,,laws  ,by ,plato   ,translated ,by    
,benjamin ,jowett     ,,introduction    
,,and ,,analysis4  ,the genuineness of  
the ,laws is sufficiently proved 7#a7 by
 more than twenty citations of them in  
the writings of ,aristotle1 who was     
residing at ,athens during the last     
twenty years of the life of ,plato1 and 
who1 having left it after his death     
7,b4,c4 #cdg71 returned thither twelve  
years later 7,b4,c4 #cce72 7#b7 by the  
allusion of ,isocrates  7,oratio ad     
,philippum missa1 p4#hd3 ,to men tais   
paneguresin enochlein kai pros apantas  
legein tous sunprechontas en autais pros
 oudena legein estin1 all omoios oi     
toioutoi ton logon 7sc4 speeches in the 
assembly7 akuroi tugchanousin ontes tois
 nomois kai tais politeiais tais upo ton
 sophiston gegrammenais47 --writing #cdf
 ,b4,c41 a year after the death of      
,plato1 and probably not more than three
 or four years after the composition of 
the ,laws--who speaks of the ,laws and  
,republics written by philosophers 7upo 

ton sophiston72 7#c7 by the reference   
7,athen47 of the comic poet ,alexis1 a  
younger contemporary of ,plato 7fl4     
,b4,c #cef-cjf71 to the enactment about 
prices1 which occurs in ,laws xi41 viz  
that the same goods should not be       
offered at two prices on the same day   
7,ou gegone kreitton nomothetes tou     
plousiou      ,aristonikou tithesi gar  
nuni nomon1      ton ichthuopolon ostis 
an polon tini      ichthun upotimesas   
apodot elattonos      es eipe times1 eis
 to desmoterion      euthus apagesthai  
touton1 ina dedoikotes      tes axias   
agaposin1 e tes esperas      saprous    
apantas apopherosin oikade4  ,meineke1  
,frag4 ,com4 ,graec472 7#d7 by the      
unanimous voice of later antiquity and  
the absence of any suspicion among      
ancient writers worth speaking of to the
 contrary2 for it is not said of        
,philippus of ,opus that he composed any
 part of the ,laws1 but only that he    
copied them out of the waxen tablets1   
and was thought by some to have written 

the ,epinomis 7,diog4 ,laert47 ,that the
 longest and one of the best writings   
bearing the name of ,plato should be a  
forgery1 even if its genuineness were   
unsupported by external testimony1 would
 be a singular phenomenon in ancient    
literature2 and although the critical   
worth of the consensus of late writers  
is generally not to be compared with the
 express testimony of contemporaries1   
yet a somewhat greater value may be     
attributed to their consent in the      
present instance1 because the admission 
of the ,laws is combined with doubts    
about the ,epinomis1 a spurious writing1
 which is a kind of epilogue to the     
larger work probably of a much later    
date4 ,this shows that the reception of 
the ,laws was not altogether            
undiscriminating4  ,the suspicion which 
has attached to the ,laws of ,plato in  
the judgment of some modern writers     
appears to rest partly 7#a7 on          
differences in the style and form of the
 work1 and 7#b7 on differences of       

thought and opinion which they observe  
in them4 ,their suspicion is increased  
by the fact that these differences are  
accompanied by resemblances as striking 
to passages in other ,platonic writings4
 ,they are sensible of a want of point  
in the dialogue and a general           
inferiority in the ideas1 plan1 manners1
 and style4 ,they miss the poetical     
flow1 the dramatic verisimilitude1 the  
life and variety of the characters1 the 
dialectic subtlety1 the ,attic purity1  
the luminous order1 the exquisite       
urbanity2 instead of which they find    
tautology1 obscurity1 self-sufficiency1 
sermonizing1 rhetorical declamation1    
pedantry1 egotism1 uncouth forms of     
sentences1 and peculiarities in the use 
of words and idioms4 ,they are unable to
 discover any unity in the patched1     
irregular structure4 ,the speculative   
element both in government and education
 is superseded by a narrow economical or
 religious vein4 ,the grace and         
cheerfulness of ,athenian life have     

disappeared2 and a spirit of moroseness 
and religious intolerance has taken     
their place4 ,the charm of youth is no  
longer there2 the mannerism of age makes
 itself unpleasantly felt4 ,the         
connection is often imperfect2 and there
 is a want of arrangement1 exhibited    
especially in the enumeration of the    
laws towards the end of the work4 ,the  
,laws are full of flaws and repetitions4
 ,the ,greek is in places very          
ungrammatical and intractable4 ,a       
cynical levity is displayed in some     
passages1 and a tone of disappointment  
and lamentation over human things in    
others4 ,the critics seem also to       
observe in them bad imitations of       
thoughts which are better expressed in  
,plato's other writings4 ,lastly1 they  
wonder how the mind which conceived the 
,republic could have left the ,critias1 
,hermocrates1 and ,philosophus          
incomplete or unwritten1 and have       
devoted the last years of life to the   
,laws4  ,the questions which have been  

thus indirectly suggested may be        
considered by us under five or six      
heads3 ,i1 the characters2 ,,ii1 the    
plan2 ,,iii1 the style2 ,,iv1 the       
imitations of other writings of ,plato2 
,v2 the more general relation of the    
,laws to the ,republic and the other    
dialogues2 and ,,vi1 to the existing    
,athenian and ,spartan states4  ,i4     
,already in the ,philebus the           
distinctive character of ,socrates has  
disappeared2 and in the ,timaeus1       
,sophist1 and ,statesman his function of
 chief speaker is handed over to the    
,pythagorean philosopher ,timaeus1 and  
to the ,eleatic ,stranger1 at whose feet
 he sits1 and is silent4 ,more and more 
,plato seems to have felt in his later  
writings that the character and method  
of ,socrates were no longer suited to be
 the vehicle of his own philosophy4 ,he 
is no longer interrogative but dogmatic2
 not 'a hesitating enquirer1' but one   
who speaks with the authority of a      
legislator4 ,even in the ,republic we   

have seen that the argument which is    
carried on by ,socrates in the old style
 with ,thrasymachus in the first book1  
soon passes into the form of exposition4
 ,in the ,laws he is nowhere mentioned4 
,yet so completely in the tradition of  
antiquity is ,socrates identified with  
,plato1 that in the criticism of the    
,laws which we find in the so-called    
,politics of ,aristotle he is supposed  
by the writer still to be playing his   
part of the chief speaker 7compare      
,pol474  ,the ,laws are discussed by    
three representatives of ,athens1       
,crete1 and ,sparta4 ,the ,athenian1 as 
might be expected1 is the protagonist or
 chief speaker1 while the second place  
is assigned to the ,cretan1 who1 as one 
of the leaders of a new colony1 has a   
special interest in the conversation4   
,at least four-fifths of the answers are
 put into his mouth4 ,the ,spartan is   
every inch a soldier1 a man of few words
 himself1 better at deeds than words4   
,the ,athenian talks to the two others1 

although they are his equals in age1 in 
the style of a master discoursing to his
 scholars2 he frequently praises        
himself2 he entertains a very poor      
opinion of the understanding of his     
companions4 ,certainly the boastfulness 
and rudeness of the ,laws is the reverse
 of the refined irony and courtesy which
 characterize the earlier dialogues4 ,we
 are no longer in such good company as  
in the ,phaedrus and ,symposium4        
,manners are lost sight of in the       
earnestness of the speakers1 and        
dogmatic assertions take the place of   
poetical fancies4  ,the scene is laid in
 ,crete1 and the conversation is held in
 the course of a walk from ,cnosus to   
the cave and temple of ,zeus1 which     
takes place on one of the longest and   
hottest days of the year4 ,the          
companions start at dawn1 and arrive at 
the point in their conversation which   
terminates the fourth book1 about noon4 
,the ,god to whose temple they are going
 is the lawgiver of ,crete1 and this may

