibly will never happen4 ,this is their notion of virtue and of pleasure2 they think that no man's reason can carry him to a truer idea of them1 unless some discovery from ,heaven should inspire him with sublimer notions4 ,i have not now the leisure to examine whether they think right or wrong in this matter3 nor do ,i judge it necessary1 for ,i have only undertaken to give you an account of their constitution1 but not to defend all their principles4 ,i am sure1 that whatsoever may be said of their notions1 there is not in the whole world either a better people or a happier government3 their bodies are vigorous and lively2 and though they are but of a middle stature1 and have neither the fruitfullest soil nor the purest air in the world1 yet they fortify themselves so well by their temperate course of life1 against the unhealthiness of their air1 and by their industry they so cultivate their soil1 that there is nowhere to be seen a greater increase both of corn and cattle1 nor are there anywhere healthier men1 and freer from diseases3 for one may there see reduced to practice1 not only all the art that the husbandman employs in manuring and improving an ill soil1 but whole woods plucked up by the roots1 and in other places new ones planted1 where there were none before4 ,their principal motive for this is the convenience of carriage1 that their timber may be either near their towns1 or growing on the banks of the sea1 or of some rivers1 so as to be floated to them2 for it is a harder work to carry wood at any distance over land1 than corn4 ,the people are industrious1 apt to learn1 as well as cheerful and pleasant2 and none can endure more labour1 when it is necessary2 but except in that case they love their ease4 ,they are unwearied pursuers of knowledge2 for when we had given them some hints of the learning and discipline of the ,greeks1 concerning whom we only instructed them 7for we know that there was nothing among the ,romans1 except their historians and their poets1 that they would value much71 it was strange to see how eagerly they were set on learning that language4 ,we began to read a little of it to them1 rather in compliance with their importunity1 than out of any hopes of their reaping from it any great advantage4 ,but after a very short trial1 we found they made such progress1 that we saw our labour was like to be more successful than we could have expected4 ,they learned to write their characters1 and to pronounce their language so exactly1 had so quick an apprehension1 they remembered it so faithfully1 and became so ready and correct in the use of it1 that it would have looked like a miracle if the greater part of those whom we taught had not been men both of extraordinary capacity and of a fit age for instruction4 ,they were for the greatest part chosen from among their learned men1 by their chief council1 though some studied it of their own accord4 ,in three years' time they became masters of the whole language1 so that they read the best of the ,greek authors very exactly4 ,i am indeed apt to think that they learned that language the more easily1 from its having some relation to their own4 ,i believe that they were a colony of the ,greeks2 for though their language comes nearer the ,persian1 yet they retain many names1 both for their towns and magistrates1 that are of ,greek derivation4 ,i happened to carry a great many books with me1 instead of merchandise1 when ,i sailed my fourth voyage2 for ,i was so far from thinking of soon coming back1 that ,i rather thought never to have returned at all1 and ,i gave them all my books1 among which were many of ,plato's and some of ,aristotle's works4 ,i had also ,theophrastus on ,plants1 which1 to my great regret1 was imperfect2 for having laid it carelessly by1 while we were at sea1 a monkey had seized upon it1 and in many places torn out the leaves4 ,they have no books of grammar but ,lascares1 for ,i did not carry ,theodorus with me2 nor have they any dictionaries but ,hesichius and ,dioscorides4 ,they esteem ,plutarch highly1 and were much taken with ,lucian's wit1 and with his pleasant way of writing4 ,as for the poets1 they have ,aristophanes1 ,homer1 ,euripides1 and ,sophocles of ,aldus's edition2 and for historians ,thucydides1 ,herodotus and ,herodian4 ,one of my companions1 ,thricius ,apinatus1 happened to carry with him some of ,hippocrates's works1 and ,galen's ,microtechne1 which they hold in great estimation2 for though there is no nation in the world that needs physic so little as they do1 yet there is not any that honours it so much3 they reckon the knowledge of it one of the pleasantest and most profitable parts of philosophy1 by which1 as they search into the secrets of ,nature1 so they not only find this study highly agreeable1 but think that such inquiries are very acceptable to the ,author of ,nature2 and imagine that as ,he1 like the inventors of curious engines amongst mankind1 has exposed this great machine of the universe to the view of the only creatures capable of contemplating it1 so an exact and curious observer1 who admires ,his workmanship1 is much more acceptable to ,him than one of the herd1 who like a beast incapable of reason1 looks on this glorious scene with the eyes of a dull and unconcerned spectator4 ,the minds of the ,utopians when fenced with a love for learning1 are very ingenious in discovering all such arts as are necessary to carry it to perfection4 ,two things they owe to us1 the manufacture of paper1 and the art of printing3 yet they are not so entirely indebted to us for these discoveries1 but that a great part of the invention was their own4 ,we showed them some books printed by ,aldus1 we explained to them the way of making paper1 and the mystery of printing2 but as we had never practised these arts1 we described them in a crude and superficial manner4 ,they seized the hints we gave them1 and though at first they could not arrive at perfection1 yet by making many essays they at last found out and corrected all their errors1 and conquered every difficulty4 ,before this they only wrote on parchment1 on reeds1 or on the barks of trees2 but now they have established the manufactures of paper1 and set up printing-presses1 so that if they had but a good number of ,greek authors they would be quickly supplied with many copies of them3 at present1 though they have no more than those ,i have mentioned1 yet by several impressions they have multiplied them into many thousands4 ,if any man was to go among them that had some extraordinary talent1 or that by much travelling had observed the customs of many nations 7which made us to be so well received71 he would receive a hearty welcome2 for they are very desirous to know the state of the whole world4 ,very few go among them on the account of traffic1 for what can a man carry to them but iron1 or gold1 or silver1 which merchants desire rather to export than import to a strange country3 and as for their exportation1 they think it better to manage that themselves than to leave it to foreigners1 for by this means1 as they understand the state of the neighbouring countries better1 so they keep up the art of navigation1 which cannot be maintained but by much practice4 ,,of ,,their ,,slaves1 ,,and ,,of ,,their ,,marriages4 ,they do not make slaves of prisoners of war1 except those that are taken in battle2 nor of the sons of their slaves1 nor of those of other nations3 the slaves among them are only such as are condemned to that state of life for the commission of some crime1 or1 which is more common1 such as their merchants find condemned to die in those parts to which they trade1 whom they sometimes redeem at low rates2 and in other places have them for nothing4 ,they are kept at perpetual labour1 and are always chained1 but with this difference1 that their own natives are treated much worse than others2 they are considered as more profligate than the rest1 and since they could not be restrained by the advantages of so excellent an education1 are judged worthy of harder usage4 ,another sort of slaves are the poor of the neighbouring countries1 who offer of their own accord to come and serve them2 they treat these better1 and use them in all other respects as well as their own countrymen1 except their imposing more labour upon them1 which is no hard task to those that have been accustomed to it2 and if any of these have a mind to go back to their own country1 which indeed falls out but seldom1 as they do not force them to stay1 so they do not send them away empty-handed4 ,i have already told you with what care they look after their sick1 so that nothing is left undone that can contribute either to their ease or health3 and for those who are taken with fixed and incurable diseases1 they use all possible ways to cherish them1 and to make their lives as comfortable as possible4 ,they visit them often1 and take great pains to make their time pass off easily3 but when any is taken with a torturing and lingering pain1 so that there is no hope1 either of recovery or ease1 the priests and magistrates come and exhort them1 that since they are now unable to go on with the business of life1 are become a burden to themselves and to all about them1 and they have really outlived themselves1 they should no longer nourish such a rooted distemper1 but choose rather to die1 since they cannot live but in much misery3 being assured1 that if they thus deliver themselves from torture1 or are willing that others should do it1 they shall be happy after death4 ,since by their acting thus1 they lose none of the pleasures1 but only the troubles of life2 they think they behave not only reasonably1 but in a manner consistent with religion and piety2 because they follow the advice given them by their priests1 who are the expounders of the will of ,god4 ,such as are wrought on by these persuasions1 either starve themselves of their own accord1 or take opium1 and by that means die without pain4 ,but no man is forced on this way of ending his life2 and if they cannot be persuaded to it1 this does not induce them to fail in their attendance and care of them2 but as they believe that a voluntary death1 when it is chosen upon such an authority1 is very honourable1 so if any man takes away his own life1 without the approbation of the priests and the ,senate1 they give him none of the honours of a decent funeral1 but throw his body into a ditch4 ,their women are not married before eighteen1 nor their men before two-and-twenty1 and if any of them run into forbidden embraces before marriage they are severely punished1 and the privilege of marriage is denied them1 unless they can obtain a special warrant from the ,prince4 ,such disorders cast a great reproach upon the master and mistress of the family in which they happen1 for it is supposed that they have failed in their duty4 ,the reason of punishing this so severely is1 because they think that if they were not strictly restrained from all vagrant appetites1 very few would engage in a state in which they venture the quiet of their whole lives1 by being confined to one person1 and are obliged to endure all the inconveniences with which it is accompanied4 ,in choosing their wives they use a method that would appear to us very absurd and ridiculous1 but it is constantly observed among them1 and is accounted perfectly consistent with wisdom4 ,before marriage some grave matron presents the bride naked1 whether she is a virgin or a widow1 to the bridegroom2 and after that some grave man presents the bridegroom naked to the bride4 ,we indeed both laughed at this1 and condemned it as very indecent4 ,but they1 on the other hand1 wondered at the folly of the men of all other nations1 who1 if they are but to buy a horse of a small value1 are so cautious that they will see every part of him1 and take off both his saddle and all his other tackle1 that there may be no secret ulcer hid under any of them2 and that yet in the choice of a wife1 on which depends the happiness or unhappiness of the rest of his life1 a man should venture upon trust1 and only see about a hand's-breadth of the face1 all the rest of the body being covered1 under which there may lie hid what may be contagious1 as well as loathsome4 ,all men are not so wise as to choose a woman only for her good qualities2 and even wise men consider the body as that which adds not a little to the mind3 and it is certain there may be some such deformity covered with the clothes as may totally alienate a man from his wife when it is too late to part with her4 ,if such a thing is discovered after marriage1 a man has no remedy but patience4 ,they therefore think it is reasonable that there should be good provision made against such mischievous frauds4 ,there was so much the more reason for them to make a regulation in this matter1 because they are the only people of those parts that neither allow of polygamy1 nor of divorces1 except in the case of adultery1 or insufferable perverseness2 for in these cases the ,senate dissolves the marriage1 and grants the injured person leave to marry again2 but the guilty are made infamous1 and are never allowed the privilege of a second marriage4 ,none are suffered to put away their wives against their wills1 from any great calamity that may have fallen on their persons2 for they look on it as the height of cruelty and treachery to abandon either of the married persons when they need most the tender care of their comfort1 and that chiefly in the case of old age1 which as it carries many diseases along with it1 so it is a disease of itself4 ,but it frequently falls out that when a married couple do not well agree1 they by mutual consent separate1 and find out other persons with whom they hope they may live more happily4 ,yet this is not done without obtaining leave of the ,senate1 which never admits of a divorce1 but upon a strict inquiry made1 both by the senators and their wives1 into the grounds upon which it is desired2 and even when they are satisfied concerning the reasons of it1 they go on but slowly1 for they imagine that too great easiness in granting leave for new marriages would very much shake the kindness of married people4 ,they punish severely those that defile the marriage-bed4 ,if both parties are married they are divorced1 and the injured persons may marry one another1 or whom they please2 but the adulterer and the adulteress are condemned to slavery4 ,yet if either of the injured persons cannot shake off the love of the married person1 they may live with them still in that state1 but they must follow them to that labour to which the slaves are condemned2 and sometimes the repentance of the condemned1 together with the unshaken kindness of the innocent and injured person1 has prevailed so far with the ,prince that he has taken off the sentence2 but those that relapse after they are once pardoned are punished with death4 ,their law does not determine the punishment for other crimes2 but that is left to the ,senate1 to temper it according to the circumstances of the fact4 ,husbands have power to correct their wives1 and parents to chastise their children1 unless the fault is so great that a public punishment is thought necessary for striking terror into others4 ,for the most part1 slavery is the punishment even of the greatest crimes2 for as that is no less terrible to the criminals themselves than death1 so they think the preserving them in a state of servitude is more for the interest of the commonwealth than killing them2 since as their labour is a greater benefit to the public than their death could be1 so the sight of their misery is a more lasting terror to other men than that which would be given by their death4 ,if their slaves rebel1 and will not bear their yoke1 and submit to the labour that is enjoined them1 they are treated as wild beasts that cannot be kept in order1 neither by a prison1 nor by their chains2 and are at last put to death4 ,but those who bear their punishment patiently1 and are so much wrought on by that pressure that lies so hard on them that it appears they are really more troubled for the crimes they have committed than for the miseries they suffer1 are not out of hope but that at last either the ,prince will1 by his prerogative1 or the people by their intercession1 restore them again to their liberty1 or at least very much mitigate their slavery4 ,he that tempts a married woman to adultery1 is no less severely punished than he that commits it2 for they believe that a deliberate design to commit a crime1 is equal to the fact itself3 since its not taking effect does not make the person that miscarried in his attempt at all the less guilty4 ,they take great pleasure in fools1 and as it is thought a base and unbecoming thing to use them ill1 so they do not think it amiss for people to divert themselves with their folly3 and1 in their opinion1 this is a great advantage to the fools themselves3 for if men were so sullen and severe as not at all to please themselves with their ridiculous behaviour and foolish sayings1 which is all that they can do to recommend themselves to others1 it could not be expected that they would be so well provided for1 nor so tenderly used as they must otherwise be4 ,if any man should reproach another for his being misshaped or imperfect in any part of his body1 it would not at all be thought a reflection on the person so treated1 but it would be accounted scandalous in him that had upbraided another with what he could not help4 ,it is thought a sign of a sluggish and sordid mind not to preserve carefully one's natural beauty2 but it is likewise infamous among them to use paint4 ,they all see that no beauty recommends a wife so much to her husband as the probity of her life1 and her obedience3 for as some few are catched and held only by beauty1 so all are attracted by the other excellences which charm all the world4 ,as they fright men from committing crimes by punishments1 so they invite them to the love of virtue by public honours3 therefore they erect statues to the memories of such worthy men as have deserved well of their country1 and set these in their market-places1 both to perpetuate the remembrance of their actions1 and to be an incitement to their posterity to follow their example4 ,if any man aspires to any office1 he is sure never to compass it3 they all live easily together1 for none of the magistrates are either insolent or cruel to the people3 they affect rather to be called fathers1 and by being really so1 they well deserve the name2 and the people pay them all the marks of honour the more freely1 because none are exacted from them4 ,the ,prince himself has no distinction1 either of garments1 or of a crown2 but is only distinguished by a sheaf of corn carried before him2 as the high priest is also known by his being preceded by a person carrying a wax light4 ,they have but few laws1 and such is their constitution that they need not many4 ,they very much condemn other nations1 whose laws1 together with the commentaries on them1 swell up to so many volumes2 for they think it an unreasonable thing to oblige men to obey a body of laws that are both of such a bulk1 and so dark as not to be read and understood by every one of the subjects4 ,they have no lawyers among them1 for they consider them as a sort of people whose profession it is to disguise matters1 and to wrest the laws2 and therefore they think it is much better that every man should plead his own cause1 and trust it to the judge1 as in other places the client trusts it to a counsellor4 ,by this means they both cut off many delays1 and find out truth more certainly3 for after the parties have laid open the merits of the cause1 without those artifices which lawyers are apt to suggest1 the judge examines the whole matter1 and supports the simplicity of such well-meaning persons1 whom otherwise crafty men would be sure to run down3 and thus they avoid those evils which appear very remarkably among all those nations that labour under a vast load of laws4 ,every one of them is skilled in their law1 for as it is a very short study1 so the plainest meaning of which words are capable is always the sense of their laws4 ,and they argue thus3 all laws are promulgated for this end1 that every man may know his duty2 and therefore the plainest and most obvious sense of the words is that which ought to be put upon them2 since a more refined exposition cannot be easily comprehended1 and would only serve to make the laws become useless to the greater part of mankind1 and especially to those who need most the direction of them3 for it is all one1 not to make a law at all1 or to couch it in such terms that without a quick apprehension1 and much study1 a man cannot find out the true meaning of it2 since the generality of mankind are both so dull1 and so much employed in their several trades1 that they have neither the leisure nor the capacity requisite for such an inquiry4 ,some of their neighbours1 who are masters of their own liberties1 having long ago1 by the assistance of the ,utopians1 shaken off the yoke of tyranny1 and being much taken with those virtues which they observe among them1 have come to desire that they would send magistrates to govern them2 some changing them every year1 and others every five years4 ,at the end of their government they bring them back to ,utopia1 with great expressions of honour and esteem1 and carry away others to govern in their stead4 ,in this they seem to have fallen upon a very good expedient for their own happiness and safety2 for since the good or ill condition of a nation depends so much upon their magistrates1 they could not have made a better choice than by pitching on men whom no advantages can bias2 for wealth is of no use to them1 since they must so soon go back to their own country2 and they being strangers among them1 are not engaged in any of their heats or animosities2 and it is certain that when public judicatories are swayed1 either by avarice or partial affections1 there must follow a dissolution of justice1 the chief sinew of society4 ,the ,utopians call those nations that come and ask magistrates from them1 neighbours2 but those to whom they have been of more particular service1 friends4 ,and as all other nations are perpetually either making leagues or breaking them1 they never enter into an alliance with any state4 ,they think leagues are useless things1 and believe that if the common ties of humanity do not knit men together1 the faith of promises will have no great effect2 and they are the more confirmed in this by what they see among the nations round about them1 who are no strict observers of leagues and treaties4 ,we know how religiously they are observed in ,europe1 more particularly where the ,christian doctrine is received1 among whom they are sacred and inviolable4 ,which is partly owing to the justice and goodness of the princes themselves1 and partly to the reverence they pay to the popes2 who as they are most religious observers of their own promises1 so they exhort all other princes to perform theirs2 and when fainter methods do not prevail1 they compel them to it by the severity of the pastoral censure1 and think that it would be the most indecent thing possible if men who are particularly distinguished by the title of the faithful1 should not religiously keep the faith of their treaties4 ,but in that new-found world1 which is not more distant from us in situation than the people are in their manners and course of life1 there is no trusting to leagues1 even though they were made with all the pomp of the most sacred ceremonies2 on the contrary1 they are on this account the sooner broken1 some slight pretence being found in the words of the treaties1 which are purposely couched in such ambiguous terms that they can never be so strictly bound but they will always find some loophole to escape at2 and thus they break both their leagues and their faith4 ,and this is done with such impudence1 that those very men who value themselves on having suggested these expedients to their princes1 would with a haughty scorn declaim against such craft1 or to speak plainer1 such fraud and deceit1 if they found private men make use of it in their bargains1 and would readily say that they deserved to be hanged4 ,by this means it is1 that all sort of justice passes in the world for a low-spirited and vulgar virtue1 far below the dignity of royal greatness4 ,or at least1 there are set up two sorts of justice2 the one is mean1 and creeps on the ground1 and therefore becomes none but the lower part of mankind1 and so must be kept in severely by many restraints that it may not break out beyond the bounds that are set to it4 ,the other is the peculiar virtue of princes1 which as it is more majestic than that which becomes the rabble1 so takes a freer compass2 and thus lawful and unlawful are only measured by pleasure and interest4 ,these practices of the princes that lie about ,utopia1 who make so little account of their faith1 seem to be the reasons that determine them to engage in no confederacies2 perhaps they would change their mind if they lived among us2 but yet though treaties were more religiously observed1 they would still dislike the custom of making them2 since the world has taken up a false maxim upon it1 as if there were no tie of ,nature uniting one nation to another1 only separated perhaps by a mountain or a river1 and that all were born in a state of hostility1 and so might lawfully do all that mischief to their neighbours against which there is no provision made by treaties2 and that when treaties are made1 they do not cut off the enmity1 or restrain the license of preying upon each other1 if by the unskilfulness of wording them there are not effectual provisoes made against them4 ,they1 on the other hand1 judge that no man is to be esteemed our enemy that has never injured us2 and that the partnership of the human nature is instead of a league4 ,and that kindness and good-nature unite men more effectually and with greater strength than any agreements whatsoever2 since thereby the engagements of men's hearts become stronger than the bond and obligation of words4 ,,of ,,their ,,military ,,discipline4 ,they detest war as a very brutal thing2 and which1 to the reproach of human nature1 is more practised by men than by any sort of beasts4 ,they1 in opposition to the sentiments of almost all other nations1 think that there is nothing more inglorious than that glory that is gained by war4 ,and therefore though they accustom themselves daily to military exercises and the discipline of war1 in which not only their men but their women likewise are trained up1 that in cases of necessity they may not be quite useless2 yet they do not rashly engage in war1 unless it be either to defend themselves1 or their friends1 from any unjust aggressors2 or out of good-nature or in compassion assist an oppressed nation in shaking off the yoke of tyranny4 ,they indeed help their friends1 not only in defensive1 but also in offensive wars2 but they never do that unless they had been consulted before the breach was made1 and being satisfied with the grounds on which they went1 they had found that all demands of reparation were rejected1 so that a war was unavoidable4 ,this they think to be not only just1 when one neighbour makes an inroad on another1 by public order1 and carry away the spoils2 but when the merchants of one country are oppressed in another1 either under pretence of some unjust laws1 or by the perverse wresting of good ones4 ,this they count a juster cause of war than the other1 because those injuries are done under some colour of laws4 ,this was the only ground of that war in which they engaged with the ,nephelogetes against the ,aleopolitanes1 a little before our time2 for the merchants of the former having1 as they thought1 met with great injustice among the latter1 which1 whether it was in itself right or wrong1 drew on a terrible war1 in which many of their neighbours were engaged2 and their keenness in carrying it on being supported by their strength in maintaining it1 it not only shook some very flourishing states1 and very much afflicted others1 but after a series of much mischief ended in the entire conquest and slavery of the ,aleopolitanes1 who though before the war they were in all respects much superior to the ,nephelogetes1 were yet subdued2 but though the ,utopians had assisted them in the war1 yet they pretended to no share of the spoil4 ,but though they so vigorously assist their friends in obtaining reparation for the injuries they have received in affairs of this nature1 yet if any such frauds was committed against themselves1 provided no violence was done to their persons1 they would only on their being refused satisfaction forbear trading with such a people4 ,this is not because they consider their neighbours more than their own citizens2 but since their neighbours trade every one upon his own stock1 fraud is a more sensible injury to them than it is to the ,utopians1 among whom the public in such a case only suffers4 ,as they expect nothing in return for the merchandises they export but that in which they so much abound1 and is of little use to them1 the loss does not much affect them2 they think therefore it would be too severe to revenge a loss attended with so little inconvenience either to their lives1 or their subsistence1 with the death of many persons2 but if any of their people is either killed or wounded wrongfully1 whether it be done by public authority or only by private men1 as soon as they hear of it they send ambassadors1 and demand that the guilty persons may be delivered up to them2 and if that is denied1 they declare war2 but if it be complied with1 the offenders are condemned either to death or slavery4 ,they would be both troubled and ashamed of a bloody victory over their enemies1 and think it would be as foolish a purchase as to buy the most valuable goods at too high a rate4 ,and in no victory do they glory so much as in that which is gained by dexterity and good conduct1 without bloodshed4 ,in such cases they appoint public triumphs1 and erect trophies to the honour of those who have succeeded2 for then do they reckon that a man acts suitably to his nature when he conquers his enemy in such a way as that no other creature but a man could be capable of1 and that is by the strength of his understanding4 ,bears1 lions1 boars1 wolves1 and dogs1 and all other animals employ their bodily force one against another1 in which as many of them are superior to men1 both in strength and fierceness1 so they are all subdued by his reason and understanding4 ,the only design of the ,utopians in war is to obtain that by force1 which if it had been granted them in time would have prevented the war2 or if that cannot be done1 to take so severe a revenge on those that have injured them that they may be terrified from doing the like for the time to come4 ,by these ends they measure all their designs1 and manage them so that it is visible that the appetite of fame or vain-glory does not work so much on them as a just care of their own security4 ,as soon as they declare war1 they take care to have a great many schedules1 that are sealed with their common seal1 affixed in the most conspicuous places of their enemies' country4 ,this is carried secretly1 and done in many places all at once4 ,in these they promise great rewards to such as shall kill the prince1 and lesser in proportion to such as shall kill any other persons1 who are those on whom1 next to the prince himself1 they cast the chief balance of the war4 ,and they double the sum to him that1 instead of killing the person so marked out1 shall take him alive and put him in their hands4 ,they offer not only indemnity1 but rewards1 to such of the persons themselves that are so marked1 if they will act against their countrymen3 by this means those that are named in their schedules become not only distrustful of their fellow-citizens1 but are jealous of one another1 and are much distracted by fear and danger2 for it has often fallen out that many of them1 and even the ,prince himself1 have been betrayed by those in whom they have trusted most3 for the rewards that the ,utopians offer are so unmeasurably great1 that there is no sort of crime to which men cannot be drawn by them4 ,they consider the risk that those run who undertake such services1 and offer a recompense proportioned to the danger2 not only a vast deal of gold1 but great revenues in lands1 that lie among other nations that are their friends1 where they may go and enjoy them very securely2 and they observe the promises they make of this kind most religiously4 ,they very much approve of this way of corrupting their enemies1 though it appears to others to be base and cruel2 but they look on it as a wise course1 to make an end of what would be otherwise a long war1 without so much as hazarding one battle to decide it4 ,they think it likewise an act of mercy and love to mankind to prevent the great slaughter of those that must otherwise be killed in the progress of the war1 both on their own side and on that of their enemies1 by the death of a few that are most guilty2 and that in so doing they are kind even to their enemies1 and pity them no less than their own people1 as knowing that the greater part of them do not engage in the war of their own accord1 but are driven into it by the passions of their prince4 ,if this method does not succeed with them1 then they sow seeds of contention among their enemies1 and animate the prince's brother1 or some of the nobility1 to aspire to the crown4 ,if they cannot disunite them by domestic broils1 then they engage their neighbours against them1 and make them set on foot some old pretensions1 which are never wanting to princes when they have occasion for them4 ,these they plentifully supply with money1 though but very sparingly with any auxiliary troops3 for they are so tender of their own people1 that they would not willingly exchange one of them1 even with the prince of their enemies' country4 ,but as they keep their gold and silver only for such an occasion1 so when that offers itself they easily part with it1 since it would be no inconvenience to them though they should reserve nothing of it to themselves4 ,for besides the wealth that they have among them at home1 they have a vast treasure abroad1 many nations round about them being deep in their debt3 so that they hire soldiers from all places for carrying on their wars1 but chiefly from the ,zapolets1 who live five hundred miles east of ,utopia4 ,they are a rude1 wild1 and fierce nation1 who delight in the woods and rocks1 among which they were born and bred up4 ,they are hardened both against heat1 cold and labour1 and know nothing of the delicacies of life4 ,they do not apply themselves to agriculture1 nor do they care either for their houses or their clothes4 ,cattle is all that they look after2 and for the greatest part they live either by hunting1 or upon rapine2 and are made1 as it were1 only for war4 ,they watch all opportunities of engaging in it1 and very readily embrace such as are offered them4 ,great numbers of them will frequently go out1 and offer themselves for a very low pay1 to serve any that will employ them3 they know none of the arts of life1 but those that lead to the taking it away2 they serve those that hire them1 both with much courage and great fidelity2 but will not engage to serve for any determined time1 and agree upon such terms1 that the next day they may go over to the enemies of those whom they serve1 if they offer them a greater encouragement3 and will perhaps return to them the day after that1 upon a higher advance of their pay4 ,there are few wars in which they make not a considerable part of the armies of both sides3 so it often falls out that they who are related1 and were hired in the same country1 and so have lived long and familiarly together1 forgetting both their relations and former friendship1 kill one another upon no other consideration than that of being hired to it for a little money1 by princes of different interests2 and such a regard have they for money1 that they are easily wrought on by the difference of one penny a day to change sides4 ,so entirely does their avarice influence them2 and yet this money1 which they value so highly1 is of little use to them2 for what they purchase thus with their blood1 they quickly waste on luxury1 which among them is but of a poor and miserable form4 ,this nation serves the ,utopians against all people whatsoever1 