,,historic ,,doubts ,,relative ,,to ,,napoleon ,,buonaparte4 ,is not the same reason available in theology and in politics8444 ,will you follow truth but to a certain point8--,,burke',s ,vindication of ,natural ,society4 ,the first author who stated fairly the connexion between the evidence of testimony and the evidence of experience1 was ,hume1 in his ,,essay ,,on ,,miracles2 a work abounding in maxims of great use in the conduct of life4--,edinburgh ,review1 ,sept4 #ahad1 p4 #cbh4 ,,new ,,edition4 ,,london3 ,,longmans1 ,,green1 ,,and ,,co4 ,,mdccclxv4 ,,london3 ,,savill ,,and ,,edwards1 ,,printers1 ,,chandos ,,street1 ,,covent ,,garden4 ,,preface4 ,several of the readers of this little work 7first published in #ahai7 have derived much amusement from the mistakes of others respecting its nature and object4 ,it has been by some represented as a serious attempt to inculcate universal scepticism2 while others have considered it as a jeu d'esprit1 c4#a ,the author does not1 however1 design to entertain his readers with accounts of the mistakes which1 have arisen respecting it2 because many of them1 he is convinced1 would be received with incredulity2 and he could not1 without an indelicate exposure of individuals1 verify his anecdotes4 ,but some sensible readers have complained of the difficulty of determining what they are to believe4 ,of the existence of ,buonaparte1 indeed1 they remained fully convinced2 nor1 if it were left doubtful1 would any important results ensue2 but if they can give no satisfactory reason for their conviction1 how can they know1 it is asked1 that they may not be mistaken as to other points of greater consequence1 on which they are no less fully convinced1 but on which all men are not agreed8 ,the author has accordingly been solicited to endeavour to frame some canons which may furnish a standard for determining what evidence is to be received4 ,this he conceives to be impracticable1 except to that extent to which it is accomplished by a sound system of ,logic2 including under that title1 a portion--that which relates to the ,laws of ,evidence--of what is sometimes treated under the head of ,rhetoric4 ,but the full and complete accomplishment of such an object would confer on ,man the unattainable attribute of infallibility4 ,but the difficulty complained of1 he conceives to arise1 in many instances1 from men's mis-stating the grounds of their own conviction4 ,they are convinced1 indeed1 and perhaps with very sufficient reason2 but they imagine this reason to be a different one from what it is4 ,the evidence to which they have assented is applied to their minds in a different manner from that in which they believe that it is--and suppose that it ought to be--applied4 ,and when challenged to defend and justify their own belief1 they feel at a loss1 because they are attempting to maintain a position which is not1 in fact1 that in which their force lies4 ,for a development of the nature1 the consequences1 and the remedies of this mistake1 the reader is referred to ,hinds on ,inspiration1 pp4 #cj-df4 ,if such a development is to be found in any earlier works1 the ,author of the following pages at least has never chanced to meet with any attempt of the kind4#b ,it has been objected1 again1 by some persons of no great logical accuracy of thought1 that as there would not be any moral blame imputable to one who should seriously disbelieve1 or doubt1 the existence of ,buonaparte1 so neither is a rejection of the ,scripture-histories to be considered as implying anything morally culpable4 ,the same objection1 such as it is1 would apply equally to many of the ,parables of the ,new ,testament4 ,it might be said1 for instance1 that as a woman who should decline taking the trouble of searching for her lost piece of silver1 or a merchant who should neglect making an advantageous purchase of a goodly pearl1 would be guilty of no moral wrong1 it must follow that there is nothing morally wrong in neglecting to reclaim a lost sinner1 or in rejecting the ,gospel1 c4 ,but any man of common sense readily perceives that the force of these parables consists in the circumstance that men do not usually show this carelessness about temporal goods2 and1 therefore1 are guilty of gross and culpable inconsistency1 if they are comparatively careless about what is far more important4 ,so1 also1 in the present case4 ,if any man's mind were so constituted as to reject the same evidence in all matters alike--if1 for instance1 he really doubted or disbelieved the existence of ,buonaparte1 and considered the ,egyptian pyramids as fabulous1 because1 forsooth1 he had no experience of the erection of such huge structures1 and had experience of travellers telling huge lies--he would be regarded1 perhaps1 as very silly1 or as insane1 but not as morally culpable4 ,but if 7as is intimated in the concluding sentence of this work7 a man is influenced in one case by objections which1 in another case1 he would deride1 then he stands convicted of being unfairly biassed by his prejudices4 ,it is only necessary to add1 that as this work first appeared in the year #ahai1 many things are spoken of in the present tense1 to which the past would now be applicable4 ,postscripts have been added to successive editions in reference to subsequent occurrences4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,it was observed by some reviewer1 that ,hume himself1 had he been alive1 would doubtless have highly enjoyed the joke6 ,but even those who have the greatest delight in ridicule1 do not relish jokes at their own expense4 ,hume may have inwardly laughed1 while mystifying his readers with arguments which he himself perceived to be futile4 ,but he did not mean the readers to perceive this4 ,and it is not likely that he would have been amused at seeing his own fallacies exposed and held up to derision4 #b ,see ,elements of ,rhetoric1 p4 i4 ch4 #b1 #d4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,historic ,,doubts ,,relative ,,to ,,napoleon ,,buonaparte4 ,long as the public attention has been occupied by the extraordinary personage from whose ambition we are supposed to have so narrowly escaped1 the subject seems to have lost scarcely anything of its interest4 ,we are still occupied in recounting the exploits1 discussing the character1 inquiring into the present situation1 and even conjecturing as to the future prospects of ,napoleon ,buonaparte4 ,nor is this at all to be wondered at1 if we consider the very extraordinary nature of those exploits1 and of that character2 their greatness and extensive importance1 as well as the unexampled strangeness of the events1 and also that strong additional stimulant1 the mysterious uncertainty that hangs over the character of the man4 ,if it be doubtful whether any history 7exclusive of such as is confessedly fabulous7 ever attributed to its hero such a series of wonderful achievements compressed into so small a space of time1 it is certain that to no one were ever assigned so many dissimilar characters4 ,it is true1 indeed1 that party-prejudices have drawn a favourable and an unfavourable portrait of almost every eminent man2 but amidst all the diversities of colouring1 something of the same general outline is always distinguishable4 ,and even the virtues in the one description bear some resemblance to the vices of another3 rashness1 for instance1 will be called courage1 or courage1 rashness2 heroic firmness1 and obstinate pride1 will correspond in the two opposite descriptions2 and in some leading features both will agree4 ,neither the friends nor the enemies of ,philip of ,macedon1 or of ,julius ,csar1 ever questioned their ,,courage1 or their ,,military ,,skill4 ,with ,buonaparte1 however1 it has been otherwise4 ,this obscure ,corsican adventurer1 a man1 according to some1 of extraordinary talents and courage1 according to others1 of very moderate abilities1 and a rank coward1 advanced rapidly in the ,french army1 obtained a high command1 gained a series of important victories1 and1 elated by success1 embarked in an expedition against ,egypt2 which was planned and conducted1 according to some1 with the most consummate skill1 according to others1 with the utmost wildness and folly3 he was unsuccessful1 however2 and leaving the army in ,egypt in a very distressed situation1 he returned to ,france1 and found the nation1 or at least the army1 so favourably disposed towards him1 that he was enabled1 with the utmost ease1 to overthrow the existing government1 and obtain for himself the supreme power2 at first1 under the modest appellation of ,consul1 but afterwards with the more sounding title of ,emperor4 ,while in possession of this power1 he overthrew the most powerful coalitions of the other ,european ,states against him2 and though driven from the sea by the ,british fleets1 overran nearly the whole continent1 triumphant2 finishing a war1 not unfrequently1 in a single campaign1 he entered the capitals of most of the hostile potentates1 deposed and created ,kings at his pleasure1 and appeared the virtual sovereign of the chief part of the continent1 from the frontiers of ,spain to those of ,russia4 ,even those countries we find him invading with prodigious armies1 defeating their forces1 penetrating to their capitals1 and threatening their total subjugation4 ,but at ,moscow his progress is stopped3 a winter of unusual severity1 co-operating with the efforts of the ,russians1 totally destroys his enormous host3 and the ,german sovereigns throw off the yoke1 and combine to oppose him4 ,he raises another vast army1 which is also ruined at ,leipsic2 and again another1 with which1 like a second ,antus1 he for some time maintains himself in ,france2 but is finally defeated1 deposed1 and banished to the island of ,elba1 of which the sovereignty is conferred on him4 ,thence he returns1 in about nine months1 at the head of #fjj men1 to attempt the deposition of ,king ,louis1 who had been peaceably recalled2 the ,french nation declare in his favour1 and he is reinstated without a struggle4 ,he raises another great army to oppose the allied powers1 which is totally defeated at ,waterloo2 he is a second time deposed1 surrenders to the ,british1 and is placed in confinement at the island of ,st4 ,helena4 ,such is the outline of the eventful history presented to us2 in the detail of which1 however1 there is almost every conceivable variety of statement2 while the motives and conduct of the chief actor are involved in still greater doubt1 and the subject of still more eager controversy4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in the midst of these controversies1 the preliminary question1 concerning the existence of this extraordinary personage1 seems never to have occurred to any one as a matter of doubt2 and to show even the smallest hesitation in admitting it1 would probably be regarded as an excess of scepticism2 on the ground that this point has always been taken for granted by the disputants on all sides1 being indeed implied by the very nature of their disputes4 ,but is it in fact found that undisputed points are always such as have been the most carefully examined as to the evidence on which they rest8 that facts or principles which are taken for granted1 without controversy1 as the common basis of opposite opinions1 are always themselves established on sufficient grounds8 ,on the contrary1 is not any such fundamental point1 from the very circumstance of its being taken for granted at once1 and the attention drawn off to some other question1 likely to be admitted on insufficient evidence1 and the flaws in that evidence overlooked8 ,experience will teach us that such instances often occur3 witness the well-known anecdote of the ,royal ,society2 to whom ,king ,charles ,,ii4 proposed as a question1 whence it is that a vessel of water receives no addition of weight from a live fish being put into it1 though it does1 if the fish be dead4 ,various solutions1 of great ingenuity1 were proposed1 discussed1 objected to1 and defended2 nor