 be supposed to be the very cave at     
which he gave his oracles to ,minos4    
,but the externals of the scene1 which  
are briefly and inartistically          
described1 soon disappear1 and we plunge
 abruptly into the subject of the       
dialogue4 ,we are reminded by contrast  
of the higher art of the ,phaedrus1 in  
which the summer's day1 and the cool    
stream1 and the chirping of the         
grasshoppers1 and the fragrance of the  
agnus castus1 and the legends of the    
place are present to the imagination    
throughout the discourse4  ,the typical 
,athenian apologizes for the tendency of
 his countrymen 'to spin a long         
discussion out of slender materials1'   
and in a similar spirit the             
,lacedaemonian ,megillus apologizes for 
the ,spartan brevity 7compare           
,thucydid471 acknowledging at the same  
time that there may be occasions when   
long discourses are necessary4 ,the     
family of ,megillus is the proxenus of  
,athens at ,sparta2 and he pays a       

beautiful compliment to the ,athenian1  
significant of the character of the     
work1 which1 though borrowing many      
elements from ,sparta1 is also pervaded 
by an ,athenian spirit4 ,a good         
,athenian1 he says1 is more than        
ordinarily good1 because he is inspired 
by nature and not manufactured by law4  
,the love of listening which is         
attributed to the ,timocrat in the      
,republic is also exhibited in him4 ,the
 ,athenian on his side has a pleasure in
 speaking to the ,lacedaemonian of the  
struggle in which their ancestors were  
jointly engaged against the ,persians4  
,a connexion with ,athens is likewise   
intimated by the ,cretan ,cleinias4 ,he 
is the relative of ,epimenides1 whom1 by
 an anachronism of a century1--perhaps  
arising as ,zeller suggests 7,plat4     
,stud47 out of a confusion of the visit 
of ,epimenides and ,diotima             
7,symp471--he describes as coming to    
,athens1 not after the attempt of       
,cylon1 but ten years before the        

,persian war4 ,the ,cretan and          
,lacedaemonian hardly contribute at all 
to the argument of which the ,athenian  
is the expounder2 they only supply      
information when asked about the        
institutions of their respective        
countries4 ,a kind of simplicity or     
stupidity is ascribed to them4 ,at      
first1 they are dissatisfied with the   
free criticisms which the ,athenian     
passes upon the laws of ,minos and      
,lycurgus1 but they acquiesce in his    
greater experience and knowledge of the 
world4 ,they admit that there can be no 
objection to the enquiry2 for in the    
spirit of the legislator himself1 they  
are discussing his laws when there are  
no young men present to listen4 ,they   
are unwilling to allow that the ,spartan
 and ,cretan lawgivers can have been    
mistaken in honouring courage as the    
first part of virtue1 and are puzzled at
 hearing for the first time that ',goods
 are only evil to the evil4' ,several   
times they are on the point of          

quarrelling1 and by an effort learn to  
restrain their natural feeling 7compare 
,shakespeare1 ,henry ,v1 act iii4 sc4   
#b74 ,in ,book vii41 the ,lacedaemonian 
expresses a momentary irritation at the 
accusation which the ,athenian brings   
against the ,spartan institutions1 of   
encouraging licentiousness in their     
women1 but he is reminded by the ,cretan
 that the permission to criticize them  
freely has been given1 and cannot be    
retracted4 ,his only criterion of truth 
is the authority of the ,spartan        
lawgiver2 he is 'interested1' in the    
novel speculations of the ,athenian1 but
 inclines to prefer the ordinances of   
,lycurgus4  ,the three interlocutors all
 of them speak in the character of old  
men1 which forms a pleasant bond of     
union between them4 ,they have the      
feelings of old age about youth1 about  
the state1 about human things in        
general4 ,nothing in life seems to be of
 much importance to them2 they are      
spectators rather than actors1 and men  

in general appear to the ,athenian      
speaker to be the playthings of the     
,gods and of circumstances4 ,still they 
have a fatherly care of the young1 and  
are deeply impressed by sentiments of   
religion4 ,they would give confidence to
 the aged by an increasing use of wine1 
which1 as they get older1 is to unloose 
their tongues and make them sing4 ,the  
prospect of the existence of the soul   
after death is constantly present to    
them2 though they can hardly be said to 
have the cheerful hope and resignation  
which animates ,socrates in the ,phaedo 
or ,cephalus in the ,republic4 ,plato   
appears to be expressing his own        
feelings in remarks of this sort4 ,for  
at the time of writing the first book of
 the ,laws he was at least seventy-four 
years of age1 if we suppose him to      
allude to the victory of the ,syracusans
 under ,dionysius the ,younger over the 
,locrians1 which occurred in the year   
#cef4 ,such a sadness was the natural   
effect of declining years and failing   

powers1 which make men ask1 ',after all1
 what profit is there in life8' ,they   
feel that their work is beginning to be 
over1 and are ready to say1 ',all the   
world is a stage2' or1 in the actual    
words of ,plato1 ',let us play as good  
plays as we can1' though 'we must be    
sometimes serious1 which is not         
agreeable1 but necessary4' ,these are   
feelings which have crossed the minds of
 reflective persons in all ages1 and    
there is no reason to connect the ,laws 
any more than other parts of ,plato's   
writings with the very uncertain        
narrative of his life1 or to imagine    
that this melancholy tone is            
attributable to disappointment at having
 failed to convert a ,sicilian tyrant   
into a philosopher4  ,,ii4 ,the plan of 
the ,laws is more irregular and has less
 connexion than any other of the        
writings of ,plato4 ,as ,aristotle says 
in the ,politics1 ',the greater part    
consists of laws'2 in ,books v1 vi1 xi1 
xii the dialogue almost entirely        

disappears4 ,large portions of them are 
rather the materials for a work than a  
finished composition which may rank with
 the other ,platonic dialogues4 ,to use 
his own image1 ',some stones are        
regularly inserted in the building2     
others are lying on the ground ready for
 use4' ,there is probably truth in the  
tradition that the ,laws were not       
published until after the death of      
,plato4 ,we can easily believe that he  
has left imperfections1 which would have
 been removed if he had lived a few     
years longer4 ,the arrangement might    
have been improved2 the connexion of the
 argument might have been made plainer1 
and the sentences more accurately       
framed4 ,something also may be          
attributed to the feebleness of old age4
 ,even a rough sketch of the ,phaedrus  
or ,symposium would have had a very     
different look4 ,there is1 however1 an  
interest in possessing one writing of   
,plato which is in the process of       
creation4  ,we must endeavour to find a 

thread of order which will carry us     
through this comparative disorder4 ,the 
first four books are described by ,plato
 himself as the preface or preamble4    
,having arrived at the conclusion that  
each law should have a preamble1 the    
lucky thought occurs to him at the end  
of the fourth book that the preceding   
discourse is the preamble of the whole4 
,this preamble or introduction may be   
abridged as follows3--  ,the            
institutions of ,sparta and ,crete are  
admitted by the ,lacedaemonian and      
,cretan to have one aim only3 they were 
intended by the legislator to inspire   
courage in war4 ,to this the ,athenian  
objects that the true lawgiver should   
frame his laws with a view to all the   
virtues and not to one only4 ,better is 
he who has temperance as well as        
courage1 than he who has courage only2  
better is he who is faithful in civil   
broils1 than he who is a good soldier   
only4 ,better1 too1 is peace than war2  
the reconciliation than the defeat of an

 enemy4 ,and he who would attain all    
virtue should be trained amid pleasures 
as well as pains4 ,hence there should be
 convivial intercourse among the        
citizens1 and a man's temperance should 
be tested in his cups1 as we test his   
courage amid dangers4 ,he should have a 
fear of the right sort1 as well as a    
courage of the right sort4  ,at the     
beginning of the second book the subject
 of pleasure leads to education1 which  
in the early years of life is wholly a  
discipline imparted by the means of     
pleasure and pain4 ,the discipline of   
pleasure is implanted chiefly by the    
practice of the song and the dance4 ,of 
these the forms should be fixed1 and not
 allowed to depend on the fickle breath 
of the multitude4 ,there will be        
choruses of boys1 girls1 and grown-up   
persons1 and all will be heard repeating
 the same strain1 that 'virtue is       
happiness4' ,one of them will give the  
law to the rest2 this will be the chorus
 of aged minstrels1 who will sing the   