for they pay higher than any other4 ,the ,utopians hold this for a maxim1 that as they seek out the best sort of men for their own use at home1 so they make use of this worst sort of men for the consumption of war1 and therefore they hire them with the offers of vast rewards1 to expose themselves to all sorts of hazards1 out of which the greater part never returns to claim their promises4 ,yet they make them good most religiously to such as escape4 ,this animates them to adventure again1 whenever there is occasion for it2 for the ,utopians are not at all troubled how many of these happen to be killed1 and reckon it a service done to mankind if they could be a means to deliver the world from such a lewd and vicious sort of people1 that seem to have run together as to the drain of human nature4 ,next to these they are served in their wars with those upon whose account they undertake them1 and with the auxiliary troops of their other friends1 to whom they join a few of their own people1 and send some men of eminent and approved virtue to command in chief4 ,there are two sent with him1 who during his command are but private men1 but the first is to succeed him if he should happen to be either killed or taken2 and in case of the like misfortune to him1 the third comes in his place2 and thus they provide against ill events1 that such accidents as may befall their generals may not endanger their armies4 ,when they draw out troops of their own people1 they take such out of every city as freely offer themselves1 for none are forced to go against their wills1 since they think that if any man is pressed that wants courage1 he will not only act faintly1 but by his cowardice dishearten others4 ,but if an invasion is made on their country they make use of such men1 if they have good bodies1 though they are not brave2 and either put them aboard their ships or place them on the walls of their towns1 that being so posted they may find no opportunity of flying away2 and thus either shame1 the heat of action1 or the impossibility of flying1 bears down their cowardice2 they often make a virtue of necessity and behave themselves well1 because nothing else is left them4 ,but as they force no man to go into any foreign war against his will1 so they do not hinder those women who are willing to go along with their husbands2 on the contrary1 they encourage and praise them1 and they stand often next their husbands in the front of the army4 ,they also place together those who are related1 parents and children1 kindred1 and those that are mutually allied1 near one another2 that those whom ,nature has inspired with the greatest zeal for assisting one another1 may be the nearest and readiest to do it2 and it is matter of great reproach if husband or wife survive one another1 or if a child survives his parents1 and therefore when they come to be engaged in action they continue to fight to the last man1 if their enemies stand before them4 ,and as they use all prudent methods to avoid the endangering their own men1 and if it is possible let all the action and danger fall upon the troops that they hire1 so if it becomes necessary for themselves to engage1 they then charge with as much courage as they avoided it before with prudence3 nor is it a fierce charge at first1 but it increases by degrees2 and as they continue in action1 they grow more obstinate and press harder upon the enemy1 insomuch that they will much sooner die than give ground2 for the certainty that their children will be well looked after when they are dead1 frees them from all that anxiety concerning them which often masters men of great courage2 and thus they are animated by a noble and invincible resolution4 ,their skill in military affairs increases their courage2 and the wise sentiments which1 according to the laws of their country are instilled into them in their education1 give additional vigour to their minds3 for as they do not undervalue life so as prodigally to throw it away1 they are not so indecently fond of it as to preserve it by base and unbecoming methods4 ,in the greatest heat of action1 the bravest of their youth1 who have devoted themselves to that service1 single out the general of their enemies1 set on him either openly or by ambuscade1 pursue him everywhere1 and when spent and wearied out1 are relieved by others1 who never give over the pursuit2 either attacking him with close weapons when they can get near him1 or with those which wound at a distance1 when others get in between them2 so that unless he secures himself by flight1 they seldom fail at last to kill or to take him prisoner4 ,when they have obtained a victory1 they kill as few as possible1 and are much more bent on taking many prisoners than on killing those that fly before them2 nor do they ever let their men so loose in the pursuit of their enemies1 as not to retain an entire body still in order2 so that if they have been forced to engage the last of their battalions before they could gain the day1 they will rather let their enemies all escape than pursue them1 when their own army is in disorder2 remembering well what has often fallen out to themselves1 that when the main body of their army has been quite defeated and broken1 when their enemies imagining the victory obtained1 have let themselves loose into an irregular pursuit1 a few of them that lay for a reserve1 waiting a fit opportunity1 have fallen on them in their chase1 and when straggling in disorder and apprehensive of no danger1 but counting the day their own1 have turned the whole action1 and wresting out of their hands a victory that seemed certain and undoubted1 while the vanquished have suddenly become victorious4 ,it is hard to tell whether they are more dexterous in laying or avoiding ambushes4 ,they sometimes seem to fly when it is far from their thoughts2 and when they intend to give ground1 they do it so that it is very hard to find out their design4 ,if they see they are ill posted1 or are like to be overpowered by numbers1 they then either march off in the night with great silence1 or by some stratagem delude their enemies3 if they retire in the daytime1 they do it in such order1 that it is no less dangerous to fall upon them in a retreat than in a march4 ,they fortify their camps with a deep and large trench1 and throw up the earth that is dug out of it for a wall2 nor do they employ only their slaves in this1 but the whole army works at it1 except those that are then upon the guard2 so that when so many hands are at work1 a great line and a strong fortification is finished in so short a time that it is scarce credible4 ,their armour is very strong for defence1 and yet is not so heavy as to make them uneasy in their marches2 they can even swim with it4 ,all that are trained up to war1 practise swimming4 ,both horse and foot make great use of arrows1 and are very expert4 ,they have no swords1 but fight with a pole-axe that is both sharp and heavy1 by which they thrust or strike down an enemy4 ,they are very good at finding out warlike machines1 and disguise them so well1 that the enemy does not perceive them till he feels the use of them2 so that he cannot prepare such a defence as would render them useless2 the chief consideration had in the making them1 is that they may be easily carried and managed4 ,if they agree to a truce1 they observe it so religiously that no provocations will make them break it4 ,they never lay their enemies' country waste1 nor burn their corn1 and even in their marches they take all possible care that neither horse nor foot may tread it down1 for they do not know but that they may have use for it themselves4 ,they hurt no man whom they find disarmed1 unless he is a spy4 ,when a town is surrendered to them1 they take it into their protection3 and when they carry a place by storm1 they never plunder it1 but put those only to the sword that opposed the rendering of it up1 and make the rest of the garrison slaves1 but for the other inhabitants1 they do them no hurt2 and if any of them had advised a surrender1 they give them good rewards out of the estates of those that they condemn1 and distribute the rest among their auxiliary troops1 but they themselves take no share of the spoil4 ,when a war is ended1 they do not oblige their friends to reimburse their expenses2 but they obtain them of the conquered1 either in money1 which they keep for the next occasion1 or in lands1 out of which a constant revenue is to be paid them2 by many increases1 the revenue which they draw out from several countries on such occasions1 is now risen to above #gjj1jjj ducats a year4 ,they send some of their own people to receive these revenues1 who have orders to live magnificently1 and like princes1 by which means they consume much of it upon the place2 and either bring over the rest to ,utopia1 or lend it to that nation in which it lies4 ,this they most commonly do1 unless some great occasion1 which falls out but very seldom1 should oblige them to call for it all4 ,it is out of these lands that they assign rewards to such as they encourage to adventure on desperate attempts4 ,if any prince that engages in war with them is making preparations for invading their country1 they prevent him1 and make his country the seat of the war2 for they do not willingly suffer any war to break in upon their island2 and if that should happen1 they would only defend themselves by their own people1 but would not call for auxiliary troops to their assistance4 ,,of ,,the ,,religions ,,of ,,the ,,utopians4 ,there are several sorts of religions1 not only in different parts of the island1 but even in every town2 some worshipping the sun1 others the moon1 or one of the planets2 some worship such men as have been eminent in former times for virtue1 or glory1 not only as ordinary deities1 but as the supreme ,god3 yet the greater and wiser sort of them worship none of these1 but adore one eternal1 invisible1 infinite1 and incomprehensible ,deity2 as a ,being that is far above all our apprehensions1 that is spread over the whole universe1 not by ,his bulk1 but by ,his power and virtue2 ,him they call the ,father of ,all1 and acknowledge that the beginnings1 the increase1 the progress1 the vicissitudes1 and the end of all things come only from ,him2 nor do they offer divine honours to any but to ,him alone4 ,and indeed1 though they differ concerning other things1 yet all agree in this1 that they think there is one supreme ,being that made and governs the world1 whom they call in the language of their country ,mithras4 ,they differ in this1 that one thinks the ,god whom he worships is this supreme ,being1 and another thinks that his idol is that ,god2 but they all agree in one principle1 that whoever is this supreme ,being1 ,he is also that great ,essence to whose glory and majesty all honours are ascribed by the consent of all nations4 ,by degrees1 they fall off from the various superstitions that are among them1 and grow up to that one religion that is the best and most in request2 and there is no doubt to be made but that all the others had vanished long ago1 if some of those who advised them to lay aside their superstitions had not met with some unhappy accident1 which being considered as inflicted by ,heaven1 made them afraid that the ,god whose worship had like to have been abandoned1 had interposed1 and revenged themselves on those who despised their authority4 ,after they had heard from us an account of the doctrine1 the course of life1 and the miracles of ,christ1 and of the wonderful constancy of so many martyrs1 whose blood1 so willingly offered up by them1 was the chief occasion of spreading their religion over a vast number of nations2 it is not to be imagined how inclined they were to receive it4 ,i shall not determine whether this proceeded from any secret inspiration of ,god1 or whether it was because it seemed so favourable to that community of goods1 which is an opinion so particular as well as so dear to them2 since they perceived that ,christ and ,his followers lived by that rule1 and that it was still kept up in some communities among the sincerest sort of ,christians4 ,from whichsoever of these motives it might be1 true it is that many of them came over to our religion1 and were initiated into it by baptism4 ,but as two of our number were dead1 so none of the four that survived were in priest's orders2 we therefore could only baptize them2 so that to our great regret they could not partake of the other sacraments1 that can only be administered by priests2 but they are instructed concerning them1 and long most vehemently for them4 ,they have had great disputes among themselves1 whether one chosen by them to be a priest would not be thereby qualified to do all the things that belong to that character1 even though he had no authority derived from the ,pope2 and they seemed to be resolved to choose some for that employment1 but they had not done it when ,i left them4 ,those among them that have not received our religion1 do not fright any from it1 and use none ill that goes over to it2 so that all the while ,i was there1 one man was only punished on this occasion4 ,he being newly baptized1 did1 notwithstanding all that we could say to the contrary1 dispute publicly concerning the ,christian religion with more zeal than discretion2 and with so much heat1 that he not only preferred our worship to theirs1 but condemned all their rites as profane2 and cried out against all that adhered to them1 as impious and sacrilegious persons1 that were to be damned to everlasting burnings4 ,upon his having frequently preached in this manner1 he was seized1 and after trial he was condemned to banishment1 not for having disparaged their religion1 but for his inflaming the people to sedition3 for this is one of their most ancient laws1 that no man ought to be punished for his religion4 ,at the first constitution of their government1 ,utopus having understood that before his coming among them the old inhabitants had been engaged in great quarrels concerning religion1 by which they were so divided among themselves1 that he found it an easy thing to conquer them1 since instead of uniting their forces against him1 every different party in religion fought by themselves2 after he had subdued them1 he made a law that every man might be of what religion he pleased1 and might endeavour to draw others to it by the force of argument1 and by amicable and modest ways1 but without bitterness against those of other opinions2 but that he ought to use no other force but that of persuasion1 and was neither to mix with it reproaches nor violence2 and such as did otherwise were to be condemned to banishment or slavery4 ,this law was made by ,utopus1 not only for preserving the public peace1 which he saw suffered much by daily contentions and irreconcilable heats1 but because he thought the interest of religion itself required it4 ,he judged it not fit to determine anything rashly1 and seemed to doubt whether those different forms of religion might not all come from ,god1 who might inspire men in a different manner1 and be pleased with this variety2 he therefore thought it indecent and foolish for any man to threaten and terrify another to make him believe what did not appear to him to be true4 ,and supposing that only one religion was really true1 and the rest false1 he imagined that the native force of truth would at last break forth and shine bright1 if supported only by the strength of argument1 and attended to with a gentle and unprejudiced mind2 while1 on the other hand1 if such debates were carried on with violence and tumults1 as the most wicked are always the most obstinate1 so the best and most holy religion might be choked with superstition1 as corn is with briars and thorns2 he therefore left men wholly to their liberty1 that they might be free to believe as they should see cause2 only he made a solemn and severe law against such as should so far degenerate from the dignity of human nature as to think that our souls died with our bodies1 or that the world was governed by chance1 without a wise overruling ,providence3 for they all formerly believed that there was a state of rewards and punishments to the good and bad after this life2 and they now look on those that think otherwise as scarce fit to be counted men1 since they degrade so noble a being as the soul1 and reckon it no better than a beast's3 thus they are far from looking on such men as fit for human society1 or to be citizens of a well-ordered commonwealth2 since a man of such principles must needs1 as oft as he dares do it1 despise all their laws and customs3 for there is no doubt to be made that a man who is afraid of nothing but the law1 and apprehends nothing after death1 will not scruple to break through all the laws of his country1 either by fraud or force1 when by this means he may satisfy his appetites4 ,they never raise any that hold these maxims1 either to honours or offices1 nor employ them in any public trust1 but despise them1 as men of base and sordid minds3 yet they do not punish them1 because they lay this down as a maxim that a man cannot make himself believe anything he pleases2 nor do they drive any to dissemble their thoughts by threatenings1 so that men are not tempted to lie or disguise their opinions2 which being a sort of fraud1 is abhorred by the ,utopians4 ,they take care indeed to prevent their disputing in defence of these opinions1 especially before the common people2 but they suffer1 and even encourage them to dispute concerning them in private with their priests and other grave men1 being confident that they will be cured of those mad opinions by having reason laid before them4 ,there are many among them that run far to the other extreme1 though it is neither thought an ill nor unreasonable opinion1 and therefore is not at all discouraged4 ,they think that the souls of beasts are immortal1 though far inferior to the dignity of the human soul1 and not capable of so great a happiness4 ,they are almost all of them very firmly persuaded that good men will be infinitely happy in another state2 so that though they are compassionate to all that are sick1 yet they lament no man's death1 except they see him loth to depart with life2 for they look on this as a very ill presage1 as if the soul1 conscious to itself of guilt1 and quite hopeless1 was afraid to leave the body1 from some secret hints of approaching misery4 ,they think that such a man's appearance before ,god cannot be acceptable to ,him1 who1 being called on1 does not go out cheerfully1 but is backward and unwilling1 and is1 as it were1 dragged to it4 ,they are struck with horror when they see any die in this manner1 and carry them out in silence and with sorrow1 and praying ,god that ,he would be merciful to the errors of the departed soul1 they lay the body in the ground2 but when any die cheerfully1 and full of hope1 they do not mourn for them1 but sing hymns when they carry out their bodies1 and commending their souls very earnestly to ,god3 their whole behaviour is then rather grave than sad1 they burn the body1 and set up a pillar where the pile was made1 with an inscription to the honour of the deceased4 ,when they come from the funeral1 they discourse of his good life and worthy actions1 but speak of nothing oftener and with more pleasure than of his serenity at the hour of death4 ,they think such respect paid to the memory of good men is both the greatest incitement to engage others to follow their example1 and the most acceptable worship that can be offered them2 for they believe that though by the imperfection of human sight they are invisible to us1 yet they are present among us1 and hear those discourses that pass concerning themselves4 ,they believe it inconsistent1 with the happiness of departed souls not to be at liberty to be where they will1 and do not imagine them capable of the ingratitude of not desiring to see those friends with whom they lived on earth in the strictest bonds of love and kindness3 besides they are persuaded that good men after death have these affections and all other good dispositions increased rather than diminished1 and therefore conclude that they are still among the living1 and observe all they say or do4 ,from hence they engage in all their affairs with the greater confidence of success1 as trusting to their protection2 while this opinion of the presence of their ancestors is a restraint that prevents their engaging in ill designs4 ,they despise and laugh at auguries1 and the other vain and superstitious ways of divination1 so much observed among other nations2 but have great reverence for such miracles as cannot flow from any of the powers of ,nature1 and look on them as effects and indications of the presence of the supreme ,being1 of which they say many instances have occurred among them2 and that sometimes their public prayers1 which upon great and dangerous occasions they have solemnly put up to ,god1 with assured confidence of being heard1 have been answered in a miraculous manner4 ,they think the contemplating ,god in ,his works1 and the adoring ,him for them1 is a very acceptable piece of worship to ,him4 ,there are many among them1 that upon a motive of religion neglect learning1 and apply themselves to no sort of study2 nor do they allow themselves any leisure time1 but are perpetually employed1 believing that by the good things that a man does he secures to himself that happiness that comes after death4 ,some of these visit the sick2 others mend highways1 cleanse ditches1 repair bridges1 or dig turf1 gravel1 or stones4 ,others fell and cleave timber1 and bring wood1 corn1 and other necessaries on carts into their towns4 ,nor do these only serve the public1 but they serve even private men1 more than the slaves themselves do2 for if there is anywhere a rough1 hard1 and sordid piece of work to be done1 from which many are frightened by the labour and loathsomeness of it1 if not the despair of accomplishing it1 they cheerfully1 and of their own accord1 take that to their share2 and by that means1 as they ease others very much1 so they afflict themselves1 and spend their whole life in hard labour2 and yet they do not value themselves upon this1 nor lessen other people's credit to raise their own2 but by their stooping to such servile employments1 they are so far from being despised1 that they are so much the more esteemed by the whole nation4 ,of these there are two sorts2 some live unmarried and chaste1 and abstain from eating any sort of flesh2 and thus weaning themselves from all the pleasures of the present life1 which they account hurtful1 they pursue1 even by the hardest and painfullest methods possible1 that blessedness which they hope for hereafter2 and the nearer they approach to it1 they are the more cheerful and earnest in their endeavours after it4 ,another sort of them is less willing to put themselves to much toil1 and therefore prefer a married state to a single one2 and as they do not deny themselves the pleasure of it1 so they think the begetting of children is a debt which they owe to human nature and to their country2 nor do they avoid any pleasure that does not hinder labour1 and therefore eat flesh so much the more willingly1 as they find that by this means they are the more able to work2 the ,utopians look upon these as the wiser sect1 but they esteem the others as the most holy4 ,they would indeed laugh at any man1 who from the principles of reason would prefer an unmarried state to a married1 or a life of labour to an easy life2 but they reverence and admire such as do it from the motives of religion4 ,there is nothing in which they are more cautious than in giving their opinion positively concerning any sort of religion4 ,the men that lead those severe lives are called in the language of their country ,brutheskas1 which answers to those we call religious orders4 ,their priests are men of eminent piety1 and therefore they are but few1 for there are only thirteen in every town1 one for every temple2 but when they go to war1 seven of these go out with their forces1 and seven others are chosen to supply their room in their absence2 but these enter again upon their employment when they return2 and those who served in their absence attend upon the high-priest1 till vacancies fall by death2 for there is one set over all the rest4 ,they are chosen by the people as the other magistrates are1 by suffrages given in secret1 for preventing of factions2 and when they are chosen they are consecrated by the college of priests4 ,the care of all sacred things1 the worship of ,god1 and an inspection into the manners of the people1 are committed to them4 ,it is a reproach to a man to be sent for by any of them1 or for them to speak to him in secret1 for that always gives some suspicion4 ,all that is incumbent on them is only to exhort and admonish the people2 for the power of correcting and punishing ill men belongs wholly to the ,prince and to the other magistrates4 ,the severest thing that the priest does1 is the excluding those that are desperately wicked from joining in their worship4 ,there is not any sort of punishment more dreaded by them than this1 for as it loads them with infamy1 so it fills them with secret horrors1 such is their reverence to their religion2 nor will their bodies be long exempted from their share of trouble2 for if they do not very quickly satisfy the priests of the truth of their repentance1 they are seized on by the ,senate1 and punished for their impiety4 ,the education of youth belongs to the priests1 yet they do not take so much care of instructing them in letters as in forming their minds and manners aright2 they use all possible methods to infuse very early into the tender and flexible minds of children such opinions as are both good in themselves and will be useful to their country4 ,for when deep impressions of these things are made at that age1 they follow men through the whole course of their lives1 and conduce much to preserve the peace of the government1 which suffers by nothing more than by vices that rise out of ill opinions4 ,the wives of their priests are the most extraordinary women of the whole country2 sometimes the women themselves are made priests1 though that falls out but seldom1 nor are any but ancient widows chosen into that order4 ,none of the magistrates have greater honour paid them than is paid the priests2 and if they should happen to commit any crime1 they would not be questioned for it4 ,their punishment is left to ,god1 and to their own consciences2 for they do not think it lawful to lay hands on any man1 how wicked soever he is1 that has been in a peculiar manner dedicated to ,god2 nor do they find any great inconvenience in this1 both because they have so few priests1 and because these are chosen with much caution1 so that it must be a very unusual thing to find one who merely out of regard to his virtue1 and for his being esteemed a singularly good man1 was raised up to so great a dignity1 degenerate into corruption and vice4 ,and if such a thing should fall out1 for man is a changeable creature1 yet there being few priests1 and these having no authority but what rises out of the respect that is paid them1 nothing of great consequence to the public can proceed from the indemnity that the priests enjoy4 ,they have indeed very few of them1 lest greater numbers sharing in the same honour might make the dignity of that order which they esteem so highly to sink in its reputation4 ,they also think it difficult to find out many of such an exalted pitch of goodness1 as to be equal to that dignity which demands the exercise of more than ordinary virtues4 ,nor are the priests in greater veneration among them than they are among their neighbouring nations1 as you may imagine by that which ,i think gives occasion for it4 ,when the ,utopians engage in battle1 the priests who accompany them to the war1 apparelled in their sacred vestments1 kneel down during the action1 in a place not far from the field2 and lifting up their hands to heaven1 pray1 first for peace1 and then for victory to their own side1 and particularly that it may be gained without the effusion of much blood on either side2 and when the victory turns to their side1 they run in among their own men to restrain their fury2 and if any of their enemies see them1 or call to them1 they are preserved by that means2 and such as can come so near them as to touch their garments1 have not only their lives1 but their fortunes secured to them2 it is upon this account that all the nations roundabout consider them so much1 and treat them with such reverence1 that they have been often no less able to preserve their own people from the fury of their enemies1 than to save their enemies from their rage2 for it has sometimes fallen out1 that when their armies have been in disorder1 and forced to fly1 so that their enemies were running upon the slaughter and spoil1 the priests by interposing have separated them from one another1 and stopped the effusion of more blood2 so that by their mediation a peace has been concluded on very reasonable terms2 nor is there any nation about them so fierce1 cruel1 or barbarous as not to look upon their persons as sacred and inviolable4 ,the first and the last day of the month1 and of the year1 is a festival4 ,they measure their months by the course of the moon1 and their years by the course of the sun4 ,the first days are called in their language the ,cynemernes1 and the last the ,trapemernes2 which answers in our language to the festival that begins1 or ends the season4 ,they have magnificent temples1 that are not only nobly built1 but extremely spacious2 which is the more necessary1 as they have so few of them2 they are a little dark within1 which proceeds not from any error in the architecture1 but is done with design2 for their priests think that too much light dissipates the thoughts1 and that a more moderate degree of it both recollects the mind and raises devotion4 ,though there are many different forms of religion among them1 yet all these1 how various soever1 agree in the main point1 which is the worshipping the ,divine ,essence2 and therefore there is nothing to be seen or heard in their temples in which the several persuasions among them may not agree2 for every sect performs those rites that are peculiar to it1 in their private houses1 nor is there anything in the public worship that contradicts the particular ways of those different sects4 ,there are no images for ,god in their temples1 so that every one may represent ,him to his thoughts1 according to the way of his religion2 nor do they call this one ,god by any other name but that of ,mithras1 which is the common name by which they all express the ,divine ,essence1 whatsoever otherwise they think it to be2 nor are there any prayers among them but such as every one of them may use without prejudice to his own opinion4 ,they meet in their temples on the evening of the festival that concludes a season3 and not having yet broke their fast1 they thank ,god for their good success during that year or month1 which is then at an end2 and the next day being that which begins the new season1 they meet early in their temples1 to pray for the happy progress of all their affairs during that period upon which they then enter4 ,in the festival which concludes the period1 before they go to the temple1 both wives and children fall on their knees before their husbands or parents1 and confess everything in which they have either erred or failed in their duty1 and beg pardon for it4 ,thus all little discontents in families are removed1 that they may offer up their devotions with a pure and serene mind2 for they hold it a great impiety to enter upon them with disturbed thoughts1 or with a consciousness of their bearing hatred or anger in their hearts to any person whatsoever2 and think that they should become liable to severe punishments if they presumed to offer sacrifices without cleansing their hearts1 and reconciling all their differences4 ,in the temples1 the two sexes are separated1 the men go to the right hand1 and the women to the left2 and the males and females all place themselves before the head and master or mistress of that family to which they belong2 so that those who have the government of them at home may see their deportment in public2 and they intermingle them so1 that the younger and the older may be set by one another2 for if the younger sort were all set together1 they would perhaps trifle away that time too much in which they ought to beget in themselves that religious dread of the supreme ,being1 which is the greatest and almost the only incitement to virtue4 ,they offer up no living creature in sacrifice1 nor do they think it suitable to the divine ,being1 from whose bounty it is that these creatures have derived their lives1 to take pleasure in their deaths1 or the offering up their blood4 ,they burn incense and other sweet odours1 and have a great number of wax lights during their worship2 not out of any imagination that such oblations can add anything to the divine ,nature1 which even prayers cannot do2 but as it is a harmless and pure way of worshipping ,god1 so they think those sweet savours and lights1 together with some other ceremonies1 by a secret and unaccountable virtue1 elevate men's souls1 and inflame them with greater energy and cheerfulness during the divine worship4 ,all the people appear in the temples in white garments1 but the priest's vestments are parti-coloured1 and both the work and colours are wonderful4 ,they are made of no rich materials1 for they are neither embroidered nor set with precious stones1 but are composed of the plumes of several birds1 laid together with so much art and so neatly1 that the true value of them is far beyond the costliest materials4 ,they say that in the ordering and placing those plumes some dark mysteries are represented1 which pass down among their priests in a secret tradition concerning them2 and that they are as hieroglyphics1 putting them in mind of the blessings that they have received from ,god1 and of their duties both to ,him and to their neighbours4 ,as soon as the priest appears in those ornaments1 they all fall prostrate on the ground1 with so much reverence and so deep a silence that such as look on cannot but be struck with it1 as if it were the effect of the appearance of a ,deity4 ,after they have been for some time in this posture1 they all stand up1 upon a sign given by the priest1 and sing hymns to the honour of ,god1 some musical instruments playing all the while4 ,these are quite of another form than those used among us3 but as many of them are much sweeter than ours1 so others are made use of by us4 ,yet in one thing they very much exceed us2 all their music1 both vocal and instrumental1 is adapted to imitate and express the passions1 and is so happily suited to every occasion1 that whether the subject of the hymn be cheerful or formed to soothe or trouble the mind1 or to express grief or remorse1 the music takes the impression of whatever is represented1 affects and kindles the passions1 and works the sentiments deep into the hearts of the hearers4 ,when this is done1 both priests and people offer up very solemn prayers to ,god in a set form of words2 and these are so composed1 that whatsoever is pronounced by the whole assembly may be likewise applied by every man in particular to his own condition2 in these they acknowledge ,god to be the author and governor of the world1 and the fountain of all the good they receive1 and therefore offer up to ,him their thanksgiving2 and in particular bless ,him for ,his goodness in ordering it so1 that they are born under the happiest government in the world1 and are of a religion which they hope is the truest of all others3 but if they are mistaken1 and if there is either a better government or a religion more acceptable to ,god1 they implore ,his goodness to let them know it1 vowing that they resolve to follow ,him whithersoever ,he leads them4 ,but if their government is the best1 and their religion the truest1 then they pray that ,he may fortify them in it1 and bring all the world both to the same rules of life1 and to the same opinions concerning himself2 unless1 according to the unsearchableness of ,his mind1 ,he is pleased with a variety of religions4 ,then they pray that ,god may give them an easy passage at last to himself2 not presuming to set limits to ,him1 how early or late it should be2 but if it may be wished for1 without derogating from ,his supreme authority1 they desire to be quickly delivered1 and to be taken to himself1 though by the most terrible kind of death1 rather than to be detained long from seeing ,him by the most prosperous course of life4 ,when this prayer is ended1 they all fall down again upon the ground1 and after a little while they rise up1 go home to dinner1 and spend the rest of the day in diversion or military exercises4 ,thus have ,i described to you1 as particularly as ,i could1 the constitution of that commonwealth1 which ,i do not only think the best in the world1 but indeed the only commonwealth that truly deserves that name4 ,in all other places it is visible1 that while people talk of a commonwealth1 every man only seeks his own wealth2 but there1 where no man has any property1 all men zealously pursue the good of the public3 and1 indeed1 it is no wonder to see men act so differently2 for in other commonwealths1 every man knows that unless he provides for himself1 how flourishing soever the commonwealth may be1 he must die of hunger2 so that he sees the necessity of preferring his own concerns to the public2 but in ,utopia1 where every man has a right to everything1 they all know that if care is taken to keep the public stores full1 no private man can want anything2 for among them there is no unequal distribution1 so that no man is poor1 none in necessity2 and though no man has anything1 yet they are all rich2 for what can make a man so rich as to lead a serene and cheerful life1 free from anxieties2 neither apprehending want himself1 nor vexed with the endless complaints of his wife8 ,he is not afraid of the misery of his children1 nor is he contriving how to raise a portion for his daughters1 but is secure in this1 that both he and his wife1 his children and grandchildren1 to as many generations as he can fancy1 will all live both plentifully and happily2 since among them there is no less care taken of those who were once engaged in labour1 but grow afterwards unable to follow it1 than there is elsewhere of these that continue still employed4 ,i would gladly hear any man compare the justice that is among them with that of all other nations2 among whom1 may ,i perish1 if ,i see anything that looks either like justice or equity3 for what justice is there in this1 that a nobleman1 a goldsmith1 a banker1 or any other man1 that either does nothing at all1 or at best is employed in things that are of no use to the public1 should live in great luxury and splendour1 upon what is so ill acquired2 and a mean man1 a carter1 a smith1 or a ploughman1 that works harder even than the beasts themselves1 and is employed in labours so necessary1 that no commonwealth could hold out a year without them1 can only earn so poor a livelihood1 and must lead so miserable a life1 that the condition of the beasts is much better than theirs8 ,for as the beasts do not work so constantly1 so they feed almost as well1 and with more pleasure2 and have no anxiety about what is to come1 whilst these men are depressed by a barren and fruitless employment1 and tormented with the apprehensions of want in their old age2 since that which they get by their daily labour does but maintain them at present1 and is consumed as fast as it comes in1 there is no overplus left to lay up for old age4 ,is not that government both unjust and ungrateful1 that is so prodigal of its favours to those that are called gentlemen1 or goldsmiths1 or such others who are idle1 or live either by flattery1 or by contriving the arts of vain pleasure2 and on the other hand1 takes no care of those of a meaner sort1 such as ploughmen1 colliers1 and smiths1 without whom it could not subsist8 ,but after the public has reaped all the advantage of their service1 and they come to be oppressed with age1 sickness1 and want1 all their labours and the good they have done is forgotten2 and all the recompense given them is that they are left to die in great misery4 ,the richer sort are often endeavouring to bring the hire of labourers lower1 not only by their fraudulent practices1 but by the laws which they procure to be made to that effect2 so that though it is a thing most unjust in itself1 to give such small rewards to those who deserve so well of the public1 yet they have given those hardships the name and colour of justice1 by procuring laws to be made for regulating them4 ,therefore ,i must say that1 as ,i hope for mercy1 ,i can have no other notion of all the other governments that ,i see or know1 than that they are a conspiracy of the rich1 who on pretence of managing the public only pursue their private ends1 and devise all the ways and arts they can find out2 first1 that they may1 without danger1 preserve all that they have so ill acquired1 and then that they may engage the poor to toil and labour for them at as low rates as possible1 and oppress them as much as they please4 ,and if they can but prevail to get these contrivances established by the show of public authority1 which is considered as the representative of the whole people1 then they are accounted laws4 ,yet these wicked men after they have1 by a most insatiable covetousness1 divided that among themselves with which all the rest might have been well supplied1 are far from that happiness that is enjoyed among the ,utopians3 for the use as well as the desire of money being extinguished1 much anxiety and great occasions of mischief is cut off with it4 ,and who does not see that the frauds1 thefts1 robberies1 quarrels1 tumults1 contentions1 seditions1 murders1 treacheries1 and witchcrafts1 which are indeed rather punished than restrained by the severities of law1 would all fall off1 if money were not any more valued by the world8 ,men's fears1 solicitudes1 cares1 labours1 and watchings1 would all perish in the same moment with the value of money3 even poverty itself1 for the relief of which money seems most necessary1 would fall4 ,but1 in order to the apprehending this aright1 take one instance4 ,consider any year that has been so unfruitful that many thousands have died of hunger2 and yet if at the end of that year a survey was made of the granaries of all the rich men that have hoarded up the corn1 it would be found that there was enough among them to have prevented all that consumption of men that perished in misery2 and that if it had been distributed among them1 none would have felt the terrible effects of that scarcity2 so easy a thing would it be to supply all the necessities of life1 if that blessed thing called money1 which is pretended to be invented for procuring them1 was not really the only thing that obstructed their being procured6 ,i do not doubt but rich men are sensible of this1 and that they well know how much a greater happiness it is to want nothing necessary than to abound in many superfluities1 and to be rescued out of so much misery than to abound with so much wealth2 and ,i cannot think but the sense of every man's interest1 added to the authority of ,christ's commands1 who as ,he was infinitely wise1 knew what was best1 and was not less good in discovering it to us1 would have drawn all the world over to the laws of the ,utopians1 if pride1 that plague of human nature1 that source of so much misery1 did not hinder it2 for this vice does not measure happiness so much by its own conveniences as by the miseries of others2 and would not be satisfied with being thought a goddess1 if none were left that were miserable1 over whom she might insult4 ,pride thinks its own happiness shines the brighter by comparing it with the misfortunes of other persons2 that by displaying its own wealth1 they may feel their poverty the more sensibly4 ,this is that infernal serpent that creeps into the breasts of mortals1 and possesses them too much to be easily drawn out2 and therefore ,i am glad that the ,utopians have fallen upon this form of government1 in which ,i wish that all the world could be so wise as to imitate them2 for they have indeed laid down such a scheme and foundation of policy1 that as men live happily under it1 so it is like to be of great continuance2 for they having rooted out of the minds of their people all the seeds both of ambition and faction1 there is no danger of any commotion at home2 which alone has been the ruin of many states1 that seemed otherwise to be well secured2 but as long as they live in peace at home1 and are governed by such good laws1 the envy of all their neighbouring princes1 who have often though in vain attempted their ruin1 will never be able to put their state into any commotion or disorder4 99 99 99 99 99 ,when ,raphael had thus made an end of speaking1 though many things occurred to me1 both concerning the manners and laws of that people1 that seemed very absurd1 as well as their way of making war1 as in their notions of religion and divine matters2 together with several other particulars1 but chiefly what seemed the foundation of all the rest1 their living in common1 without the use of money1 by which all nobility1 magnificence1 splendour1 and majesty1 which1 according to the common opinion1 are the true ornaments of a nation1 would be quite taken away2 yet since ,i perceived that ,raphael was weary1 and was not sure whether he could easily bear contradiction1 remembering that he had taken notice of some who seemed to think they were bound in honour to support the credit of their own wisdom1 by finding out something to censure in all other men's inventions1 besides their own2 ,i only commended their constitution1 and the account he had given of it in general2 and so taking him by the hand1 carried him to supper1 and told him ,i would find out some other time for examining this subject more particularly1 and for discoursing more copiously upon it2 and indeed ,i shall be glad to embrace an opportunity of doing it4 ,in the meanwhile1 though it must be confessed that he is both a very learned man1 and a person who has obtained a great knowledge of the world1 ,i cannot perfectly agree to everything he has related2 however1 there are many things in the ,commonwealth of ,utopia that ,i rather wish1 than hope1 to see followed in our governments4 ,,bacon',s ,,new ,,atlantis4 ,,new ,,atlantis4 ,we sailed from ,peru1 where we had continued by the space of one whole year1 for ,china and ,japan1 by the ,south ,sea1 taking with us victuals for twelve months2 and had good winds from the east1 though soft and weak1 for five months' space and more4 ,but then the wind came about1 and settled in the west for many days1 so as we could make little or no way1 and were sometimes in purpose to turn back4 ,but then again there arose strong and great winds from the south1 with a point east2 which carried us up1 for all that we could do1 towards the north3 by which time our victuals failed us1 though we had made good spare of them4 ,so that finding ourselves1 in the midst of the greatest wilderness of waters in the world1 without victual1 we gave ourselves for lost men1 and prepared for death4 ,yet we did lift up our hearts and voices to ,god above1 who showeth ,his wonders in the deep2 beseeching ,him of his mercy1 that as in the beginning ,he discovered the face of the deep1 and brought forth dry land1 so ,he would now discover land to us1 that we might not perish4 ,and it came to pass1 that the next day about evening we saw within a kenning before us1 towards the north1 as it were thick clouds1 which did put us in some hope of land3 knowing how that part of the ,south ,sea was utterly unknown3 and might have islands or continents1 that hitherto were not come to light4 ,wherefore we bent out course thither1 where we saw the appearance of land1 all that night3 and in the dawning of next day1 we might plainly discern that it was a land flat to our sight1 and full of boscage1 which made it show the more dark4 ,and after an hour and a half's sailing1 we entered into a good haven1 being the port of a fair city4 ,not great indeed1 but well built1 and that gave a pleasant view from the sea4 ,and we thinking every minute long till we were on land1 came close to the shore and offered to land4 ,but straightways we saw divers of the people1 with bastons in their hands1 as it were forbidding us to land3 yet without any cries or fierceness1 but only as warning us off1 by signs that they made4 ,whereupon being not a little discomfited1 we were advising with ourselves what we should do4 ,during which time there made forth to us a small boat1 with about eight persons in it1 whereof one of them had in his hand a tipstaff of a yellow cane1 tipped at both ends with blue1 who made aboard our ship1 without any show of distrust at all4 ,and when he saw one of our number present himself somewhat afore the rest1 he drew forth a little scroll of parchment 7somewhat yellower than our parchment1 and shining like the leaves of writing tables1 but otherwise soft and flexible71 and delivered it to our foremost man4 ,in which scroll were written in ancient ,hebrew1 and in ancient ,greek1 and in good ,latin of the school1 and in ,spanish these words3 ,land ye not1 none of you1 and provide to be gone from this coast within sixteen days1 except you have further time given you2 meanwhile1 if you want fresh water1 or victual1 or help for your sick1 or that your ship needeth repair1 write down your wants1 and you shall have that which belongeth to mercy4 ,this scroll was signed with a stamp of cherubim's wings1 not spread1 but hanging downwards2 and by them a cross4 ,this being delivered1 the officer returned1 and left only a servant with us to receive our answer4 ,consulting hereupon amongst ourselves1 we were much perplexed4 ,the denial of landing1 and hasty warning us away1 troubled us much3 on the other side1 to find that the people had languages1 and were so full of humanity1 did comfort us not a little4 ,and above all1 the sign of the cross to that instrument1 was to us a great rejoicing1 and as it were a certain presage of good4 ,our answer was in the ,spanish tongue1 ,that for our ship1 it was well2 for we had rather met with calms and contrary winds1 than any tempests4 ,for our sick1 they were many1 and in very ill case2 so that if they were not permitted to land1 they ran in danger of their lives4 ,our other wants we set down in particular1 adding1 ,that we had some little store of merchandise1 which if it pleased them to deal for1 it might supply our wants1 without being chargeable unto them4 ,we offered some reward in pistolets unto the servant1 and a piece of crimson velvet to be presented to the officer2 but the servant took them not1 nor would scarce look upon them2 and so left us1 and went back in another little boat which was sent for him4 ,about three hours after we had despatched our answer there came towards us a person 7as it seemed7 of a place4 ,he had on him a gown with wide sleeves1 of a kind of water chamolet1 of an excellent azure colour1 far more glossy than ours3 his under apparel was green1 and so was his hat1 being in the form of a turban1 daintily made1 and not so huge as the ,turkish turbans2 and the locks of his hair came down below the brims of it4 ,a reverend man was he to behold4 ,he came in a boat1 gilt in some part of it1 with four persons more only in that boat2 and was followed by another boat1 wherein were some twenty4 ,when he was come within a flight-shot of our ship1 signs were made to us that we should send forth some to meet him upon the water1 which we presently did in our ship-boat1 sending the principal man amongst us save one1 and four of our number with him4 ,when we were come within six yards of their boat1 they called to us to stay1 and not to approach farther1 which we did4 ,and thereupon the man1 whom ,i before described1 stood up1 and with a loud voice in ,spanish1 asked1 ,are ye ,christians8 ,we answered1 ,we were2 fearing the less1 because of the cross we had seen in the subscription4 ,at which answer the said person lift up his right hand towards heaven1 and drew it softly to his mouth 7which is the gesture they use1 when they thank ,god71 and then said3 ,if ye will swear1 all of you1 by the merits of the ,saviour1 that ye are no pirates2 nor have shed blood1 lawfully nor unlawfully1 within forty days past2 you may have license to come on land4 ,we said1 ,we were all ready to take that oath4 ,whereupon one of those that were with him1 being 7as it seemed7 a notary1 made an entry of this act4 ,which done1 another of the attendants of the great person1 which was with him in the same boat1 after his lord had spoken a little to him1 said aloud3 ,my lord would have you know1 that it is not of pride1 or greatness1 that he cometh not aboard your ship3 but for that1 in your answer1 you declare that you have many sick amongst you1 he was warned by the conservator of health of the city that he should keep a distance4 ,we bowed ourselves towards him1 and answered3 ,we were his humble servants2 and accounted for great honour and singular humanity towards us1 that which was already done3 but hoped well1 that the nature of the sickness of our men was not infectious4 ,so he returned2 and a while after came the notary to us aboard our ship2 holding in his hand a fruit of that country1 like an orange1 but of colour between orange-tawny and scarlet3 which cast a most excellent odour4 ,he used it 7as it seemed7 for a preservative against infection4 ,he gave us our oath1 ,by the name of ,jesus1 and ,his merits3 and after told us1 that the next day by six of the clock in the morning1 we should be sent to1 and brought to the strangers' house 7so he called it71 where we should be accommodated of things1 both for our whole and for our sick4 ,so he left us2 and when we offered him some pistolets1 he smiling1 said1 ,he must not be twice paid for one labour3 meaning 7as ,i take it7 that he had salary sufficient of the state for his service4 ,for 7as ,i after learned7 they call an officer that taketh rewards twice-paid4 ,the next morning early1 there came to us the same officer that came to us at first with his cane1 and told us3 ,he came to conduct us to the strangers' house3 and that he had prevented the hour1 because we might have the whole day before us for our business4 ,for 7said he7 if you will follow my advice1 there shall first go with me some few of you1 and see the place1 and how it may be made convenient for you3 and then you may send for your sick1 and the rest of your number1 which ye will bring on land4 ,we thanked him1 and said1 ,that his care which he took of desolate strangers1 ,god would reward4 ,and so six of us went on land with him2 and when we were on land1 he went before us1 and turned to us1 and said1 ,he was but our servant1 and our guide4 ,he led us through three fair streets2 and all the way we went there were gathered some people on both sides1 standing in a row2 but in so civil a fashion1 as if it had been1 not to wonder at us1 but to welcome us2 and divers of them1 as we passed by them1 put their arms a little abroad1 which is their gesture when they bid any welcome4 ,the strangers' house is a fair and spacious house1 built of brick1 of somewhat a bluer colour than our brick2 and with handsome windows1 some of glass1 some of a kind of cambric oiled4 ,he brought us first into a fair parlour above stairs1 and then asked us1 ,what number of persons we were8 and how many sick8 ,we answered1 ,we were in all 7sick and whole7 one and fifty persons1 whereof our sick were seventeen4 ,he desired us to have patience a little1 and to stay till he came back to us1 which was about an hour after2 and then he led us to see the chambers which were provided for us1 being in number nineteen4 ,they having cast it 7as it seemeth7 that four of those chambers1 which were better than the rest1 might receive four of the principal men of our company2 and lodge them alone by themselves2 and the other fifteen chambers were to lodge us1 two and two together4 ,the chambers were handsome and cheerful chambers1 and furnished civilly4 ,then he led us to a long gallery1 like a dorture1 where he showed us all along the one side 7for the other side was but wall and window7 seventeen cells1 very neat ones1 having partitions of cedar wood4 ,which gallery and cells1 being in all forty 7many more than we needed71 were instituted as an infirmary for sick persons4 ,and he told us withal1 that as any of our sick waxed well1 he might be removed from his cell to a chamber3 for which purpose there were set forth ten spare chambers1 besides the number we spake of before4 ,this done1 he brought us back to the parlour1 and lifting up his cane a little 7as they do when they give any charge or command71 said to us1 ,ye are to know that the custom of the land requireth1 that after this day and to-morrow 7which we give you for removing your people from your ship71 you are to keep within doors for three days4 ,but let it not trouble you1 nor do not think yourselves restrained1 but rather left to your rest and ease4 ,you shall want nothing2 and there are six of our people appointed to attend you for any business you may have abroad4 ,we gave him thanks with all affection and respect1 and said1 ,god surely is manifested in this land4 ,we offered him also twenty pistolets2 but he smiled1 and only said3 ,what8 ,twice paid6 ,and so he left us4 ,soon after our dinner was served in2 which was right good viands1 both for bread and meat3 better than any collegiate diet that ,i have known in ,europe4 ,we had also drink of three sorts1 all wholesome and good2 wine of the grape2 a drink of grain1 such as is with us our ale1 but more clear2 and a kind of cider made of a fruit of that country2 a wonderful pleasing and refreshing drink4 ,besides1 there were brought in to us great store of those scarlet oranges for our sick2 which 7they said7 were an assured remedy for sickness taken at sea4 ,there was given us also a box of small grey or whitish pills1 which they wished our sick should take1 one of the pills every night before sleep2 which 7they said7 would hasten their recovery4 ,the next day1 after that our trouble of carriage and removing of our men and goods out of our ship was somewhat settled and quiet1 ,i thought good to call our company together1 and when they were assembled1 said unto them1 ,my dear friends1 let us know ourselves1 and how it standeth with us4 ,we are men cast on land1 as ,jonas was out of the whale's belly1 when we were as buried in the deep2 and now we are on land1 we are but between death and life1 for we are beyond both the old world and the new2 and whether ever we shall see ,europe1 ,god only knoweth4 ,it is a kind of miracle hath brought us hither1 and it must be little less that shall bring us hence4 ,therefore in regard of our deliverance past1 and our danger present and to come1 let us look up to ,god1 and every man reform his own ways4 ,besides we are come here amongst a ,christian people1 full of piety and humanity4 ,let us not bring that confusion of face upon ourselves1 as to show our vices or unworthiness before them4 ,yet there is more1 for they have by commandment 7though in form of courtesy7 cloistered us within these walls for three days2 who knoweth whether it be not to take some taste of our manners and conditions8 ,and if they find them bad1 to banish us straightways2 if good1 to give us further time4 ,for these men that they have given us for attendance1 may withal have an eye upon us4 ,therefore1 for ,god's love1 and as we love the weal of our souls and bodies1 let us so behave ourselves1 as we may be at peace with ,god1 and may find grace in the eyes of this people4 ,our company with one voice thanked me for my good admonition1 and promised me to live soberly and civilly1 and without giving any the least occasion of offence4 ,so we spent our three days joyfully1 and without care1 in expectation what would be done with us when they were expired4 ,during which time1 we had every hour joy of the amendment of our sick1 who thought themselves cast into some divine pool of healing1 they mended so kindly and so fast4 ,the morrow after our three days were past1 there came to us a new man1 that we had not seen before1 clothed in blue as the former was1 save that his turban was white with a small red cross on the top4 ,he had also a tippet of fine linen4 ,at his coming in1 he did bend to us a little1 and put his arms abroad4 ,we of our parts saluted him in a very lowly and submissive manner2 as looking that from him we should receive sentence of life or death4 ,he desired to speak with some few of us4 ,whereupon six of us only stayed1 and the rest avoided the room4 ,he said1 ,i am by office governor of this house of strangers1 and by vocation ,i am a ,christian priest2 and therefore am come to you1 to offer you my service1 both as strangers1 and chiefly as ,christians4 ,some things ,i may tell you1 which ,i think you will not be unwilling to hear4 ,the state hath given you license to stay on land for the space of six weeks3 and let it not trouble you1 if your occasions ask further time1 for the law in this point is not precise2 and ,i do not doubt1 but myself shall be able to obtain for you such further time as shall be convenient4 ,ye shall also understand1 that the strangers' house is at this time rich1 and much aforehand2 for it hath laid up revenue these thirty-seven years3 for so long it is since any stranger arrived in this part2 and therefore take ye no care2 the state will defray you all the time you stay4 ,neither shall you stay one day the less for that4 ,as for any merchandise you have brought1 ye shall be well used1 and have your return1 either in merchandise or in gold and silver3 for to us it is all one4 ,and if you have any other request to make1 hide it not2 for ye shall find we will not make your countenance to fall by the answer ye shall receive4 ,only this ,i must tell you1 that none of you must go above a karan 7that is with them a mile and a half7 from the walls of the city1 without special leave4 ,we answered1 after we had looked a while upon one another1 admiring this gracious and parent-like usage1 that we could not tell what to say1 for we wanted words to express our thanks2 and his noble free offers left us nothing to ask4 ,it seemed to us1 that we had before us a picture of our salvation in heaven2 for we that were a while since in the jaws of death1 were now brought into a place where we found nothing but consolations4 ,for the commandment laid upon us1 we would not fail to obey it1 though it was impossible but our hearts should be inflamed to tread further upon this happy and holy ground4 ,we added1 that our tongues should first cleave to the roofs of our mouths1 ere we should forget1 either this reverend person1 or this whole nation1 in our prayers4 ,we also most humbly besought him to accept of us as his true servants1 by as just a right as ever men on earth were bounden2 laying and presenting both our persons and all we had at his feet4 ,he said1 he was a priest1 and looked lot a priest's reward2 which was our brotherly love1 and the good of our souls and bodies4 ,so he went from us1 not without tears of tenderness in his eyes1 and left us also confused with joy and kindness1 saying amongst ourselves1 that we were come into a land of angels1 which did appear to us daily1 and prevent us with comforts1 which we thought not of1 much less expected4 ,the next day1 about ten of the clock1 the governor came to us again1 and after salutations1 said familiarly1 that he was come to visit us2 and called for a chair1 and sat him down2 and we being some ten of us 7the rest were of the meaner sort1 or else gone abroad71 sat down with him2 and when we were set1 he began thus3 ,we of this island of ,bensalem 7for so they called it in their language7 have this3 that by means of our solitary situation1 and of the laws of secrecy1 which we have for our travellers1 and our rare admission of strangers2 we know well most part of the habitable world1 and are ourselves unknown4 ,therefore because he that knoweth least is fittest to ask questions1 it is more reason1 for the entertainment of the time1 that ye ask me questions1 than that ,i ask you4 ,we answered1 that we humbly thanked him1 that he would give us leave so to do4 ,and that we conceived by the taste we had already1 that there was no worldly thing on earth more worthy to be known than the state of that happy land4 ,but above all 7we said7 since that we were met from the several ends of the world1 and hoped assuredly that we should meet one day in the kingdom of heaven 7for that we were both parts ,christians71 we desired to know 7in respect that land was so remote1 and so divided by vast and unknown seas from the land where our ,saviour walked on earth7 who was the apostle of that nation1 and how it was converted to the faith8 ,it appeared in his face1 that he took great contentment in this our question2 he said1 ,ye knit my heart to you1 by asking this question in the first place3 for it showeth that you first seek the kingdom of heaven3 and ,i shall gladly1 and briefly1 satisfy your demand4 ,about twenty years after the ascension of our ,saviour it came to pass1 that there was seen by the people of ,renfusa 7a city upon the eastern coast of our island1 within sight1 the night was cloudy and calm71 as it might be some mile in the sea1 a great pillar of light2 not sharp1 but in form of a column1 or cylinder1 rising from the sea1 a great way up towards heaven2 and on the top of it was seen a large cross of light1 more bright and resplendent than the body of the pillar4 ,upon which so strange a spectacle1 the people of the city gathered apace together upon the sands1 to wonder2 and so after put themselves into a number of small boats to go nearer to this marvellous sight4 ,but when the boats were come within about sixty yards of the pillar1 they found themselves all bound1 and could go no further1 yet so as they might move to go about1 but might not approach nearer2 so as the boats stood all as in a theatre1 beholding this light1 as an heavenly sign4 ,it so fell out1 that there was in one of the boats one of the wise men of the ,society of ,salomon's ,house2 which house or college1 my good brethren1 is the very eye of this kingdom1 who having a while attentively and devoutly viewed and contemplated this pillar and cross1 fell down upon his face2 and then raised himself upon his knees1 and lifting up his hands to heaven1 made his prayers in this manner3 ',lord ,god of heaven and earth2 thou hast vouchsafed of thy grace1 to those of our order to know thy works of creation1 and true secrets of them2 and to discern 7as far as appertaineth to the generations of men7 between divine miracles1 works of ,nature1 works of art and impostures1 and illusions of all sorts4 ,i do here acknowledge and testify before this people1 that the thing we now see before our eyes1 is thy finger1 and a true miracle4 ,and forasmuch as we learn in our books1 that thou never workest miracles1 but to a divine and excellent end 7for the laws of ,nature are thine own laws1 and thou exceedest them not but upon great cause71 we most humbly beseech thee to prosper this great sign1 and to give us the interpretation and use of it in mercy2 which thou dost in some part secretly promise1 by sending it unto us4' ,when he had made his prayer1 he presently found the boat he was in movable and unbound2 whereas all the rest remained still fast2 and taking that for an assurance of leave to approach1 he caused the boat to be softly and with silence rowed towards the pillar2 but ere he came near it1 the pillar and cross of light broke up1 and cast itself abroad1 as it were into a firmament of many stars1 which also vanished soon after2 and there was nothing left to be seen but a small ark1 or chest of cedar1 dry and not wet at all with water1 though it swam2 and in the fore-end of it1 which was towards him1 grew a small green branch of palm2 and when the wise man had taken it with all reverence into his boat1 it opened of itself1 and there were found in it a book and a letter1 both written in fine parchment1 and wrapped in sindons of linen4 ,the book contained all the canonical books of the ,old and ,new ,testament1 according as you have them 7for we know well what the churches with you receive71 and the ,apocalypse itself2 and some other books of the ,new ,testament1 which were not at that time written1 were nevertheless in the book4 ,and for the letter1 it was in these words3 ',i ,bartholomew1 a servant of the ,highest1 and apostle of ,jesus ,christ1 was warned by an angel that appeared to me in a vision of glory1 that ,i should commit this ark to the floods of the sea4 ,therefore ,i do testify and declare unto that people where ,god shall ordain this ark to come to land1 that in the same day is come unto them salvation and peace1 and goodwill from the ,father1 and from the ,lord ,jesus4' ,there was also in both these writings1 as well the book as the letter1 wrought a great miracle1 conform to that of the apostles1 in the original gift of tongues4 ,for there being at that time1 in this land1 ,hebrews1 ,persians1 and ,indians1 besides the natives1 every one read upon the book and letter1 as if they had been written in his own language4 ,and thus was this land saved from infidelity 7as the remain of the old world was from water7 by an ark1 through the apostolical and miraculous evangelism of ,st4 ,bartholomew4 ,and here he paused1 and a messenger came1 and called him forth from us4 ,so this was all that passed in that conference4 ,the next day1 the same governor came again to us1 immediately after dinner1 and excused himself1 saying1 ,that the day before he was called from us somewhat abruptly1 but now he would make us amends1 and spend time with us1 if we held his company and conference agreeable4 ,we answered1 that we held it so agreeable and pleasing to us1 as we forgot both dangers past1 and fears to come1 for the time we heard him speak2 and that we thought an hour spent with him was worth years of our former life4 ,he bowed himself a little to us1 and after we were set again1 he said1 ,well1 the questions are on your part4 ,one of our number said1 after a little pause1 that there was a matter we were no less desirous to know than fearful to ask1 lest we might presume too far4 ,but encouraged by his rare humanity towards us 7that could scarce think ourselves strangers1 being his vowed and professed servants71 we would take the hardness to propound it2 humbly beseeching him1 if he thought it not fit to be answered1 that he would pardon it1 though he rejected it4 ,we said1 we well observed those his words1 which he formerly spake1 that this happy island1 where we now stood1 was known to few1 and yet knew most of the nations of the world1 which we found to be true1 considering they had the languages of ,europe1 and knew much of our state and business2 and yet we in ,europe 7notwithstanding all the remote discoveries and navigations of this last age7 never heard any of the least inkling or glimpse of this island4 ,this we found wonderful strange2 for that all nations have interknowledge one of another1 either by voyage into foreign parts1 or by strangers that come to them2 and though the traveller into a foreign country doth commonly know more by the eye than he that stayeth at home can by relation of the traveller2 yet both ways suffice to make a mutual knowledge1 in some degree1 on both parts4 ,but for this island1 we never heard tell of any ship of theirs1 that had been seen to arrive upon any shore of ,europe2 no1 nor of either the ,east or ,west ,indies1 nor yet of any ship of any other part of the world1 that had made return for them4 ,and yet the marvel rested not in this4 ,for the situation of it 7as his lordship said7 in the secret conclave of such a vast sea might cause it4 ,but then1 that they should have knowledge of the languages1 books1 affairs1 of those that lie such a distance from them1 it was a thing we could not tell what to make of2 for that it seemed to us a condition and propriety of divine powers and beings1 to be hidden and unseen to others1 and yet to have others open1 and as in a light to them4 ,at this speech the governor gave a gracious smile and said1 that we did well to ask pardon for this question we now asked1 for that it imported1 as if we thought this land a land of magicians1 that sent forth spirits of the air into all parts1 to bring them news and intelligence of other countries4 ,it was answered by us all1 in all possible humbleness1 but yet with a countenance taking knowledge1 that we knew that he spake it but merrily4 ,that we were apt enough