was it till they had been long bewildered in the inquiry1 that it occurred to them to try the experiment2 by which they at once ascertained that the phenomenon which they were striving to account for1--which was the acknowledged basis and substratum1 as it were1 of their debates1--had no existence but in the invention of the witty monarch4#c ,another instance of the same kind is so very remarkable that ,i cannot forbear mentioning it4 ,it was objected to the system of ,copernicus when first brought forward1 that if the earth turned on its axis1 as he represented1 a stone dropped from the summit of a tower would not fall at the foot of it1 but at a great distance to the west2 in the same manner as a stone dropped from the mast-head of a ship in full sail1 does not fall at the foot of the mast1 but towards the stern4 ,to this it was answered1 that a stone being a part of the earth obeys the same laws1 and moves with it2 whereas1 it is no part of the ship2 of which1 consequently1 its motion is independent4 ,this solution was admitted by some1 but opposed by others2 and the controversy went on with spirit2 nor was it till one hundred years after the death of ,copernicus1 that the experiment being tried1 it was ascertained that the stone thus dropped from the head of the mast does fall at the foot of it6#d ,let it be observed that ,i am not now impugning any one particular narrative2 but merely showing generally1 that what is unquestioned is not necessarily unquestionable2 since men will often1 at the very moment when they are accurately sifting the evidence of some disputed point1 admit hastily1 and on the most insufficient grounds1 what they have been accustomed to see taken for granted4 ,the celebrated ,hume#e has pointed out1 also1 the readiness with which men believe1 on very slight evidence1 any story that pleases their imagination by its admirable and marvellous character4 ,such hasty credulity1 however1 as he well remarks1 is utterly unworthy of a philosophical mind2 which should rather suspend its judgment the more1 in proportion to the strangeness of the account1 and yield to none but the most decisive and unimpeachable proofs4 ,let it1 then1 be allowed us1 as is surely reasonable1 just to inquire1 with respect to the extraordinary story ,i have been speaking of1 on what evidence we believe it4 ,we shall be told that it is notorious2 i4e41 in plain ,english1 it is very much talked about4 ,but as the generality of those who talk about ,buonaparte do not even pretend to speak from their own authority1 but merely to repeat what they have casually heard1 we cannot reckon them as1 in any degree1 witnesses2 but must allow ninety-nine hundredths of what we are told to be mere hearsay1 which would not be at all the more worthy of credit even if it were repeated by ten times as many more4 ,as for those who profess to have personally known ,napoleon ,buonaparte1 and to have themselves witnessed his transactions1 ,i write not for them4 ,if any such there be1 who are inwardly conscious of the truth of all they relate1 ,i have nothing to say to them1 but to beg that they will be tolerant and charitable towards their neighbours1 who have not the same means of ascertaining the truth1 and who may well be excused for remaining doubtful about such extraordinary events1 till most unanswerable proofs shall be adduced4 ,i would not have believed such a thing1 if ,i had not seen it1 is a common preface or appendix to a narrative of marvels2 and usually calls forth from an intelligent hearer the appropriate answer1 no more will ,i4 ,let us1 however1 endeavour to trace up some of this hearsay evidence as far towards its source as we are able4 ,most persons would refer to the newspapers as the authority from which their knowledge on the subject was derived2 so that1 generally speaking1 we may say it is on the testimony of the newspapers that men believe in the existence and exploits of ,napoleon ,buonaparte4 ,it is rather a remarkable circumstance1 that it is common to hear ,englishmen speak of the impudent fabrications of foreign newspapers1 and express wonder that any one can be found to credit them2 while they conceive that1 in this favoured land1 the liberty of the press is a sufficient security for veracity4 ,it is true they often speak contemptuously of such newspaper-stories as last but a short time2 indeed they continually see them contradicted within a day or two in the same paper1 or their falsity detected by some journal of an opposite party2 but still whatever is long adhered to and often repeated1 especially if it also appear in several different papers 7and this1 though they notoriously copy from one another71 is almost sure to be generally believed4 ,whence this high respect which is practically paid to newspaper authority8 ,do men think1 that because a witness has been perpetually detected in falsehood1 he may therefore be the more safely believed whenever he is not detected8 or does adherence to a story1 and frequent repetition of it1 render it the more credible8 ,on the contrary1 is it not a common remark in other cases1 that a liar will generally stand to and reiterate what he has once said1 merely because he has said it8 ,let us1 if possible1 divest ourselves of this superstitious veneration for everything that appears in print1 and examine a little more systematically the evidence which is adduced4 99 99 99 99 99 ,i suppose it will not be denied that the three following are among the most important points to be ascertained1 in deciding on the credibility of witnesses2 first1 whether they have the means of gaining correct information2 secondly1 whether they have any interest in concealing truth1 or propagating falsehood2 and1 thirdly1 whether they agree in their testimony4 ,let us examine the present witnesses upon all these points4 ,first1 what means have the editors of newspapers for giving correct information8 ,we know not1 except from their own statements4 ,besides what is copied from other journals1 foreign or ,british1 7which is usually more than three-fourths of the news published17#f they profess to refer to the authority of certain private correspondents abroad2 who these correspondents are1 what means they have of obtaining information1 or whether they exist at all1 we have no way of ascertaining4 ,we find ourselves in the condition of the ,hindoos1 who are told by their priests that the earth stands on an elephant1 and the elephant on a tortoise2 but are left to find out for themselves what the tortoise stands on1 or whether it stands on anything at all4 ,so much for our clear knowledge of the means of information possessed by these witnesses2 next1 for the grounds on which we are to calculate on their veracity4 ,have they not a manifest interest in circulating the wonderful accounts of ,napoleon ,buonaparte and his achievements1 whether true or false8 ,few would read newspapers if they did not sometimes find wonderful or important news in them2 and we may safely say that no subject was ever found so inexhaustibly interesting as the present4 ,it may be urged1 however1 that there are several adverse political parties1 of which the various public prints are respectively the organs1 and who would not fail to expose each other's fabrications4#g ,doubtless they would1 if they could do so without at the same time exposing their own2 but identity of interests may induce a community of operations up to a certain point4 ,and let it be observed that the object of contention between these rival parties is1 who shall have the administration of public affairs1 the control of public expenditure1 and the disposal of places3 the question1 ,i say1 is1 not whether the people shall be governed or not1 but1 by which party they shall be governed2--not whether the taxes shall be paid or not1 but who shall receive them4 ,now1 it must be admitted that ,buonaparte is a political bugbear1 most convenient to any administration3 if you do not adopt our measures and reject those of our opponents1 ,buonaparte will be sure to prevail over you2 if you do not submit to the ,government1 at least under our administration1 this formidable enemy will take advantage of your insubordination1 to conquer and enslave you3 pay your taxes cheerfully1 or the tremendous ,buonaparte will take all from you4 ,buonaparte1 in short1 was the burden of every song2 his redoubted name was the charm which always succeeded in unloosing the purse-strings of the nation4 ,and let us not be too sure1#h safe as we now think ourselves1 that some occasion may not occur for again producing on the stage so useful a personage3 it is not merely to naughty children in the nursery that the threat of being given to ,buonaparte has proved effectual4 ,it is surely probable1 therefore1 that1 with an object substantially the same1 all parties may have availed themselves of one common instrument4 ,it is not necessary to suppose that for this purpose they secretly entered into a formal agreement2 though1 by the way1 there are reports afloat1 that the editors of the ,courier and ,morning ,chronicle hold amicable consultations as to the conduct of their public warfare3 ,i will not take upon me to say that this is incredible2 but at any rate it is not necessary for the establishment of the probability ,i contend for4 ,neither again would ,i imply that all newspaper editors are utterers of forged stories1 knowing them to be forged2 most likely the great majority of them publish what they find in other papers with the same simplicity that their readers peruse it2 and therefore1 it must be observed1 are not at all more proper than their readers to be cited as authorities4 ,still it will be said1 that unless we suppose a regularly preconcerted plan1 we must at least expect to find great discrepancies in the accounts published4 ,though they might adopt the general outline of facts from one another1 they would have to fill up the detail for themselves2 and in this1 therefore1 we should meet with infinite and irreconcilable variety4 ,now this is precisely the point ,i am tending to2 for the fact exactly accords with the above supposition2 the discordance and mutual contradictions of these witnesses being such as would alone throw a considerable shade of doubt over their testimony4 ,it is not in minute circumstances alone that the discrepancy appears1 such as might be expected to appear in a narrative substantially true2 but in very great and leading transactions1 and such as are very intimately connected with the supposed hero4 ,for instance1 it is by no means agreed whether ,buonaparte led in person the celebrated charge over the bridge of ,lodi1 7for celebrated it certainly is1 as well as the siege of ,troy1 whether either event ever really took place or no17 or was safe in the rear1 while ,augereau performed the exploit4 ,the same doubt hangs over the charge of the ,french cavalry at ,waterloo4 ,the peasant ,lacoste1 who professed to have been ,buonaparte's guide on the day of battle1 and who earned a fortune by detailing over and over again to visitors all the particulars of what the great man said and did up to the moment of flight1--this same ,lacoste has been suspected by others1 besides me1 of having never even been near the great man1 and having fabricated the whole story for the sake of making a gain of the credulity of travellers4 ,in the accounts that are the extant of the battle itself1 published by persons professing to have been present1 the reader will find that there is a discrepancy of three or four hours as to the time when the battle began6--a battle1 be it remembered1 not fought with javelins and arrows1 like those of the ancients1 in which one part of a large army might be engaged1 whilst a distant portion of the same army knew nothing of it2 but a battle commencing 7if indeed it were ever fought at all7 with the firing of cannon1 which1 would have announced pretty loudly what was going on4 ,it is no less uncertain whether or no this strange personage poisoned in ,egypt an hospital--full of his