most beautiful and the most useful of   
songs4 ,they will require a little wine1
 to mellow the austerity of age1 and    
make them amenable to the laws4  ,after 
having laid down as the first principle 
of politics1 that peace1 and not war1 is
 the true aim of the legislator1 and    
briefly discussed music and festive     
intercourse1 at the commencement of the 
third book ,plato makes a digression1 in
 which he speaks of the origin of       
society4 ,he describes1 first of all1   
the family2 secondly1 the patriarchal   
stage1 which is an aggregation of       
families2 thirdly1 the founding of      
regular cities1 like ,ilium2 fourthly1  
the establishment of a military and     
political system1 like that of ,sparta1 
with which he identifies ,argos and     
,messene1 dating from the return of the 
,heraclidae4 ,but the aims of states    
should be good1 or else1 like the prayer
 of ,theseus1 they may be ruinous to    
themselves4 ,this was the case in two   
out of three of the ,heracleid kingdoms4

 ,they did not understand that the      
powers in a state should be balanced4   
,the balance of powers saved ,sparta1   
while the excess of tyranny in ,persia  
and the excess of liberty at ,athens    
have been the ruin of both444,this      
discourse on politics is suddenly       
discovered to have an immediate         
practical use2 for ,cleinias the ,cretan
 is about to give laws to a new colony4 
,at the beginning of the fourth book1   
after enquiring into the circumstances  
and situation of the colony1 the        
,athenian proceeds to make further      
reflections4 ,chance1 and ,god1 and the 
skill of the legislator1 all co-operate 
in the formation of states4 ,and the    
most favourable condition for the       
foundation of a new one is when the     
government is in the hands of a virtuous
 tyrant who has the good fortune to be  
the contemporary of a great legislator4 
,but a virtuous tyrant is a             
contradiction in terms2 we can at best  
only hope to have magistrates who are   

the servants of reason and the law4     
,this leads to the enquiry1 what is to  
be the polity of our new state4 ,and the
 answer is1 that we are to fear ,god1   
and honour our parents1 and to cultivate
 virtue and justice2 these are to be our
 first principles4 ,laws must be        
definite1 and we should create in the   
citizens a predisposition to obey them4 
,the legislator will teach as well as   
command2 and with this view he will     
prefix preambles to his principal laws4 
,the fifth book commences in a sort of  
dithyramb with another and higher       
preamble about the honour due to the    
soul1 whence are deduced the duties of a
 man to his parents and his friends1 to 
the suppliant and stranger4 ,he should  
be true and just1 free from envy and    
excess of all sorts1 forgiving to crimes
 which are not incurable and are partly 
involuntary2 and he should have a true  
taste4 ,the noblest life has the        
greatest pleasures and the fewest       
pains444,having finished the preamble1  

and touched on some other preliminary   
considerations1 we proceed to the ,laws1
 beginning with the constitution of the 
state4 ,this is not the best or ideal   
state1 having all things common1 but    
only the second-best1 in which the land 
and houses are to be distributed among  
#ejdj citizens divided into four        
classes4 ,there is to be no gold or     
silver among them1 and they are to have 
moderate wealth1 and to respect number  
and numerical order in all things4  ,in 
the first part of the sixth book1 ,plato
 completes his sketch of the            
constitution by the appointment of      
officers4 ,he explains the manner in    
which guardians of the law1 generals1   
priests1 wardens of town and country1   
ministers of education1 and other       
magistrates are to be appointed2 and    
also in what way courts of appeal are to
 be constituted1 and omissions in the   
law to be supplied4 ,next--and at this  
point the ,laws strictly speaking       
begin--there follow enactments          

respecting marriage and the procreation 
of children1 respecting property in     
slaves as well as of other kinds1       
respecting houses1 married life1 common 
tables for men and women4 ,the question 
of age in marriage suggests the         
consideration of a similar question     
about the time for holding offices1 and 
for military service1 which had been    
previously omitted4  ,resuming the order
 of the discussion1 which was indicated 
in the previous book1 from marriage and 
birth we proceed to education in the    
seventh book4 ,education is to begin at 
or rather before birth2 to be continued 
for a time by mothers and nurses under  
the supervision of the state2 finally1  
to comprehend music and gymnastics4     
,under music is included reading1       
writing1 playing on the lyre1           
arithmetic1 geometry1 and a knowledge of
 astronomy sufficient to preserve the   
minds of the citizens from impiety in   
after-life4 ,gymnastics are to be       
practised chiefly with a view to their  

use in war4 ,the discussion of          
education1 which was lightly touched    
upon in ,book ii1 is here completed4    
,the eighth book contains regulations   
for civil life1 beginning with          
festivals1 games1 and contests1 military
 exercises and the like4 ,on such       
occasions ,plato seems to see young men 
and maidens meeting together1 and hence 
he is led into discussing the relations 
of the sexes1 the evil consequences     
which arise out of the indulgence of the
 passions1 and the remedies for them4   
,then he proceeds to speak of           
agriculture1 of arts and trades1 of     
buying and selling1 and of foreign      
commerce4  ,the remaining books of the  
,laws1 ix-xii1 are chiefly concerned    
with criminal offences4 ,in the first   
class are placed offences against the   
,gods1 especially sacrilege or robbery  
of temples3 next follow offences against
 the state1--conspiracy1 treason1 theft4
 ,the mention of thefts suggests a      
distinction between voluntary and       

involuntary1 curable and incurable      
offences4 ,proceeding to the greater    
crime of homicide1 ,plato distinguishes 
between mere homicide1 manslaughter1    
which is partly voluntary and partly    
involuntary1 and murder1 which arises   
from avarice1 ambition1 fear4 ,he also  
enumerates murders by kindred1 murders  
by slaves1 wounds with or without intent
 to kill1 wounds inflicted in anger1    
crimes of or against slaves1 insults to 
parents4 ,to these1 various modes of    
purification or degrees of punishment   
are assigned1 and the terrors of another
 world are also invoked against them4   
,at the beginning of ,book x1 all acts  
of violence1 including sacrilege1 are   
summed up in a single law4 ,the law is  
preceded by an admonition1 in which the 
offenders are informed that no one ever 
did an unholy act or said an unlawful   
word while he retained his belief in the
 existence of the ,gods2 but either he  
denied their existence1 or he believed  
that they took no care of man1 or that  

they might be turned from their course  
by sacrifices and prayers4 ,the         
remainder of the book is devoted to the 
refutation of these three classes of    
unbelievers1 and concludes with the     
means to be taken for their reformation1
 and the announcement of their          
punishments if they continue obstinate  
and impenitent4  ,the eleventh book is  
taken up with laws and with admonitions 
relating to individuals1 which follow   
one another without any exact order4    
,there are laws concerning deposits and 
the finding of treasure2 concerning     
slaves and freedmen2 concerning retail  
trade1 bequests1 divorces1 enchantments1
 poisonings1 magical arts1 and the like4
 ,in the twelfth book the same subjects 
are continued4 ,laws are passed         
concerning violations of military       
discipline1 concerning the high office  
of the examiners and their burial2      
concerning oaths and the violation of   
them1 and the punishments of those who  
neglect their duties as citizens4       