to think1 there was somewhat supernatural in this island1 but yet rather as angelical than magical4 ,but to let his lordship know truly what it was that made us tender and doubtful to ask this question1 it was not any such conceit1 but because we remembered he had given a touch in his former speech1 that this land had laws of secrecy touching strangers4 ,to this he said1 ,you remember it aright2 and therefore in that ,i shall say to you1 ,i must reserve some particulars1 which it is not lawful for me to reveal1 but there will be enough left to give you satisfaction4 ,you shall understand 7that which perhaps you will scarce think credible7 that about three thousand years ago1 or somewhat more1 the navigation of the world 7especially for remote voyages7 was greater than at this day4 ,do not think with yourselves1 that ,i know not how much it is increased with you1 within these threescore years2 ,i know it well1 and yet ,i say1 greater then than now2 whether it was1 that the example of the ark1 that saved the remnant of men from the universal deluge1 gave men confidence to adventure upon the waters1 or what it was2 but such is the truth4 ,the ,phoenicians1 and especially the ,tyrians1 had great fleets2 so had the ,carthaginians their colony1 which is yet farther west4 ,toward the east the shipping of ,egypt1 and of ,palestine1 was likewise great4 ,china also1 and the great ,atlantis 7that you call ,america71 which have now but junks and canoes1 abounded then in tall ships4 ,this island 7as appeareth by faithful registers of those times7 had then fifteen hundred strong ships1 of great content4 ,of all this there is with you sparing memory1 or none2 but we have large knowledge thereof4 ,at that time1 this land was known and frequented by the ships and vessels of all the nations before named4 ,and 7as it cometh to pass7 they had many times men of other countries1 that were no sailors1 that came with them2 as ,persians1 ,chaldeans1 ,arabians1 so as almost all nations of might and fame resorted hither2 of whom we have some stirps and little tribes with us at this day4 ,and for our own ships1 they went sundry voyages1 as well to your straits1 which you call the ,pillars of ,hercules1 as to other parts in the ,atlantic and ,mediterranean ,seas2 as to ,paguin 7which is the same with ,cambalaine7 and ,quinzy1 upon the ,oriental ,seas1 as far as to the borders of the ,east ,tartary4 ,at the same time1 and an age after or more1 the inhabitants of the great ,atlantis did flourish4 ,for though the narration and description which is made by a great man with you1 that the descendants of ,neptune planted there1 and of the magnificent temple1 palace1 city and hill2 and the manifold streams of goodly navigable rivers1 which as so many chains environed the same site and temple2 and the several degrees of ascent1 whereby men did climb up to the same1 as if it had been a ,scala ,cli2 be all poetical and fabulous2 yet so much is true1 that the said country of ,atlantis1 as well that of ,peru1 then called ,coya1 as that of ,mexico1 then named ,tyrambel1 were mighty and proud kingdoms1 in arms1 shipping1 and riches2 so mighty1 as at one time1 or at least within the space of ten years1 they both made two great expeditions2 they of ,tyrambel through the ,atlantic to the ,mediterranean ,sea2 and they of ,coya1 through the ,south ,sea upon this our island2 and for the former of these1 which was into ,europe1 the same author amongst you1 as it seemeth1 had some relation from the ,egyptian priest1 whom he citeth4 ,for assuredly1 such a thing there was4 ,but whether it were the ancient ,athenians that had the glory of the repulse and resistance of those forces1 ,i can say nothing2 but certain it is there never came back either ship or man from that voyage4 ,neither had the other voyage of those of ,coya upon us had better fortune1 if they had not met with enemies of greater clemency4 ,for the king of this island1 by name ,altabin1 a wise man and a great warrior1 knowing well both his own strength and that of his enemies1 handled the matter so1 as he cut off their land forces from their ships1 and entoiled both their navy and their camp with a greater power than theirs1 both by sea and land2 and compelled them to render themselves without striking a stroke2 and after they were at his mercy1 contenting himself only with their oath1 that they should no more bear arms against him1 dismissed them all in safety4 ,but the divine revenge overtook not long after those proud enterprises4 ,for within less than the space of one hundred years the ,great ,atlantis was utterly lost and destroyed2 not by a great earthquake1 as your man saith1 for that whole tract is little subject to earthquakes1 but by a particular deluge1 or inundation2 those countries having at this day far greater rivers1 and far higher mountains to pour down waters1 than any part of the old world4 ,but it is true that the same inundation was not deep1 not past forty foot1 in most places1 from the ground1 so that although it destroyed man and beast generally1 yet some few wild inhabitants of the wood escaped4 ,birds also were saved by flying to the high trees and woods4 ,for as for men1 although they had buildings in many places higher than the depth of the water1 yet that inundation1 though it were shallow1 had a long continuance1 whereby they of the vale that were not drowned perished for want of food1 and other things necessary4 ,so as marvel you not at the thin population of ,america1 nor at the rudeness and ignorance of the people2 for you must account your inhabitants of ,america as a young people1 younger a thousand years at the least than the rest of the world1 for that there was so much time between the universal flood and their particular inundation4 ,for the poor remnant of human seed which remained in their mountains1 peopled the country again slowly1 by little and little1 and being simple and a savage people 7not like ,noah and his sons1 which was the chief family of the earth71 they were not able to leave letters1 arts1 and civility to their posterity2 and having likewise in their mountainous habitations been used1 in respect of the extreme cold of those regions1 to clothe themselves with the skins of tigers1 bears1 and great hairy goats1 that they have in those parts2 when after they came down into the valley1 and found the intolerable heats which are there1 and knew no means of lighter apparel1 they were forced to begin the custom of going naked1 which continueth at this day4 ,only they take great pride and delight in the feathers of birds1 and this also they took from those their ancestors of the mountains1 who were invited unto it1 by the infinite flight of birds1 that came up to the high grounds1 while the waters stood below4 ,so you see1 by this main accident of time1 we lost our traffic with the ,americans1 with whom of all others1 in regard they lay nearest to us1 we had most commerce4 ,as for the other parts of the world1 it is most manifest that in the ages following 7whether it were in respect of wars1 or by a natural revolution of time7 navigation did everywhere greatly decay1 and specially far voyages 7the rather by the use of galleys1 and such vessels as could hardly brook the ocean7 were altogether left and omitted4 ,so then1 that part of intercourse which could be from other nations1 to sail to us1 you see how it hath long since ceased2 except it were by some rare accident1 as this of yours4 ,but now of the cessation of that other part of intercourse1 which might be by our sailing to other nations1 ,i must yield you some other cause4 ,for ,i cannot say1 if ,i shall say truly1 but our shipping1 for number1 strength1 mariners1 pilots1 and all things that appertain to navigation1 is as great as ever2 and therefore why we should sit at home1 ,i shall now give you an account by itself2 and it will draw nearer1 to give you satisfaction1 to your principal question4 ,there reigned in this island1 about #a1ijj years ago1 a king1 whose memory of all others we most adore2 not superstitiously1 but as a divine instrument1 though a mortal man3 his name was ,salomona2 and we esteem him as the lawgiver of our nation4 ,this king had a large heart1 inscrutable for good2 and was wholly bent to make his kingdom and people happy4 ,he therefore taking into consideration how sufficient and substantive this land was1 to maintain itself without any aid at all of the foreigner2 being #e1jjj miles in circuit1 and of rare fertility of soil1 in the greatest part thereof2 and finding also the shipping of this country might be plentifully set on work1 both by fishing and by transportations from port to port1 and likewise by sailing unto some small islands that are not far from us1 and are under the crown and laws of this state2 and recalling into his memory the happy and flourishing estate wherein this land then was1 so as it might be a thousand ways altered to the worse1 but scarce any one way to the better2 though nothing wanted to his noble and heroical intentions1 but only 7as far as human foresight might reach7 to give perpetuity to that which was in his time so happily established1 therefore amongst his other fundamental laws of this kingdom he did ordain the interdicts and prohibitions which we have touching entrance of strangers2 which at that time 7though it was after the calamity of ,america7 was frequent2 doubting novelties and commixture of manners4 ,it is true1 the like law against the admission of strangers without license is an ancient law in the kingdom of ,china1 and yet continued in use4 ,but there it is a poor thing2 and hath made them a curious1 ignorant1 fearful foolish nation4 ,but our lawgiver made his law of another temper4 ,for first1 he hath preserved all points of humanity1 in taking order and making provision for the relief of strangers distressed2 whereof you have tasted4 ,at which speech 7as reason was7 we all rose up1 and bowed ourselves4 ,he went on3 ,that king also still desiring to join humanity and policy together2 and thinking it against humanity1 to detain strangers here against their wills2 and against policy1 that they should return1 and discover their knowledge of this estate1 he took this course2 he did ordain1 that of the strangers that should be permitted to land1 as many at all times might depart as many as would2 but as many as would stay1 should have very good conditions1 and means to live from the state4 ,wherein he saw so far1 that now in so many ages since the prohibition1 we have memory not of one ship that ever returned1 and but of thirteen persons only1 at several times1 that chose to return in our bottoms4 ,what those few that returned may have reported abroad1 ,i know not4 ,but you must think1 whatsoever they have said1 could be taken where they came but for a dream4 ,now for our travelling from hence into parts abroad1 our lawgiver thought fit altogether to restrain it4 ,so is it not in ,china4 ,for the ,chinese sail where they will1 or can2 which showeth1 that their law of keeping out strangers is a law of pusillanimity and fear4 ,but this restraint of ours hath one only exception1 which is admirable2 preserving the good which cometh by communicating with strangers1 and avoiding the hurt3 and ,i will now open it to you4 ,and here ,i shall seem a little to digress1 but you will by-and-by find it pertinent4 ,ye shall understand1 my dear friends1 that amongst the excellent acts of that king1 one above all hath the pre-eminence4 ,it was the erection and institution of an order1 or society1 which we call ,salomon's ,house2 the noblest foundation1 as we think1 that ever was upon the earth1 and the lantern of this kingdom4 ,it is dedicated to the study of the works and creatures of ,god4 ,some think it beareth the founder's name a little corrupted1 as if it should be ,solomon's ,house4 ,but the records write it as it is spoken4 ,so as ,i take it to be denominate of the king of the ,hebrews1 which is famous with you1 and no strangers to us2 for we have some parts of his works which with you are lost2 namely1 that natural history which he wrote of all plants1 from the cedar of ,libanus to the moss that groweth out of the wall2 and of all things that have life and motion4 ,this maketh me think that our king finding himself to symbolize1 in many things1 with that king of the ,hebrews1 which lived many years before him1 honoured him with the title of this foundation4 ,and ,i am the rather induced to be of this opinion1 for that ,i find in ancient records1 this order or society is sometimes called ,solomon's ,house1 and sometimes the ,college of the ,six ,days' ,works2 whereby ,i am satisfied that our excellent king had learned from the ,hebrews that ,god had created the world1 and all that therein is1 within six days3 and therefore he instituted that house1 for the finding out of the true nature of all things1 whereby ,god might have the more glory in the workmanship of them1 and men the more fruit in their use of them1 did give it also that second name4 ,but now to come to our present purpose4 ,when the king had forbidden to all his people navigation into any part that was not under his crown1 he made nevertheless this ordinance2 that every twelve years there should be set forth out of this kingdom1 two ships1 appointed to several voyages2 that in either of these ships there should be a mission of three of the fellows or brethren of ,salomon's ,house1 whose errand was only to give us knowledge of the affairs and state of those countries to which they were designed2 and especially of the sciences1 arts1 manufactures1 and inventions of all the world2 and withal to bring unto us books1 instruments1 and patterns in every kind3 that the ships1 after they had landed the brethren1 should return2 and that the brethren should stay abroad till the new mission1 the ships are not otherwise fraught than with store of victuals1 and good quantity of treasure to remain with the brethren1 for the buying of such things1 and rewarding of such persons1 as they should think fit4 ,now for me to tell you how the vulgar sort of mariners are contained from being discovered at land1 and how they that must be put on shore for any time1 colour themselves under the names of other nations1 and to what places these voyages have been designed2 and what places of rendezvous are appointed for the new missions1 and the like circumstances of the practice1 ,i may not do it1 neither is it much to your desire4 ,but thus you see we maintain a trade1 not for gold1 silver1 or jewels1 nor for silks1 nor for spices1 nor any other commodity of matter2 but only for ,god's first creature1 which was light2 to have light1 ,i say1 of the growth of all parts of the world4 ,and when he had said this1 he was silent1 and so were we all2 for indeed we were all astonished to hear so strange things so probably told4 ,and he perceiving that we were willing to say somewhat1 but had it not ready1 in great courtesy took us off1 and descended to ask us questions of our voyage and fortunes1 and in the end concluded that we might do well to think with ourselves1 what time of stay we would demand of the state1 and bade us not to scant ourselves2 for he would procure such time as we desired4 ,whereupon we all rose up and presented ourselves to kiss the skirt of his tippet1 but he would not suffer us1 and so took his leave4 ,but when it came once amongst our people1 that the state used to offer conditions to strangers that would stay1 we had work enough to get any of our men to look to our ship1 and to keep them from going presently to the governor1 to crave conditions2 but with much ado we restrained them1 till we might agree what course to take4 ,we took ourselves now for freemen1 seeing there was no danger of our utter perdition1 and lived most joyfully1 going abroad and seeing what was to be seen in the city and places adjacent1 within our tedder2 and obtaining acquaintance with many of the city1 not of the meanest quality1 at whose hands we found such humanity1 and such a freedom and desire to take strangers1 as it were1 into their bosom1 as was enough to make us forget all that was dear to us in our own countries2 and continually we met with many things1 right worthy of observation and relation2 as indeed1 if there be a mirror in the world1 worthy to hold men's eyes1 it is that country4 ,one day there were two of our company bidden to a feast of the family1 as they call it2 a most natural1 pious1 and reverend custom it is1 showing that nation to be compounded of all goodness4 ,this is the manner of it2 it is granted to any man that shall live to see thirty persons descended of his body1 alive together1 and all above three years old1 to make this feast1 which is done at the cost of the state4 ,the father of the family1 whom they call the ,tirsan1 two days before the feast1 taketh to him three of such friends as he liketh to choose1 and is assisted also by the governor of the city or place where the feast is celebrated1 and all the persons of the family1 of both sexes1 are summoned to attend him4 ,these two days the ,tirsan sitteth in consultation1 concerning the good estate of the family4 ,there1 if there be any discord or suits between any of the family1 they are compounded and appeased4 ,there1 if any of the family be distressed or decayed1 order is taken for their relief1 and competent means to live4 ,there1 if any be subject to vice1 or take ill courses1 they are reproved and censured4 ,so likewise direction is given touching marriages1 and the courses of life which any of them should take1 with divers other the like orders and advices4 ,the governor assisteth to the end1 to put in execution1 by his public authority1 the decrees and orders of the ,tirsan1 if they should be disobeyed1 though that seldom needeth2 such reverence and obedience they give to the order of ,nature4 ,the ,tirsan doth also then ever choose one man from amongst his sons1 to live in house with him2 who is called ever after the ,son of the ,vine4 ,the reason will hereafter appear4 ,on the feast day1 the father or ,tirsan cometh forth after divine service into a large room where the feast is celebrated2 which room hath an half-pace at the upper end4 ,against the wall1 in the middle of the half-pace1 is a chair placed for him1 with a table and carpet before it4 ,over the chair is a state1 made round or oval1 and it is of ivy2 an ivy somewhat whiter than ours1 like the leaf of a silver asp1 but more shining2 for it is green all winter4 ,and the state is curiously wrought with silver and silk of divers colours1 broiding or binding in the ivy2 and is ever of the work of some of the daughters of the family2 and veiled over at the top1 with a fine net of silk and silver4 ,but the substance of it is true ivy2 whereof after it is taken down1 the friends of the family are desirous to have some leaf or sprig to keep4 ,the ,tirsan cometh forth with all his generation or lineage1 the males before him1 and the females following him2 and if there be a mother1 from whose body the whole lineage is descended1 there is a traverse placed in a loft above on the right hand of the chair1 with a privy door1 and a carved window of glass1 leaded with gold and blue2 where she sitteth1 but is not seen4 ,when the ,tirsan is come forth1 he sitteth down in the chair2 and all the lineage place themselves against the wall1 both at his back1 and upon the return of the half-pace1 in order of their years1 without difference of sex1 and stand upon their feet4 ,when he is set1 the room being always full of company1 but well kept and without disorder1 after some pause there cometh in from the lower end of the room a ,taratan 7which is as much as an herald71 and on either side of him two young lads3 whereof one carrieth a scroll of their shining yellow parchment1 and the other a cluster of grapes of gold1 with a long foot or stalk4 ,the herald and children are clothed with mantles of sea-water green satin2 but the herald's mantle is streamed with gold1 and hath a train4 ,then the herald with three curtsies1 or rather inclinations1 cometh up as far as the half-pace1 and there first taketh into his hand the scroll4 ,this scroll is the king's charter1 containing gift of revenue1 and many privileges1 exemptions1 and points of honour1 granted to the father of the family2 and it is ever styled and directed1 ,to such an one1 our well-beloved friend and creditor1 which is a title proper only to this case4 ,for they say1 the king is debtor to no man1 but for propagation of his subjects2 the seal set to the king's charter is the king's image1 embossed or moulded in gold2 and though such charters be expedited of course1 and as of right1 yet they are varied by discretion1 according to the number and dignity of the family4 ,this charter the herald readeth aloud2 and while it is read1 the father or ,tirsan standeth up1 supported by two of his sons1 such as he chooseth4 ,then the herald mounteth the half-pace1 and delivereth the charter into his hand3 and with that there is an acclamation1 by all that are present1 in their language1 which is thus much1 ,happy are the people of ,bensalem4 ,then the herald taketh into his hand from the other child the cluster of grapes1 which is of gold2 both the stalk1 and the grapes4 ,but the grapes are daintily enamelled2 and if the males of the family be the greater number1 the grapes are enamelled purple1 with a little sun set on the top2 if the females1 then they are enamelled into a greenish yellow1 with a crescent on the top4 ,the grapes are in number as many as there are descendants of the family4 ,this golden cluster the herald delivereth also to the ,tirsan2 who presently delivereth it over to that son that he had formerly chosen1 to be in house with him3 who beareth it before his father1 as an ensign of honour1 when he goeth in public ever after2 and is thereupon called the ,son of the ,vine4 ,after this ceremony ended the father or ,tirsan retireth2 and after some time cometh forth again to dinner1 where he sitteth alone under the state1 as before2 and none of his descendants sit with him1 of what degree or dignity so ever1 except he hap to be of ,salomon's ,house4 ,he is served only by his own children1 such as are male2 who perform unto him all service of the table upon the knee1 and the women only stand about him1 leaning against the wall4 ,the room below his half-pace hath tables on the sides for the guests that are bidden2 who are served with great and comely order2 and towards the end of dinner 7which in the greatest feasts with them lasteth never above an hour and a half7 there is an hymn sung1 varied according to the invention of him that composeth it 7for they have excellent poesy71 but the subject of it is always the praises of ,adam1 and ,noah1 and ,abraham2 whereof the former two peopled the world1 and the last was the father of the faithful3 concluding ever with a thanksgiving for the nativity of our ,saviour1 in whose birth the births of all are only blessed4 ,dinner being done1 the ,tirsan retireth again2 and having withdrawn himself alone into a place1 where he maketh some private prayers1 he cometh forth the third time1 to give the blessing2 with all his descendants1 who stand about him as at the first4 ,then he calleth them forth by one and by one1 by name as he pleaseth1 though seldom the order of age be inverted4 ,the person that is called 7the table being before removed7 kneeleth down before the chair1 and the father layeth his hand upon his head1 or her head1 and giveth the blessing in these words3 ,son of ,bensalem 7or daughter of ,bensalem71 thy father saith it2 the man by whom thou hast breath and life speaketh the word2 the blessing of the everlasting ,father1 the ,prince of ,peace1 and the ,holy ,dove be upon thee1 and make the days of thy pilgrimage good and many4 ,this he saith to every of them2 and that done1 if there be any of his sons of eminent merit and virtue1 so they be not above two1 he calleth for them again1 and saith1 laying his arm over their shoulders1 they standing3 ,sons1 it is well you are born1 give ,god the praise1 and persevere to the end4 ,and withal delivereth to either of them a jewel1 made in the figure of an ear of wheat1 which they ever after wear in the front of their turban1 or hat2 this done1 they fall to music and dances1 and other recreations1 after their manner1 for the rest of the day4 ,this is the full order of that feast4 ,by that time six or seven days were spent1 ,i was fallen into straight acquaintance with a merchant of that city1 whose name was ,joabin4 ,he was a ,jew and circumcised2 for they have some few stirps of ,jews yet remaining among them1 whom they leave to their own religion4 ,which they may the better do1 because they are of a far differing disposition from the ,jews in other parts4 ,for whereas they hate the name of ,christ1 and have a secret inbred rancour against the people amongst whom they live2 these1 contrariwise1 give unto our ,saviour many high attributes1 and love the nation of ,bensalem extremely4 ,surely this man of whom ,i speak would ever acknowledge that ,christ was born of a ,virgin2 and that ,he was more than a man2 and he would tell how ,god made ,him ruler of the seraphims1 which guard ,his throne2 and they call ,him also the ,milken ,way1 and the ,eliah of the ,messiah1 and many other high names1 which though they be inferior to ,his divine majesty1 yet they are far from the language of other ,jews4 ,and for the country of ,bensalem1 this man would make no end of commending it1 being desirous by tradition among the ,jews there to have it believed that the people thereof were of the generations of ,abraham1 by another son1 whom they call ,nachoran2 and that ,moses by a secret cabala ordained the laws of ,bensalem which they now use2 and that when the ,messias should come1 and sit in ,his throne at ,hierusalem1 the ,king of ,bensalem should sit at ,his feet1 whereas other kings should keep a great distance4 ,but yet setting aside these ,jewish dreams1 the man was a wise man and learned1 and of great policy1 and excellently seen in the laws and customs of that nation4 ,amongst other discourses one day ,i told him1 ,i was much affected with the relation ,i had from some of the company of their custom in holding the feast of the family1 for that1 methought1 ,i had never heard of a solemnity wherein ,nature did so much preside4 ,and because propagation of families proceedeth from the nuptial copulation1 ,i desired to know of him what laws and customs they had concerning marriage1 and whether they kept marriage well1 and whether they were tied to one wife8 ,for that where population is so much affected1 and such as with them it seemed to be1 there is commonly permission of plurality of wives4 ,to this he said3 ,you have reason for to commend that excellent institution of the feast of the family2 and indeed we have experience1 that those families that are partakers of the blessings of that feast1 do flourish and prosper ever after1 in an extraordinary manner4 ,but hear me now1 and ,i will tell you what ,i know4 ,you shall understand that there is not under the heavens so chaste a nation as this of ,bensalem1 nor so free from all pollution or foulness4 ,it is the virgin of the world2 ,i remember1 ,i have read in one of your ,european books1 of an holy hermit amongst you1 that desired to see the spirit of fornication1 and there appeared to him a little foul ugly ,ethiope2 but if he had desired to see the spirit of chastity of ,bensalem1 it would have appeared to him in the likeness of a fair beautiful cherubim4 ,for there is nothing1 amongst mortal men1 more fair and admirable than the chaste minds of this people4 ,know1 therefore1 that with them there are no stews1 no dissolute houses1 no courtezans1 nor anything of that kind4 ,nay1 they wonder1 with detestation1 at you in ,europe1 which permit such things4 ,they say ye have put marriage out of office2 for marriage is ordained a remedy for unlawful concupiscence2 and natural concupiscence seemeth as a spur to marriage4 ,but when men have at hand a remedy1 more agreeable to their corrupt will1 marriage is almost expulsed4 ,and therefore there are with you seen infinite men that marry not1 but choose rather a libertine and impure single life1 than to be yoked in marriage2 and many that do marry1 marry late1 when the prime and strength of their years is past4 ,and when they do marry1 what is marriage to them but a very bargain2 wherein is sought alliance1 or portion1 or reputation1 with some desire 7almost indifferent7 of issue2 and not the faithful nuptial union of man and wife1 that was first instituted4 ,neither is it possible1 that those that have cast away so basely so much of their strength1 should greatly esteem children 7being of the same matter7 as chaste men do4 ,so likewise during marriage is the case much amended1 as it ought to be if those things were tolerated only for necessity2 no1 but they remain still as a very affront to marriage4 ,the haunting of those dissolute places1 or resort to courtezans1 are no more punished in married men than in bachelors4 ,and the depraved custom of change1 and the delight in meretricious embracements 7where sin is turned into art71 maketh marriage a dull thing1 and a kind of imposition or tax4 ,they hear you defend these things1 as done to avoid greater evils2 as advoutries1 deflowering of virgins1 unnatural lust1 and the like4 ,but they say1 this is a preposterous wisdom2 and they call it ,lot's offer1 who to save his guests from abusing1 offered his daughters2 nay1 they say further1 that there is little gained in this2 for that the same vices and appetites do still remain and abound1 unlawful lust being like a furnace1 that if you stop the flames altogether it will quench1 but if you give it any vent it will rage2 as for masculine love1 they have no touch of it2 and yet there are not so faithful and inviolate friendships in the world again as are there1 and to speak generally 7as ,i said before7 ,i have not read of any such chastity in any people as theirs4 ,and their usual saying is that whosoever is unchaste cannot reverence himself2 and they say that the reverence of a man's self1 is1 next religion1 the chiefest bridle of all vices4 ,and when he had said this the good ,jew paused a little2 whereupon ,i1 far more willing to hear him speak on than to speak myself2 yet thinking it decent that upon his pause of speech ,i should not be altogether silent1 said only this2 that ,i would say to him1 as the widow of ,sarepta said to ,elias3 that he was come to bring to memory our sins2 and that ,i confess the righteousness of ,bensalem was greater than the righteousness of ,europe4 ,at which speech he bowed his head1 and went on this manner3 ,they have also many wise and excellent laws1 touching marriage4 ,they allow no polygamy4 ,they have ordained that none do intermarry1 or contract1 until a month be past from their first interview4 ,marriage without consent of parents they do not make void1 but they mulct it in the inheritors2 for the children of such marriages are not admitted to inherit above a third part of their parents' inheritance4 ,i have read in a book of one of your men1 of a feigned commonwealth1 where the married couple are permitted1 before they contract1 to see one another naked4 ,this they dislike2 for they think it a scorn to give a refusal after so familiar knowledge2 but because of many hidden defects in men and women's bodies1 they have a more civil way2 for they have near every town a couple of pools 7which they call ,adam and ,eve's pools71 where it is permitted to one of the friends of the man1 and another of the friends of the woman1 to see them severally bathe naked4 ,and as we were thus in conference1 there came one that seemed to be a messenger1 in a rich huke1 that spake with the ,jew2 whereupon he turned to me1 and said1 ,you will pardon me1 for ,i am commanded away in haste4 ,the next morning he came to me again1 joyful as it seemed1 and said1 ,there is word come to the governor of the city1 that one of the fathers of ,salomon's ,house will be here this day seven-night2 we have seen none of them this dozen years4 ,his coming is in state2 but the cause of his coming is secret4 ,i will provide you and your fellows of a good standing to see his entry4 ,i thanked him1 and told him ,i was most glad of the news4 ,the day being come he made his entry4 ,he was a man of middle stature and age1 comely of person1 and had an aspect as if he pitied men4 ,he was clothed in a robe of fine black cloth with wide sleeves1 and a cape3 his under garment was of excellent white linen down to the foot1 girt with a girdle of the same2 and a sindon or tippet of the same about his neck4 ,he had gloves that were curious1 and set with stone2 and shoes of peach-coloured velvet4 ,his neck was bare to the shoulders4 ,his hat was like a helmet1 or ,spanish montero2 and his locks curled below it decently2 they were of colour brown4 ,his beard was cut round and of the same colour with his hair1 somewhat lighter4 ,he was carried in a rich chariot1 without wheels1 litter-wise1 with two horses at either end1 richly trapped in blue velvet embroidered2 and two footmen on each side in the like attire4 ,the chariot was all of cedar1 gilt and adorned with crystal2 save that the fore-end had panels of sapphires1 set in borders of gold1 and the hinder-end the like of emeralds of the ,peru colour4 ,there was also a sun of gold1 radiant upon the top1 in the midst2 and on the top before a small cherub of gold1 with wings displayed4 ,the chariot was covered with cloth of gold tissued upon blue4 ,he had before him fifty attendants1 young men all1 in white satin loose coats up to the mid-leg1 and stockings of white silk2 and shoes of blue velvet2 and hats of blue velvet1 with fine plumes of divers colours1 set round like hat-bands4 ,next before the chariot went two men1 bare-headed1 in linen garments down to the foot1 girt1 and shoes of blue velvet1 who carried the one a crosier1 the other a pastoral staff like a sheep-hook2 neither of them of metal1 but the crosier of balm-wood1 the pastoral staff of cedar4 ,horsemen he had none1 neither before nor behind his chariot2 as it seemeth1 to avoid all tumult and trouble4 ,behind his chariot went all the officers and principals of the companies of the city4 ,he sat alone1 upon cushions1 of a kind of excellent plush1 blue2 and under his foot curious carpets of silk of divers colours1 like the ,persian1 but far finer4 ,he held up his bare hand1 as he went1 as blessing the people1 but in silence4 ,the street was wonderfully well kept2 so that there was never any army had their men stand in better battle-array than the people stood4 ,the windows likewise were not crowded1 but every one stood in them1 as if they had been placed4 ,when the show was passed1 the ,jew said to me1 ,i shall not be able to attend you as ,i would1 in regard of some charge the city hath laid upon me for the entertaining of this great person4 ,three days after the ,jew came to me again1 and said1 ,ye are happy men2 for the father of ,salomon's ,house taketh knowledge of your being here1 and commanded me to tell you1 that he will admit all your company to his presence1 and have private conference with one of you1 that ye shall choose2 and for this hath appointed the next day after to-morrow4 ,and because he meaneth to give you his blessing1 he hath appointed it in the forenoon4 ,we came at our day and hour1 and ,i was chosen by my fellows for the private access4 ,we found him in a fair chamber1 richly hanged1 and carpeted under foot1 without any degrees to the state2 he was set upon a low throne richly adorned1 and a rich cloth of state over his head of blue satin embroidered4 ,he was alone1 save that he had two pages of honour1 on either hand one1 finely attired in white4 ,his under garments were the like that we saw him wear in the chariot2 but instead of his gown1 he had on him a mantle with a cape1 of the same fine black1 fastened about him4 ,when we came in1 as we were taught1 we bowed low at our first entrance2 and when we were come near his chair1 he stood up1 holding forth his hand ungloved1 and in posture of blessing2 and we every one of us stooped down1 and kissed the end of his tippet4 ,that done1 the rest departed1 and ,i remained4 ,then he warned the pages forth of the room1 and caused me to sit down beside him1 and spake to me thus in the ,spanish tongue3 ,god bless thee1 my son2 ,i will give thee the greatest jewel ,i have4 ,for ,i will impart unto thee1 