own soldiers1 and butchered in cold blood a garrison that had surrendered4 ,but not to multiply instances2 the battle of ,borodino1 which is represented as one of the greatest ever fought1 was unequivocally claimed as a victory by both parties2 nor is the question decided at this day4 ,we have official accounts on both sides1 circumstantially detailed1 in the names of supposed respectable persons1 professing to have been present on the spot2 yet totally irreconcilable4 ,both these accounts may be false2 but since one of them must be false1 that one 7it is no matter which we suppose7 proves incontrovertibly this important maxim3 that it is possible for a narrative--however circumstantial--however steadily maintained--however public1 and however important1 the events it relates--however grave the authority on which it is published--to be nevertheless an entire fabrication6 ,many of the events which have been recorded were probably believed much the more readily and firmly1 from the apparent caution and hesitation with which they were at first published--the vehement contradiction in our papers of many pretended ,french accounts--and the abuse lavished upon them for falsehood1 exaggeration1 and gasconade4 ,but is it not possible--is it not1 indeed1 perfectly natural--that the publishers even of known falsehood should assume this cautious demeanour1 and this abhorrence of exaggeration1 in order the more easily to gain credit8 ,is it not also very possible1 that those who actually believed what they published1 may have suspected mere exaggeration in stories which were entire fictions8 ,many men have that sort of simplicity1 that they think themselves quite secure against being deceived1 provided they believe only part of the story they hear2 when perhaps the whole is equally false4 ,so that perhaps these simple-hearted editors1 who were so vehement against lying bulletins1 and so wary in announcing their great news1 were in the condition of a clown1 who thinks he has bought a great bargain of a ,jew because he has beat down the price perhaps from a guinea to a crown1 for some article that is not really worth a groat4 ,with respect to the character of ,buonaparte1 the dissonance is1 if possible1 still greater4 ,according to some1 he was a wise1 humane1 magnanimous hero2 others paint him as a monster of cruelty1 meanness1 and perfidy3 some1 even of those who are most inveterate against him1 speak very highly of his political and military ability3 others place him on the very verge of insanity4 ,but allowing that all this may be the colouring of party-prejudice1 7which surely is allowing a great deal17 there is one point to which such a solution will hardly apply3 if there be anything that can be clearly ascertained in history1 one would think it must be the personal courage of a military man2 yet here we are as much at a loss as ever2 at the very same times1 and on the same occasions1 he is described by different writers as a man of undaunted intrepidity1 and as an absolute poltroon4 ,what1 then1 are we to believe8 ,if we are disposed to credit all that is told us1 we must believe in the existence not only of one1 but of two or three ,buonapartes2 if we admit nothing but what is well authenticated1 we shall be compelled to doubt of the existence of any4#i ,it appears1 then1 that those on whose testimony the existence and actions of ,buonaparte are generally believed1 fail in ,,all the most essential points on which the credibility of witnesses depends3 first1 we have no assurance that they have access to correct information2 secondly1 they have an apparent interest in propagating falsehood2 and1 thirdly1 they palpably contradict each other in the most important points4 99 99 99 99 99 ,another circumstance which throws additional suspicion on these tales is1 that the whig-party1 as they are called--the warm advocates for liberty1 and opposers of the encroachments of monarchical power--have for some time past strenuously espoused the cause and vindicated the character of ,buonaparte1 who is represented by all as having been1 if not a tyrant1 at least an absolute despot4 ,one of the most forward in this cause is a gentleman1 who once stood foremost in holding up this very man to public execration--who first published1 and long maintained against popular incredulity1 the accounts of his atrocities in ,egypt4 ,now that such a course should be adopted for party-purposes2 by those who are aware that the whole story is a fiction1 and the hero of it imaginary1 seems not very incredible2 but if they believed in the real existence of this despot1 ,i cannot conceive how they could so forsake their principles as to advocate his cause1 and eulogize his character4 ,besides the many strange and improbable circumstances in the history of ,buonaparte that have been already noticed1 there are many others1 two of which it may be worth while to advert to4 ,one of the most incredible is the received account of the persons known as the ,dtenus4 ,it is well known that a great number of ,english gentlemen passed many years1 in the early part of the present century1 abroad2--by their own account1 in ,france4 ,their statement was1 that while travelling in that country for their amusement1 as peaceable tourists1 they were1 on the sudden breaking out of a war1 seized by this terrible ,buonaparte1 and kept prisoners for about twelve years1 contrary to all the usages of civilized nations--to all principles of justice1 of humanity1 of enlightened policy2 many of them thus wasting in captivity the most important portion of their lives1 and having all their prospects blighted4 ,now whether these persons were in reality exiles by choice1 for the sake of keeping out of the way of creditors1 or of enjoying the society of those they preferred to their own domestic circle1 ,i do not venture to conjecture4 ,but let the reader consider whether any conjecture can be more improbable than the statement actually made4 ,it is1 indeed1 credible that ambition may prompt an unscrupulous man to make the most enormous sacrifices of human life1 and to perpetrate the most atrocious crimes1 for the advancement of his views of conquest4 ,but that this great man--as he is usually reckoned even by adversaries--this hero according to some--this illustrious warrior1 and mighty sovereign--should have stooped to be guilty of an act of mean and petty malice worthy of a spiteful old woman1--a piece of paltry cruelty which could not at all conduce to his success in the war1 or produce any effect except to degrade his country1 and exasperate ours2--this1 surely1 is quite incredible4 ,pizarro1 says ,elvira in ,kotzebue's play1 if not always justly1 at least act always greatly4 ,but a still more wonderful circumstance connected with this transaction remains behind4 ,a large portion of the ,english nation1 and among these the whole of the ,whig party1 are said to have expressed the most vehement indignation1 mingled with compassion1 at the banishment from ,europe1 and confinement in ,st4 ,helena1 of this great man4 ,no considerations of regard for the peace and security of our own country1 no dread of the power of so able and indefatigable a warrior1 and so inveterate an enemy1 should have induced us1 they thought1 to subject this formidable personage to a confinement1 which was far less severe than that to which he was said to have subjected such numbers of our countrymen1 the harmless non-belligerent travellers1 whom 7according to the story7 he kidnapped in ,france1 with no object but to gratify the basest and most unmanly spite4 ,but that there is no truth in that story1 and that it was not believed by those who manifested so much sympathy and indignation on this great man's account1 is sufficiently proved by that very sympathy and indignation4 ,there are again other striking improbabilities connected with the ,polish nation in the history before us4 ,buonaparte is represented as having always expressed the strongest sympathy with that ill-used people2 and they1 as being devotedly attached to him1 and fighting with the utmost fidelity and bravery in his armies1 in which some of them attained high commands4 ,now he had it manifestly in his power at one period 7according to the received accounts71 with a stroke of his pen1 to re-establish ,poland as an independent state4 ,for1 in his last ,russian war1 he had complete occupation of the country 7of which the population was perfectly friendly72 the ,russian portion of it was his by right of conquest2 and ,austria and ,prussia1 then his allies1 and almost his subjects1 would gladly have resigned their portions in exchange for some of the provinces they had ceded to ,france1 and which were1 to him1 of little value1 but1 to them1 important4 ,and1 indeed1 ,prussia was 7as we are told7 so thoroughly humbled and weakened that he might easily have enforced the cession of ,prussian-,poland1 even without any compensation4 ,and the re-establishment of the ,polish kingdom would have been as evidently politic as it was reasonable4 ,the independence of a faithful and devoted ally1 at enmity with the surrounding nations--the very nations that were the most likely to combine 7as they often had done7 against him1--this would have given him1 at no cost1 a kind of strong garrison to maintain his power1 and keep his enemies in check4 ,yet this most obvious step1 the history tells us1 he did not take2 but made flattering speeches to the ,poles1 used their services1 and did nothing for them6 ,this is1 alone1 sufficiently improbable4 ,but we are required moreover to believe that the ,poles1--instead of execrating this man1 who had done them the unpardonable wrong of wantonly disappointing the expectations he had1 for his own purposes1 excited1 thus adding treachery to ingratitude--instead of this1 continued to the last as much devoted to him as ever1 and even now idolize his memory6 ,we are to believe1 in short1 that this ,buonaparte1 not only in his own conduct and adventures violated all the established rules of probability1 but also caused all other persons1 as many as came in contact with him1 to act as no mortals ever did act before3 may we not add1 as no mortals ever did act at all8 ,many other improbabilities might be added to the list1 and will be found in the complete edition of that history1 from which some extracts will be presently given1 and which has been published 7under the title of ,historic ,certainties7 by ,aristarchus ,newlight1 with a learned commentary 7not1 indeed1 adopting the views contained in these pages1 but7 quite equal in ingenuity to a late work on the ,hebrew ,monarchy4 ,after all1 it may be expected that many who perceive the force of these objections1 will yet be loth to think it possible that they and the public at large can have been so long and so greatly imposed upon4 ,and thus it is that the magnitude and boldness of a fraud becomes its best support4 ,the millions who for so many ages have believed in ,mahomet or ,brahma1 lean as it were on each other for support2 and not having vigour of mind enough boldly to throw off vulgar prejudices1 and dare be wiser than the multitude1 persuade themselves that what so many have acknowledged must be true4 ,but ,i call on those who boast their philosophical freedom of thought1 and would fain tread in the steps of ,hume and other inquirers of the like exalted and speculative genius1 to follow up fairly and fully their own principles1 and1 throwing off the shackles of authority1 to examine carefully the evidence of whatever is proposed to them1 before they admit its truth4 ,that even in this enlightened age1 as it is called1 a whole nation may be egregiously imposed upon1 even in matters which intimately concern them1 may be proved 7if it has not been already proved7 by the following instance3 it was stated in the newspapers1 that1 a month after the battle of ,trafalgar1 an ,english officer1 who had been a prisoner of war1 and was exchanged1 returned to this country from ,france1 and beginning to condole with his