,foreign travel is then discussed1 and  
the permission to be accorded to        
citizens of journeying in foreign parts2
 the strangers who may come to visit the
 city are also spoken of1 and the manner
 in which they are to be received4 ,laws
 are added respecting sureties1 searches
 for property1 right of possession by   
prescription1 abduction of witnesses1   
theatrical competition1 waging of       
private warfare1 and bribery in offices4
 ,rules are laid down respecting        
taxation1 respecting economy in sacred  
rites1 respecting judges1 their duties  
and sentences1 and respecting sepulchral
 places and ceremonies4 ,here the ,laws 
end4 ,lastly1 a ,nocturnal ,council is  
instituted for the preservation of the  
state1 consisting of older and younger  
members1 who are to exhibit in their    
lives that virtue which is the basis of 
the state1 to know the one in many1 and 
to be educated in divine and every other
 kind of knowledge which will enable    
them to fulfil their office4  ,,iii4    

,the style of the ,laws differs in      
several important respects from that of 
the other dialogues of ,plato3 7#a7 in  
the want of character1 power1 and lively
 illustration2 7#b7 in the frequency of 
mannerisms 7compare ,introduction to the
 ,philebus72 7#c7 in the form and rhythm
 of the sentences2 7#d7 in the use of   
words4 ,on the other hand1 there are    
many passages 7#e7 which are            
characterized by a sort of ethical      
grandeur2 and 7#f7 in which1 perhaps1 a 
greater insight into human nature1 and a
 greater reach of practical wisdom is   
shown1 than in any other of ,plato's    
writings4  #a4 ,the discourse of the    
three old men is described by themselves
 as an old man's game of play4 ,yet     
there is little of the liveliness of a  
game in their mode of treating the      
subject4 ,they do not throw the ball to 
and fro1 but two out of the three are   
listeners to the third1 who is          
constantly asserting his superior wisdom
 and opportunities of knowledge1 and    

apologizing 7not without reason7 for his
 own want of clearness of speech4 ,he   
will 'carry them over the stream2' he   
will answer for them when the argument  
is beyond their comprehension2 he is    
afraid of their ignorance of            
mathematics1 and thinks that gymnastic  
is likely to be more intelligible to    
them2--he has repeated his words several
 times1 and yet they cannot understand  
him4 ,the subject did not properly take 
the form of dialogue1 and also the      
literary vigour of ,plato had passed    
away4 ,the old men speak as they might  
be expected to speak1 and in this there 
is a touch of dramatic truth4 ,plato has
 given the ,laws that form or want of   
form which indicates the failure of     
natural power4 ,there is no regular     
plan--none of that consciousness of what
 has preceded and what is to follow1    
which makes a perfect style1--but there 
are several attempts at a plan2 the     
argument is 'pulled up1' and frequent   
explanations are offered why a          

particular topic was introduced4  ,the  
fictions of the ,laws have no longer the
 verisimilitude which is characteristic 
of the ,phaedrus and the ,timaeus1 or   
even of the ,statesman4 ,we can hardly  
suppose that an educated ,athenian would
 have placed the visit of ,epimenides to
 ,athens ten years before the ,persian  
war1 or have imagined that a war with   
,messene prevented the ,lacedaemonians  
from coming to the rescue of ,hellas4   
,the narrative of the origin of the     
,dorian institutions1 which are said to 
have been due to a fear of the growing  
power of the ,assyrians1 is a plausible 
invention1 which may be compared with   
the tale of the island of ,atlantis and 
the poem of ,solon1 but is not          
accredited by similar arts of deception4
 ,the other statement that the ,dorians 
were ,achaean exiles assembled by       
,dorieus1 and the assertion that ,troy  
was included in the ,assyrian ,empire1  
have some foundation 7compare for the   
latter point1 ,diod4 ,sicul474 ,nor is  

there anywhere in the ,laws that lively 
enargeia1 that vivid mise en scene1     
which is as characteristic of ,plato as 
of some modern novelists4  ,the old men 
are afraid of the ridicule which 'will  
fall on their heads more than enough1'  
and they do not often indulge in a joke4
 ,in one of the few which occur1 the    
book of the ,laws1 if left incomplete1  
is compared to a monster wandering about
 without a head4 ,but we no longer      
breathe the atmosphere of humour which  
pervades the ,symposium and the         
,euthydemus1 in which we pass within a  
few sentences from the broadest         
,aristophanic joke to the subtlest      
refinement of wit and fancy2 instead of 
this1 in the ,laws an impression of     
baldness and feebleness is often left   
upon our minds4 ,some of the most       
amusing descriptions1 as1 for example1  
of children roaring for the first three 
years of life2 or of the ,athenians     
walking into the country with           
fighting-cocks under their arms2 or of  

the slave doctor who knocks about his   
patients finely2 and the gentleman      
doctor who courteously persuades them2  
or of the way of keeping order in the   
theatre1 'by a hint from a stick1' are  
narrated with a commonplace gravity2 but
 where we find this sort of dry humour  
we shall not be far wrong in thinking   
that the writer intended to make us     
laugh4 ,the seriousness of age takes the
 place of the jollity of youth4 ,life   
should have holidays and festivals2 yet 
we rebuke ourselves when we laugh1 and  
take our pleasures sadly4 ,the irony of 
the earlier dialogues1 of which some    
traces occur in the tenth book1 is      
replaced by a severity which hardly     
condescends to regard human things4     
',let us say1 if you please1 that man is
 of some account1 but ,i was speaking of
 him in comparison with ,god4'  ,the    
imagery and illustrations are poor in   
themselves1 and are not assisted by the 
surrounding phraseology4 ,we have seen  
how in the ,republic1 and in the earlier

 dialogues1 figures of speech such as   
'the wave1' 'the drone1' 'the chase1'   
'the bride1' appear and reappear at     
intervals4 ,notes are struck which are  
repeated from time to time1 as in a     
strain of music4 ,there is none of this 
subtle art in the ,laws4 ,the           
illustrations1 such as the two kinds of 
doctors1 'the three kinds of funerals1' 
the fear potion1 the puppet1 the painter
 leaving a successor to restore his     
picture1 the 'person stopping to        
consider where three ways meet1' the    
'old laws about water of which he will  
not divert the course1' can hardly be   
said to do much credit to ,plato's      
invention4 ,the citations from the poets
 have lost that fanciful character which
 gave them their charm in the earlier   
dialogues4 ,we are tired of images taken
 from the arts of navigation1 or        
archery1 or weaving1 or painting1 or    
medicine1 or music4 ,yet the comparisons
 of life to a tragedy1 or of the working
 of mind to the revolution of the       

self-moved1 or of the aged parent to the
 image of a ,god dwelling in the house1 
or the reflection that 'man is made to  
be the plaything of ,god1 and that this 
rightly considered is the best of him1' 
have great beauty4  #b4 ,the clumsiness 
of the style is exhibited in frequent   
mannerisms and repetitions4 ,the        
perfection of the ,platonic dialogue    
consists in the accuracy with which the 
question and answer are fitted into one 
another1 and the regularity with which  
the steps of the argument succeed one   
another4 ,this finish of style is no    
longer discernible in the ,laws4 ,there 
is a want of variety in the answers2    
nothing can be drawn out of the         
respondents but ',yes' or ',no1'        
',true1' ',to be sure1' etc42 the       
insipid forms1 ',what do you mean8' ',to
 what are you referring8' are constantly
 returning4 ,again and again the speaker
 is charged1 or charges himself1 with   
obscurity2 and he repeats again and     
again that he will explain his views    

more clearly4 ,the process of thought   
which should be latent in the mind of   
the writer appears on the surface4 ,in  
several passages the ,athenian praises  
himself in the most unblushing manner1  
very unlike the irony of the earlier    
dialogues1 as when he declares that 'the
 laws are a divine work given by some   
inspiration of the ,gods1' and that     
'youth should commit them to memory     
instead of the compositions of the      
poets4' ,the prosopopoeia which is      
adopted by ,plato in the ,protagoras and
 other dialogues is repeated until we   
grow weary of it4 ,the legislator is    
always addressing the speakers or the   
youth of the state1 and the speakers are
 constantly making addresses to the     
legislator4 ,a tendency to a paradoxical
 manner of statement is also observable4
 ',we must have drinking1' 'we must have
 a virtuous tyrant'--this is too much   
for the duller wits of the              
,lacedaemonian and ,cretan1 who at first
 start back in surprise4 ,more than in  

any other writing of ,plato the tone is 
hortatory2 the laws are sermons as well 
as laws2 they are considered to have a  
religious sanction1 and to rest upon a  
religious sentiment in the mind of the  
citizens4 ,the words of the ,athenian   
are attributed to the ,lacedaemonian and
 ,cretan1 who are supposed to have made 
them their own1 after the manner of the 
earlier dialogues4 ,resumptions of      
subjects which have been half disposed  
of in a previous passage constantly     
occur3 the arrangement has neither the  
clearness of art nor the freedom of     
nature4 ,irrelevant remarks are made    
here and there1 or illustrations used   
which are not properly fitted in4 ,the  
dialogue is generally weak and laboured1
 and is in the later books fairly given 
up1 apparently1 because unsuited to the 
subject of the work4 ,the long speeches 
or sermons of the ,athenian1 often      
extending over several pages1 have never
 the grace and harmony which are        
exhibited in the earlier dialogues4 ,for