for the love of ,god and men1 a relation of the true state of ,salomon's ,house4 ,son1 to make you know the true state of ,salomon's ,house1 ,i will keep this order4 ,first1 ,i will set forth unto you the end of our foundation4 ,secondly1 the preparations and instruments we have for our works4 ,thirdly1 the several employments and functions whereto our fellows are assigned4 ,and fourthly1 the ordinances and rites which we observe4 ,the end of our foundation is the knowledge of causes1 and secret motions of things2 and the enlarging of the bounds of human empire1 to the effecting of all things possible4 ,the preparations and instruments are these4 ,we have large and deep caves of several depths2 the deepest are sunk #fjj fathoms2 and some of them are digged and made under great hills and mountains2 so that if you reckon together the depth of the hill1 and the depth of the cave1 they are1 some of them1 above three miles deep4 ,for we find that the depth of an hill1 and the depth of a cave from the flat1 is the same thing2 both remote alike from the sun and heaven's beams1 and from the open air4 ,these caves we call the lower region4 ,and we use them for all coagulations1 indurations1 refrigerations1 and conservations of bodies4 ,we use them likewise for the imitation of natural mines and the producing also of new artificial metals1 by compositions and materials which we use and lay there for many years4 ,we use them also sometimes 7which may seem strange7 for curing of some diseases1 and for prolongation of life1 in some hermits that choose to live there1 well accommodated of all things necessary1 and indeed live very long2 by whom also we learn many things4 ,we have burials in several earths1 where we put divers cements1 as the ,chinese do their porcelain4 ,but we have them in greater variety1 and some of them more fine4 ,we also have great variety of composts and soils1 for the making of the earth fruitful4 ,we have high towers1 the highest about half a mile in height1 and some of them likewise set upon high mountains1 so that the vantage of the hill with the tower1 is in the highest of them three miles at least4 ,and these places we call the upper region1 account the air between the high places and the low1 as a middle region4 ,we use these towers1 according to their several heights and situations1 for insulation1 refrigeration1 conservation1 and for the view of divers meteors--as winds1 rain1 snow1 hail2 and some of the fiery meteors also4 ,and upon them1 in some places1 are dwellings of hermits1 whom we visit sometimes1 and instruct what to observe4 ,we have great lakes1 both salt and fresh1 whereof we have use for the fish and fowl4 ,we use them also for burials of some natural bodies1 for we find a difference in things buried in earth1 or in air below the earth1 and things buried in water4 ,we have also pools1 of which some do strain fresh water out of salt1 and others by art do turn fresh water into salt4 ,we have also some rocks in the midst of the sea1 and some bays upon the shore for some works1 wherein is required the air and vapour of the sea4 ,we have likewise violent streams and cataracts1 which serve us for many motions2 and likewise engines for multiplying and enforcing of winds to set also on divers motions4 ,we have also a number of artificial wells and fountains1 made in imitation of the natural sources and baths1 as tincted upon vitriol1 sulphur1 steel1 brass1 lead1 nitre1 and other minerals2 and again1 we have little wells for infusions of many things1 where the waters take the virtue quicker and better than in vessels or basins4 ,and amongst them we have a water1 which we call water of ,paradise1 being by that we do it made very sovereign for health and prolongation of life4 ,we have also great and spacious houses1 where we imitate and demonstrate meteors--as snow1 hail1 rain1 some artificial rains of bodies1 and not of water1 thunders1 lightnings2 also generations of bodies in air--as frogs1 flies1 and divers others4 ,we have also certain chambers1 which we call chambers of health1 where we qualify the air as we think good and proper for the cure of divers diseases1 and preservation of health4 ,we have also fair and large baths1 of several mixtures1 for the cure of diseases1 and the restoring of man's body from arefaction2 and others for the confirming of it in strength of sinews1 vital parts1 and the very juice and substance of the body4 ,we have also large and various orchards and gardens1 wherein we do not so much respect beauty as variety of ground and soil1 proper for divers trees and herbs1 and some very spacious1 where trees and berries are set1 whereof we make divers kinds of drinks1 besides the vineyards4 ,in these we practise likewise all conclusions of grafting1 and inoculating1 as well of wild-trees as fruit-trees1 which produceth many effects4 ,and we make by art1 in the same orchards and gardens1 trees and flowers1 to come earlier or later than their seasons1 and to come up and bear more speedily than by their natural course they do4 ,we make them also by art greater much than their nature2 and their fruit greater and sweeter1 and of differing taste1 smell1 colour1 and figure1 from their nature4 ,and many of them we so order1 as that they become of medicinal use4 ,we have also means to make divers plants rise by mixtures of earths without seeds1 and likewise to make divers new plants1 differing from the vulgar1 and to make one tree or plant turn into another4 ,we have also parks1 and enclosures of all sorts1 of beasts and birds2 which we use not only for view or rareness1 but likewise for dissections and trials1 that thereby may take light what may be wrought upon the body of man4 ,wherein we find many strange effects3 as continuing life in them1 though divers parts1 which you account vital1 be perished and taken forth2 resuscitating of some that seem dead in appearance1 and the like4 ,we try also all poisons1 and other medicines upon them1 as well of chirurgery as physic4 ,by art likewise we make them greater or smaller than their kind is1 and contrariwise dwarf them and stay their growth2 we make them more fruitful and bearing than their kind is1 and contrariwise barren and not generative4 ,also we make them differ in colour1 shape1 activity1 many ways4 ,we find means to make commixtures and copulations of divers kinds1 which have produced many new kinds1 and them not barren1 as the general opinion is4 ,we make a number of kinds of serpents1 worms1 flies1 fishes of putrefaction1 whereof some are advanced 7in effect7 to be perfect creatures1 like beasts or birds1 and have sexes1 and do propagate4 ,neither do we this by chance1 but we know beforehand of what matter and commixture1 what kind of those creatures will arise4 ,we have also particular pools where we make trials upon fishes1 as we have said before of beasts and birds4 ,we have also places for breed and generation of those kinds of worms and flies which are of special use2 such as are with you your silkworms and bees4 ,i will not hold you long with recounting of our brew-houses1 bake-houses1 and kitchens1 where are made divers drinks1 breads1 and meats1 rare and of special effects4 ,wines we have of grapes1 and drinks of other juice1 of fruits1 of grains1 and of roots1 and of mixtures with honey1 sugar1 manna1 and fruits dried and decocted2 also of the tears or wounding of trees1 and of the pulp of canes4 ,and these drinks are of several ages1 some to the age or last of forty years4 ,we have drinks also brewed with several herbs1 and roots1 and spices2 yea1 with several fleshes1 and white-meats2 whereof some of the drinks are such as they are in effect meat and drink both1 so that divers1 especially in age1 do desire to live with them with little or no meat or bread4 ,and above all we strive to have drinks of extreme thin parts1 to insinuate into the body1 and yet without all biting1 sharpness1 or fretting2 insomuch as some of them put upon the back of your hand1 will with a little stay pass through to the palm1 and yet taste mild to the mouth4 ,we have also waters1 which we ripen in that fashion1 as they become nourishing1 so that they are indeed excellent drinks1 and many will use no other4 ,bread we have of several grains1 roots1 and kernels2 yea1 and some of flesh1 and fish1 dried2 with divers kinds of leavings and seasonings2 so that some do extremely move appetites1 some do nourish so1 as divers do live of them1 without any other meat1 who live very long4 ,so for meats1 we have some of them so beaten1 and made tender1 and mortified1 yet without all corrupting1 as a weak heat of the stomach will turn them into good chilus1 as well as a strong heat would meat otherwise prepared4 ,we have some meats also and bread1 and drinks1 which taken by men1 enable them to fast long after2 and some other1 that used make the very flesh of men's bodies sensibly more hard and tough1 and their strength far greater than otherwise it would be4 ,we have dispensatories or shops of medicines2 wherein you may easily think1 if we have such variety of plants1 and living creatures1 more than you have in ,europe 7for we know what you have71 the simples1 drugs1 and ingredients of medicines1 must likewise be in so much the greater variety4 ,we have them likewise of divers ages1 and long fermentations4 ,and for their preparations1 we have not only all manner of exquisite distillations1 and separations1 and especially by gentle heats1 and percolations through divers strainers1 yea1 and substances2 but also exact forms of composition1 whereby they incorporate almost as they were natural simples4 ,we have also divers mechanical arts1 which you have not2 and stuffs made by them1 as papers1 linen1 silks1 tissues1 dainty works of feathers of wonderful lustre1 excellent dyes1 and many others1 and shops likewise as well for such as are not brought into vulgar use amongst us1 as for those that are4 ,for you must know1 that of the things before recited1 many of them are grown into use throughout the kingdom1 but yet1 if they did flow from our invention1 we have of them also for patterns and principals4 ,we have also furnaces of great diversities1 and that keep great diversity of heats2 fierce and quick1 strong and constant1 soft and mild1 blown1 quiet1 dry1 moist1 and the like4 ,but above all we have heats1 in imitation of the sun's and heavenly bodies' heats1 that pass divers inequalities1 and as it were orbs1 progresses1 and returns whereby we produce admirable effects4 ,besides1 we have heats of dungs1 and of bellies and maws of living creatures and of their bloods and bodies1 and of hays and herbs laid up moist1 of lime unquenched1 and such like4 ,instruments also which generate heat only by motion4 ,and farther1 places for strong insulations2 and again1 places under the earth1 which by nature or art yield heat4 ,these divers heats we use1 as the nature of the operation which we intend requireth4 ,we have also perspective-houses1 where we make demonstrations of all lights and radiations1 and of all colours2 and out of things uncoloured and transparent1 we can represent unto you all several colours1 not in rainbows1 as it is in gems and prisms1 but of themselves single4 ,we represent also all multiplications of light1 which we carry to great distance1 and make so sharp1 as to discern small points and lines4 ,also all colourations of light3 all delusions and deceits of the sight1 in figures1 magnitudes1 motions1 colours2 all demonstrations of shadows4 ,we find also divers means1 yet unknown to you1 of producing of light1 originally from divers bodies4 ,we procure means of seeing objects afar off1 as in the heaven and remote places2 and represent things near as afar off1 and things afar off as near2 making feigned distances4 ,we have also helps for the sight far above spectacles and glasses in use2 we have also glasses and means to see small and minute bodies1 perfectly and distinctly2 as the shapes and colours of small flies and worms1 grains1 and flaws in gems1 which cannot otherwise be seen1 observations in urine and blood not otherwise to be seen4 ,we make artificial rainbows1 halos1 and circles about light4 ,we represent also all manner of reflections1 refractions1 and multiplications of visual beams of objects4 ,we have also precious stones1 of all kinds1 many of them of great beauty and to you unknown2 crystals likewise1 and glasses of divers kind2 and amongst them some of metals vitrificated1 and other materials1 besides those of which you make glass4 ,also a number of fossils1 and imperfect minerals1 which you have not4 ,likewise loadstones of prodigious virtue3 and other rare stones1 both natural and artificial4 ,we have also sound-houses1 where we practise and demonstrate all sounds and their generation4 ,we have harmony which you have not1 of quarter-sounds and lesser slides of sounds4 ,divers instruments of music likewise to you unknown1 some sweeter than any you have2 with bells and rings that are dainty and sweet4 ,we represent small sounds as great and deep1 likewise great sounds1 extenuate and sharp2 we make divers tremblings and warblings of sounds1 which in their original are entire4 ,we represent and imitate all articulate sounds and letters1 and the voices and notes of beasts and birds4 ,we have certain helps1 which set to the ear do further the hearing greatly2 we have also divers strange and artificial echoes1 reflecting the voice many times1 and as it were tossing it2 and some that give back the voice louder than it came1 some shriller and some deeper2 yea1 some rendering the voice1 differing in the letters or articulate sound from that they receive4 ,we have all means to convey sounds in trunks and pipes1 in strange lines and distances4 ,we have also perfume-houses1 wherewith we join also practices of taste4 ,we multiply smells which may seem strange3 we imitate smells1 making all smells to breathe out of other mixtures than those that give them4 ,we make divers imitations of taste likewise1 so that they will deceive any man's taste4 ,and in this house we contain also a confiture-house1 where we make all sweetmeats1 dry and moist1 and divers pleasant wines1 milks1 broths1 and salads1 far in greater variety than you have4 ,we have also engine-houses1 where are prepared engines and instruments for all sorts of motions4 ,there we imitate and practise to make swifter motions than any you have1 either out of your muskets or any engine that you have2 and to make them and multiply them more easily and with small force1 by wheels and other means1 and to make them stronger and more violent than yours are1 exceeding your greatest cannons and basilisks4 ,we represent also ordnance and instruments of war and engines of all kinds2 and likewise new mixtures and compositions of gunpowder1 wild-fires burning in water and unquenchable1 also fire-works of all variety1 both for pleasure and use4 ,we imitate also flights of birds2 we have some degrees of flying in the air4 ,we have ships and boats for going under water and brooking of seas1 also swimming-girdles and supporters4 ,we have divers curious clocks and other like motions of return1 and some perpetual motions4 ,we imitate also motions of living creatures by images of men1 beasts1 birds1 fishes1 and serpents2 we have also a great number of other various motions1 strange for equality1 fineness and subtilty4 ,we have also a mathematical-house1 where are represented all instruments1 as well of geometry as astronomy1 exquisitely made4 ,we have also houses of deceits of the senses1 where we represent all manner of feats of juggling1 false apparitions1 impostures and illusions1 and their fallacies4 ,and surely you will easily believe that we1 that have so many things truly natural which induce admiration1 could in a world of particulars deceive the senses if we would disguise those things1 and labour to make them more miraculous4 ,but we do hate all impostures and lies1 insomuch as we have severely forbidden it to all our fellows1 under pain of ignominy and fines1 that they do not show any natural work or thing adorned or swelling1 but only pure as it is1 and without all affectation of strangeness4 ,these are1 my son1 the riches of ,salomon's ,house4 ,for the several employments and offices of our fellows1 we have twelve that sail into foreign countries under the names of other nations 7for our own we conceal71 who bring us the books and abstracts1 and patterns of experiments of all other parts4 ,these we call merchants of light4 ,we have three that collect the experiments which are in all books4 ,these we call deprepators4 ,we have three that collect the experiments of all mechanical arts1 and also of liberal sciences1 and also of practices which are not brought into arts4 ,these we call mystery-men4 ,we have three that try new experiments4 ,such as themselves think good4 ,these we call pioneers or miners4 ,we have three that draw the experiments of the former four into titles and tables1 to give the better light for the drawing of observations and axioms out of them4 ,these we call compilers4 ,we have three that bend themselves1 looking into the experiments of their fellows1 and cast about how to draw out of them things of use and practice for man's life and knowledge1 as well for works as for plain demonstration of causes1 means of natural divinations1 and the easy and clear discovery of the virtues and parts of bodies4 ,these we call dowry-men or benefactors4 ,then after divers meetings and consults of our whole number1 to consider of the former labours and collections1 we have three that take care out of them to direct new experiments1 of a higher light1 more penetrating into ,nature than the former4 ,these we call lamps4 ,we have three others that do execute the experiment so directed1 and report them4 ,these we call inoculators4 ,lastly1 we have three that raise the former discoveries by experiments into greater observations1 axioms1 and aphorisms4 ,these we call interpreters of ,nature4 ,we have also1 as you must think1 novices and apprentices1 that the succession of the former employed men do not fail2 besides a great number of servants and attendants1 men and women4 ,and this we do also3 we have consultations1 which of the inventions and experiences which we have discovered shall be published1 and which not3 and take all an oath of secrecy for the concealing of those which we think fit to keep secret3 though some of those we do reveal sometime to the state1 and some not4 ,for our ordinances and rites1 we have two very long and fair galleries3 in one of these we place patterns and samples of all manner of the more rare and excellent inventions3 in the other we place the statues of all principal inventors4 ,there we have the statue of your ,columbus1 that discovered the ,west ,indies3 also the inventor of ships3 your ,monk that was the inventor of ordnance and of gunpowder3 the inventor of music3 the inventor of letters3 the inventor of printing3 the inventor of observations of astronomy3 the inventor of works in metal3 the inventor of glass3 the inventor of silk of the worm3 the inventor of wine3 the inventor of corn and bread3 the inventor of sugars2 and all these by more certain tradition than you have4 ,then we have divers inventors of our own1 of excellent works2 which since you have not seen1 it were too long to make descriptions of them2 and besides1 in the right understanding of those descriptions you might easily err4 ,for upon every invention of value we erect a statue to the inventor1 and give him a liberal and honourable reward4 ,these statues are some of brass1 some of marble and touchstone1 some of cedar and other special woods gilt and adorned2 some of iron1 some of silver1 some of gold4 ,we have certain hymns and services1 which we say daily1 of laud and thanks to ,god for ,his marvellous works4 ,and forms of prayers1 imploring ,his aid and blessing for the illumination of our labours2 and turning them into good and holy uses4 ,lastly1 we have circuits or visits1 of divers principal cities of the kingdom2 where as it cometh to pass we do publish such new profitable inventions as we think good4 ,and we do also declare natural divinations of diseases1 plagues1 swarms of hurtful creatures1 scarcity1 tempest1 earthquakes1 great inundations1 comets1 temperature of the year1 and divers other things2 and we give counsel thereupon1 what the people shall do for the prevention and remedy of them4 ,and when he had said this1 he stood up2 and ,i1 as ,i had been taught1 knelt down2 and he laid his right hand upon my head1 and said1 ,god bless thee1 my son1 and ,god bless this relation which ,i have made4 ,i give thee leave to publish it1 for the good of other nations2 for we here are in ,god's bosom1 a land unknown4 ,and so he left me2 having assigned a value of about two thousand ducats for a bounty to me and my fellows4 ,for they give great largesses1 where they come1 upon all occasions4 ,,the ,,rest ,,was ,,not ,,perfected4 ,,campanella',s ,,city ,,of ,,the ,,sun4 ,,the ,,city ,,of ,,the ,,sun4 ,a ,poetical ,dialogue between a ,grandmaster of the ,knights ,hospitallers and a ,genoese ,sea-captain1 his guest4 ,g4,m4 ,prithee1 now1 tell me what happened to you during that voyage8 ,capt4 ,i have already told you how ,i wandered over the whole earth4 ,in the course of my journeying ,i came to ,taprobane1 and was compelled to go ashore at a place1 where through fear of the inhabitants ,i remained in a wood4 ,when ,i stepped out of this ,i found myself on a large plain immediately under the equator4 ,g4,m4 ,and what befell you here8 ,capt4 ,i came upon a large crowd of men and armed women1 many of whom did not understand our language1 and they conducted me forthwith to the ,city of the ,sun4 ,g4,m4 ,tell me after what plan this city is built and how it is governed8 ,capt4 ,the greater part of the city is built upon a high hill1 which rises from an extensive plain1 but several of its circles extend for some distance beyond the base of the hill1 which is of such a size that the diameter of the city is upwards of two miles1 so that its circumference becomes about seven4 ,on account of the humped shape of the mountain1 however1 the diameter of the city is really more than if it were built on a plain4 ,it is divided into seven rings or huge circles named from the seven planets1 and the way from one to the other of these is by four streets and through four gates1 that look towards the four points of the compass4 ,furthermore1 it is so built that if the first circle were stormed1 it would of necessity entail a double amount of energy to storm the second2 still more to storm the third2 and in each succeeding case the strength and energy would have to be doubled2 so that he who wishes to capture that city must1 as it were1 storm it seven times4 ,for my own part1 however1 ,i think that not even the first wall could be occupied1 so thick are the earthworks and so well fortified is it with breastworks1 towers1 guns and ditches4 ,when ,i had been taken through the northern gate 7which is shut with an iron door so wrought that it can be raised and let down1 and locked in easily and strongly1 its projections running into the grooves of the thick posts by a marvellous device71 ,i saw a level space seventy paces#a wide between the first and second walls4 ,from hence can be seen large palaces all joined to the wall of the second circuit1 in such a manner as to appear all one palace4 ,arches run on a level with the middle height of the palaces1 and are continued round the whole ring4 ,there are galleries for promenading upon these arches1 which are supported from beneath by thick and well-shaped columns1 enclosing arcades like peristyles1 or cloisters of an abbey4 ,footnote #a3 ,a pace was #a-i_/be yards1 #a1jjj paces making a mile4 ,but the palaces have no entrances from below1 except on the inner or concave partition1 from which one enters directly to the lower parts of the building4 ,the higher parts1 however1 are reached by flights of marble steps1 which lead to galleries for promenading on the inside similar to those on the outside4 ,from these one enters the higher rooms1 which are very beautiful1 and have windows on the concave and convex partitions4 ,these rooms are divided from one another by richly decorated walls4 ,the convex or outer wall of the ring is about eight spans thick2 the concave1 three2 the intermediate walls are one1 or perhaps one and a half4 ,leaving this circle one gets to the second plain1 which is nearly three paces narrower than the first4 ,then the first wall of the second ring is seen adorned above and below with similar galleries for walking1 and there is on the inside of it another interior wall enclosing palaces4 ,it has also similar peristyles supported by columns in the lower part1 but above are excellent pictures1 round the ways into the upper houses4 ,and so on afterwards through similar spaces and double walls1 enclosing palaces1 and adorned with galleries for walking1 extending along their outer side1 and supported by columns1 till the last circuit is reached1 the way being still over a level plain4 ,but when the two gates1 that is to say1 those of the outmost and the inmost walls1 have been passed1 one mounts by means of steps so formed that an ascent is scarcely discernible1 since it proceeds in a slanting direction1 and the steps succeed one another at almost imperceptible heights4 ,on the top of the hill is a rather spacious plain1 and in the midst of this there rises a temple built with wondrous art4 ,g4,m4 ,tell on1 ,i pray you6 ,tell on6 ,i am dying to hear more4 ,capt4 ,the temple is built in the form of a circle2 it is not girt with walls1 but stands upon thick columns1 beautifully grouped4 ,a very large dome1 built with great care in the centre or pole1 contains another small vault as it were rising out of it1 and in this is a spiracle1 which is right over the altar4 ,there is but one altar in the middle of the temple1 and this is hedged round by columns4 ,the temple itself is on a space of more than three hundred and fifty paces4 ,without it1 arches measuring about eight paces extend from the heads of the columns outwards1 whence other columns rise about three paces from the thick1 strong and erect wall4 ,between these and the former columns there are galleries for walking1 with beautiful pavements1 and in the recess of the wall1 which is adorned with numerous large doors1 there are immovable seats1 placed as it were between the inside columns1 supporting the temple4 ,portable chairs are not wanting1 many and well adorned4 ,nothing is seen over the altar but a large globe1 upon which the heavenly bodies are painted1 and another globe upon which there is a representation of the earth4 ,furthermore1 in the vault of the dome there can be discerned representations of all the stars of heaven from the first to the sixth magnitude1 with their proper names and power to influence terrestrial things marked in three little verses for each4 ,there are the poles and greater and lesser circles according to the right latitude of the place1 but these are not perfect because there is no wall below4 ,they seem1 too1 to be made in their relation to the globes on the altar4 ,the pavement of the temple is bright with precious stones4 ,its seven golden lamps hang always burning1 and these bear the names of the seven planets4 ,at the top of the building several small and beautiful cells surround the small dome1 and behind the level space above the bands or arches of the exterior and interior columns there are many cells1 both small and large1 where the priests and religious officers dwell to the number of forty-nine4 ,a revolving flag projects from the smaller dome1 and this shows in what quarter the wind is4 ,the flag is marked with figures up to thirty-six1 and the priests know what sort of year the different kinds of winds bring and what will be the changes of weather on land and sea4 ,furthermore1 under the flag a book is always kept written with letters of gold4 ,g4,m4 ,i pray you1 worthy hero1 explain to me their whole system of government2 for ,i am anxious to hear it4 ,capt4 ,the great ruler among them is a priest whom they call by the name ,,hoh1 though we should call him ,metaphysic4 ,he is head over all1 in temporal and spiritual matters1 and all business and lawsuits are settled by him1 as the supreme authority4 ,three princes of equal power--viz41 ,pon1 ,sin and ,mor--assist him1 and these in our tongue we should call ,,power1 ,,wisdom and ,,love4 ,to ,,power belongs the care of all matters relating to war and peace4 ,he attends to the military arts1 and1 next to ,hoh1 he is ruler in every affair of a warlike nature4 ,he governs the military magistrates and the soldiers1 and has the management of the munitions1 the fortifications1 the storming of places1 the implements of war1 the armories1 the smiths and workmen connected with matters of this sort4 ,but ,,wisdom is the ruler of the liberal arts1 of mechanics1 of all sciences with their magistrates and doctors1 and of the discipline of the schools4 ,as many doctors as there are1 are under his control4 ,there is one doctor who is called ,astrologus2 a second1 ,cosmographus2 a third1 ,arithmeticus2 a fourth1 ,geometra2 a fifth1 ,historiographus2 a sixth1 ,poeta2 a seventh1 ,logicus2 an eighth1 ,rhetor2 a ninth1 ,grammaticus2 a tenth1 ,medicus2 an eleventh1 ,physiologus2 a twelfth1 ,politicus2 a thirteenth1 ,moralis4 ,they have but one book1 which they call ,wisdom1 and in it all the sciences are written with conciseness and marvellous fluency of expression4 ,this they read to the people after the custom of the ,pythagoreans4 ,it is ,wisdom who causes the exterior and interior1 the higher and lower walls of the city to be adorned with the finest pictures1 and to have all the sciences painted upon them in an admirable manner4 ,on the walls of the temple and on the dome1 which is let down when the priest gives an address1 lest the sounds of his voice1 being scattered1 should fly away from his audience1 there are pictures of stars in their different magnitudes1 with the powers and motions of each1 expressed separately in three little verses4 ,on the interior wall of the first circuit all the mathematical figures are conspicuously painted--figures more in number than ,archimedes or ,euclid discovered1 marked symmetrically1 and with the explanation of them neatly written and contained each in a little verse4 ,there are definitions and propositions1 c4 c4 ,on the exterior convex wall is first an immense drawing of the whole earth1 given at one view4 ,following upon this1 there are tablets setting forth for every separate country the customs both public and private1 the laws1 the origins and the power of the inhabitants2 and the alphabets the different people use can be seen above that of the ,city of the ,sun4 ,on the inside of the second circuit1 that is to say of the second ring of buildings1 paintings of all kinds of precious and common stones1 of minerals and metals1 are seen2 and a little piece of the metal itself is also there with an apposite explanation in two small verses for each metal or stone4 ,on the outside are marked all the seas1 rivers1 lakes and streams which are on the face of the earth2 as are also the wines and the oils and the different liquids1 with the sources from which the last are extracted1 their qualities and strength4 ,there are also vessels built into the wall above the arches1 and these are full of liquids from one to three hundred years old1 which cure all diseases4 ,hail and snow1 storms and thunder1 and whatever else takes place in the air1 are represented with suitable figures and little verses4 ,the inhabitants even have the art of representing in stone all the phenomena of the air1 such as the wind1 rain1 thunder1 the rainbow1 c4 ,on the interior of the third circuit all the different families of trees and herbs are depicted1 and there is a live specimen of each plant in earthenware vessels placed upon the outer partition of the arches4 ,with the specimens there are explanations as to where they were first found1 what are their powers and natures1 and resemblances to celestial things and to metals3 to parts of the human body and to things in the sea1 and also as to their uses in medicine1 c4 ,on the exterior wall are all the races of fish1 found in rivers1 lakes and seas1 and their habits and values1 and ways of breeding1 training and living1 the purposes for which they exist in the world1 and their uses to man4 ,further1 their resemblances to celestial and terrestrial things1 produced both by nature and art1 are so given that ,i was astonished when ,i saw a fish which was like a bishop1 one like a chain1 another like a garment1 a fourth like a nail1 a fifth like a star1 and others like images of those things existing among us1 the relation in each case being completely manifest4 ,there are sea-urchins to be seen1 and the purple shell-fish and mussels2 and whatever the watery world possesses worthy of being known is there fully shown in marvellous characters of painting and drawing4 ,on the fourth interior wall all the different kinds of birds are painted1 with their natures1 sizes1 customs1 colours1 manner of living1 c42 and the only real phoenix is possessed by the inhabitants of this city4 ,on the exterior are shown all the races of creeping animals1 serpents1 dragons and worms2 the insects1 the flies1 gnats1 beetles1 c41 in their different states1 strength1 venoms and uses1 and a great deal more than you or ,i can think of4 ,on the fifth interior they have all the larger animals of the earth1 as many in number as would astonish you4 ,we indeed know not the thousandth part of them1 for on the exterior wall also a great many of immense size are also portrayed4 ,to be sure1 of horses alone1 how great a number of breeds there is and how beautiful are the forms there cleverly displayed6 ,on the sixth interior are painted all the mechanical arts1 with the several instruments for each and their manner of use among different nations4 ,alongside the dignity of such is placed1 and their several inventors are named4 ,but on the exterior all the inventors in science1 in warfare1 and in law are represented4 ,there ,i saw ,moses1 ,osiris1 ,jupiter1 ,mercury1 ,lycurgus1 ,pompilius1 ,pythagoras1 ,zamolxis1 ,solon1 ,charondas1 ,phoroneus1 with very many others4 ,they even have ,mahomet1 whom nevertheless they hate as a false and sordid legislator4 ,in the most dignified position ,i saw a representation of ,jesus ,christ and of the twelve ,apostles1 whom they consider very worthy and hold to be great4 ,of the representations of men1 ,i perceived ,csar1 ,alexander1 ,pyrrhus and ,hannibal in the highest place2 and other very renowned heroes in peace and war1 especially ,roman heroes1 were painted in lower positions1 under the galleries4 ,and when ,i asked with astonishment whence they had obtained our history1 they told me that among them there was a knowledge of all languages1 and that by perseverance they continually send explorers and ambassadors over the whole earth1 who learn thoroughly the customs1 forces1 rule and histories of the nations1 bad and good alike4 ,these they apply all to their own republic1 and with this they are well pleased4 ,i learnt that cannon and typography were invented by the ,chinese before we knew of them4 ,there are magistrates1 who announce the meaning of the pictures1 and boys are accustomed to learn all the sciences1 without toil and as if for pleasure2 but in the way of history only until they are ten years old4 ,,love is foremost in attending to the charge of the race4 ,he sees that men and women are so joined together1 that they bring forth the best offspring4 ,indeed1 they laugh at us who exhibit a studious care for our breed of horses and dogs1 but neglect the breeding of human beings4 ,thus the education of the children is under his rule4 ,so also is the medicine that is sold1 the sowing and collecting of fruits of the earth and of trees1 agriculture1 pasturage1 the preparations for the months1 the cooking arrangements1 and whatever has any reference to food1 clothing1 and the intercourse of the sexes4 ,love himself is ruler1 but there are many male and female magistrates dedicated to these arts4 ,metaphysic then with these three rulers manage all the above-named matters1 and even by himself alone nothing is done2 all business is discharged by the four together1 but in whatever ,metaphysic inclines to the rest are sure to agree4 ,g4,m4 ,tell me1 please1 of the