countrymen on the terrible defeat they had sustained1 was infinitely astonished to learn that the battle of ,trafalgar was a splendid victory4 ,he had been assured1 he said1 that in that battle the ,english had been totally defeated2 and the ,french were fully and universally persuaded that such was the fact4 ,now if this report of the belief of the ,french nation was not true1 the ,british ,public were completely imposed upon2 if it were true1 then both nations were1 at the same time1 rejoicing in the event of the same battle1 as a signal victory to themselves2 and consequently one or other1 at least1 of these nations must have been the dupes of their government3 for if the battle was never fought at all1 or was not decisive on either side1 in that case both parties were deceived4 ,this instance1 ,i conceive1 is absolutely demonstrative of the point in question4 ,but what shall we say to the testimony of those many respectable persons who went to ,plymouth on purpose1 and saw ,buonaparte with their own eyes8 must they not trust their senses8 ,i would not disparage either the eyesight or the veracity of these gentlemen4 ,i am ready to allow that they went to ,plymouth for the purpose of seeing ,buonaparte2 nay1 more1 that they actually rowed out into the harbour in a boat1 and came alongside of a man-of-war1 on whose deck they saw a man in a cocked hat1 who1 they were told1 was ,buonaparte4 ,this is the utmost point to which their testimony goes2 how they ascertained that this man in the cocked hat had gone through all the marvellous and romantic adventures with which we have so long been amused1 we are not told4 ,did they perceive in his physiognomy1 his true name1 and authentic history8 ,truly this evidence is such as country people give one for a story of apparitions2 if you discover any signs of incredulity1 they triumphantly show the very house which the ghost haunted1 the identical dark corner where it used to vanish1 and perhaps even the tombstone of the person whose death it foretold4 ,jack ,cade's nobility was supported by the same irresistible kind of evidence3 having asserted that the eldest son of ,edmund ,mortimer1 ,earl of ,march1 was stolen by a beggar-woman1 became a bricklayer when he came to age1 and was the father of the supposed ,jack ,cade2 one of his companions confirms the story1 by saying1 ,sir1 he made a chimney in my father's house1 and the bricks are alive at this day to testify it2 therefore1 deny it not4 ,much of the same kind is the testimony of our brave countrymen1 who are ready to produce the scars they received in fighting against this terrible ,buonaparte4 ,that they fought and were wounded1 they may safely testify2 and probably they no less firmly believe what they were told respecting the cause in which they fought3 it would have been a high breach of discipline to doubt it2 and they1 ,i conceive1 are men better skilled in handling a musket1 than in sifting evidence1 and detecting imposture4 ,but ,i defy any one of them to come forward and declare1 on his own knowledge1 what was the cause in which he fought1--under whose commands the opposed generals acted1--and whether the person who issued those commands did really perform the mighty achievements we are told of4 ,let those1 then1 who pretend to philosophical freedom of inquiry1--who scorn to rest their opinions on popular belief1 and to shelter themselves under the example of the unthinking multitude1 consider carefully1 each one for himself1 what is the evidence proposed to himself in particular1 for the existence of such a person as ,napoleon ,buonaparte3--,i do not mean1 whether there ever was a person bearing that name1 for that is a question of no consequence2 but whether any such person ever performed all the wonderful things attributed to him2--let him then weigh well the objections to that evidence1 7of which ,i have given but a hasty and imperfect sketch17 and if he then finds it amount to anything more than a probability1 ,i have only to congratulate him on his easy faith4 99 99 99 99 99 ,but the same testimony which would have great weight in establishing a thing intrinsically probable1 will lose part of this weight in proportion as the matter attested is improbable2 and if adduced in support of anything that is at variance with uniform experience1#aj will be rejected at once by all sound reasoners4 ,let us then consider what sort of a story it is that is proposed to our acceptance4 ,how grossly contradictory are the reports of the different authorities1 ,i have already remarked3 but consider1 by itself1 the story told by any one of them2 it carries an air of fiction and romance on the very face of it4 ,all the events are great1 and splendid1 and marvellous2#aa great armies1--great victories1--great frosts1--great reverses1--hair-breadth 'scapes1--empires subverted in a few days2 everything happened in defiance of political calculations1 and in opposition to the experience of past times2 everything upon that grand scale1 so common in ,epic ,poetry1 so rare in real life2 and thus calculated to strike the imagination of the vulgar1 and to remind the sober-thinking few of the ,arabian ,nights4 ,every event1 too1 has that roundness and completeness which is so characteristic of fiction2 nothing is done by halves2 we have complete victories1--total overthrows1 entire subversion of empires1--perfect re-establishments of them1--crowded upon us in rapid succession4 ,to enumerate the improbabilities of each of the several parts of this history1 would fill volumes2 but they are so fresh in every one's memory1 that there is no need of such a detail3 let any judicious man1 not ignorant of history and of human nature1 revolve them in his mind1 and consider how far they are conformable to ,experience1#ab our best and only sure guide4 ,in vain will he seek in history for something similar to this wonderful ,buonaparte2 nought but himself can be his parallel4 ,will the conquests of ,alexander be compared with his8 ,they were effected over a rabble of effeminate1 undisciplined barbarians2 else his progress would hardly have been so rapid3 witness his father ,philip1 who was much longer occupied in subduing the comparatively insignificant territory of the warlike and civilized ,greeks1 notwithstanding their being divided into numerous petty ,states1 whose mutual jealousy enabled him to contend with them separately4 ,but the ,greeks had never made such progress in arts and arms as the great and powerful ,states of ,europe1 which ,buonaparte is represented as so speedily overpowering4 ,his empire has been compared to the ,roman3 mark the contrast2 he gains in a few years1 that dominion1 or at least control1 over ,germany1 wealthy1 civilized1 and powerful1 which the ,romans in the plenitude of their power1 could not obtain1 during a struggle of as many centuries1 against the ignorant half-savages who then possessed it2 of whom ,tacitus remarks1 that1 up to his own time they had been triumphed over rather than conquered4 ,another peculiar circumstance in the history of this extraordinary personage is1 that when it ,is found convenient to represent him as defeated1 though he is by no means defeated by halves1 but involved in much more sudden and total ruin than the personages of real history usually meet with2 yet1 if it is thought fit he should be restored1 it is done as quickly and completely as if ,merlin's rod had been employed4 ,he enters ,russia with a prodigious army1 which is totally ruined by an unprecedented hard winter2 7everything relating to this man is prodigious and unprecedented27 yet in a few months we find him intrusted with another great army in ,germany1 which is also totally ruined at ,leipsic2 making1 inclusive of the ,egyptian1 the third great army thus totally lost3 yet the ,french are so good-natured as to furnish him with another sufficient to make a formidable stand in ,france2 he is1 however1 conquered1 and presented with the sovereignty of ,elba2 7surely1 by the bye1 some more probable way might have been found of disposing of him1 till again wanted1 than to place him thus on the very verge of his ancient dominions27 thence he returns to ,france1 where he is received with open arms1 and enabled to lose a fifth great army at ,waterloo2 yet so eager were these people to be a sixth time led to destruction1 that it was found necessary to confine him in an island some thousand miles off1 and to quarter foreign troops upon them1 lest they should make an insurrection in his favour8#ac ,does any one believe all this1 and yet refuse to believe a miracle8 ,or rather1 what is this but a miracle8 ,is it not a violation of the laws of nature8 for surely there are moral laws of nature as well as physical2 which though more liable to exceptions in this or that particular case1 are no less true as general rules than the laws of matter1 and therefore cannot be violated and contradicted beyond a certain point1 without a miracle4#ad ,nay1 there is this additional circumstance which renders the contradiction of ,experience more glaring in this case than in that of the miraculous histories which ingenious sceptics have held up to contempt3 all the advocates of miracles admit that they are rare exceptions to the general course of nature2 but contend that they must needs be so1 on account of the rarity of those extraordinary occasions which are the reason of their being performed3 a ,miracle1 they say1 does not happen every day1 because a ,revelation is not given every day4 ,it would be foreign to the present purpose to seek for arguments against this answer2 ,i leave it to those who are engaged in the controversy1 to find a reply to it2 but my present object is1 to point out that this solution does not at all apply in the present case4 ,where is the peculiarity of the occasion8 ,what sufficient reason is there for a series of events occurring in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries1 which never took place before8 ,was ,europe at that period peculiarly weak1 and in a state of barbarism1 that one man could achieve such conquests1 and acquire such a vast empire8 ,on the contrary1 she was flourishing in the height of strength and civilization4 ,can the persevering attachment and blind devotedness of the ,french to this man1 be accounted for by his being the descendant of a long line of kings1 whose race was hallowed by hereditary veneration8 ,no2 we are told he was a low-born usurper1 and not even a ,frenchman6 ,is it that he was a good and kind sovereign8 ,he is represented not only as an imperious and merciless despot1 but as most wantonly careless of the lives of his soldiers4 ,could the ,french army and people have failed to hear from the wretched survivors of his supposed ,russian expedition1 how they had left the corpses of above #ajj1jjj of their comrades bleaching on the snow-drifts of that dismal country1 whither his mad ambition had conducted him1 and where his selfish cowardice had deserted them8 ,wherever we turn to seek for circumstances that may help to account for the events of this incredible story1 we only meet with such as aggravate its improbability4#ae ,had it been told of some distant country1 at a remote period1 we could not have told what peculiar circumstances there might have been to render probable what seems to us most strange2 and yet in that case every philosophical sceptic1 every free-thinking speculator1 would instantly have rejected such a history1 as utterly unworthy of credit4 ,what1 for instance1 would the great ,hume1 or any of the philosophers of his school1 have said1 if they had found in the antique records of any nation1 such a passage as this8 ,there was a certain man of ,corsica1 whose name was ,napoleon1 and he was one of the chief captains of the host of the ,french2 and he gathered together an army1 and went and fought against ,egypt3 but when the king of ,britain heard thereof1 he sent ships of war and valiant men to fight against the ,french in ,egypt4 ,so they warred against them1 and prevailed1 