 ,plato is incapable of sustained       
composition2 his genius is dramatic     
rather than oratorical2 he can converse1
 but he cannot make a speech4 ,even the 
,timaeus1 which is one of his most      
finished works1 is full of abrupt       
transitions4 ,there is the same kind of 
difference between the dialogue and the 
continuous discourse of ,plato as       
between the narrative and speeches of   
,thucydides4  #c4 ,the perfection of    
style is variety in unity1 freedom1     
ease1 clearness1 the power of saying    
anything1 and of striking any note in   
the scale of human feelings without     
impropriety2 and such is the divine gift
 of language possessed by ,plato in the 
,symposium and ,phaedrus4 ,from this    
there are many fallings-off in the      
,laws3 first1 in the structure of the   
sentences1 which are rhythmical and     
monotonous1--the formal and sophistical 
manner of the age is superseding the    
natural genius of ,plato3 secondly1 many
 of them are of enormous length1 and the

 latter end often forgets the beginning 
of them1--they seem never to have       
received the second thoughts of the     
author2 either the emphasis is wrongly  
placed1 or there is a want of point in a
 clause2 or an absolute case occurs     
which is not properly separated from the
 rest of the sentence2 or words are     
aggregated in a manner which fails to   
show their relation to one another2 or  
the connecting particles are omitted at 
the beginning of sentences2 the uses of 
the relative and antecedent are more    
indistinct1 the changes of person and   
number more frequent1 examples of       
pleonasm1 tautology1 and periphrasis1   
antitheses of positive and negative1    
false emphasis1 and other affectations1 
are more numerous than in the other     
writings of ,plato2 there is also a more
 common and sometimes unmeaning use of  
qualifying formulae1 os epos eipein1    
kata dunamin1 and of double expressions1
 pante pantos1 oudame oudamos1 opos kai 
ope--these are too numerous to be       

attributed to errors in the text2 again1
 there is an over-curious adjustment of 
verb and participle1 noun and epithet1  
and other artificial forms of cadence   
and expression take the place of natural
 variety3 thirdly1 the absence of       
metaphorical language is remarkable--the
 style is not devoid of ornament1 but   
the ornament is of a debased rhetorical 
kind1 patched on to instead of growing  
out of the subject2 there is a great    
command of words1 and a laboured use of 
them2 forced attempts at metaphor occur 
in several passages1--e4g4 parocheteuein
 logois2 ta men os tithemena ta d os    
paratithemena2 oinos kolazomenos upo    
nephontos eterou theou2 the plays on the
 word nomos  nou dianome1 ode etara3    
fourthly1 there is a foolish            
extravagance of language in other       
passages1--'the swinish ignorance of    
arithmetic2' 'the justice and           
suitableness of the discourse on laws2' 
over-emphasis2 'best of ,greeks1' said  
of all the ,greeks1 and the like3       

fifthly1 poor and insipid illustrations 
are also common3 sixthly1 we may observe
 an excessive use of climax and         
hyperbole1 aischron legein chre pros    
autous doulon te kai doulen kai paida   
kai ei pos oion te olen ten oikian3     
dokei touto to epitedeuma kata phusin   
tas peri ta aphrodisia edonas ou monon  
anthropon alla kai therion              
diephtharkenai4  #d4 ,the peculiarities 
in the use of words which occur in the  
,laws have been collected by ,zeller    
7,platonische ,studien7 and ,stallbaum  
7,legg473 first1 in the use of nouns1   
such as allodemia1 apeniautesis1        
glukuthumia1 diatheter1 thrasuxenia1    
koros1 megalonoia1 paidourgia3 secondly1
 in the use of adjectives1 such as      
aistor1 biodotes1 echthodopos1 eitheos1 
chronios1 and of adverbs1 such as       
aniditi1 anatei1 nepoivei3 thirdly1 in  
the use of verbs1 such as athurein1     
aissein 7aixeien eipein71               
euthemoneisthai1 parapodizesthai1       
sebein1 temelein1 tetan4 ,these words   

however1 as ,stallbaum remarks1 are     
formed according to analogy1 and nearly 
all of them have the support of some    
poetical or other authority4  ,zeller   
and ,stallbaum have also collected forms
 of words in the ,laws1 differing from  
the forms of the same words which occur 
in other places3 e4g4 blabos for blabe1 
abios for abiotos1 acharistos for       
acharis1 douleios for doulikos1 paidelos
 for paidikos1 exagrio for exagriaino1  
ileoumai for ilaskomai1 and the ,ionic  
word sophronistus1 meaning 'correction4'
 ,zeller has noted a fondness for       
substantives ending in -ma and -sis1    
such as georgema1 diapauma1 epithumema1 
zemioma1 komodema1 omilema2 blapsis1    
loidoresis1 paraggelsis1 and others2    
also a use of substantives in the       
plural1 which are commonly found only in
 the singular1 maniai1 atheotetes1      
phthonoi1 phoboi1 phuseis2 also1 a      
peculiar use of prepositions in         
composition1 as in eneirgo1 apoblapto1  
dianomotheteo1 dieiretai1               

dieulabeisthai1 and other words2 also1 a
 frequent occurrence of the ,ionic      
datives plural in -aisi and -oisi1      
perhaps used for the sake of giving an  
ancient or archaic effect4  ,to these   
peculiarities of words he has added a   
list of peculiar expressions and        
constructions4 ,among the most          
characteristic are the following3 athuta
 pallakon spermata2 amorphoi edrai2 osa 
axiomata pros archontas2 oi kata polin  
kairoi2 muthos1 used in several places  
of 'the discourse about laws2' and      
connected with this the frequent use of 
paramuthion and paramutheisthai in the  
general sense of 'address1'             
'addressing'2 aimulos eros2 ataphoi     
praxeis2 muthos akephalos2 ethos        
euthuporon4 ,he remarks also on the     
frequent employment of the abstract for 
the concrete2 e4g4 uperesia for         
uperetai1 phugai for phugades1 mechanai 
in the sense of 'contrivers1' douleia   
for douloi1 basileiai for basileis1     
mainomena kedeumata for ganaika         

mainomenen2 e chreia ton paidon in the  
sense of 'indigent children1' and paidon
 ikanotes2 to ethos tes apeirias for e  
eiothuia apeiria2 kuparitton upse te kai
 kalle thaumasia for kuparittoi mala    
upselai kai kalai4 ,he further notes    
some curious uses of the genitive case1 
e4g4 philias omologiai1 maniai orges1   
laimargiai edones1 cheimonon            
anupodesiai1 anosioi plegon tolmai2 and 
of the dative1 omiliai echthrois1       
nomothesiai1 anosioi plegon tolmai2 and 
of the dative omiliai echthrois1        
nomothesiai epitropois2 and also some   
rather uncommon periphrases1 thremmata  
,neilou1 xuggennetor teknon for alochos1
 ,mouses lexis for poiesis1 zographon   
paides1 anthropon spermata and the like2
 the fondness for particles of          
limitation1 especially tis and ge1 sun  
tisi charisi1 tois ge dunamenois and the
 like2 the pleonastic use of tanun1 of  
os1 of os eros eipein1 of ekastote2 and 
the periphrastic use of the preposition 
peri4 ,lastly1 he observes the tendency 