magistrates1 their services and duties1 of the education and mode of living1 whether the government is a monarchy1 a republic1 or an aristocracy4 ,capt4 ,this race of men came there from ,india1 flying from the sword of the ,magi1 a race of plunderers and tyrants who laid waste their country1 and they determined to lead a philosophic life in fellowship with one another4 ,although the community of wives is not instituted among the other inhabitants of their province1 among them it is in use after this manner4 ,all things are common with them1 and their dispensation is by the authority of the magistrates4 ,arts and honours and pleasures are common1 and are held in such a manner that no one can appropriate anything to himself4 ,they say that all private property is acquired and improved for the reason that each one of us by himself has his own home and wife and children4 ,from this self-love springs4 ,for when we raise a son to riches and dignities1 and leave an heir to much wealth1 we become either ready to grasp at the property of the state1 if in any case fear should be removed from the power which belongs to riches and rank2 or avaricious1 crafty1 and hypocritical1 if any one is of slender purse1 little strength1 and mean ancestry4 ,but when we have taken away self-love1 there remains only love for the state4 ,g4,m4 ,under such circumstances no one will be willing to labour1 while he expects others to work1 on the fruit of whose labours he can live1 as ,aristotle argues against ,plato4 ,capt4 ,i do not know how to deal with that argument1 but ,i declare to you that they burn with so great a love for their fatherland1 as ,i could scarcely have believed possible2 and indeed with much more than the histories tell us belonged to the ,romans1 who fell willingly for their country1 inasmuch as they have to a greater extent surrendered their private property4 ,i think truly that the friars and monks and clergy of our country1 if they were not weakened by love for their kindred and friends1 or by the ambition to rise to higher dignities1 would be less fond of property1 and more imbued with a spirit of charity towards all1 as it was in the time of the ,apostles1 and is now in a great many cases4 ,g4,m4 ,st4 ,augustine may say that1 but ,i say that among this race of men1 friendship is worth nothing2 since they have not the chance of conferring mutual benefits on one another4 ,capt4 ,nay1 indeed4 ,for it is worth the trouble to see that no one can receive gifts from another4 ,whatever is necessary they have1 they receive it from the community1 and the magistrate takes care that no one receives more than he deserves4 ,yet nothing necessary is denied to any one4 ,friendship is recognized among them in war1 in infirmity1 in the art contests1 by which means they aid one another mutually by teaching4 ,sometimes they improve themselves mutually with praises1 with conversation1 with actions and out of the things they need4 ,all those of the same age call one another brothers4 ,they call all over twenty-two years of age1 fathers2 those who are less than twenty-two are named sons4 ,moreover1 the magistrates govern well1 so that no one in the fraternity can do injury to another4 ,g4,m4 ,and how8 ,capt4 ,as many names of virtues as there are amongst us1 so many magistrates there are among them4 ,there is a magistrate who is named ,magnanimity1 another ,fortitude1 a third ,chastity1 a fourth ,liberality1 a fifth ,criminal and ,civil ,justice1 a sixth ,comfort1 a seventh ,truth1 an eighth ,kindness1 a tenth ,gratitude1 an eleventh ,cheerfulness1 a twelfth ,exercise1 a thirteenth ,sobriety1 c4 ,they are elected to duties of that kind1 each one to that duty for excellence in which he is known from boyhood to be most suitable4 ,wherefore among them neither robbery nor clever murders1 nor lewdness1 incest1 adultery1 or other crimes of which we accuse one another1 can be found4 ,they accuse themselves of ingratitude and malignity when any one denies a lawful satisfaction to another1 of indolence1 of sadness1 of anger1 of scurrility1 of slander1 and of lying1 which curseful thing they thoroughly hate4 ,accused persons undergoing punishment are deprived of the common table1 and other honours1 until the judge thinks that they agree with their correction4 ,g4,m4 ,tell me the manner in which the magistrates are chosen4 ,capt4 ,you would not rightly understand this1 unless you first learnt their manner of living4 ,that you may know then1 men and women wear the same kind of garment1 suited for war4 ,the women wear the toga below the knee1 but the men above4 ,and both sexes are instructed in all the arts together4 ,when this has been done as a start1 and before their third year1 the boys learn the language and the alphabet on the walls by walking round them4 ,they have four leaders1 and four elders1 the first to direct them1 the second to teach them1 and these are men approved beyond all others4 ,after some time they exercise themselves with gymnastics1 running1 quoits1 and other games1 by means of which all their muscles are strengthened alike4 ,their feet are always bare1 and so are their heads as far as the seventh ring4 ,afterwards they lead them to the offices of the trades1 such as shoemaking1 cooking1 metal-working1 carpentry1 painting1 c4 ,in order to find out the bent of the genius of each one1 after their seventh year1 when they have already gone through the mathematics on the walls1 they take them to the readings of all the sciences2 there are four lectures at each reading1 and in the course of four hours the four in their order explain everything4 ,for some take physical exercise or busy themselves with public services or functions1 others apply themselves to reading4 ,leaving these studies all are devoted to the more abstruse subjects1 to mathematics1 to medicine1 and to other sciences4 ,there is continual debate and studied argument amongst them1 and after a time they become magistrates of those sciences or mechanical arts in which they are the most proficient2 for every one follows the opinion of his leader and judge1 and goes out to the plains to the works of the field1 and for the purpose of becoming acquainted with the pasturage of the dumb animals4 ,and they consider him the more noble and renowned who has dedicated himself to the study of the most arts and knows how to practise them wisely4 ,wherefore they laugh at us in that we consider our workmen ignoble1 and hold those to be noble who have mastered no pursuit2 but live in ease1 and are so many slaves given over to their own pleasure and lasciviousness2 and thus as it were from a school of vices so many idle and wicked fellows go forth for the ruin of the state4 ,the rest of the officials1 however1 are chosen by the four chiefs1 ,hoh1 ,pon1 ,sin and ,mor1 and by the teachers of that art over which they are fit to preside4 ,and these teachers know well who is most suited for rule4 ,certain men are proposed by the magistrates in council1 they themselves not seeking to become candidates1 and he opposes who knows anything against those brought forward for election1 or if not1 speaks in favour of them4 ,but no one attains to the dignity of ,hoh except him who knows the histories of the nations1 and their customs and sacrifices and laws1 and their form of government1 whether a republic or a monarchy4 ,he must also know the names of the lawgivers and the inventors in science1 and the laws and the history of the earth and the heavenly bodies4 ,they think it also necessary that he should understand all the mechanical arts1 the physical sciences1 astrology and mathematics4 7,nearly every two days they teach our mechanical art4 ,they are not allowed to overwork themselves1 but frequent practice and the paintings render learning easy to them4 ,not too much care is given to the cultivation of languages1 as they have a goodly number of interpreters who are grammarians in the state47 ,but beyond everything else it is necessary that ,hoh should understand metaphysics and theology2 that he should know thoroughly the derivations1 foundations and demonstrations of all the arts and sciences2 the likeness and difference of things2 necessity1 fate1 and the harmonies of the universe2 power1 wisdom1 and the love of things and of ,god2 the stages of life and its symbols2 everything relating to the heavens1 the earth and the sea2 and the ideas of ,god1 as much as mortal man can know of ,him4 ,he must also be well read in the ,prophets and in astrology4 ,and thus they know long beforehand who will be ,hoh4 ,he is not chosen to so great a dignity unless he has attained his thirty-fifth year4 ,and this office is perpetual1 because it is not known who may be too wise for it or who too skilled in ruling4 ,g4,m4 ,who indeed can be so wise8 ,if even any one has a knowledge of the sciences it seems that he must be unskilled in ruling4 ,capt4 ,this very question ,i asked them and they replied thus3 ,we1 indeed1 are more certain that such a very learned man has the knowledge of governing1 than you who place ignorant persons in authority1 and consider them suitable merely because they have sprung from rulers or have been chosen by a powerful faction4 ,but our ,hoh1 a man really the most capable to rule1 is for all that never cruel nor wicked1 nor a tyrant1 inasmuch as he possesses so much wisdom4 ,this1 moreover1 is not unknown to you1 that the same argument cannot apply among you1 when you consider that man the most learned who knows most of grammar1 or logic1 or of ,aristotle or any other author4 ,for such knowledge as this of yours much servile labour and memory work is required1 so that a man is rendered unskilful2 since he has contemplated nothing but the words of books and has given his mind with useless result to the consideration of the dead signs of things4 ,hence he knows not in what way ,god rules the universe1 nor the ways and customs of ,nature and the nations4 ,wherefore he is not equal to our ,,hoh4 ,for that one cannot know so many arts and sciences thoroughly1 who is not esteemed for skilled ingenuity1 very apt at all things1 and therefore at ruling especially4 ,this also is plain to us that he who knows only one science1 does not really know either that or the others1 and he who is suited for only one science and has gathered his knowledge from books1 is unlearned and unskilled4 ,but this is not the case with intellects prompt and expert in every branch of knowledge and suitable for the consideration of natural objects1 as it is necessary that our ,,hoh should be4 ,besides in our state the sciences are taught with a facility 7as you have seen7 by which more scholars are turned out by us in one year than by you in ten1 or even fifteen4 ,make trial1 ,i pray you1 of these boys4 ,in this matter ,i was struck with astonishment at their truthful discourse and at the trial of their boys1 who did not understand my language well4 ,indeed it is necessary that three of them should be skilled in our tongue1 three in ,arabic1 three in ,polish1 and three in each of the other languages1 and no recreation is allowed them unless they become more learned4 ,for that they go out to the plain for the sake of running about and hurling arrows and lances1 and of firing harquebuses1 and for the sake of hunting the wild animals and getting a knowledge of plants and stones1 and agriculture and pasturage2 sometimes the band of boys does one thing1 sometimes another4 ,they do not consider it necessary that the three rulers assisting ,,hoh should know other than the arts having reference to their rule1 and so they have only a historical knowledge of the arts which are common to all4 ,but their own they know well1 to which certainly one is dedicated more than another4 ,thus ,,power is the most learned in the equestrian art1 in marshalling the army1 in marking out of camps1 in the manufacture of every kind of weapon and of warlike machines1 in planning stratagems1 and in every affair of a military nature4 ,and for these reasons1 they consider it necessary that these chiefs should have been philosophers1 historians1 politicians1 and physicists4 ,concerning the other two triumvirs1 understand remarks similar to those ,i have made about ,,power4 ,g4,m4 ,i really wish that you would recount all their public duties1 and would distinguish between them1 and also that you would tell clearly how they are all taught in common4 ,capt4 ,they have dwellings in common and dormitories1 and couches and other necessaries4 ,but at the end of every six months they are separated by the masters4 ,some shall sleep in this ring1 some in another2 some in the first apartment1 and some in the second2 and these apartments are marked by means of the alphabet on the lintel4 ,there are occupations1 mechanical and theoretical1 common to both men and women1 with this difference1 that the occupations which require more hard work1 and walking a long distance1 are practised by men1 such as ploughing1 sowing1 gathering the fruits1 working at the threshing-floor1 and perchance at the vintage4 ,but it is customary to choose women for milking the cows1 and for making cheese4 ,in like manner1 they go to the gardens near to the outskirts of the city both for collecting the plants and for cultivating them4 ,in fact1 all sedentary and stationary pursuits are practised by the women1 such as weaving1 spinning1 sewing1 cutting the hair1 shaving1 dispensing medicines1 and making all kinds of garments4 ,they are1 however1 excluded from working in wood and the manufacture of arms4 ,if a woman is fit to paint1 she is not prevented from doing so2 nevertheless1 music is given over to the women alone1 because they please the more1 and of a truth to boys also4 ,but the women have not the practice of the drum and the horn4 ,and they prepare their feasts and arrange the tables in the following manner4 ,it is the peculiar work of the boys and girls under twenty to wait at the tables4 ,in every ring there are the suitable kitchens1 barns1 and stores of utensils for eating and drinking1 and over every department an old man and an old woman preside4 ,these two have at once the command of those who serve1 and the power of chastising1 or causing to be chastised1 those who are negligent or disobedient2 and they also examine and mark each one1 both male and female1 who excels in his or her duties4 ,all the young people wait upon the older ones who have passed the age of forty1 and in the evening when they go to sleep the master and mistress command that those should be sent to work in the morning1 upon whom in succession the duty falls1 one or two to separate apartments4 ,the young people1 however1 wait upon one another1 and that alas6 with some unwillingness4 ,they have first and second tables1 and on both sides there are seats4 ,on one side sit the women1 on the other the men2 and as in the refectories of the monks1 there is no noise4 ,while they are eating a young man reads a book from a platform1 intoning distinctly and sonorously1 and often the magistrates question them upon the more important parts of the reading4 ,and truly it is pleasant to observe in what manner these young people1 so beautiful and clothed in garments so suitable1 attend to them1 and to see at the same time so many friends1 brothers1 sons1 fathers and mothers all in their turn living together with so much honesty1 propriety and love4 ,so each one is given a napkin1 a plate1 fish1 and a dish of food4 ,it is the duty of the medical officers to tell the cooks what repasts shall be prepared on each day1 and what food for the old1 what for the young1 and what for the sick4 ,the magistrates receive the full-grown and fatter portion1 and they from their share always distribute something to the boys at the table who have shown themselves more studious in the morning at the lectures and debates concerning wisdom and arms4 ,and this is held to be one of the most distinguished honours4 ,for six days they ordain to sing with music at table4 ,only a few1 however1 sing2 or there is one voice accompanying the lute and one for each other instrument4 ,and when all alike in service join their hands1 nothing is found to be wanting4 ,the old men placed at the head of the cooking business and of the refectories of the servants praise the cleanliness of the streets1 the houses1 the vessels1 the garments1 the workshops and the warehouses4 ,they wear white undergarments to which adheres a covering1 which is at once coat and legging1 without wrinkles4 ,the borders of the fastenings are furnished with globular buttons1 extended round and caught up here and there by chains4 ,the coverings of the legs descend to the shoes and are continued even to the heels4 ,then they cover the feet with large socks1 or as it were half-buskins fastened by buckles1 over which they wear a half-boot1 and besides1 as ,i have already said1 they are clothed with a toga4 ,and so aptly fitting are the garments1 that when the toga is destroyed1 the different parts of the whole body are straight-way discerned1 no part being concealed4 ,they change their clothes for different ones four times in the year1 that is when the sun enters respectively the constellations ,aries1 ,cancer1 ,libra and ,capricorn1 and according to the circumstances and necessity as decided by the officer of health4 ,the keepers of clothes for the different rings are wont to distribute them1 and it is marvellous that they have at the same time as many garments as there is need for1 some heavy and some slight1 according to the weather4 ,they all use white clothing1 and this is washed in each month with lye or soap1 as are also the workshops of the lower trades1 the kitchens1 the pantries1 the barns1 the store-houses1 the armories1 the refectories and the baths4 ,moreover1 the clothes are washed at the pillars of the peristyles1 and the water is brought down by means of canals which are continued as sewers4 ,in every street of the different rings there are suitable fountains1 which send forth their water by means of canals1 the water being drawn up from nearly the bottom of the mountain by the sole movement of a cleverly contrived handle4 ,there is water in fountains and in cisterns1 whither the rain-water collected from the roofs of the houses is brought through pipes full of sand4 ,they wash their bodies often1 according as the doctor and master command4 ,all the mechanical arts are practised under the peristyles1 but the speculative are carried on above in the walking galleries and ramparts where are the more splendid paintings1 but the more sacred ones are taught in the temple4 ,in the halls and wings of the rings there are solar time-pieces and bells1 and hands by which the hours and seasons are marked off4 ,g4,m4 ,tell me about their children4 ,capt4 ,when their women have brought forth children1 they suckle and rear them in temples set apart for all4 ,they give milk for two years or more as the physician orders4 ,after that time the weaned child is given into the charge of the mistresses1 if it is a female1 and to the masters1 if it is a male4 ,and then with other young children they are pleasantly instructed in the alphabet1 and in the knowledge of the pictures1 and in running1 walking and wrestling2 also in the historical drawings1 and in languages2 and they are adorned with a suitable garment of different colours4 ,after their sixth year they are taught natural science1 and then the mechanical sciences4 ,the men who are weak in intellect are sent to farms1 and when they have become more proficient some of them are received into the state4 ,and those of the same age and born under the same constellation are especially like one another in strength and in appearance1 and hence arises much lasting concord in the state1 these men honouring one another with mutual love and help4 ,names are given to them by ,metaphysicus1 and that not by chance but designedly1 and according to each one's peculiarity1 as was the custom among the ancient ,romans4 ,wherefore one is called ,beautiful 7,pulcher71 another the ,big-nosed 7,naso71 another the ,fat-legged 7,cranipes7 another ,crooked 7,torvus7 another ,lean 7,macer7 and so on4 ,but when they have become very skilled in their professions and done any great deed in war or in time of peace1 a cognomen from art is given to them1 such as ,beautiful1 the great painter 7,pulcher1 ,pictor ,magnus71 the golden one 7,aureus7 the excellent one 7,excellens7 or the strong 7,strenuus72 or from their deeds1 such as ,naso the ,brave 7,nason ,fortis7 or the cunning1 or the great1 or very great conqueror2 or from the enemy any one has overcome1 ,africanus1 ,asiaticus1 ,etruscus2 or if any one has overcome ,manfred or ,tortelius1 he is called ,macer ,manfred or ,tortelius1 and so on4 ,all these cognomens are added by the higher magistrates1 and very often with a crown suitable to the deed or art1 and with the flourish of music4 ,for gold and silver is reckoned of little value among them except as material for their vessels and ornaments1 which are common to all4 ,g4,m4 ,tell me1 ,i pray you1 is there no jealousy among them or disappointment to that one who has not been elected to a magistracy1 or to any other dignity to which he aspires8 ,capt4 ,certainly not4 ,for no one wants either necessaries or luxuries4 ,moreover1 the race is managed for the good of the commonwealth and not of private individuals1 and the magistrates must be obeyed4 ,they deny what we hold--viz41 that it is natural to man to recognize his offspring and to educate them1 and to use his wife and house and children as his own4 ,for they say that children are bred for the preservation of the species and not for individual pleasure1 as ,st4 ,thomas also asserts4 ,therefore the breeding of children has reference to the commonwealth and not to individuals1 except in so far as they are constituents of the commonwealth4 ,and since individuals for the most part bring forth children wrongly and educate them wrongly1 they consider that they remove destruction from the state1 and therefore1 for this reason1 with most sacred fear1 they commit the education of the children1 who as it were are the element of the republic1 to the care of magistrates2 for the safety of the community is not that of a few4 ,and thus they distribute male and female breeders of the best natures according to philosophical rules4 ,plato thinks that this distribution ought to be made by lot1 lest some men seeing that they are kept away from the beautiful women1 should rise up with anger and hatred against the magistrates2 and he thinks further that those who do not deserve cohabitation with the more beautiful women1 should be deceived whilst the lots are being led out of the city by the magistrates1 so that at all times the women who are suitable should fall to their lot1 not those whom they desire4 ,this shrewdness1 however1 is not necessary among the inhabitants of the ,city of the ,sun4 ,for with them deformity is unknown4 ,when the women are exercised they get a clear complexion1 and become strong of limb1 tall and agile1 and with them beauty consists in tallness and strength4 ,therefore1 if any woman dyes her face1 so that it may become beautiful1 or uses high-heeled boots so that she may appear tall1 or garments with trains to cover her wooden shoes1 she is condemned to capital punishment4 ,but if the women should even desire them1 they have no facility for doing these things4 ,for who indeed would give them this facility8 ,further1 they assert that among us abuses of this kind arise from the leisure and sloth of women4 ,by these means they lose their colour and have pale complexions1 and become feeble and small4 ,for this reason they are without proper complexions1 use high sandals1 and become beautiful not from strength1 but from slothful tenderness4 ,and thus they ruin their own tempers and natures1 and consequently those of their offspring4 ,furthermore1 if at any time a man is taken captive with ardent love for a certain woman1 the two are allowed to converse and joke together1 and to give one another garlands of flowers or leaves1 and to make verses4 ,but if the race is endangered1 by no means is further union between them permitted4 ,moreover1 the love born of eager desire is not known among them2 only that born of friendship4 ,domestic affairs and partnerships are of little account1 because1 excepting the sign of honour1 each one receives what he is in need of4 ,to the heroes and heroines of the republic1 it is customary to give the pleasing gifts of honour1 beautiful wreaths1 sweet food or splendid clothes1 while they are feasting4 ,in the daytime all use white garments within the city1 but at night or outside the city they use red garments either of wool or silk4 ,they hate black as they do dung1 and therefore they dislike the ,japanese1 who are fond of black4 ,pride they consider the most execrable vice1 and one who acts proudly is chastised with the most ruthless correction4 ,wherefore no one thinks it lowering to wait at table or to work in the kitchen or fields4 ,all work they call discipline1 and thus they say that it is honourable to go on foot1 to do any act of nature1 to see with the eye1 and to speak with the tongue2 and when there is need1 they distinguish philosophically between tears and spittle4 ,every man who1 when he is told off to work1 does his duty1 is considered very honourable4 ,it is not the custom to keep slaves4 ,for they are enough1 and more than enough1 for themselves4 ,but with us1 alas6 it is not so4 ,in ,naples there exists seventy thousand souls1 and out of these scarcely ten or fifteen thousand do any work1 and they are always lean from overwork and are getting weaker every day4 ,the rest become a prey to idleness1 avarice1 ill-health1 lasciviousness1 usury and other vices1 and contaminate and corrupt very many families by holding them in servitude for their own use1 by keeping them in poverty and slavishness1 and by imparting to them their own vices4 ,therefore public slavery ruins them2 useful works1 in the field1 in military service and in arts1 except those which are debasing1 are not cultivated1 the few who do practise them doing so with much aversion4 ,but in the ,city of the ,sun1 while duty and work is distributed among all1 it only falls to each one to work for about four hours every day4 ,the remaining hours are spent in learning joyously1 in debating1 in reading1 in reciting1 in writing1 in walking1 in exercising the mind and body1 and with play4 ,they allow no game which is played while sitting1 neither the single die nor dice1 nor chess1 nor others like these4 ,but they play with the ball1 with the sack1 with the hoop1 with wrestling1 with hurling at the stake4 ,they say1 moreover1 that grinding poverty renders men worthless1 cunning1 sulky1 thievish1 insidious1 vagabonds1 liars1 false witnesses1 c42 and that wealth makes them insolent1 proud1 ignorant1 traitors1 assumers of what they know not1 deceivers1 boasters1 wanting in affection1 slanderers1 c4 ,but with them all the rich and poor together make up the community4 ,they are rich because they want nothing1 poor because they possess nothing2 and consequently they are not slaves to circumstances1 but circumstances serve them4 ,and on this point they strongly recommend the religion of the ,christians1 and especially the life of the ,apostles4 ,g4,m4 ,this seems excellent and sacred1 but the community of women is a thing too difficult to attain4 ,the holy ,roman ,clement says that wives ought to be common in accordance with the apostolic institution1 and praises ,plato and ,socrates1 who thus teach1 but the ,glossary interprets this community with regard to obedience4 ,and ,tertullian agrees with the ,glossary1 that the first ,christians had everything in common except wives4 ,capt4 ,these things ,i know little of4 ,but this ,i saw among the inhabitants of the ,city of the ,sun that they did not make this exception4 ,and they defend themselves by the opinion of ,socrates1 of ,cato1 of ,plato1 and of ,st4 ,clement but1 as you say1 they misunderstand the opinions of these thinkers4 ,and the inhabitants of the solar city ascribe this to their want of education1 since they are by no means learned in philosophy4 ,nevertheless1 they send abroad to discover the customs of nations1 and the best of these they always adopt4 ,practice makes the women suitable for war and other duties4 ,thus they agree with ,plato1 in whom ,i have read these same things4 ,the reasoning of our ,cajetan does not convince me1 and least of all that of ,aristotle4 ,this thing1 however1 existing among them is excellent and worthy of imitation--viz41 that no physical defect renders a man incapable of being serviceable except the decrepitude of old age1 since even the deformed are useful for consultation4 ,the lame serve as guards1 watching with the eyes which they possess4 ,the blind card wool with their hands1 separating the down from the hairs1 with which latter they stuff the couches and sofas2 those who are without the use of eyes and hands give the use of their ears or their voice for the convenience of the state1 and if one has only one sense1 he uses it in the farms4 ,and these cripples are well treated1 and some become spies1 telling the officers of the state what they have heard4 ,g4,m4 ,tell me now1 ,i pray you1 of their military affairs4 ,then you may explain their arts1 ways of life and sciences1 and lastly their religion4 ,capt4 ,the triumvir1 ,power1 has under him all the magistrates of arms1 of artillery1 of cavalry1 of foot-soldiers1 of architects1 and of strategists1 and the masters and many of the most excellent workmen obey the magistrates1 the men of each art paying allegiance to their respective chiefs4 ,moreover1 ,power is at the head of all the professors of gymnastics1 who teach military exercise1 and who are prudent generals1 advanced in age4 ,by these the boys are trained after their twelfth year4 ,before this age1 however1 they have been accustomed to wrestling1 running1 throwing the weight and other minor exercises1 under inferior masters4 ,but at twelve they are taught how to strike at the enemy1 at horses and elephants1 to handle the spear1 the sword1 the arrow and the sling2 to manage the horse2 to advance and to retreat2 to remain in order of battle2 to help a comrade in arms2 to anticipate the enemy by cunning2 and to conquer4 ,the women also are taught these arts under their own magistrates and mistresses1 so that they may be able if need be to render assistance to the males in battles near the city4 ,they are taught to watch the fortifications lest at some time a hasty attack should suddenly be made4 ,in this respect they praise the ,spartans and ,amazons4 ,the women know well also how to let fly fiery balls1 and how to make them from lead2 how to throw stones from pinnacles and to go in the way of an attack4 ,they are accustomed also to give up wine unmixed altogether1 and that one is punished most severely who shows any fear4 ,the inhabitants of the ,city of the ,sun do not fear death1 because they all believe that the soul is immortal1 and that when it has left the body it is associated with other spirits1 wicked or good1 according to the merits of this present life4 ,although they are partly followers of ,bramah and ,pythagoras1 they do not believe in the transmigration of souls1 except in some cases1 by a distinct decree of ,god4 ,they do not abstain from injuring an enemy of the republic and of religion1 who is unworthy of pity4 ,during the second month the army is reviewed1 and every day there is practice of arms1 either in the cavalry plain or within the walls4 ,nor are they ever without lectures on the science of war4 ,they take care that the accounts of ,moses1 of ,joshua1 of ,david1 of ,judas ,maccabeus1 of ,csar1 of ,alexander1 of ,scipio1 of ,hannibal1 and other great soldiers should be read4 ,and then each one gives his own opinion as to whether these generals acted well or ill1 usefully or honourably1 and then the teacher answers and says who are right4 ,g4,m4 ,with whom do they wage war1 and for what reasons1 since they are so prosperous8 ,capt4 ,wars might never occur1 nevertheless they are exercised in military tactics and in hunting1 lest perchance they should become effeminate and unprepared for any emergency4 ,besides there are four kingdoms in the island1 which are very envious of their prosperity1 for this reason that the people desire to live after the manner of the inhabitants of the ,city of the ,sun1 and to be under their rule rather than that of their own kings4 ,wherefore the state often makes war upon these because1 being neighbours1 they are usurpers and live impiously1 since they have not an object of worship and do not observe the religion of other nations or of the ,brahmins4 ,and other nations of ,india1 to which formerly they were subject1 rise up as it were in rebellion1 as also do the ,taprobanese1 whom they wanted to join them at first4 ,the warriors of the ,city of the ,sun1 however1 are always the victors4 ,as soon as they suffered from insult or disgrace or plunder1 or when their allies have been harassed1 or a people have been oppressed by a tyrant of the state 7for they are always the advocates of liberty71 they go immediately to the council for deliberation4 ,after they have knelt in the presence of ,god that ,he might inspire their consultation1 they proceed to examine the merits of the business1 and thus war is decided on4 ,immediately after a priest1 whom they call ,forensic1 is sent away4 ,he demands from the enemy the restitution of the plunder1 asks that the allies should be freed from oppression1 or that the tyrant should be deposed4 ,if they deny these things war is declared by invoking the vengeance of ,god--the ,god of ,sabaoth--for destruction of those who maintain an unjust cause4 ,but if the enemy refuse to reply1 the priest gives him the space of one hour for his answer1 if he is a king1 but three if it is a republic1 so that they cannot escape giving a response4 ,and in this manner is war undertaken against the insolent enemies of natural rights and of religion4 ,when war has been declared1 the deputy of ,power performs everything1 but ,power1 like the ,roman dictator1 plans and wills everything1 so that hurtful tardiness may be avoided4 ,and when anything of great moment arises he consults ,hoh and ,wisdom and ,love4 ,before this1 however1 the occasion of war and the justice of making an expedition is declared by a herald in the great council4 ,all from twenty years and upwards are admitted to this council1 and thus the necessaries are agreed upon4 ,all kinds of weapons stand in the armories1 and these they use often in sham fights4 ,the exterior walls of each ring are full of guns prepared by their labours1 and they have other engines for hurling which are called cannons1 and which they take into battle upon mules and asses and carriages4 ,when they have arrived in an open plain they enclose in the middle the provisions1 engines of war1 chariots1 ladders and machines and all fight courageously4 ,then each one returns to the standards1 and the enemy thinking that they are giving and preparing to flee1 are deceived and relax their order3 then the warriors of the ,city of the ,sun1 wheeling into wings and columns on each side1 regain their breath and strength1 and ordering the artillery to discharge their bullets they resume the fight against a disorganized host4 ,and they observe many ruses of this kind4 ,they overcome all mortals with their stratagems and engines4 ,their camp is fortified after the manner of the ,romans4 ,they pitch their tents and fortify with wall and ditch with wonderful quickness4 ,the masters of works1 of engines and hurling machines1 stand ready1 and the soldiers understand the use of the spade and the axe4 ,five1 eight1 or ten leaders learned in the order of battle and in strategy consult together concerning the business of war1 and command their bands after consultation4 ,it is their wont to take out with them a body of boys1 armed and on horses1 so that they may learn to fight1 just as the whelps of lions and wolves are accustomed to blood4 ,and these in time of danger betake themselves to a place of safety1 along with many armed women4 ,after the battle the women and boys soothe and relieve the pain of the warriors1 and wait upon them and encourage them with embraces and pleasant words4 ,how wonderful a help is this6 ,for the soldiers1 in order that they may acquit themselves as sturdy men in the eyes of their wives and offspring1 endure hardships1 