and strengthened the hands of the rulers of the land against the ,french1 and drave away ,napoleon from before the city of ,acre4 ,then ,napoleon left the captains and the army that were in ,egypt1 and fled1 and returned back to ,france4 ,so the ,french people1 took ,napoleon1 and made him ruler over them1 and he became exceeding great1 insomuch that there was none like him of all that had ruled over ,france before4 ,what1 ,i say1 would ,hume have thought of this1 especially if he had been told that it was at this day generally credited8 ,would he not have confessed that he had been mistaken in supposing there was a peculiarly blind credulity and prejudice in favour of everything that is accounted sacred2#af for that1 since even professed sceptics swallow implicitly such a story as this1 it appears there must be a still blinder prejudice in favour of everything that is not accounted sacred8 ,suppose1 again1 we found in this history such passages as the following3 ,and it came to pass after these things that ,napoleon strengthened himself1 and gathered together another host instead of that which he had lost1 and went and warred against the ,prussians1 and the ,russians1 and the ,austrians1 and all the rulers of the north country1 which were confederate against him4 ,and the ruler of ,sweden1 also1 which was a ,frenchman1 warred against ,napoleon4 ,so they went forth1 and fought against the ,french in the plain of ,leipsic4 ,and the ,french were discomfited before their enemies1 and fled1 and came to the rivers which are behind ,leipsic1 and essayed to pass over1 that they might escape out of the hand of their enemies2 but they could not1 for ,napoleon had broken down the bridges3 so the people of the north countries came upon them1 and smote them with a very grievous slaughter4 444 99 99 99 99 99 ,then the ruler of ,austria and all the rulers of the north countries sent messengers unto ,napoleon to speak peaceably unto him1 saying1 ,why should there be war between us any more8 ,now ,napoleon had put away his wife1 and taken the daughter of the ruler of ,austria to wife4 ,so all the counsellors of ,napoleon came and stood before him1 and said1 ,behold now these kings are merciful kings2 do even as they say unto thee2 knowest thou not yet that ,france is destroyed8 ,but he spake roughly unto his counsellors1 and drave them1 out from his presence1 neither would he hearken unto their voice4 ,and when all the kings saw that1 they warred against ,france1 and smote it with the edge of the sword1 and came near to ,paris1 which is the royal city1 to take it3 so the men of ,paris went out1 and delivered up the city to them4 ,then those kings spake kindly unto the men of ,paris1 saying1 ,be of good cheer1 there shall no harm happen unto you4 ,then were the men of ,paris glad1 and said1 ,napoleon is a tyrant2 he shall no more rule over us4 ,also all the princes1 the judges1 the counsellors1 and the captains whom ,napoleon had raised up even from the lowest of the people1 sent unto ,lewis the brother of ,king ,lewis1 whom they had slain1 and made him king over ,france4 444 444 444 444 444 444 444 444 ,and when ,napoleon saw that the kingdom was departed from him1 he said unto the rulers which came against him1 ,let me1 ,i pray you1 give the kingdom unto my son3 but they would not hearken unto him4 ,then he spake yet again1 saying1 ,let me1 ,i pray you1 go and live in the island of ,elba1 which is over against ,italy1 nigh unto the coast of ,france2 and ye shall give me an allowance for me and my household1 and the land of ,elba also for a possession4 ,so they made him ruler of ,elba4444 444 444 444 444 444 444 444 ,in those days the ,pope returned unto his own land4 ,now the ,french1 and divers other nations of ,europe1 are servants of the ,pope1 and hold him in reverence2 but he is an abomination unto the ,britons1 and to the ,prussians1 and to the ,russians1 and to the ,swedes4 ,howbeit the ,french had taken away all his lands1 and robbed him of all that he had1 and carried him away captive into ,france4 ,but when the ,britons1 and the ,prussians1 and the ,russians1 and the ,swedes1 and the rest of the nations that were confederate against ,france1 came thither1 they caused the ,french to set the ,pope at liberty1 and to restore all his goods that they had taken2 likewise they gave him back all his possessions2 and he went home in peace1 and ruled over his own city as in times past4444 444 444 444 444 444 444 444 ,and it came to pass when ,napoleon had not yet been a full year at ,elba1 that he said unto his men of war that clave unto him1 ,go to1 let us go back to ,france1 and fight against ,king ,lewis1 and thrust him out from being king4 ,so he departed1 he and six hundred men with him that drew the sword1 and warred against ,king ,lewis4 ,then all the men of ,belial gathered themselves together1 and said1 ,god save ,napoleon4 ,and when ,lewis saw that1 he fled1 and gat him into the land of ,batavia3 and ,napoleon ruled over ,france1 c4 c4 c4#ag ,now if a free-thinking philosopher--one of those who advocate the cause of unbiassed reason1 and despise pretended revelations--were to meet with such a tissue of absurdities as this in an old ,jewish record1 would he not reject it at once as too palpable an imposture#ah to deserve even any inquiry into its evidence8 ,is that credible then of the civilized ,europeans now1 which could not1 if reported of the semi-barbarous ,jews #cjjj years ago1 be established by any testimony8 ,will it be answered1 that there is nothing supernatural in all this8 ,why is it1 then1 that you object to what is supernatural--that you reject every account of miracles--if not because they are improbable8 ,surely then a story equally or still more improbable1 is not to be implicitly received1 merely on the ground that it is not miraculous3 though in fact1 as ,i have already 7in note1 p4 #ci17 shown from ,hume's authority1 it is really miraculous4 ,the opposition to ,experience has been proved to be as complete in this case1 as in what are commonly called miracles2 and the reasons assigned for that contrariety by the defenders of them1 cannot be pleaded in the present instance4 ,if then philosophers1 who reject every wonderful story that is maintained by priests1 are yet found ready to believe everything else1 however improbable1 they will surely lay themselves open to the accusation brought against them of being unduly prejudiced against whatever relates to religion4 99 99 99 99 99 ,there is one more circumstance which ,i cannot forbear mentioning1 because it so much adds to the air of fiction which pervades every part of this marvellous tale2 and that is1 the nationality of it4#ai ,buonaparte prevailed over all the hostile ,states in turn1 except ,england2 in the zenith of his power1 his fleets were swept from the sea1 by ,england2 his troops always defeat an equal1 and frequently even a superior number of those of any other nation1 except the ,english2 and with them it is just the reverse2 twice1 and twice only1 he is personally engaged against an ,english commander1 and both times he is totally defeated2 at ,acre1 and at ,waterloo2 and to crown all1 ,england finally crushes this tremendous power1 which had so long kept the continent in subjection or in alarm2 and to the ,english he surrenders himself prisoner6 ,thoroughly national1 to be sure6 ,it may be all very true2 but ,i would only ask1 if a story had been fabricated for the express purpose of amusing the ,english nation1 could it have been contrived more ingeniously8 ,it would do admirably for an epic poem2 and indeed bears a considerable resemblance to the ,iliad and the neid2 in which ,achilles and the ,greeks1 neas and the ,trojans1 7the ancestors of the ,romans7 are so studiously held up to admiration4 ,buonaparte's exploits seem magnified in order to enhance the glory of his conquerors2 just as ,hector is allowed to triumph during the absence of ,achilles1 merely to give additional splendour to his overthrow by the arm of that invincible hero4 ,would not this circumstance alone render a history rather suspicious in the eyes of an acute critic1 even if it were not filled with such gross improbabilities2 and induce him to suspend his judgment1 till very satisfactory evidence 7far stronger than can be found in this case7 should be produced8 ,is it then too much to demand of the wary academic#bj a suspension of judgment as to the life and adventures of ,napoleon ,buonaparte8 ,i do not pretend to decide positively that there is not1 nor ever was1 any such person2 but merely to propose it as a doubtful point1 and one the more deserving of careful investigation1 from the very circumstance of its having hitherto been admitted without inquiry4 ,far less would ,i undertake to decide what is or has been the real state of affairs4 ,he who points out the improbability of the current story1 is not bound to suggest an hypothesis of his own2#ba though it may safely be affirmed1 that it would be hard to invent any one more improbable than the received one4 ,one may surely be allowed to hesitate in admitting the stories which the ancient poets tell1 of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions being caused by imprisoned giants1 without being called upon satisfactorily to account for those phenomena4 ,amidst the defect of valid evidence under which1 as ,i have already shown1 we labour in the present instance1 it is hardly possible to offer more than here and there a probable conjecture2 or to pronounce how much may be true1 and how much fictitious1 in the accounts presented to us4 ,for1 it is to be observed that this case is much more open to sceptical doubts even than some miraculous histories2 since some of them are of such a nature that you cannot consistently admit a part and reject the rest2 but are bound1 if you are satisfied as to the reality of any one miracle1 to embrace the whole system2 so that it is necessary for the sceptic to impeach the evidence of all of them1 separately1 and collectively3 whereas1 here1 each single point requires to be established separately1 since no one of them authenticates the rest4 ,supposing there be a state-prisoner at ,st4 ,helena1 7which1 by the way1 it is acknowledged many of the ,french disbelieve17 how do we know who he is1 or why he is confined there8 ,there have been state-prisoners before now1 who were never guilty of subjugating half ,europe1 and whose offences have been very imperfectly ascertained4 ,admitting that there have been bloody wars going on for several years past1 which is highly probable1 it does not follow that the events of those wars were such as we have been told2--that ,buonaparte was the author and conductor of them2--or that such a person ever existed4 ,what disturbances may have taken place in the government of the ,french people1 we1 and even nineteen-twentieths of them1 have no means of learning but from imperfect hearsay evidence2 and how much credit they themselves attach to that evidence is very doubtful4 ,this at least is certain3 that a ,m4 ,berryer1 a ,french advocate1 has published memoirs1 professing to record many of the events of the recent history of ,france1 in which1 among other things1 he states his conviction that ,buonaparte's escape from ,elba was ,,designed ,,and ,,contrived ,,by ,,the ,,english ,,government4#bb ,and we are assured by many travellers that this was1 and is1 commonly reported in ,france4 ,now that the ,french should believe the whole story about ,buonaparte according to this version of it1 does seem utterly incredible4 ,let any one suppose them seriously believing that we maintained for many years a desperate struggle against this formidable emperor of theirs1 in the course of which we expended such an enormous amount of blood and treasure as is reported2--that we finally1 after encountering enormous risks1 succeeded in subduing him1 and secured him in a place of safe exile2--and that1 in less than a year after1 we turned him out again1 like a bag-fox1--or rather1 a