to hyperbata or transpositions of words1
 and to rhythmical uniformity as well as
 grammatical irregularity in the        
structure of the sentences4  ,for nearly
 all the expressions which are adduced  
by ,zeller as arguments against the     
genuineness of the ,laws1 ,stallbaum    
finds some sort of authority4 ,there is 
no real ground for doubting that the    
work was written by ,plato1 merely      
because several words occur in it which 
are not found in his other writings4 ,an
 imitator may preserve the usual        
phraseology of a writer better than he  
would himself4 ,but1 on the other hand1 
the fact that authorities may be quoted 
in support of most of these uses of     
words1 does not show that the diction is
 not peculiar4 ,several of them seem to 
be poetical or dialectical1 and exhibit 
an attempt to enlarge the limits of     
,greek prose by the introduction of     
,homeric and tragic expressions4 ,most  
of them do not appear to have retained  
any hold on the later language of       

,greece4 ,like several experiments in   
language of the writers of the          
,elizabethan age1 they were afterwards  
lost2 and though occasionally found in  
,plutarch and imitators of ,plato1 they 
have not been accepted by ,aristotle or 
passed into the common dialect of       
,greece4  #e4 ,unequal as the ,laws are 
in style1 they contain a few passages   
which are very grand and noble4 ,for    
example1 the address to the poets3      
',best of strangers1 we also are poets  
of the best and noblest tragedy2 for our
 whole state is an imitation of the best
 and noblest life1 which we affirm to be
 indeed the very truth of tragedy4' ,or 
again1 the sight of young men and       
maidens in friendly intercourse with one
 another1 suggesting the dangers to     
which youth is liable from the violence 
of passion2 or the eloquent denunciation
 of unnatural lusts in the same passage2
 or the charming thought that the best  
legislator 'orders war for the sake of  
peace and not peace for the sake of     

war2' or the pleasant allusion1 ',o     
,athenian--inhabitant of ,attica1 ,i    
will not say1 for you seem to me worthy 
to be named after the ,goddess ,athene  
because you go back to first            
principles2' or the pithy saying1 ',many
 a victory has been and will be suicidal
 to the victors1 but education is never 
suicidal2' or the fine expression that  
'the walls of a city should be allowed  
to sleep in the earth1 and that we      
should not attempt to disinter them2' or
 the remark that ',god is the measure of
 all things in a sense far higher than  
any man can be2' or that 'a man should  
be from the first a partaker of the     
truth1 that he may live a true man as   
long as possible2' or the principle     
repeatedly laid down1 that 'the sins of 
the fathers are not to be visited on the
 children2' or the description of the   
funeral rites of those priestly sages   
who depart in innocence2 or the noble   
sentiment1 that we should do more       
justice to slaves than to equals2 or the

 curious observation1 founded1 perhaps1 
on his own experience1 that there are a 
few 'divine men in every state however  
corrupt1 whose conversation is of       
inestimable value2' or the acute remark1
 that public opinion is to be respected1
 because the judgments of mankind about 
virtue are better than their practice2  
or the deep religious and also modern   
feeling which pervades the tenth book   
7whatever may be thought of the         
arguments72 the sense of the duty of    
living as a part of a whole1 and in     
dependence on the will of ,god1 who     
takes care of the least things as well  
as the greatest2 and the picture of     
parents praying for their children--not 
as we may say1 slightly altering the    
words of ,plato1 as if there were no    
truth or reality in the ,gentile        
religions1 but as if there were the     
greatest--are very striking to us4 ,we  
must remember that the ,laws1 unlike the
 ,republic1 do not exhibit an ideal     
state1 but are supposed to be on the    

level of human motives and feelings2    
they are also on the level of the       
popular religion1 though elevated and   
purified3 hence there is an attempt made
 to show that the pleasant is also just4
 ,but1 on the other hand1 the priority  
of the soul to the body1 and of ,god to 
the soul1 is always insisted upon as the
 true incentive to virtue2 especially   
with great force and eloquence at the   
commencement of ,book v4 ,and the work  
of legislation is carried back to the   
first principles of morals4  #f4 ,no    
other writing of ,plato shows so        
profound an insight into the world and  
into human nature as the ,laws4 ,that   
'cities will never cease from ill until 
they are better governed1' is the text  
of the ,laws as well as of the          
,statesman and ,republic4 ,the principle
 that the balance of power preserves    
states2 the reflection that no one ever 
passed his whole life in disbelief of   
the ,gods2 the remark that the          
characters of men are best seen in      

convivial intercourse2 the observation  
that the people must be allowed to share
 not only in the government1 but in the 
administration of justice2 the desire to
 make laws1 not with a view to courage  
only1 but to all virtue2 the clear      
perception that education begins with   
birth1 or even1 as he would say1 before 
birth2 the attempt to purify religion2  
the modern reflections1 that punishment 
is not vindictive1 and that limits must 
be set to the power of bequest2 the     
impossibility of undeceiving the victims
 of quacks and jugglers2 the provision  
for water1 and for other requirements of
 health1 and for concealing the bodies  
of the dead with as little hurt as      
possible to the living2 above all1      
perhaps1 the distinct consciousness that
 under the actual circumstances of      
mankind the ideal cannot be carried out1
 and yet may be a guiding               
principle--will appear to us1 if we     
remember that we are still in the dawn  
of politics1 to show a great depth of   

political wisdom4  ,,iv4 ,the ,laws of  
,plato contain numerous passages which  
closely resemble other passages in his  
writings4 ,and at first sight a         
suspicion arises that the repetition    
shows the unequal hand of the imitator4 
,for why should a writer say over again1
 in a more imperfect form1 what he had  
already said in his most finished style 
and manner8 ,and yet it may be urged on 
the other side that an author whose     
original powers are beginning to decay  
will be very liable to repeat himself1  
as in conversation1 so in books4 ,he may
 have forgotten what he had written     
before2 he may be unconscious of the    
decline of his own powers4 ,hence arises
 a question of great interest1 bearing  
on the genuineness of ancient writers4  
,is there any criterion by which we can 
distinguish the genuine resemblance from
 the spurious1 or1 in other words1 the  
repetition of a thought or passage by an
 author himself from the appropriation  
of it by another8 ,the question has1    

perhaps1 never been fully discussed2    
and1 though a real one1 does not admit  
of a precise answer4 ,a few general     
considerations on the subject may be    
offered3--  7a7 ,is the difference such 
as might be expected to arise at        
different times of life or under        
different circumstances8--,there would  
be nothing surprising in a writer1 as he
 grew older1 losing something of his own
 originality1 and falling more and more 
under the spirit of his age4 ',what a   
genius ,i had when ,i wrote that book6' 
was the pathetic exclamation of a famous
 ,english author1 when in old age he    
chanced to take up one of his early     
works4 ,there would be nothing          
surprising again in his losing somewhat 
of his powers of expression1 and        
becoming less capable of framing        
language into a harmonious whole4 ,there
 would also be a strong presumption that
 if the variation of style was uniform1 
it was attributable to some natural     
cause1 and not to the arts of the       