and so love makes them conquerors4 ,he who in the fight first scales the enemy's walls receives after the battle a crown of grass1 as a token of honour1 and at the presentation the women and boys applaud loudly2 that one who affords aid to an ally gets a civic crown of oak-leaves2 he who kills a tyrant dedicates his arms in the temple and receives from ,hoh the cognomen of his deed1 and other warriors obtain other kinds of crowns4 ,every horse-soldier carries a spear and two strongly tempered pistols1 narrow at the mouth1 hanging from his saddle4 ,and to get the barrels of their pistols narrow they pierce the metal which they intend to convert into arms4 ,further1 every cavalry soldier has a sword and a dagger4 ,but the rest1 who form the light-armed troops1 carry a metal cudgel4 ,for if the foe cannot pierce their metal for pistols and cannot make swords1 they attack him with clubs1 shatter and overthrow him4 ,two chains of six spans length hang from the club1 and at the end of these are iron balls1 and when these aimed at the enemy they surround his neck and drag him to the ground2 and in order that they may be able to use the club more easily1 they do not hold the reins with their hands1 but use them by means of the feet4 ,if perchance the reins are interchanged above the trappings of the saddle1 the ends are fastened to the stirrups with buckles and not to the feet4 ,and the stirrups have an arrangement for swift movement of the bridle1 so that they draw in or let out the rein with marvellous celerity4 ,with the right foot they turn the horse to the left and with the left to the right4 ,this secret1 moreover1 is not known to the ,tartars4 ,for1 although they govern the reins with their feet1 they are ignorant nevertheless of turning them and drawing them in and letting them out by means of the block of the stirrups4 ,the light-armed cavalry with them are the first to engage in battle1 then the men forming the phalanx with their spears1 then the archers for whose services a great price is paid1 and who are accustomed to fight in lines crossing one another as the threads of cloth1 some rushing forward in their turn and others receding4 ,they have a band of lancers strengthening the line of battle1 but they make trial of the swords only at the end4 ,after the battle they celebrate the military triumphs after the manner of the ,romans1 and even in a more magnificent way4 ,prayers by the way of thank-offerings are made to ,god1 and then the general presents himself in the temple1 and the deeds1 good and bad1 are related by the poet or historian1 who according to custom was with the expedition4 ,and the greatest chief1 ,hoh1 crowns the general with laurel and distributes little gifts and honours to all the valorous soldiers1 who are for some days free from public duties4 ,but this exemption from work is by no means pleasing to them1 since they know not what it is to be at leisure1 and so they help their companions4 ,on the other hand1 they who have been conquered through their own fault1 or have lost the victory1 are blamed2 and they who were the first to take to flight are in no way worthy to escape death1 unless when the whole army asks their lives1 and each one takes upon himself a part of their punishment4 ,but this indulgence is rarely granted1 except when there are good reasons favouring it4 ,but he who did not bear help to an ally or friend is beaten with rods4 ,that one who did not obey orders is given to the beasts1 in an enclosure1 to be devoured1 and a staff is put in his hand1 and if he should conquer the lions and the bears that are there1 which is almost impossible1 he is received into favour again4 ,the conquered states or those willingly delivered up to them1 forthwith have all things in common1 and receive a garrison and magistrates from the ,city of the ,sun1 and by degrees they are accustomed to the ways of the city1 the mistress of all1 to which they even send their sons to be taught without contributing anything for expense4 ,it would be too great trouble to tell you about the spies and their master1 and about the guards and laws and ceremonies1 both within and without the state1 which you can of yourself imagine4 ,since from childhood they are chosen according to their inclination and the star under which they were born1 therefore each one working according to his natural propensity does his duty well and pleasantly1 because naturally4 ,the same things ,i may say concerning strategy and the other functions4 ,there are guards in the city by day and by night1 and they are placed at the four gates1 and outside the walls of the seventh ring1 above the breastworks and towers and inside mounds4 ,these places are guarded in the day by women1 in the night by men4 ,and lest the guard should become weary of watching1 and in case of a surprise1 they change them every three hours1 as is the custom with our soldiers4 ,at sunset1 when the drum and symphonia sound1 the armed guards are distributed4 ,cavalry and infantry make use of hunting as the symbol of war1 and practise games and hold festivities in the plains4 ,then the music strikes up1 and freely they pardon the offences and faults of the enemy1 and after the victories they are kind to them1 if it has been decreed that they should destroy the walls of the enemy's city and take their lives4 ,all these things are done on the same day as the victory1 and afterwards they never cease to load the conquered with favours1 for they say that there ought to be no fighting1 except when the conquerors give up the conquered1 not when they kill them4 ,if there is a dispute among them concerning injury or any other matter 7for they themselves scarcely ever contend except in matters of honour71 the chief and his magistrates chastise the accused one secretly1 if he has done harm in deeds after he has been first angry4 ,if they wait until the time of the battle for the verbal decision1 they must give vent to their anger against the enemy1 and he who in battle shows the most daring deeds is considered to have defended the better and truer cause in the struggle1 and the other yields1 and they are punished justly4 ,nevertheless1 they are not allowed to come to single combat1 since right is maintained by the tribunal1 and because the unjust cause is often apparent when the more just succumbs1 and he who professes to be the better man shows this in public fight4 ,g4,m4 ,this is worth while1 so that factions should not be cherished for the harm of the fatherland1 and so that civil wars might not occur1 for by means of these a tyrant often arises1 as the examples of ,rome and ,athens show4 ,now1 ,i pray you1 tell me of their works and matter connected therewith4 ,capt4 ,i believe that you have already heard about their military affairs and about their agricultural and pastoral life1 and in what way these are common to them1 and how they honour with the first grade of nobility whoever is considered1 to have a knowledge of these4 ,they who are skilful in more arts than these they consider still nobler1 and they set that one apart for teaching the art in which he is most skilful4 ,the occupations which require the most labour1 such as working in metals and building1 are the most praiseworthy amongst them4 ,no one declines to go to these occupations1 for the reason that from the beginning their propensities are well known1 and among them1 on account of the distribution of labour1 no one does work harmful to him1 but only that which is necessary for him4 ,the occupations entailing less labour belong to the women4 ,all of them are expected to know how to swim1 and for this reason ponds are dug outside the walls of the city and within them near to the fountains4 ,commerce is of little use to them1 but they know the value of money1 and they count for the use of their ambassadors and explorers1 so that with it they may have the means of living4 ,they receive merchants into their states from the different countries of the world1 and these buy the superfluous goods of the city4 ,the people of the ,city of the ,sun refuse to take money1 but in importing they accept in exchange those things of which they are in need1 and sometimes they buy with money2 and the young people in the ,city of the ,sun are much amused when they see that for a small price they receive so many things in exchange4 ,the old men1 however1 do not laugh4 ,they are unwilling that the state should be corrupted by the vicious customs of slaves and foreigners4 ,therefore they do business at the gates1 and sell those whom they have taken in war or keep them for digging ditches and other hard work without the city1 and for this reason they always send four bands of soldiers to take care of the fields1 and with them there are the labourers4 ,they go out of the four gates from which roads with walls on both sides of them lead to the sea1 so that goods might easily be carried over them and foreigners might not meet with difficulty on their way4 ,to strangers they are kind and polite2 they keep them for three days at the public expense2 after they have first washed their feet1 they show them their city and its customs1 and they honour them with a seat at the council and public table1 and there are men whose duty it is to take care of and guard the guests4 ,but if strangers should wish to become citizens of their state1 they try them first for a month on a farm1 and for another month in the city1 then they decide concerning them1 and admit them with certain ceremonies and oaths4 ,agriculture is much followed among them2 there is not a span of earth without cultivation1 and they observe the winds and propitious stars4 ,with the exception of a few left in the city all go out armed1 and with flags and drums and trumpets sounding1 to the fields1 for the purposes of ploughing1 sowing1 digging1 hoeing1 reaping1 gathering fruit and grapes2 and they set in order everything1 and do their work in a very few hours and with much care4 ,they use waggons fitted with sails which are borne along by the wind even when it is contrary1 by the marvellous contrivance of wheels within wheels4 ,and when there is no wind a beast draws along a huge cart1 which is a grand sight4 ,the guardians of the land move about in the meantime1 armed and always in their proper turn4 ,they do not use dung and filth for manuring the fields1 thinking that the fruit contracts something of their rottenness1 and when eaten gives a short and poor subsistence1 as women who are beautiful with rouge and from want of exercise bring forth feeble offspring4 ,wherefore they do not as it were paint the earth1 but dig it up well and use secret remedies1 so that fruit is borne quickly and multiplies1 and is not destroyed4 ,they have a book for this work1 which they call the ,georgics4 ,as much of the land as is necessary is cultivated1 and the rest is used for the pasturage of cattle4 ,the excellent occupation of breeding and rearing horses1 oxen1 sheep1 dogs and all kinds of domestic and tame animals1 is in the highest esteem among them as it was in the time of ,abraham4 ,and the animals are led so to pair that they may be able to breed well4 ,fine pictures of oxen1 horses1 sheep1 and other animals are placed before them4 ,they do not turn out horses with mares to feed1 but at the proper time they bring them together in an enclosure of the stables in their fields4 ,and this is done when they observe that the constellation ,archer is in favourable conjunction with ,mars and ,jupiter4 ,for the oxen they observe the ,bull1 for the sheep the ,ram1 and so on in accordance with art4 ,under the ,pleiades they keep a drove of hens and ducks and geese1 which are driven out by the women to feed near the city4 ,the women only do this when it is a pleasure to them4 ,there are also places enclosed1 where they make cheese1 butter1 and milk-food4 ,they also keep capons1 fruit and other things1 and for all these matters there is a book which they call the ,bucolics4 ,they have an abundance of all things1 since every one likes to be industrious1 their labours being slight and profitable4 ,they are docile1 and that one among them who is head of the rest in duties of this kind they call king4 ,for they say that this is the proper name of the leaders1 and it does not belong to ignorant persons4 ,it is wonderful to see how men and women march together collectively1 and always in obedience to the voice of the king4 ,nor do they regard him with loathing as we do1 for they know that although he is greater than themselves1 he is for all that their father and brother4 ,they keep groves and woods for wild animals1 and they often hunt4 ,the science of navigation is considered very dignified by them1 and they possess rafts and triremes1 which go over the waters without rowers or the force of the wind1 but by a marvellous contrivance4 ,and other vessels they have which are moved by the winds4 ,they have a correct knowledge of the stars1 and of the ebb and flow of the tide4 ,they navigate for the sake of becoming acquainted with nations and different countries and things4 ,they injure nobody1 and they do not put up with injury1 and they never go to battle unless when provoked4 ,they assert that the whole earth will in time come to live in accordance with their customs1 and consequently they always find out whether there be a nation whose manner of living is better and more approved than the rest4 ,they admire the ,christian institutions and look for a realisation of the apostolic life in vogue among themselves and in us4 ,there are treaties between them and the ,chinese1 and many other nations1 both insular and continental1 such as ,siam and ,calicut1 which they are only just able to explore4 ,furthermore1 they have artificial fires1 battles on sea and land1 and many strategic secrets4 ,therefore they are nearly always victorious4 ,g4,m4 ,now it would be very pleasant to learn with what foods and drinks they are nourished1 and in what way and for how long they live4 ,capt4 ,their food consists of flesh1 butter1 honey1 cheese1 garden herbs1 and vegetables of various kinds4 ,they were unwilling at first to slay animals1 because it seemed cruel2 but thinking afterwards that it was also cruel to destroy herbs which have a share of sensitive feeling1 they saw that they would perish from hunger unless they did an unjustifiable action for the sake of justifiable ones1 and so now they all eat meat4 ,nevertheless1 they do not kill willingly useful animals1 such as oxen and horses4 ,they observe the difference between useful and harmful foods1 and for this they employ the science of medicine4 ,they always change their food4 ,first they eat flesh1 then fish1 then afterwards they go back to flesh1 and nature is never incommoded or weakened4 ,the old people use the more digestible kind of food1 and take three meals a day1 eating only a little4 ,but the general community eat twice1 and the boys four times1 that they might satisfy nature4 ,the length of their lives is generally one hundred years1 but often they reach two hundred4 ,as regards drinking1 they are extremely moderate4 ,wine is never given to young people until they are ten years old1 unless the state of their health demands it4 ,after their tenth year they take it diluted with water1 and so do the women1 but the old men of fifty and upwards use little or no water4 ,they eat the most healthy things1 according to the time of the year4 ,they think nothing harmful which is brought forth by ,god1 except when there has been abuse by taking too much4 ,and therefore in the summer they feed on fruits1 because they are moist and juicy and cool1 and counteract the heat and dryness4 ,in the winter they feed on dry articles1 and in the autumn they eat grapes1 since they are given by ,god to remove melancholy and sadness2 and they also make use of scents to a great degree4 ,in the morning1 when they have all risen they comb their hair and wash their faces and hands with cold water4 ,then they chew thyme or rock parsley or fennel1 or rub their hands with these plants4 ,the old men make incense1 and with their faces to the east repeat the short prayer which ,jesus ,christ taught us4 ,after this they go to wait upon the old men1 some go to the dance1 and others to the duties of the state4 ,later on they meet at the early lectures1 then in the temple1 then for bodily exercise4 ,then for a little while they sit down to rest1 and at length they go to dinner4 ,among them there is never gout in the hands or feet1 no catarrh1 nor sciatica1 nor grievous colics1 nor flatulency1 nor hard breathing4 ,for these diseases are caused by indigestion and flatulency1 and by frugality and exercise they remove every humour and spasm4 ,wherefore it is unseemly in the extreme to be seen vomiting or spitting1 since they say that this is a sign either of little exercise or of ignoble sloth1 or of drunkenness or gluttony4 ,they suffer rather from swellings or from the dry spasm1 which they relieve with plenty of good and juicy food4 ,they heal fevers with pleasant baths and with milk-food1 and with a pleasant habitation in the country and by gradual exercise4 ,unclean diseases cannot be prevalent with them because they often clean their bodies by bathing in wine1 and soothe them with aromatic oil1 and by the sweat of exercise they diffuse the poisonous vapour which corrupts the blood and the marrow4 ,they do suffer a little from consumption1 because they cannot perspire at the breast1 but they never have asthma1 for the humid nature of which a heavy man is required4 ,they cure hot fevers with cold potations of water1 but slight ones with sweet smells1 with cheese-bread or sleep1 with music or dancing4 ,tertiary fevers are cured by bleeding1 by rhubarb or by a similar drawing remedy1 or by water soaked in the roots of plants1 with purgative and sharp-tasting qualities4 ,but it is rarely that they take purgative medicines4 ,fevers occurring every fourth day are cured easily by suddenly startling the unprepared patients1 and by means of herbs producing effects opposite to the humours of this fever4 ,all these secrets they told me in opposition to their own wishes4 ,they take more diligent pains to cure the lasting fevers1 which they fear more1 and they strive to counteract these by the observation of stars and of plants1 and by prayers to ,god4 ,fevers recurring every fifth1 sixth1 eighth or more days1 you never find whenever heavy humours are wanting4 ,they use baths1 and moreover they have warm ones according to the ,roman custom1 and they make use also of olive oil4 ,they have found out1 too1 a great many secret cures for the preservation of cleanliness and health4 ,and in other ways they labour to cure the epilepsy1 with which they are often troubled4 ,g4,m4 ,a sign this disease is of wonderful cleverness1 for from it ,hercules1 ,scotus1 ,socrates1 ,callimachus1 and ,mahomet have suffered4 ,capt4 ,they cure by means of prayers to heaven1 by strengthening the head1 by acids1 by planned gymnastics1 and with fat cheese-bread sprinkled with the flour of wheaten corn4 ,they are very skilled in making dishes1 and in them they put spice1 honey1 butter and many highly strengthening spices1 and they temper their richness with acids1 so that they never vomit4 ,they do not drink ice-cold drinks nor artificial hot drinks1 as the ,chinese do2 for they are not without aid against the humours of the body1 on account of the help they get from the natural heat of the water2 but they strengthen it with crushed garlic1 with vinegar1 with wild thyme1 with mint1 and with basil1 in the summer or in time of special heaviness4 ,they know also a secret for renovating life after about the seventieth year1 and for ridding it of affliction1 and this they do by a pleasing and indeed wonderful art4 ,g4,m4 ,thus far you have said nothing concerning their sciences and magistrates4 ,capt4 ,undoubtedly ,i have4 ,but since you are so curious ,i will add more4 ,both when it is new moon and full moon they call a council after a sacrifice4 ,to this all from twenty years upwards are admitted1 and each one is asked separately to say what is wanting in the state1 and which of the magistrates have discharged their duties rightly and which wrongly4 ,then after eight days all the magistrates assemble1 to wit1 ,hoh first1 and with him ,power1 ,wisdom and ,love4 ,each one of the three last has three magistrates under him1 making in all thirteen1 and they consider the affairs of the arts pertaining to each one of them2 ,power1 of war2 ,wisdom1 of the sciences2 ,love1 of food1 clothing1 education and breeding4 ,the masters of all the bands1 who are captains of tens1 of fifties1 of hundreds1 also assemble1 the women first and then the men4 ,they argue about those things which are for the welfare of the state1 and they choose the magistrates from among those who have already been named in the great council4 ,in this manner they assemble daily1 ,hoh and his three princes1 and they correct1 confirm and execute the matters passing to them1 as decisions in the elections2 other necessary questions they provide of themselves4 ,they do not use lots unless when they are altogether doubtful how to decide4 ,the eight magistrates under ,hoh1 ,power1 ,wisdom and ,love are changed according to the wish of the people1 but the first four are never changed1 unless they1 taking counsel with themselves1 give up the dignity of one to another1 whom among them they know to be wiser1 more renowned1 and more nearly perfect4 ,and then they are obedient and honourable1 since they yield willingly to the wiser man and are taught by him4 ,this1 however1 rarely happens4 ,the principals of the sciences1 except ,metaphysics1 who is ,hoh himself1 and is as it were the architect of all science1 having rule over all1 are attached to ,wisdom4 ,hoh is ashamed to be ignorant of any possible thing4 ,under ,wisdom therefore is ,grammar1 ,logic1 ,physics1 ,medicine1 ,astrology1 ,astronomy1 ,geometry1 ,cosmography1 ,music1 ,perspective1 ,arithmetic1 ,poetry1 ,rhetoric1 ,painting1 ,sculpture4 ,under the triumvir ,love are ,breeding1 ,agriculture1 ,education1 ,medicine1 ,clothing1 ,pasturage1 ,coining4 ,g4,m4 ,what about their judges8 ,capt4 ,this is the point ,i was just thinking of explaining4 ,everyone is judged by the first master of his trade1 and thus all the head artificers are judges4 ,they punish with exile1 with flogging1 with blame1 with deprivation of the common table1 with exclusion from the church and from the company of women4 ,when there is a case in which great injury has been done1 it is punished with death1 and they repay an eye with an eye1 a nose for a nose1 a tooth for a tooth1 and so on1 according to the law of retaliation4 ,if the offence is wilful the council decides4 ,when there is strife and it takes place undesignedly1 the sentence is mitigated2 nevertheless1 not by the judge but by the triumvirate1 from whom even it may be referred to ,hoh1 not on account of justice but of mercy1 for ,hoh is able to pardon4 ,they have no prisons1 except one tower for shutting up rebellious enemies1 and there is no written statement of a case1 which we commonly call a lawsuit4 ,but the accusation and witnesses are produced in the presence of the judge and ,power2 the accused person makes his defence1 and he is immediately acquitted or condemned by the judge2 and if he appeals to the triumvirate1 on the following day he is acquitted of condemned4 ,on the third day he is dismissed through the mercy and clemency of ,hoh1 or receives the inviolable rigour of his sentence4 ,an accused person is reconciled to his accuser and to his witnesses1 as it were1 with the medicine of his complaint1 that is1 with embracing and kissing4 ,no one is killed or stoned unless by the hands of the people1 the accuser and the witnesses beginning first4 ,for they have no executioners and lictors1 lest the state should sink into ruin4 ,the choice of death is given to the rest of the people1 who enclose the lifeless remains in little bags and burn them by the application of fire1 while exhorters are present for the purpose of advising concerning a good death4 ,nevertheless1 the whole nation laments and beseeches ,god that ,his anger may be appeased1 being in grief that it should as it were have to cut off a rotten member of the state4 ,certain officers talk to and convince the accused man by means of arguments until he himself acquiesces in the sentence of death passed upon him1 or else he does not die4 ,but if a crime has been committed against the liberty of the republic1 or against ,god1 or against the supreme magistrates1 there is immediate censure without pity4 ,these only are punished with death4 ,he who is about to die is compelled to state in the presence of the people and with religious scrupulousness the reasons for which he does not deserve death1 and also the sins of the others who ought to die instead of him1 and further the mistakes of the magistrates4 ,if1 moreover1 it should seem right to the person thus asserting1 he must say why the accused ones are deserving of less punishment than he4 ,and if by his arguments he gains the victory he is sent into exile1 and appeases the state by means of prayers and sacrifices and good life ensuing4 ,they do not torture those named by the accused person1 but they warn them4 ,sins of frailty and ignorance are punished only with blaming1 and with compulsory continuation as learners under the law and discipline of those sciences or arts against which they have sinned4 ,and all these things they have mutually among themselves1 since they seem to be in very truth members of the same body1 and one of another4 ,this further ,i would have you know1 that if a transgressor1 without waiting to be accused1 goes of his own accord before a magistrate1 accusing himself and seeking to make amends1 that one is liberated from the punishment of a secret crime1 and since he has not been accused of such a crime1 his punishment is changed into another4 ,they take special care that no one should invent slander1 and if this should happen they meet the offence with the punishment of retaliation4 ,since they always walk about and work in crowds1 five witnesses are required for the conviction of a transgressor4 ,if the case is otherwise1 after having threatened him1 he is released after he has sworn an oath as the warrant of good conduct4 ,or if he is accused a second or third time1 his increased punishment rests on the testimony of three or two witnesses4 ,they have but few laws1 and these short and plain1 and written upon a flat table1 and hanging to the doors of the temple1 that is between the columns4 ,and on single columns can be seen the essences of things described in the very terse style of ,metaphysics--viz41 the essences of ,god1 of the angels1 of the world1 of the stars1 of man1 of fate1 of virtue1 all done with great wisdom4 ,the definitions of all the virtues are also delineated here1 and here is the tribunal1 where the judges of all the virtues have their seat4 ,the definition of a certain virtue is written under that column where the judges for the aforesaid virtue sit1 and when a judge gives judgment he sits and speaks thus3 ,o son1 thou hast sinned against this sacred definition of beneficence1 or of magnanimity1 or of another virtue1 as the case may be4 ,and after discussion the judge legally condemns him to the punishment for the crime of which he is accused--viz41 for injury for despondency1 for pride1 for ingratitude1 for sloth1 c4 ,but the sentences are certain and true correctives1 savouring more of clemency than of actual punishment4 ,g4,m4 ,now you ought to tell me about their priests1 their sacrifices1 their religion1 and their belief4 ,capt4 ,the chief priest is ,hoh1 and it is the duty of all the superior magistrates to pardon sins4 ,therefore the whole state by secret confession1 which we also use1 tell their sins to the magistrates1 who at once purge their souls and teach those that are inimical to the people4 ,then the sacred magistrates themselves confess their own sinfulness to the three supreme chiefs1 and together they confess the faults of one another1 though no special one is named1 and they confess especially the heavier faults and those harmful to the state4 ,at length the triumvirs confess their sinfulness to ,hoh himself1 who forthwith recognizes the kinds of sins that are harmful to the state1 and succours with timely remedies4 ,then he offers sacrifices and prayers to ,god4 ,and before this he confesses the sins of the whole people1 in the presence of ,god1 and publicly in the temple1 above the altar1 as often as it had been necessary that the fault should be corrected4 ,nevertheless1 no transgressor is spoken of by his name4 ,in this manner he absolves the people by advising them that they should beware of sins of the aforesaid kind4 ,afterwards he offers sacrifice to ,god1 that ,he should pardon the state and absolve it of its sins1 and to teach and defend it4 ,once in every year the chief priests of each separate subordinate state confess their sins in the presence of ,hoh4 ,thus he is not ignorant of the wrong-doings of the provinces1 and forthwith he removes them with all human and heavenly remedies4 ,sacrifice is conducted after the following manner3 ,hoh asks the people which one among them wishes to give himself as a sacrifice to ,god for the sake of his fellows4 ,he is then placed upon the fourth table1 with ceremonies and the offering up of prayers3 the table is hung up in a wonderful manner by means of four ropes passing through four cords attached to firm pulley-blocks in the small dome of the temple4 ,this done they cry to the ,god of mercy1 that ,he may accept the offering1 not of a beast as among the heathen1 but of a human being4 ,then ,hoh orders the ropes to be drawn and the sacrifice is pulled up above to the centre of the small dome1 and there it dedicates itself with the most fervent supplications4 ,food is given to it through a window by the priests1 who live around the dome1 but it is allowed a very little to eat1 until it has atoned for the sins of the state4 ,there with prayer and fasting he cries to the ,god of heaven that ,he might accept its willing offering4 ,and after twenty or thirty days1 the anger of ,god being appeased1 the sacrifice becomes a priest1 or sometimes1 though rarely1 returns below by means of the outer way for the priests4 ,ever after this man is treated with great benevolence and much honour1 for the reason that he offered himself unto death for the sake of his country4 ,but ,god does not require death4 ,the priests above twenty-four years of age offer praises from their places in the top of the temple4 ,this they do in the middle of the night1 at noon1 in the morning and in the evening1 to wit1 four times a day they sing their chants in the presence of ,god4 ,it is also their work to observe the stars and to note with the astrolabe their motions and influences upon human things1 and to find out their powers4 ,thus they know in what part of the earth any change has been or will be1 and at what time it has taken place1 and they send to find whether the matter be as they have it4 ,they make a note of predictions1 true and false1 so that they may be able from experience to predict most correctly4 ,the priests1 moreover1 determine the hours for breeding and the days for sowing1 reaping1 and gathering the vintage1 and are as it were the ambassadors and intercessors and connection between ,god and man4 ,and it is from among them mostly that ,hoh is elected4 ,they write very learned treatises and search into the sciences4 ,below they never descend1 unless for their dinner and supper1 so that the essence of their heads do not descend to the stomachs and liver4 ,only very seldom1 and that as a cure for the ills of solitude1 do they have converse with women4 ,on certain days ,hoh goes up to them and deliberates with them concerning the matters which he has lately investigated for the benefit of the state and all the nations of the world4 ,in the temple beneath one priest always stands near the altar praying for the people1 and at the end of every hour another succeeds him1 just as we are accustomed in solemn prayer to change every fourth hour4 ,and this method of supplication they call perpetual prayer4 ,after a meal they return thanks to ,god4 ,then they sing the deeds of the ,christian1 ,jewish1 and ,gentile heroes1 and of those of all other nations1 and this is very delightful to them4 ,forsooth1 no one is envious of another4 ,they sing a hymn to ,love1 one to ,wisdom1 and one each to all the other virtues1 and this they do under the direction of the ruler of each virtue4 ,each one takes the woman he loves most1 and they dance for exercise with propriety and stateliness under the peristyles4 ,the women wear their long hair all twisted together and collected into one knot on the crown of the head1 but in rolling it they leave one curl4 ,the men1 however1 have one curl only and the rest of their hair around the head is shaven off4 ,further1 they wear a slight covering1 and above this a round hat a little larger than the size of their head4 ,in the fields they use caps1 but at home each one wears a biretto white1 red1 or another colour according to his trade or occupation4 ,moreover1 the magistrates use grander and more imposing-looking coverings for the head4 ,they hold great festivities when the sun enters the four cardinal points of the heavens1 that is1 when he enters ,cancer1 ,libra1 ,capricorn1 and ,aries4 ,on these occasions they have very learned1 splendid1 and as it were comic performances4 ,they celebrate also every full and every new moon with a festival1 as also they do the anniversaries of the founding of the city1 and of the days when they have won victories or done any other great achievement4 ,the celebrations take place with the music of female voices1 with the noise of trumpets and drums1 and the firing of salutations4 ,the poets sing the praises of the most renowned leaders and the victories4 ,nevertheless1 if any of them should deceive even by disparaging a foreign hero1 he is punished4 ,no one can exercise the function of a poet who invents that which is not true1 and a license like this they think to be a pest of our world1 for the reason that it puts a premium upon virtue and often assigns it to unworthy persons1 either from fear or flattery1 or ambition or avarice4 ,for the praise of no one is a statue erected until after his death2 but whilst he is alive1 who has found out new arts and very useful secrets1 or who has rendered great service to the state either at home or on the battle-field1 his name is written in the book of heroes4 ,they do not bury dead bodies1 but burn them1 so that a plague may not arise from them1 and so that they may be converted into fire1 a very noble and powerful thing1 which has its coming from the sun and returns to it4 ,and for the above reasons no chance is given for idolatry4 ,the statues and pictures of the heroes1 however1 are there1 and the splendid women set apart to become mothers often look at them4 ,prayers are made from the state to the four horizontal corners of the world4 ,in the morning to the rising sun1 then to the setting sun1 then to the south1 and lastly to the north2 and in the contrary order in the evening1 first to the setting sun1 to the rising sun1 to the north1 and at length to the south4 ,they repeat but one prayer1 which asks for health of body and of mind1 and happiness for themselves and all people1 and they conclude it with the petition ,as it seems best to ,god4 ,the public prayer for all is long1 and it is poured forth to heaven4 ,for this reason the altar is round and is divided crosswise by ways at right angles to one another4 ,by these ways ,hoh enters after he has repeated the four prayers1 and he prays looking up to heaven4 ,and then a great mystery is seen by them4 ,the priestly vestments are of a beauty and meaning like to those of ,aaron4 ,they resemble ,nature and they surpass ,art4 ,they divide the seasons according to the revolution of the sun1 and not of the stars1 and they observe yearly by how much time the one precedes the other4 ,they hold that the sun approaches nearer and nearer1 and therefore by ever-lessening circles reaches the tropics and the equator every year a little sooner4 ,they measure months by the course of the moon1 years by that of the sun4 ,they praise ,ptolemy1 admire ,copernicus1 but place ,aristarchus and ,philolaus before him4 ,they take great pains in endeavouring to understand the