bag-lion1--for the sake of amusing ourselves by again staking all that was dear to us on the event of a doubtful and bloody battle1 in which defeat must be ruinous1 and victory1 if obtained at all1 must cost us many thousands of our best soldiers4 ,let any one force himself for a moment to conceive the ,french seriously believing such a mass of absurdity2 and the inference must be that such a people must be prepared to believe anything4 ,they might fancy their own country to abound not only with ,napoleons1 but with dragons and centaurs1 and men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders1 or anything else that any lunatic ever dreamt of4 ,if we could suppose the ,french capable of such monstrous credulity as the above supposition would imply1 it is plain their testimony must be altogether worthless4 ,but1 on the other hand1 suppose them to be aware that the ,british ,government have been all along imposing on us1 and it is quite natural that they should deride our credulity1 and try whether there is anything too extravagant for us to swallow4 ,and indeed1 if ,buonaparte was in fact altogether a phantom conjured up by the ,british ,ministers1 then it is true that his escape from ,elba really was1 as well as the rest of his exploits1 a contrivance of theirs4 99 99 99 99 99 ,but whatever may be believed by the ,french relative to the recent occurrences1 in their own country1 and whatever may be the real character of these occurrences1 of this at least we are well assured1 that there have been numerous bloody wars with ,france under the dominion of the ,bourbons3 and we are now told that ,france is governed by a ,bourbon king1 of the name of ,lewis1 who professes to be in the twenty-third year of his reign4 ,let every one conjecture for himself4 ,i am far from pretending to decide who may have been the governor or governors of the ,french nation1 and the leaders of their armies1 for several years past4 ,certain it is1 that when men are indulging their inclination for the marvellous1 they always show a strong propensity to accumulate upon one individual 7real or imaginary7 the exploits of many2 besides multiplying and exaggerating these exploits a thousandfold4 ,thus1 the expounders of the ancient mythology tell us there were several persons of the name of ,hercules1 7either originally bearing that appellation1 or having it applied to them as an honour17 whose collective feats1 after being dressed up in a sufficiently marvellous garb1 were attributed to a single hero4 ,is it not just possible1 that during the rage for words of ,greek derivation1 the title of ,napoleon1 717 which signifies ,lion of the forest1 may have been conferred by the popular voice on more than one favorite general1 distinguished for irresistible valour8 ,is it not also possible that ,,buona ,,parte may have been originally a sort of cant term applied to the good 7i4e41 the bravest or most patriotic7 part of the ,french army1 collectively2 and have been afterwards mistaken for the proper name of an individual8#bc ,i do not profess to support this conjecture2 but it is certain that such mistakes may and do occur4 ,some critics have supposed that the ,athenians imagined ,,anastasis 7,resurrection7 to be a new goddess1 in whose cause ,paul was preaching4 ,would it have been thought anything incredible if we had been told that the ancient ,persians1 who had no idea of any but a monarchical government1 had supposed ,aristocratia to be a queen of ,sparta8 ,but we need not confine ourselves to hypothetical cases2 it is positively stated that the ,hindoos at this day believe the honourable ,east ,india ,company to be a venerable old lady of high dignity1 residing in this country4 ,the ,germans1 again1 of the present day derive their name from a similar mistake3 the first tribe of them who invaded ,gaul#bd assumed the honourable title of ,ger-man which signifies warriors1 7the words war and guerre1 as well as man1 which remains in our language unaltered1 are evidently derived from the ,teutonic17 and the ,gauls applied this as a name to the whole race4 ,however1 ,i merely throw out these conjectures without by any means contending that more plausible ones might not be suggested4 ,but whatever supposition we adopt1 or whether we adopt any1 the objections to the commonly received accounts will remain in their full force1 and imperiously demand the attention of the candid sceptic4 ,i call upon those1 therefore1 who profess themselves advocates of free inquiry--who disdain to be carried along with the stream of popular opinion1 and who will listen to no testimony that runs counter to experience1--to follow up their own principles fairly and consistently4 ,let the same mode of argument be adopted in all cases alike2 and then it can no longer be attributed to hostile prejudice1 but to enlarged and philosophical views4 ,if they have already rejected some histories1 on the ground of their being strange and marvellous1--of their relating facts1 unprecedented1 and at variance with the established course of nature1--let them not give credit to another history which lies open to the very same objections1--the extraordinary and romantic tale we have been just considering4 ,if they have discredited the testimony of witnesses1 who are said at least to have been disinterested1 and to have braved persecutions and death in support of their assertions1--can these philosophers consistently listen to and believe the testimony of those who avowedly get money by the tales they publish1 and who do not even pretend that they incur any serious risk in case of being detected in a falsehood8 ,if1 in other cases1 they have refused to listen to an account which has passed through many intermediate hands before it reaches them1 and which is defended by those who have an interest in maintaining it2 let them consider through how many1 and what very suspicious hands1 this story has arrived to them1 without the possibility1 as ,i have shown1 of tracing it back to any decidedly authentic source1 after all2--to any better authority1 according to their own showing1 than that of an unnamed and unknown foreign correspondent2--and likewise how strong an interest1 in every way1 those who have hitherto imposed on them1 have in keeping up the imposture4 ,let them1 in short1 show themselves as ready to detect the cheats1 and despise the fables of politicians as of priests4 ,but if they are still wedded to the popular belief in this point1 let them be consistent enough to admit the same evidence in other cases which they yield to in this4 ,if1 after all that has been said1 they cannot bring themselves to doubt of the existence of ,napoleon ,buonaparte1 they must at least acknowledge that they do not apply to that question the same plan of reasoning which they have made use of in others2 and they are consequently bound in reason and in honesty to renounce it altogether4 ,,footnotes3 #c ,a report is spread1 7says ,voltaire in one of his works17 that there is1 in some country or other1 a giant as big as a mountain2 and men presently fall to hot disputing concerning the precise length of his nose1 the breadth of his thumb1 and other particulars1 and anathematize each other for heterodoxy of belief concerning them4 ,in the midst of all1 if some bold sceptic ventures to hint a doubt as to the existence of this giant1 all are ready to join against him1 and tear him to pieces4 ,this looks almost like a prophetic allegory relating to the gigantic ,napoleon4 #d 1 4 ,thucyd4 b4i4c4 #bj4 #e ,with what greediness are the miraculous accounts of travellers received1 their descriptions of sea and land monsters1 their relations of wonderful adventures1 strange men1 and uncouth manners6--,hume's ,essay on ,miracles1 p4 #agi1 #abmo2 p4 #ahe1 #hvo1 #agfg2 p4 #aag1 #hvo1 #ahag4 ,n4,b4--,in order to give every possible facility of reference1 three editions of ,hume's ,essays have been generally employed3 a #abmo1 ,london1 #agef1 and two #hvo editions4 #f ,suppose a fact to be transmitted through twenty persons2 the first communicating it to the second1 the second to the third1 c41 and let the probability of each testimony be expressed by nine-tenths1 7that is1 suppose that of ten reports made by each witness1 nine only are true17 then1 at every time the story passes from one witness to another1 the evidence is reduced to nine-tenths of what it was before4 ,thus1 after it has passed through the whole twenty1 the evidence will be found to be less than one-eighth4--,,la ,,place1 ,essai ,philosophique sur les ,probabilits4 ,that is1 the chances for the fact thus attested being true1 will be1 according to this distinguished calculator1 less than one in eight4 ,very few of the common newspaper-stories1 however1 relating to foreign countries1 could be traced1 if the matter were carefully investigated1 up to an actual eye-witness1 even through twenty intermediate witnesses2 and many of the steps of our ladder1 would1 ,i fear1 prove but rotten2 few of the reporters would deserve to have one in ten fixed as the proportion of their false accounts4 #g ,i did not mention the difficulty of detecting a falsehood in any private or even public history1 at the time and place where it is said to happen2 much more where the scene is removed to ever so small a distance4444 ,but the matter never comes to any issue1 if trusted to the common method of altercation and debate and flying rumours4--,hume's ,essay on ,miracles1 p4 #aie1 #abmo2 pp4 #bjj1 #bja1 #hvo1 #agfg2 p4 #abg1 #hvo1 #ahag4 #h ,see the third ,postscript appended to this edition4 #i ,we entertain a suspicion concerning any matter of fact1 when the witnesses contradict each other2 when they are of a suspicious character2 when they have an interest in what they affirm4--,hume's ,essay on ,miracles1 p4 #agb1 #abmo2 p4 #agf1 #hvo1 #agfg2 p4 #aac1 #hvo4 #ahag4 #aj ,that testimony itself derives all its force from experience1 seems very certain4444 ,the first author1 we believe1 who stated fairly the connexion between the evidence of testimony and the evidence of experience1 was ,,hume1 in his ,essay on ,miracles1 a work 444 abounding in maxims of great use in the conduct of life4--,edin4 ,review1 ,sept4 #ahad1 p4 #cbh4 #aa ,suppose1 for instance1 that the fact which the testimony endeavours to establish partakes of the extraordinary and the marvellous2 in that case1 the evidence resulting from the testimony receives a diminution1 greater or less in proportion as the fact is more or less unusual4--,hume's ,essay on ,miracles1 p4 #agc1 #abmo2 p4 #agf1 #hvo1 #agfg2 p4 #aac1 #hvo1 #ahag4 #ab ,the ultimate standard by which we determine all disputes that may arise is always derived from experience and observation4--,hume's ,essay on ,miracles1 p4 #agb1 #abmo2 p4 #age1 #hvo1 #agfg2 p4 #aab1 #hvo1 #ahag4 #ac 4 4 ,,pind4 ,olymp4 #a #ad ,this doctrine1 though hardly needing confirmation from authority1 is supported by that of ,hume2 his eighth essay is1 throughout1 an argument for the doctrine of ,philosophical necessity1 drawn entirely from the general uniformity1 observable in the course of nature with respect to the principles of human conduct1 as well as those of the material universe2 from which uniformity1 he observes1 it is that we are enabled in both cases1 to form our judgment by means of ,experience3 and if1 says he1 we would explode any forgery in history1 we cannot make use of a more convincing argument1 than to prove that the actions ascribed to any person1 are directly contrary to the course of nature4444 444 ,the ,veracity of ,quintus ,curtius is as suspicious when he describes the supernatural courage of ,alexander1 by which he was hurried on singly to attack multitudes1 as when he describes his supernatural force and activity1 by which he was able to resist them4 ,so readily and universally do we acknowledge a uniformity in human motives and actions1 as well as in the operations of body4--,eighth ,essay1 p4 #aca1 #abmo2 p4 #he1 #hvo1 #ahag4 ,accordingly1 in the tenth essay1 his use of the term