imitator4 ,the inferiority might be the 
result of feebleness and of want of     
activity of mind4 ,but the natural      
weakness of a great author would        
commonly be different from the          
artificial weakness of an imitator2 it  
would be continuous and uniform4 ,the   
latter would be apt to fill his work    
with irregular patches1 sometimes taken 
verbally from the writings of the author
 whom he personated1 but rarely         
acquiring his spirit4 ,his imitation    
would be obvious1 irregular1            
superficial4 ,the patches of purple     
would be easily detected among his      
threadbare and tattered garments4 ,he   
would rarely take the pains to put the  
same thought into other words4 ,there   
were many forgeries in ,english         
literature which attained a considerable
 degree of success #ej or #ajj years    
ago2 but it is doubtful whether attempts
 such as these could now escape         
detection1 if there were any writings of
 the same author or of the same age to  

be compared with them4 ,and ancient     
forgers were much less skilful than     
modern2 they were far from being masters
 in the art of deception1 and had rarely
 any motive for being so4  7b7 ,but1    
secondly1 the imitator will commonly be 
least capable of understanding or       
imitating that part of a great writer   
which is most characteristic of him4 ,in
 every man's writings there is something
 like himself and unlike others1 which  
gives individuality4 ,to appreciate this
 latent quality would require a kindred 
mind1 and minute study and observation4 
,there are a class of similarities which
 may be called undesigned coincidences1 
which are so remote as to be incapable  
of being borrowed from one another1 and 
yet1 when they are compared1 find a     
natural explanation in their being the  
work of the same mind4 ,the imitator    
might copy the turns of style--he might 
repeat images or illustrations1 but he  
could not enter into the inner circle of
 ,platonic philosophy4 ,he would        

understand that part of it which became 
popular in the next generation1 as for  
example1 the doctrine of ideas or of    
numbers3 he might approve of communism4 
,but the higher flights of ,plato about 
the science of dialectic1 or the unity  
of virtue1 or a person who is above the 
law1 would be unintelligible to him4    
7c7 ,the argument from imitation assumes
 a different character when the supposed
 imitations are associated with other   
passages having the impress of original 
genius4 ,the strength of the argument   
from undesigned coincidences of style is
 much increased when they are found side
 by side with thoughts and expressions  
which can only have come from a great   
original writer4 ,the great excellence1 
not only of the whole1 but even of the  
parts of writings1 is a strong proof of 
their genuineness--for although the     
great writer may fall below1 the forger 
or imitator cannot rise much above      
himself4 ,whether we can attribute the  
worst parts of a work to a forger and   

the best to a great writer1--as for     
example1 in the case of some of         
,shakespeare's plays1--depends upon the 
probability that they have been         
interpolated1 or have been the joint    
work of two writers2 and this can only  
be established either by express        
evidence or by a comparison of other    
writings of the same class4 ,if the     
interpolation or double authorship of   
,greek writings in the time of ,plato   
could be shown to be common1 then a     
question1 perhaps insoluble1 would      
arise1 not whether the whole1 but       
whether parts of the ,platonic dialogues
 are genuine1 and1 if parts only1 which 
parts4 ,hebrew prophecies and ,homeric  
poems and ,laws of ,manu may have grown 
together in early times1 but there is no
 reason to think that any of the        
dialogues of ,plato is the result of a  
similar process of accumulation4 ,it is 
therefore rash to say with ,oncken 7,die
 ,staatslehre des ,aristoteles7 that the
 form in which ,aristotle knew the ,laws

 of ,plato must have been different from
 that in which they have come down to   
us4  ,it must be admitted that these    
principles are difficult of application4
 ,yet a criticism may be worth making   
which rests only on probabilities or    
impressions4 ,great disputes will arise 
about the merits of different passages1 
about what is truly characteristic and  
original or trivial and borrowed4 ,many 
have thought the ,laws to be one of the 
greatest of ,platonic writings1 while in
 the judgment of ,mr4 ,grote they hardly
 rise above the level of the forged     
epistles4 ,the manner in which a writer 
would or would not have written at a    
particular time of life must be         
acknowledged to be a matter of          
conjecture4 ,but enough has been said to
 show that similarities of a certain    
kind1 whether criticism is able to      
detect them or not1 may be such as must 
be attributed to an original writer1 and
 not to a mere imitator4  7d7 ,applying 
these principles to the case of the     

,laws1 we have now to point out that    
they contain the class of refined or    
unconscious similarities which are      
indicative of genuineness4 ,the         
parallelisms are like the repetitions of
 favourite thoughts into which every one
 is apt to fall unawares in conversation
 or in writing4 ,they are found in a    
work which contains many beautiful and  
remarkable passages4 ,we may therefore  
begin by claiming this presumption in   
their favour4 ,such undesigned          
coincidences1 as we may venture to call 
them1 are the following4 ,the conception
 of justice as the union of temperance1 
wisdom1 courage 7,laws2 ,republic73 the 
latent idea of dialectic implied in the 
notion of dividing laws after the kinds 
of virtue 7,laws72 the approval of the  
method of looking at one idea gathered  
from many things1 'than which a truer   
was never discovered by any man'        
7compare ,republic73 or again the       
description of the ,laws as parents     
7,laws2 ,republic73 the assumption that 

religion has been already settled by the
 oracle of ,delphi 7,laws2 ,republic71  
to which an appeal is also made in      
special cases 7,laws73 the notion of the
 battle with self1 a paradox for which  
,plato in a manner apologizes both in   
the ,laws and the ,republic3 the remark 
7,laws7 that just men1 even when they   
are deformed in body1 may still be      
perfectly beautiful in respect of the   
excellent justice of their minds        
7compare ,republic73 the argument that  
ideals are none the worse because they  
cannot be carried out 7,laws2           
,republic73 the near approach to the    
idea of good in 'the principle which is 
common to all the four virtues1' a truth
 which the guardians must be compelled  
to recognize 7,laws2 compare ,republic73
 or again the recognition by reason of  
the right pleasure and pain1 which had  
previously been matter of habit 7,laws2 
,republic73 or the blasphemy of saying  
that the excellency of music is to give 
pleasure 7,laws2 ,republic73 again the  

story of the ,sidonian ,cadmus 7,laws71 
which is a variation of the ,phoenician 
tale of the earth-born men 7,republic73 
the comparison of philosophy to a       
yelping she-dog1 both in the ,republic  
and in the ,laws3 the remark that no man
 can practise two trades 7,laws2        
,republic73 or the advantage of the     
middle condition 7,laws2 ,republic73 the
 tendency to speak of principles as     
moulds or forms2 compare the ekmageia of
 song 7,laws71 and the tupoi of religion
 7,republic73 or the remark 7,laws7 that
 'the relaxation of justice makes many  
cities out of one1' which may be        
compared with the ,republic3 or the     
description of lawlessness 'creeping in 
little by little in the fashions of     
music and overturning all things1'--to  
us a paradox1 but to ,plato's mind a    
fixed idea1 which is found in the ,laws 
as well as in the ,republic3 or the     
figure of the parts of the human body   
under which the parts of the state are  
described 7,laws2 ,republic73 the       

apology for delay and diffuseness1 which
 occurs not unfrequently in the         
,republic1 is carried to an excess in   
the ,laws 7compare ,theaet473 the       
remarkable thought 7,laws7 that the soul
 of the sun is better than the sun1     
agrees with the relation in which the   
idea of good stands to the sun in the   
,republic1 and with the substitution of 
mind for the idea of good in the        
,philebus3 the passage about the tragic 
poets 7,laws7 agrees generally with the 
treatment of them in the ,republic1 but 
is more finely conceived1 and worked out
 in a nobler spirit4 ,some lesser       
similarities of thought and manner      
should not be omitted1 such as the      
mention of the thirty years' old        
students in the ,republic1 and the fifty
 years' old choristers in the ,laws2 or 
the making of the citizens out of wax   
7,laws7 compared with the other image   
7,republic72 or the number of the tyrant
 7#gbi71 which is ,,nearly equal with   
the number of days and nights in the    