construction of the world1 and whether or not it will perish1 and at what time4 ,they believe that the true oracle of ,jesus ,christ is by the signs in the sun1 in the moon1 and in the stars1 which signs do not thus appear to many of us foolish ones4 ,therefore they wait for the renewing of the age1 and perchance for its end4 ,they say that it is very doubtful whether the world was made from nothing1 or from the ruins of other worlds1 or from chaos1 but they certainly think that it was made1 and did not exist from eternity4 ,therefore they disbelieve in ,aristotle1 whom they consider a logician and not a philosopher4 ,from analogies1 they can draw many arguments against the eternity of the world4 ,the sun and the stars they1 so to speak1 regard as the living representatives and signs of ,god1 as the temples and holy living altars1 and they honour but do not worship them4 ,beyond all other things they venerate the sun1 but they consider no created thing worthy the adoration of worship4 ,this they give to ,god alone1 and thus they serve ,him1 that they may not come into the power of a tyrant and fall into misery by undergoing punishment by creatures of revenge4 ,they contemplate and know ,god under the image of the ,sun1 and they call it the sign of ,god1 ,his face and living image1 by means of which light1 heat1 life1 and the making of all things good and bad proceeds4 ,therefore they have built an altar like to the ,sun in shape1 and the priests praise ,god in the sun and in the stars1 as it were ,his altars1 and in the heavens1 ,his temple as it were2 and they pray to good angels1 who are1 so to speak1 the intercessors living in the stars1 their strong abodes4 ,for ,god long since set signs of their beauty in heaven1 and of ,his glory in the ,sun4 ,they say there is but one heaven1 and that the planets move and rise of themselves when they approach the sun or are in conjunction with it4 ,they assert two principles of the physics of things below1 namely1 that the ,sun is the father1 and the ,earth the mother2 the air is an impure part of the heavens2 all fire is derived from the sun4 ,the sea is the sweat of earth1 or the fluid of earth combusted1 and fused within its bowels2 but is the bond of union between air and earth1 as the blood is of the spirit and flesh of animals4 ,the world is a great animal1 and we live within it as worms live within us4 ,therefore we do not belong to the system of stars1 sun1 and earth1 but to ,god only2 for in respect to them which seek only to amplify themselves1 we are born and live by chance2 but in respect to ,god1 whose instruments we are1 we are formed by prescience and design1 and for a high end4 ,therefore we are bound to no ,father but ,god1 and receive all things from ,him4 ,they hold as beyond question the immortality of souls1 and that these associate with good angels after death1 or with bad angels1 according as they have likened themselves in this life to either4 ,for all things seek their like4 ,they differ little from us as to places of reward and punishment4 ,they are in doubt whether there are other worlds beyond ours1 and account it madness to say there is nothing4 ,nonentity is incompatible with the infinite entity of ,god4 ,they lay down two principles of metaphysics1 entity which is the highest ,god1 and nothingness which is the defect of entity4 ,evil and sin come of the propensity to nothingness2 the sin having its cause not efficient1 but in deficiency4 ,deficiency is1 they say1 of power1 wisdom or will4 ,sin they place in the last of these three1 because he who knows and has the power to do good is bound also to have the will1 for will arises out of them4 ,they worship ,god in ,trinity1 saying ,god is the supreme ,power1 whence proceeds the highest ,wisdom1 which is the same with ,god1 and from these comes ,love1 which is both ,power and ,wisdom2 but they do not distinguish persons by name1 as in our ,christian law1 which has not been revealed to them4 ,this religion1 when its abuses have been removed1 will be the future mistress of the world1 as great theologians teach and hope4 ,therefore ,spain found the ,new ,world 7though its first discoverer1 ,columbus1 greatest of heroes1 was a ,genoese71 that all nations should be gathered under one law4 ,we know not what we do1 but ,god knows1 whose instruments we are4 ,they sought new regions for lust of gold and riches1 but ,god works to a higher end4 ,the sun strives to burn up the earth1 not to produce plants and men1 but ,god guides the battle to great issues4 ,his the praise1 to ,him the glory6 ,g4,m4 ,oh1 if you knew what our astrologers say of the coming age1 and of our age1 that has in it more history within a hundred years than all the world had in four thousand years before6 ,of the wonderful invention of printing and guns1 and the use of the magnet1 and how it all comes of ,mercury1 ,mars1 the ,moon1 and the ,scorpion6 ,capt4 ,ah1 well6 ,god gives all in ,his good time4 ,they astrologize too much4 ,a ,,fragment ,,of ,,joseph ,,hall',s ,,mundus ,,alter ,,et ,,idem 7,,the ,,other-,,and ,,same ,,world7 ,,translated ,,by ,,dr4 ,,william ,,king4 ,,introductory ,,sketch4 ,joseph ,hall was born at ,bristow ,park1 by ,ashby-de-la-,zouch1 in the year #aegd1 and educated at ,emmanuel ,college1 ,cambridge4 ,in #aeig he published three books1 and in #aeih three more books1 of ,satires1 ,virgidemiarum1 ,six ,bookes4 ,these satires1 with others published about the same time by ,marlowe and ,marston1 were burnt by order of ,whitgift1 ,archbishop of ,canterbury1 who had no relish for that kind of writing4 ,nine years later1 in the year #afjg1 at the age of thirty-two1 ,hall published the satire now to be described4 ,he was a witty and an earnest man1 who rose to honour in the ,church1 became successively ,bishop of ,exeter and of ,norwich2 as ,bishop of ,norwich was in controversy with ,john ,milton on ,church ,discipline2 suffered patiently imprisonment and persecution from the ,puritans2 and closed an honourable life of more than fourscore years in #afef4 ,he has been called by some the ,christian ,seneca4 ,his early work1 the ,mundus ,alter et ,idem1 represents an ideal world divided into regions answering to man's chief weaknesses or vices4 ,he gave with it a map of its ,crapulia1 ,latronia1 c41 fully peopled1 with a neighbouring land in which there are no signs of settlement1 ,terra ,sancta1 ignota etiam adhuc1 the ,holy ,land1 even yet unknown4 ,joseph ,hall's new world is also figured as an ,austral ,continent4 ,they are good travellers1 he says1 who tell what they have seen in known lands1 but he is a better who not only travels but is himself the maker of the lands he travels through4 ,he chose his day1 and went aboard the good ship ,phantasy1 quitted harbour1 sailed away1 reached in two years the ,fortunate ,isles1 and1 leaving the shores of ,africa behind him1 came in sight of the black headland of ,crapulia4 ,here ,introduction ends and ,travel begins with the part partly translated by ,dr4 ,king3 ,crapulia1 named from ,crapula1 is the ,land of ,inebriate ,excess1 and its two provinces1 ,pamphagonia and ,yvronia1 mean by their names the provinces of ,omnivorous ,gluttony and ,drunkenness4 ,dr4 ,king has translated six chapters1 and begun the seventh1 which is upon the wars of the ,pamphagonians1 to which they march forth armed with spits and two-pronged forks and heavy ribs of beef4 ,in their free city1 ,ucalegon1 built near the borders of ,moronia1 the citizens live happy as monks4 ,they are so well shut in by high rocks that they can laugh at enemies1 and through a hollow in the rocks with softest pace creeps the river ,oysivius 7the ,idle74 ,there is only one way up1 their rocks for the inhabitants1 and that is not by zigzag steps1 but by a rope and basket4 ,birds wholly peculiar to the place supply food by being themselves eatable1 and by the great multitude of their eggs1 and by the loads of fish they bring into their nests to feed their young4 ,the citizens make to themselves also beds of the soft feathers of these birds4 ,this valley yields to the people of ,ucalegon everything except what they don't care for4 ,they are free1 therefore1 to sup1 sleep1 rise1 dine1 and lie down4 ,husbandry1 as among the old ,egyptians1 consists chiefly in feeding pigs1 for the husbandmen wait on the rich4 ,one1 with a gentle touch1 opens the richer man's eyes when he wakes2 another fans him with a flapper while he eats2 another puts bits into his mouth when it opens4 ,there are two cities under ,ucalegon1 ,livona and ,roncara 7,snort and ,snore71 which have like privileges1 except that here the inhabitants are almost always asleep1 and fatten wonderfully4 ,these are among the laws of ,crapulia3--,it is a crime to drink alone4 ,whoever has defrauded ,nature by fasting four hours after sleep shall be compelled to sup4 ,when the mouth is full it is enough to answer questions by holding out a finger4 ,what cook soever shall treat food so that it cannot be eaten1 shall be tied to a stake beside which is hung meat half raw or half burnt1 and shall remain so tied until somebody comes who will eat that meat4 ,no coin of metal is current in ,crapulia1 but they make payment in kind4 ,thus two sparrows are one starling1 two starlings are one fieldfare1 two fieldfares one hen1 two hens one goose1 two geese one lamb1 two lambs one kid1 two kids one goat1 two goats one cow1 and so forth4 ,the next chapter is on the ,religion of the ,crapulians4 ,they hate ,jove because his thunder turns the wine sour and he spoils ripe fruit by raining on it4 ,their ,god is ,time1 who eats everything4 ,but ,i hasten1 says the traveller1 to the palace of the ,grand ,duke1 whither ,i was happily led by my genius4 ,the first ,duke must have been as large as the man two of whose teeth were dug up at ,cambridge1 each as big as a man's head4 ,on his tomb is an inscription4 ,i ,omasius1 ,duke of ,fagonia1 ,lord1 ,victor1 ,prince and ,god lie here4 ,no man shall say ,i starved1 shall pass by fasting1 or salute me sober4 ,let him be my heir who can1 my subject who will1 my enemy who dares4 ,farewell and ,fatten4 ,after a description of the ,island of ,hunger1 the traveller passes from ,pamphagonia to ,yvronia1 the other province of ,crapulia4 ,these are among the laws of ,yvronia3--,a cup must be either full or empty4 ,whoever takes or returns a cup half empty shall be guilty of lse societ4 ,the sober man who hurts a drunkard1 shall be cut off from wine for ever3 if he kill a drunkard1 he shall die by thirst4 ,to walk from supper in a right line shall be criminal4 ,he who adds water to wine shall be degraded to the table of the dogs4 ,yvronia having been described in seven chapters1 the traveller in this ,other-and-,same ,world passes on to ,viraginia1 the land of the ,viragoes4 ,this is ,gynia ,nova1 miswritten ,new ,guinea4 ,the chief of its many provinces is ,linguadocia1 in which ,garrula is one of the famous cities4 ,in ,viraginia the traveller was at once made prisoner1 but permitted to see the land after he had subscribed to certain articles1 as1 ,that in word or deed he would work no ill to the nobler sex2 ,that he would never interpose a word when a woman was speaking2 ,that wherever he might be he would concede domestic rule to the woman2 ,that he would never deny to a wife any ornament of dress she looked at4 ,as to its form of government1 the state seemed to be a democracy1 in which all governed and none obeyed4 ,they settled affairs at public meetings1 in which all spoke and none listened2 and they had a perpetual ,parliament4 ,the men in ,viraginia are subject to the women4 ,when a wife leaves her house for any reason1 she places the care of her husband under any other woman of the household until she returns4 ,a husband who survives his wife1 is married at once to his wife's maid1 or goes into bondage to the nearest mother of a family1 because it is not permitted that any man shall become master in his own house4 ,the women sit while the men serve1 sleep when the men are roused to get up1 scold them when they complain1 and beat them4 ,that day is worthy to be marked with a white stone to which men can say good-bye with a whole skin4 ,contrary to the custom with us1 the women in ,viraginia cut their hair and let their nails grow4 ,some of them also practise with profit the gymnastic art1 so that they can make beautiful use of teeth1 nails1 and heels4 ,a nobler and more cleanly polished place is not to be seen than ,viraginia1 where everything is washed1 cooked and cared for by the men1 and there is nothing unbecoming but the garments of the men themselves4 ,the next land to be visited was ,moronia1 ,foolsland1 the vastest1 the most uncultivated and the most populous of all these countries4 ,to the east is ,variana or ,moronia ,mobilis1 to the north is ,moronia ,aspera1 to the south ,moronia ,felix1 and to the west ,moronia ,pia4 ,the people are1 nearly all of them1 tall and fat1 with palish hair1 prominent lips1 and very thick ears4 ,in midwinter they go with their chests open1 and the rest of the body lightly clothed1 that the warmth may enter the more readily1 and the cold go out of them2 but in summer they put on thick overcoats and cloaks1 and all the clothes they have1 to shut out the heat4 ,they shave their heads1 either because they remember that they were born bald1 or to allay the heat of the brain1 or because the hair comes between the brain and heaven1 and checks the freedom of the mind in going heavenward4 ,provinces1 towns and people of ,moronia having been visited and fully described1 the traveller through this ,other-and-,same ,world then proceeds to describe ,lavernia1 the ,land of ,thieves and ,cheats1 who obtain great part of their plunder from ,moronia4 ,in this land the ,larcinians require much attention4 ,and at the end of all1 adds ,joseph ,hall1 ,these men1 these manners1 these cities ,i have seen1 have marvelled at1 have laughed at1 and at last1 broken by the toils of so great a journey1 have returned to my own land4 ,,peregrinus1 ,,quondam ,,academicus4 ,dr4 ,william ,king was born in the year #affc1 son of ,ezekiel ,king1 a gentleman of ,london4 ,he was educated at ,westminster ,school and ,christ ,church1 ,oxford4 ,he early inherited a fair estate1 took his ,master of ,arts degree in #afhh1 and began his career as writer with a refutation of attacks upon ,wiclif in the ,history of ,heresy1 by ,m4 ,varillas4 ,he then chose law for a profession1 in #afib graduated as ,,ll4,d41 and was admitted an ,advocate at ,doctor's ,commons4 ,he kept a light heart and a lighter purse than beseemed one of his fraternity1 publishing playful satires1 at times showing an earnest mind under his mirth4 ,in or soon after the year #agjb ,dr4 ,king went to ,ireland as judge of the ,high ,court of ,admiralty1 sole ,commissioner of the ,prizes1 ,vicar-,general to the ,lord ,primate1 and ,keeper of the ,records in ,birmingham's ,tower1 in which office he was succeeded in #agjh by ,joseph ,addison4 ,dr4 ,king1 who had not increased his credit for a love of work1 returned to ,london about that time1 and following his own way of mirth began publishing ,useful ,transactions in ,philosophy and other sorts of learning4 ,in #agji he published the best of his playful poems1 ,the ,art of ,cookery1 in imitation of ,horace's ,art of ,poetry2 with some letters to ,dr4 ,lister and others1 occasioned principally by the ,title of a ,book published by the ,doctor1 being the works of ,apicius ,clius concerning the ,soups and ,sauces of the ,ancients4 ,when he came across ,joseph ,hall's satire1 he found it so much to his mind that he began to translate as follows3-- ,h4,m4 ,,crapulia4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,the ,situation of the ,country4 ,crapulia is a very fair and large territory1 which on the north is bounded with the thiopic ,ocean1 on the east with ,laconia and ,viraginia1 on the south by ,moronia ,felix1 and westward with the ,tryphonian ,fens4 ,it lies in that part of the universe where is bred the monstrous bird called ,ruc1 that for its prey will bear off an elephant in its talons2 and is described by the modern geographers4 ,the soil is too fruitful1 and the heavens too serene2 so that ,i have looked upon them with a silent envy1 not without pity1 when ,i considered they were blessings so little deserved by the inhabitants4 ,it lies in seventy-four degrees of longitude1 and sixty degrees of latitude1 and eleven degrees distant from the ,cape of ,good ,hope2 and lies1 as it were1 opposite to the whole coast of ,africa4 ,it is commonly divided into two provinces1 ,pamphagonia and ,ivronia1 the former of which is of the same length and breadth as ,great ,britain 7which ,i hope will not be taken as any reflection71 the other is equal to the ,high and ,low ,dutch ,lands4 ,both obey the same prince1 are governed by the same laws1 and differ very little in their habit or their manners4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,pamphagonia2 or1 ,glutton's ,paradise4 ,pamphagonia is of a triangular figure1 like that of ancient ,egypt1 or the ,greek letter delta1 4 ,it is mountainous1 inclosed with very high hills2 its soil is of the richest1 so that birds which come thither to feed1 if they tarry but three months1 grow so very fat and weighty1 that they cannot fly back again over the mountains1 but suffer themselves to be taken up in the hand1 and are as delicious as the ortolan or the beccaficos of the ,italians4 ,and it is no wonder to them who know that geese in ,scotland are generated from leaves fallen into the water1 and believe the testimony of one of our ambassadors1 that in the north-east parts of the world lambs grow upon stalks like cabbages and eat up the grass all around about them1 to find the same sort of provisions in this country4 ,besides1 the fish upon that coast are in such plenty1 and so voracious 7whether they conform themselves to the genius of the place and people1 or presage to themselves the honour of so magnificent a sepulchre as was given to ,nero's turbot71 that1 as soon as the hook is cast in1 they press to it as the ghosts in ,lucian did to ,charon's boat1 and cling to the iron as miners do to a rope that is let down when the light of their candle forbodes some malignant exhalation4 ,the sea-ports1 with which this country abounds more than any other1 are of no other use than to receive and take in such things as are edible1 which they have for their superfluous wool and hides3 nor may the inhabitants export anything that has the least relation to the palate4 ,you see nothing there but fruit-trees4 ,they hate plains1 limes1 and willows1 as being idle and barren1 and yielding nothing useful but their shade4 ,there are hops1 pears1 plums1 and apples1 in the hedge-rows1 as there is in all ,ivronia2 from whence the ,lombards1 and some counties in the west of ,england1 have learned their improvements4 ,in ancient times1 ,frugonia1 or the ,land of ,frugality1 took in this country as one of its provinces2 and histories tell us1 that1 in ,saturn's time1 the ,frugonian princes gave laws to all this part of the world1 and had their palace there2 and that their country was called ,fagonia1 from the simplicity of their diet1 which consisted only in beech-mast4 ,but that yoke has been long ago shaken off2 their manners are wholly changed1 and1 from the universality of their food1 they have obtained1 in their own country language1 the title of ,pamphagones4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,the ,first ,province of ,pamphagonia4 ,friviandy1 or ,tight-bittia 7that we may take the provinces in their order71 were it not for a temperament peculiar to the place1 is rather of the hottest to produce those who are properly called good trencher-men4 ,its utmost point1 which other geographers call the ,promontory of the ,terra ,australis1 is of the same latitude as the most southerly parts of ,castile1 and is about forty-two degrees distant from the equator4 ,the inhabitants have curled hair and dusky complexions1 and regard more the delicacy than the largeness and number of their dishes4 ,in this very promontory1 which we shall call the black one from its colour 7for it is a very smoky region1 partly from the frequent vapours of the place1 partly from its vicinity to the ,terra del ,fogo1 which1 by the common consent of geographers1 lies on the right hand of it1 but rather nearer than they have placed it71 is the city ,lucina1 whose buildings are lofty1 but apt to be smoky and offensive to the smell2 from whence a colony went1 perhaps1 as far as the ,indies1 where it remains to this day by the name of ,cochin-,china4 ,here is the famous temple of the great deity ,omasius ,gorgut1 or ,gorbelly4 ,it is a vast pile1 and contains a thousand hearths1 and as many altars1 which are constantly employed in the ,rucal ,festivals4 ,in the midst is a high pyramid1 as lofty as the hand of man can erect it1 little inferior to those of ,memphis4 ,it is called the ,cheminean ,tower4 ,this1 rising high1 gives the signal of war to the adjoining countries3 for1 as we by beacons lighted upon a high hill discover the danger of an approaching enemy1 so these1 on the contrary1 do the same by letting their smoke cease and their fires go out3 for1 when the perpetual vapour ceases to roll forth in thick and dark clouds of smoke1 it is a token that the ,hambrians are drawing nearer1 than whom there can be no enemy more terrible to this nation4 ,there are several smaller towns1 that lie under the dominion of this supreme city4 ,charbona is the largest village1 and1 what is seldom seen elsewhere1 lies all under ground4 ,upon its barren soil arises another1 though of less note1 called ,favillia4 ,after these lies ,tenaille1 a narrow town1 and ,batill1 a broad one1 both considerable4 ,on the left are some subservient petty hamlets1 as ,assadora1 ,marmitta1 ,culliera1 as useful for the reception of strangers1 amongst which1 that of ,marmitta is watered by the river ,livenza2 which1 as is said of a fountain in the ,peak of ,derby1 boils over twice in four-and-twenty hours4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,the ,second ,province of ,pamphagonia4 ,next to this is the ,golosinian district1 the most pleasant part of ,pamphagonia1 covered with dates1 almonds1 figs1 olives1 pomegranates1 oranges1 citrons1 and pistaches2 through which run the smoothest of streams1 called the ,oglium4 ,here is the beautiful city of ,marzapane1 with noble turrets glittering with gold1 but lying too open to the enemy4 ,over it hang the ,zucker hills1 out of whose bowels they draw something that is hard1 white1 and sparkling1 but sweet as that moisture which the ancients gathered out of the reeds which grew in ,arabia and the ,indies4 ,you shall find few people here1 who are grown up1 but what have lost their teeth1 and have stinking breaths4 ,near to this is the little city ,seplasium1 which admits of no tradesmen but perfumers4 ,it is a town of great commerce with the people of ,viraginia1 especially the ,locanians1 who use to change their looking-glass with them for oils and pastils4 ,the agreeableness of the place1 and the bounty of the heavens1 is favourable to their art2 for the whole track of land1 at certain seasons1 is covered with aromatic comfits1 that fall like hail-stones3 which ,anathumiasis ,i take to be essentially the same as that aerial honey which we often find upon our oaks1 especially in the spring1 and that it differs only in thickness2 for whereas that honey is sprinkled in drops1 the little globules are hardened by the intense cold of the middle region1 and rebound in falling4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,of the ,third ,province of ,pamphagonia4 ,in the fifty-fifth degree1 we come into the plains of ,lecania1 and so into the very heart of ,pamphagonia1 where the chief city we meet with is ,cibinium1 which is washed with the acid streams of the river ,assagion4 ,in the forum1 or market-place1 is the tomb 7as ,i conjecture by the footsteps of some letters now remaining7 of ,apicius1 that famous ,roman1 not very beautiful1 but antique4 ,it is engraved upon the shell of a sea-crab2 and it might happen1 notwithstanding what ,seneca says1 that this famous epicure1 after having sought for larger shell-fish than the coast of ,gallia could supply him with1 and then going in vain to ,africa to make a farther inquiry1 might hear some rumour concerning this coast1 steer his course thither1 and there die of a surfeit4 ,but this ,i leave to the critics4 ,here ,i shall only mention the most fertile fields of ,lardana and ,ossulia4 ,the delicious situation of ,mortadella1 the pleasantest of places1 had wonderfully delighted me1 had it not been for the salt-works which often approach too near it4 ,there is an offensive stinking town called ,formagium1 alias ,butterboxia1 and ,mantica1 a boggy place near the confines of ,ivronia4 ,i hasten to the metropolis of the whole region1 which1 whether you respect the uniformity of the building1 the manners of the people1 or their way of living1 their rules for behaviour1 their law and justice1 will show as much as if ,i were to descend to particulars4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,of the ,metropolis of ,pamphagonia1 and the ,customs of the ,inhabitants4 ,there are but very few villages in this country1 as well as in some others2 from whence a traveller may conjecture1 that the country towns are devoured by the cities1 which are not so many in number as they are large and populous2 of which the mother and governess is called ,artocreopolis4 ,the report goes1 that in ancient times there were two famous cities1 ,artopolis and ,creatium1 which had many and long contests about the superiority3 for so it happens to places1 as well as men1 that increase in power2 insomuch as the two most flourishing ,universities in the world 7to both of which ,i bear the relation of a son1 though ,i am more peculiarly obliged to one of them for my education71 notwithstanding they are sisters1 could not abstain from so ungrateful a contention4 ,artopolis boasted of its antiquity1 and that it had flourished in the ,saturnian age1 when it had as yet no rival4 ,creatium set forth its own splendour1 pleasantness1 and power4 ,at last1 a council being called1 ,creatium got the preference by the universal votes of the assembly2 for such is the iniquity of the times1 that though the head be covered with grey hairs1 yet nothing is allowed to the reverence of antiquity1 when encountered by a proud and upstart novelty4 ,the other city is now so far neglected1 that the ruins or footsteps of its magnificence are scarce remaining1 any more than of ,verulam1 as is most elegantly set forth by our noble poet ,spenser in his verses on that subject2 the latter usurping the name of the other1 as well as the other has now the double title of ,artocreopolis4 ,the city is more extensive than beautiful3 it is fortified with a large and deep ditch of running water1 which washes almost all the streets1 wherein are a thousand several ponds for fish2 upon which swim ducks1 geese1 swans1 and all sorts of water-fowl1 which has been wisely imitated by the people of ,augsburg4 ,this ditch is called ,gruessa4 ,there are two walls1 whose materials were furnished by the flesh-market2 for they are made of bones1 the larger serving for the foundations1 the lesser for the superstructure1 whilst the smallest fill up what is wanting in the middle2 being all cemented with the whites of eggs1 by a wonderful artifice4 ,the houses are not very beautiful1 nor built high after the manner of other cities2 so that there is no need of an ,augustus to restrain the buildings to the height of seventy feet1 as was done at ,rome2 nor is there room for a ,seneca or ,juvenal to complain of the multitude of their stairs and number of their stories4 ,they have no regard for staircases2 for indeed none of the citizens care for them1 partly from the trouble of getting up them 7especially when1 as they often do1 they have drunk heartily7 as much as for the danger of getting down again4 ,their houses are all covered with large blade-bones1 very neatly joined together4 ,there are no free citizens admitted1 but such whose employment has more immediately some relation to the table4 ,husbandmen1 smiths1 millers1 and butchers1 live in their colonies1 who1 when they have a belly of an unwieldy bulk1 are promoted to be burgesses2 to which degree none were anciently admitted but cooks1 bakers1 victuallers1 and the gravest senators1 who are chosen here1 as in other places1 not for their prudence1 riches1 or length of beard2 but for their measure1 which they must come up to yearly if they will pretend to bear any office in the public4 ,as any one grows in dimensions1 he rises in honour2 so that ,i have seen some who1 from the meanest and most contemptible village1 have1 for their merits1 been promoted to a more famous town1 and at last obtained the senatorial dignity in this most celebrated city3 and yet1 when by some disease 7as it often happens71 or by age1 they have grown leaner than they are allowed to be by the statutes1 have lost their honour1 together with the bulk of their carcass4 ,their streets were paved with polished marble2 which seemed strange amongst a people so incurious1 both because the workmanship was troublesome1 and there might be danger in its being slippery4 ,but the true reason of it was1 that they might not be forced to lift their feet higher than ordinary by the inequality of the pavement1 and likewise that the chairs of the senators might the more easily be pushed forward2 for they never go on foot1 or on horseback1 nor even in a coach1 to the exchange1 or their public feasts1 because of their weight2 but they are moved about in great easy elbow-chairs1 with four wheels to them1 and continue sitting so fixed1 in the same posture1 snoring and flabbering till they are wheeled home again4 ,at the four gates of the city1 whose form is circular1 there sit in their turns as many senators1 who are called ,buscadores4 ,these carefully examine all who come in and go out1 those that go out1 lest they should presume by chance to do it fasting1 which they can easily judge of by the extent of their bellies1 and the matter being proved1 they are fined in a double supper3 those that come in1 to see what they bring with them upon their return2 for they must neither depart with empty stomachs1 nor come back with empty hands4 ,every month1 according to the laws1 which they unwillingly transgress1 there are stated feasts1 at which all the senators are obliged to be present1 that after dinner 7for no person can give his vote before he has dined7 they may deliberate concerning the public affairs4 ,the name of their common-hall is ,pythanoscome4 ,every one knows his own seat1 and his conveniences and a couch to repose upon when the heat of their wine and seasoned dainties incline them to it4 ,their greatest delicacies are served up at the first course2 for they think it foolish not to eat the best things with the greatest appetite3 nor do they cut their boars1 sheep1 goats1 and lambs into joints or quarters1 as commonly we do1 but convey them whole to table1 by the help of machines1 as ,i remember to have read in ,petronius ,arbiter4 ,they are fineable who rise before they have set six hours2 for then the edge of their stomach is blunted4 ,they eat and drink so leisurely1 for the same reason as the famous ,epicure of old wished that his neck were as long as a crane's4 ,they measure the seasonable time for their departure after this method3 they have a door to their town-house1 which is wide enough for the largest man to enter when he is fasting3 through this the guests pass2 and when any one would depart1 if he stops in this passage1 he is trusted to go out at another door2 but if it be as easy as if he were fasting1 the master of the ceremonies makes him tarry till he comes to be of a statutable magnitute3 after which example1 ,willfrid's needle in ,belvior ,castle was a pleasant trial of ,roman ,catholic sanctity4 ,they have gardens of many acres extent1 but not like those of ,adonis or ,alcinos2 for nothing delightful is to be expected in them1 neither order1 nor regularity of walk1 nor grass-plots1 nor variety of flowers in the borders3 but you will find all planted with cabbages1 turnips1 garlick1 and musk-melons1 which were carried hence to ,italy1 and are in quantity sufficient to feast an hundred ,pythagoreans4 ,there is a public college1 or hospital1 whither they are sent who have got the dropsy1 gout1 or asthma1 by their eating and drinking2 and there they are nourished at the public expense4 ,as for such as have lost their teeth by their luxury1 or broken them by eating too greedily or incautiously1 they are provided for in the island of ,sorbonia4 ,all the richer sort have several servants1 in the nature of vassals1 to cultivate their gardens1 and be employed in inferior offices1 who have their liberty when they can arrive at such a bulkiness4 ,if any of the grandees of the country die of a surfeit1 he is given1 as being all made up of the most exquisite dainties1 to be eaten up by his servants2 and this they do that nothing should be lost that is so delicate4 ,the men are thick and fat to a miracle2 nor will any one salute another whose chin does not come to the midst of his breast1 and his paunch falls to his knees4 ,the women are not unlike them1 and in shape resemble the ,italians1 and have breasts like the ,hottentots4 ,they go almost naked1 having no regard to their garments4 ,the magistrates and persons of better figure have gowns made of the skins of such beasts as they have eaten at one meal4 ,all wear a knife1 with a large spoon1 hanging upon their right arm4 ,before their breasts they wear a smooth skin1 instead of a napkin1 to receive what falls out of their mouths1 and to wipe them upon occasion2 which whether it be more black or greasy1 is hard to determine4 ,they are of a very slow apprehension1 and no way fit for any science2 but yet understand such arts as they have occasion for4 ,their schools are public-houses1 where they are educated in the sciences of eating1 drinking1 and carving2 over which1 one ,archisilenius1 an exquisite ,epicure1 was then provost1 who1 instead of grammar1 read some fragments of ,apicius4 ,instead of a library1 there is a public repository of drinking-vessels1 in which cups of all orders and sizes are disposed into certain classes4 ,cups and dishes are instead of books4 ,the younger scholars have less1 the elder have greater2 one has a quart1 the other a pottle1 the other a gallon3 this has a hen1 that a goose1 a third a lamb or a porker3 nor have they any liberty1 or recess1 till the whole is finished2 and if by a seven years' stuffing they are no proficients in fatness1 are presently banished into the ,fancetic ,islands2 nor are they suffered long to stay there idle and without improvement4 ,hither likewise are sent all physicians who prescribe a course of diet to any person4 ,when any one is sick1 without recourse to sculapius1 they make him eat radish1 and drink warm water2 which1 according to ,celsus1 will purge and vomit him4 ,venison is that which they most delight in2 but they never take it in hunting1 but by nets and gins4 ,they look upon the swine as the most profitable and best of all animals2 whether it is for the likeness of its manners1 as being good for nothing but the table1 or else from its growing fat on the sudden with the worst of nutriment4 ,it may not seem credible1 yet parsimony appears in the midst of their profuseness3 but then it is very ill placed1 for it is in crumbs1 bones1 and crusts4 ,they do not so much as keep any dogs1 cats1 hawks1 or anything that eats flesh4 ,if any person suffer meat to stink1 he is impaled2 but venison and rabbits are to have the haut-gout3 and then their cheese is kept till it is overrun with little animals1 which they devour with mustard and sugar4 ,this is an odd sort of custom1 derived from the ,dutch4 ,the country abounds with rivers1 which ebb and flow according to their digestion1 and generally overflow at the beginning of ,january1 and towards the end of ,february1 and do mischief to the neighbouring country4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,of the ,wars of the ,pamphagonians4 ,the ,pamphagones have perpetual wars with the ,hambrians1 or the ,fancetic ,islands1 and the ,frugonians4 99 99 99 99 99 ,ctera desunt4 ,,the ,,end4 ,,printed ,,by ,,ballantyne1 ,,hanson ,,and ,,co4 ,,london ,,and ,,edinburgh