miracle1 after having called it a transgression of a law of nature1 plainly shows that he meant to include human nature3 no testimony1 says he1 is sufficient to establish a miracle1 unless the testimony be of such a nature that its falsehood would be more miraculous than the fact which it endeavours to establish4 ,the term prodigy also 7which he all along employs as synonymous with miracle7 is applied to testimony1 in the same manner1 immediately after2 ,in the foregoing reasoning we have supposed 444 that the falsehood of that testimony would be a kind of prodigy4 ,now had he meant to confine the meaning of miracle1 and prodigy1 to a violation of the laws of matter1 the epithet miraculous1 applied even thus hypothetically1 to false testimony1 would be as unmeaning as the epithets green or square2 the only possible sense in which we can apply to it1 even in imagination1 the term miraculous1 is that of highly improbable1--contrary to those laws of nature which respect human conduct3 and in this sense he accordingly uses the word in the very next sentence3 ,when any one tells me that he saw a dead man restored to life1 ,i immediately consider with myself whether it be more probable that this person should either deceive or be deceived1 or that the fact which he relates should really have happened4 ,i weigh the one miracle against the other4--,hume's ,essay on ,miracles1 pp4 #agf1 #agg1 #abmo2 p4 #ahb1 #hvo1 #agfg2 p4 #aae1 #hvo1 #ahag4 ,see also a passage above quoted from the same essay1 where he speaks of the miraculous accounts of travellers2 evidently using the word in this sense4 ,perhaps it was superfluous to cite authority for applying the term miracle to whatever is highly improbable2 but it is important to the students of ,hume1 to be fully aware that he uses those two expressions as synonymous2 since otherwise they would mistake the meaning of that passage which he justly calls a general maxim worthy of your attention4 #ae ,events may be so extraordinary that they can hardly be established by testimony4 ,we would not give credit to a man who would affirm that he saw a hundred dice thrown in the air1 and that they all fell on the same faces4--,edin4 ,review1 ,sept4 #ahad1 p4 #cbg4 ,let it be observed1 that the instance here given is miraculous in no other sense but that of being highly improbable4 #af ,if the spirit of religion join itself to the love of wonder1 there is an end of common sense2 and human testimony in these circumstances loses all pretensions to authority4--,hume's ,essay on ,miracles1 p4 #agi1 #abmo2 p4 #ahe1 #hvo1 #agfg2 p4 #aag1 #hvo1 #ahag4 #ag ,the supposed history from which the above extracts are given1 is published entire in the work called ,historic ,certainties4 #ah ,i desire any one to lay his hand upon his heart1 and after serious consideration declare whether he thinks that the falsehood of such a book1 supported by such testimony1 would be more extraordinary and miraculous than all the miracles it relates4--,hume's ,essay on ,miracles1 p4 #bjj1 #abmo2 p4 #bjf1 #hvo1 #agfg2 p4 #aca1 #hvo1 #ahag4 ,let it be borne in mind that ,hume 7as ,i have above remarked7 continually employs the term miracle and prodigy to signify anything that is highly improbable and extraordinary4 #ai ,the wise lend a very academic faith to every report which favours the passion of the reporter1 whether it magnifies his country1 his family1 or himself4--,hume's ,essay on ,miracles1 p4 #add1 #abmo2 p4 #bjj1 #hvo1 #agfg2 p4 #abf1 #hvo1 #ahag4 #bj ,nothing can be more contrary than such a philosophy 7the academic or sceptical7 to the supine indolence of the mind1 its rash arrogance1 its lofty pretensions1 and its superstitious credulity4--,fifth ,essay1 p4 #fh1 #abmo2 p4 #da1 #hvo1 #ahag4 #ba ,see ,hume's ,essay on ,miracles1 pp4 #ahi1 #aia1 #aie1 #abmo2 pp4 #aic1 #aig1 #bja1 #bjb1 #hvo1 #agfg2 pp4 #abd1 #abe1 #abf1 #hvo1 #ahag4 #bb ,see ,edinburgh ,review for ,october1 #ahdb1 p4 #afb4 #bc ,it is well know with how much learning and ingenuity the ,rationalists of the ,german school have laboured to throw discredit on the literal interpretation of the narratives1 both of the ,old and the ,new ,testaments2 representing them as ,,myths1 i4e41 fables allegorically describing some physical or moral phnomena--philosophical principles--systems1 c4--under the figure of actions performed by certain ideal personages2 these allegories having been1 afterwards1 through the mistake of the vulgar1 believed as history4 ,thus1 the real historical existence of such a person as the supposed founder of the ,christian religion1 and the acts attributed to him1 are denied in the literal sense1 and the whole of the evangelical history is explained on the mythical theory4 ,now it is a remarkable circumstance in reference to the point at present before us1 that an eminent authoress of this century has distinctly declared that ,napoleon ,buonaparte was ,,not ,a ,,man1 but a ,,system4 #bd ,germani vocabulum recens et nuper additum2 quoniam qui primi ,rhenum transgressi ,gallos expulerint1 ac nunc ,tungri1 tunc ,germani vocati sint3 ita nationis nomen in nomen gentis evaluisse paullatim1 ut omnes1 primum a victore ob metum1 mox a seipsis invento nomine1 ,germani vocarentur4--,tacitus1 de ,mor4 ,germ4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,postscript ,,to ,,the ,,third ,,edition4 ,it may seem arrogant for an obscure and nameless individual to claim the glory of having put to death the most formidable of all recorded heroes4 ,but a shadowy champion may be overthrown by a shadowy antagonist4 ,many a terrific spectre has been laid by the beams of a halfpenny candle4 ,and if ,i have succeeded in making out1 in the foregoing pages1 a probable case of suspicion1 it must1 ,i think1 be admitted1 that there is some ground for my present boast1 of having killed ,napoleon ,buonaparte4 ,let but the circumstances of the case be considered4 ,this mighty ,emperor1 who had been so long the bugbear of the civilized world1 after having obtained successes and undergone reverses1 such as never befel any 7other at least7 real potentate1 was at length sentenced to confinement in the remote island of ,st4 ,helena3 a measure which many persons wondered at1 and many objected to1 on various grounds2 not unreasonably1 supposing the illustrious exile to be a real person2 but on the supposition of his being only a man of straw1 the situation was exceedingly favourable for keeping him out of the way of impertinent curiosity1 when not wanted1 and for making him the foundation of any new plots that there might be occasion to conjure up4 ,about this juncture it was that the public attention was first invited1 by these pages1 to the question as to the real existence of ,napoleon ,buonaparte4 ,they excited1 it may be fairly supposed1 along with much surprise and much censure1 some degree of doubt1 and probably of consequent inquiry4 ,no fresh evidence1 as far as ,i can learn1 of the truth of the disputed points1 was brought forward to dispel these doubts4 ,we heard1 however1 of the most jealous precautions being used to prevent any intercourse between the formidable prisoner1 and any stranger who1 from motives of curiosity1 might wish to visit him4 ,the man in the iron mask could hardly have been more rigorously secluded3 and we also heard various contradictory reports of conversations between him and the few who were allowed access to him2 the falsehood and inconsistency of most of these reports being proved in contemporary publications4 ,at length1 just about the time when the public scepticism respecting this extraordinary personage might be supposed to have risen to an alarming height1 it was announced to us that he was dead6 ,a stop was thus put1 most opportunely1 to all troublesome inquiries4 ,i do not undertake to deny that such a person did live and die4 ,that he was1 and that he did1 everything that is reported1 we cannot believe1 unless we consent to admit contradictory statements2 but many of the events reported1 however marvellous1 are certainly not1 when taken separately1 physically impossible4 ,but ,i would only entreat the candid reader to reflect what might naturally be expected1 on the supposition of the surmises contained in the present work being well founded4 ,supposing the whole of the tale ,i have been considering to have been a fabrication1 what would be the natural result of such attempt to excite inquiry into its truth8 ,evidently the shortest and most effectual mode of avoiding detection1 would be to kill the phantom1 and so get rid of him at once4 ,a ready and decisive answer would thus be provided to any one in whom the foregoing arguments might have excited suspicions3 ,sir1 there can be no doubt that such a person existed1 and performed what is related of him2 and if you will just take a voyage to ,st4 ,helena1 you may see with your own eyes1--not him1 indeed1 for he is no longer living1--but his tomb3 and what evidence would you have that is more decisive8 ,so much for his ,death3 as for his ,life1--it is just published by an eminent writer3 besides which1 the shops will supply us with abundance of busts and prints of this great man2 all striking likenesses--of one another4 ,the most incredulous must be satisfied with this6 ,stat magni ,,nominis umbra6 ,,konx ,,ompax4 ,,postscript ,,to ,,the ,,seventh ,,edition4 ,since the publication of the ,sixth ,edition of this work1 the ,french nation1 and the world at large1 have obtained an additional evidence1 to which ,i hope they will attach as much weight as it deserves1 of the reality of the wonderful history ,i have been treating of4 ,the ,great ,nation1 among the many indications lately given of an heroic zeal like what ,homer attributes to his ,argive warriors1 1 have formed and executed the design of bringing home for honourable interment the remains of their illustrious ,chief4 ,how many persons have actually inspected these relics1 ,i have not ascertained2 but that a real coffin1 containing real bones1 was brought from ,st4 ,helena to ,france1 ,i see no reason to disbelieve4 ,whether future visitors to ,st4 ,helena will be shown merely the identical place in which ,buonaparte was 7said to have been7 interred1 or whether another set of real bones will be exhibited in that island1 we have yet to learn4 ,this latter supposition is not very improbable4 ,it was something of a credit to the island1 an attraction to strangers1 and a source of profit to some of the inhabitants1 to possess so remarkable a relic2 and this glory and advantage they must naturally wish to retain4 ,if so1 there seems no reason why they should not have a ,buonaparte of their own2 for there is1 ,i believe1 no doubt that there are1 or were1 several ,museums in ,england1 which1 among other curiosities1 boasted1 each1 of a genuine skull of ,oliver ,cromwell4 ,perhaps1 therefore1 we shall hear of several well authenticated skulls of ,buonaparte also1 in the collections of different virtuosos1 all of whom 7especially those in whose own crania the organ of wonder is the most largely developed7 will doubtless derive equal satisfaction from the relics they respectively possess4 ,,postscript ,,to ,,the ,,ninth ,,edition4 ,the ,public has been of late much interested and not a little bewildered1 by the accounts of many strange events1 said to have recently taken place in ,france and other parts of the ,continent4 ,are these accounts of such a character as to allay1 or to strengthen and increase1 such doubts as have been suggested in the foregoing pages8 ,we are told that there is now a ,napoleon ,buonaparte at the head of the government of ,france4 ,it is not1 indeed1 asserted that he is the very original ,napoleon ,buonaparte himself4 ,the death of that personage1 and the transportation of his genuine bones to ,france1 had been too widely proclaimed to allow of his reappearance in his own proper person4 ,but uno avulso1 non deficit alter4 ,like the ,thibetian worshippers of the ,dalai ,lama1 7who never dies2 only his soul transmigrates into a fresh body71 the ,french are so resolved1 we are told1 to be under a ,buonaparte--whether that be 7see note to p4 #ef7 a man or a system--that they have found1 it seems1 a kind of new incarnation of this their ,grand ,lama1 in a person said to be the nephew of the original one4 ,and when1 on hearing that this personage now fills the high office of ,president of the ,french ,republic1 we inquire 7very naturally7 how he came there1 we are informed that1 several years ago1 he invaded ,france in an ,english vessel1 7the ,english--as was observed in p4 #eb--;having always been suspected of keeping ,buonaparte ready1 like the winds in a ,lapland witch's bag1 to be let out on occasion17 at the head of a force1 not1 of six hundred men1 like his supposed uncle in his expedition from ,elba1 but of fifty-five1767 with which he landed at ,boulogne1 proclaimed himself emperor1 and was joined by no less than one man6 ,he was accordingly1 we are told1 arrested1 brought to trial1 and sentenced to imprisonment2 but having1 some years after1 escaped from prison1 and taken refuge in ,england1 7,england again67 he thence returned to ,france3 ,,and ,,so the ,french nation placed him at the head of the government6 ,all this will doubtless be received as a very probable tale by those who have given full credit to all the stories ,i have alluded to in the foregoing pages4 ,,postscript ,,to ,,the ,,eleventh ,,edition4 ,when any dramatic piece takes--as the phrase is--with the ,public1 it will usually be represented again and again with still-continued applause2 and sometimes imitations of it will be produced2 so that the same drama in substance will1 with occasional slight variations in the plot1 and changes of names1 long keep possession of the stage4 ,something like this has taken place with respect to that curious tragi-comedy--the scene of it laid in ,france--which has engaged the attention of the ,british public for about sixty years2 during which it has been exhibited to crowded houses--viz41 coffee-houses1 reading-rooms1 c41 with unabated interest4 ,the outline of this drama1 or series of dramas1 may be thus sketched3 ,dramatis ,person4 ,a4 ,a ,king or other ,sovereign4 ,b4 ,his ,queen4 ,c4 ,the ,heir apparent4 ,d4 ,e4 ,f4 ,his ,ministers4 ,g4 ,h4 ,i4 ,j4 ,k4 ,demagogues4 ,l4 ,a popular leader of superior ingenuity1 who becomes ultimately supreme ruler under the title of ,dictator1 ,consul1 ,emperor1 ,king1 ,president1 or some other4 ,soldiers1 ,senators1 ,executioners1 and other functionaries1 ,citizens1 ,fishwomen1 c4 ,scene1 ,paris4 7#a47 ,the first ,act of one of these dramas represents a monarchy1 somewhat troubled by murmurs of disaffection1 suspicions of conspiracy1 c4 7#b47 ,second ,act1 a rebellion2 in which ultimately the government is overthrown4 7#c47 ,act the third1 a provisional government established1 on principles of liberty1 equality1 fraternity1 c4 7#d47 ,act the fourth1 struggles of various parties for power1 carried on with sundry intrigues1 and sanguinary conflicts4 7#e47 ,act the fifth1 the re-establishment of some form of absolute monarchy4 ,and from this point we start afresh1 and begin the same business over again1 with sundry fresh interludes4 ,all this is highly amusing to the ,english ,public to hear and read of2 but ,i doubt whether our countrymen would like to be actual performers in such a drama4 ,whether the ,french really are so1 or whether they are mystifying us in the accounts they send over1 ,i will not presume to decide4 ,but if the former supposition be the true one1--if they have been so long really acting over and over again in their own persons such a drama1 it must be allowed that they deserve to be characterized as they have been in the description given of certain ,european nations3 ,an ,englishman1 it has been said1 is never happy but when he is miserable2 a ,scotchman is never at home but when he is abroad2 an ,irishman is never at peace but when he is fighting2 a ,spaniard is never at liberty but when he is enslaved2 and a ,frenchman is never settled but when he is engaged in a revolution4 ,,postscript ,,to ,,the ,,twelfth ,,edition4 ,time says the proverb1 rings ,truth to light4 ,but the process is gradual and slow4 ,the debt is paid1 as it were1 by instalments4 ,it is only bit by bit1 and at considerable intervals1 that ,truth comes forth as the morning twilight to dispel the mists of fiction4 ,it is above forty years that men have been debating the question3--,who were the parties that burned the city of ,moscow8--without ever thinking of the preliminary question1 whether it ever was burnt at all4 ,and now at length we learn that it never was4 ,the following extract from a ,new ,orleans paper contains the information obtained by an ,american traveller--one of that great nation whose accuracy as to facts is so well known--who visited the spot4 ,,incidents ,,of ,,travel--,,city ,,of ,,moscow4 ,senator ,douglas is said to have made the discovery1 while travelling in ,russia1 that the city of ,moscow was never burned6 ,the following statement of the matter is from the ,muscatine 7,iowa7 ,inquirer3 ,coming on the boat1 a few days ago1 we happened to fall in company with ,senator ,douglas1 who came on board at ,quincy1 on his way to ,warsaw4 ,in the course of a very interesting account of his travels in ,russia1 much of which has been published by letter-writers1 he stated a fact which has never yet been published1 but which startlingly contradicts the historical relation of one of the most extraordinary events that ever fell to the lot of history to record4 ,for this reason the ,judge said he felt a delicacy in making the assertion1 that the city of ,moscow was never burned6 ,he said1 that previous to his arrival at ,moscow1 he had several disputes with his guide as to the burning of the city1 the guide declaring that it never occurred1 and seeming to be nettled at ,mr4 ,douglas's persistency in his opinion2 but1 on examining the fire-marks around the city1 and the city itself1 he became satisfied that the guide was correct4 ,the statement goes on to set forth that the antiquity of the architectural city--particularly of its 'six hundred first-class churches1' stretching through ante-,napoleonic ages to ,pagan times1 and showing the handiwork of different nations of ,history--demonstrates that the city never was burned down 7or up74 ,the ,inquirer adds3 ,the ,kremlin is a space of several hundred acres1 in the heart of the city1 in the shape of a flat iron1 and is enclosed1 by a wall of sixty feet high4 ,within this enclosure is the most magnificent palace in ,europe1 recently built1 but constructed over an ancient palace1 which remains1 thus enclosed1 whole and perfect1 with all its windows1 c4 ,near the ,kremlin1 surrounded by a wall1 is a ,chinese town1 appearing to be several hundred years old1 still occupied by descendants of the original settlers4 ,the circumstances which gave rise to the errors concerning the burning of ,moscow1 were these3--,it is a city of four hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants1 in circular form1 occupying a large space1 five miles across4 ,there the winters are six months long1 and the custom was1 and still is1 to lay up supplies of provisions and wood to last six months of severe cold weather4 ,to prevent these gigantic supplies from encumbering the heart of the city1 and yet render them as convenient as practicable to every locality1 a row of wood houses was constructed to circle completely round the city1 and outside of these was a row of granaries1 and in these were deposited the whole of the supplies4 ,napoleon had entered the city with his army1 and was himself occupying the palace of the ,kremlin1 when1 one night1 by order of the ,russian governor1 every wood house and every granary simultaneously burst into a blaze4 ,all efforts to extinguish them were vain1 and ,napoleon found himself compelled to march his army through the fire4 ,retiring to an eminence he saw the whole city enveloped in vast sheets of flame1 and clouds of smoke1 and apparently all on fire4 ,and far as he was concerned it might as well have been1 for though houses enough were left to supply every soldier with a room1 yet without provisions or fuel1 and a ,russian army to cut off supplies1 he and his army could not subsist there4 ,during the fire some houses were probably burnt1 but the city was not4 ,in the ,kremlin a magazine blew up1 cracking the church of ,ivan more than a hundred feet up1 but setting nothing on fire4 ,mr4 ,douglas saw the fire-marks around the city1 where wood houses and granaries for winter supplies now stand as of old2 but there appears no marks of conflagration within the city4 ,any wary sceptic1 indeed1 might have found much ground for doubt in the very accounts themselves that were given of the conflagration4 ,for1 the ,russians have always denied that they burned it2 and the ,french equally disclaimed the act4 ,each of the two parties between whom the accusation lay1 strenuously denied it4 ,and it must be acknowledged that each had very strong presumptions of innocence to urge4 ,it was certainly most unlikely that the ,russians should themselves destroy their ancient and venerable capital2 and that1 too1 when they were boasting of having just gained a great victory at ,borodino over an army which1 therefore1 they might hope to defeat again1 and to drive out of their city4 ,and it was no less unlikely that the ,french should burn down a city of which they had possession1 and which afforded shelter and refreshment to their troops4 ,this would have been one of the most improbable circumstances of that most improbable 7supposed7 campaign4 ,to add to the marvel1 we are told that the ,french army nevertheless waited for five weeks1 without any object1 amid the ashes of this destroyed city1 just at the approach1 of winter1 and as if on purpose to be overtaken and destroyed by snows and frost6 ,however1 all the difficulties of the question whether any of these things took place at all1 were by most persons overlooked1 because the question itself never occurred to them1 in their eagerness to decide who it was that burned the city4 ,and at length it comes out that the answer is1 ,,nobody6 ,,the ,,end4 ,,postscript4 ,with respect to the foregoing arguments1 it has been asserted 7though without even any attempt at proof7 that they go to prove that the ,bible-narratives contain nothing more miraculous than the received accounts of ,napoleon ,buonapart4 ,and this is indeed true1 if we use the word miraculous in the very unusual sense in which ,hume 7as is pointed out in the foregoing pages7 has employed it2 to signify simply improbable2 an abuse of language on which his argument mainly depends4 ,it is indeed shown1 that there are at least as many and as great improbabilities in the history of ,buonapart as in any of the ,scripture-narratives2 and that as plausible objections1--if not more so1--may be brought against the one history as the other4 ,but taking words in their ordinary1 established sense1 the assertion is manifestly the opposite of the truth4 ,for1 any one who does1--in spite of all the improbabilities1--believe the truth of both histories1 is1 evidently1 a believer in miracles2 since he believes two narratives1 one of which is not miraculous1 while the other is4 ,the history of ,buonapart contains--though much that is very improbable--nothing that is to be called1 according to the established use of language1 miraculous4 ,and the ,scriptures contain1 as an essential part of their narrative1 ,miracles1 properly so called4 ,to talk of believing the ,bible1 all except the ,miracles1 would be like professing to believe the accounts of ,buonapart1 except only his commanding armies1 and having been at ,elba and at ,saint ,helena4 99 99 99 99 99 ,one cannot doubt that in the course of the forty years that this little ,work has been before the ,public1 some real1 valid refutation of the argument would have been adduced1 if any such could have been devised4 #ahfj4 99 99 99 99 99