year 7#gcj71 compared with the 'slight  
correction' of the sacred number #ejdj1 
which is divisible by all the numbers   
from #a to #ab except #aa1 and divisible
 by #aa1 if two families be deducted2 or
 once more1 we may compare the ignorance
 of solid geometry of which he complains
 in the ,republic and the puzzle about  
fractions with the difficulty in the    
,laws about commensurable and           
incommensurable quantities--and the     
malicious emphasis on the word          
gunaikeios 7,laws7 with the use of the  
same word 7,republic74 ,these and       
similar passages tend to show that the  
author of the ,republic is also the     
author of the ,laws4 ,they are echoes of
 the same voice1 expressions of the same
 mind1 coincidences too subtle to have  
been invented by the ingenuity of any   
imitator4 ,the force of the argument is 
increased1 if we remember that no       
passage in the ,laws is exactly         
copied1--nowhere do five or six words   
occur together which are found together 

elsewhere in ,plato's writings4  ,in    
other dialogues of ,plato1 as well as in
 the ,republic1 there are to be found   
parallels with the ,laws4 ,such         
resemblances1 as we might expect1 occur 
chiefly 7but not exclusively7 in the    
dialogues which1 on other grounds1 we   
may suppose to be of later date4 ,the   
punishment of evil is to be like evil   
men 7,laws71 as he says also in the     
,theaetetus4 ,compare again the         
dependence of tragedy and comedy on one 
another1 of which he gives the reason in
 the ,laws--',for serious things cannot 
be understood without laughable1 nor    
opposites at all without opposites1 if a
 man is really to have intelligence of  
either'2 here he puts forward the       
principle which is the groundwork of the
 thesis of ,socrates in the ,symposium1 
'that the genius of tragedy is the same 
as that of comedy1 and that the writer  
of comedy ought to be a writer of       
tragedy also4' ,there is a truth and    
right which is above ,law 7,laws71 as we

 learn also from the ,statesman4 ,that  
men are the possession of the ,gods     
7,laws71 is a reflection which likewise 
occurs in the ,phaedo4 ,the remark1     
whether serious or ironical 7,laws71    
that 'the sons of the ,gods naturally   
believed in the ,gods1 because they had 
the means of knowing about them1' is    
found in the ,timaeus4 ,the reign of    
,cronos1 who is the divine ruler        
7,laws71 is a reminiscence of the       
,statesman4 ,it is remarkable that in   
the ,sophist and ,statesman 7,soph471   
,plato1 speaking in the character of the
 ,eleatic ,stranger1 has already put on 
the old man4 ,the madness of the poets1 
again1 is a favourite notion of         
,plato's1 which occurs also in the      
,laws1 as well as in the ,phaedrus1     
,ion1 and elsewhere4 ,there are traces  
in the ,laws of the same desire to base 
speculation upon history which we find  
in the ,critias4 ,once more1 there is a 
striking parallel with the paradox of   
the ,gorgias1 that 'if you do evil1 it  

is better to be punished than to be     
unpunished1' in the ,laws3 ',to live    
having all goods without justice and    
virtue is the greatest of evils if life 
be immortal1 but not so great if the bad
 man lives but a short time4'  ,the     
point to be considered is whether these 
are the kind of parallels which would be
 the work of an imitator4 ,would a      
forger have had the wit to select the   
most peculiar and characteristic        
thoughts of ,plato2 would he have caught
 the spirit of his philosophy2 would he1
 instead of openly borrowing1 have half 
concealed his favourite ideas2 would he 
have formed them into a whole such as   
the ,laws2 would he have given another  
the credit which he might have obtained 
for himself2 would he have remembered   
and made use of other passages of the   
,platonic writings and have never       
deviated into the phraseology of them8  
,without pressing such arguments as     
absolutely certain1 we must acknowledge 
that such a comparison affords a new    

ground of real weight for believing the 
,laws to be a genuine writing of ,plato4
  ,v4 ,the relation of the ,republic to 
the ,laws is clearly set forth by ,plato
 in the ,laws4 ,the ,republic is the    
best state1 the ,laws is the best       
possible under the existing conditions  
of the ,greek world4 ,the ,republic is  
the ideal1 in which no man calls        
anything his own1 which may or may not  
have existed in some remote clime1 under
 the rule of some ,god1 or son of a ,god
 7who can say871 but is1 at any rate1   
the pattern of all other states and the 
exemplar of human life4 ,the ,laws      
distinctly acknowledge what the         
,republic partly admits1 that the ideal 
is inimitable by us1 but that we should 
'lift up our eyes to the heavens' and   
try to regulate our lives according to  
the divine image4 ,the citizens are no  
longer to have wives and children in    
common1 and are no longer to be under   
the government of philosophers4 ,but the
 spirit of communism or communion is to 

continue among them1 though reverence   
for the sacredness of the family1 and   
respect of children for parents1 not    
promiscuous hymeneals1 are now the      
foundation of the state2 the sexes are  
to be as nearly on an equality as       
possible2 they are to meet at common    
tables1 and to share warlike pursuits   
7if the women will consent71 and to have
 a common education4 ,the legislator has
 taken the place of the philosopher1 but
 a council of elders is retained1 who   
are to fulfil the duties of the         
legislator when he has passed out of    
life4 ,the addition of younger persons  
to this council by co-optation is an    
improvement on the governing body of the
 ,republic4 ,the scheme of education in 
the ,laws is of a far lower kind than   
that which ,plato had conceived in the  
,republic4 ,there he would have his     
rulers trained in all knowledge meeting 
in the idea of good1 of which the       
different branches of mathematical      
science are but the hand-maidens or     

ministers2 here he treats chiefly of    
popular education1 stopping short with  
the preliminary sciences1--these are to 
be studied partly with a view to their  
practical usefulness1 which in the      
,republic he holds cheap1 and even more 
with a view to avoiding impiety1 of     
which in the ,republic he says nothing2 
he touches very lightly on dialectic1   
which is still to be retained for the   
rulers4 ,yet in the ,laws there remain  
traces of the old educational ideas4 ,he
 is still for banishing the poets2 and  
as he finds the works of prose writers  
equally dangerous1 he would substitute  
for them the study of his own laws4 ,he 
insists strongly on the importance of   
mathematics as an educational           
instrument4 ,he is no more reconciled to
 the ,greek mythology than in the       
,republic1 though he would rather say   
nothing about it out of a reverence for 
antiquity2 and he is equally willing to 
have recourse to fictions1 if they have 
a moral tendency4 ,his thoughts recur to

 a golden age in which the sanctity of  
oaths was respected and in which men    
living nearer the ,gods were more       
disposed to believe in them2 but we must
 legislate for the world as it is1 now  
that the old beliefs have passed away4  
,though he is no longer fired with      
dialectical enthusiasm1 he would compel 
the guardians to 'look at one idea      
gathered from many things1' and to      
'perceive the principle which is the    
same in all the four virtues4' ,he still
 recognizes the enormous influence of   
music1 in which every youth is to be    
trained for three years2 and he seems to
 attribute the existing degeneracy of   
the ,athenian state and the laxity of   
morals partly to musical innovation1    
manifested in the unnatural divorce of  
the instrument and the voice1 of the    
rhythm from the words1 and partly to the
 influence of the mob who ruled at the  
theatres4 ,he assimilates the education 
of the two sexes1 as far as possible1   
both in music and gymnastic1 and1 as in 

the ,republic1 he would give to         
gymnastic a purely military character4  
,in marriage1 his object is still to    
produce the finest children for the     
state4 ,as in the ,statesman1 he would  
unite in wedlock dissimilar natures--the
 passionate with the dull1 the          
courageous with the gentle4 ,and the    
virtuous tyrant of the ,statesman1 who  
has no place in the ,republic1 again    
appears4 ,in this1 as in all his        
writings1 he has the strongest sense of 
the degeneracy and incapacity of the    
rulers of his own time4  ,in the ,laws1 
the philosophers1 if not banished1 like 
the poets1 are at least ignored2 and    
religion takes the place of philosophy  
in the regulation of human life4 ,it    
must however be remembered that the     
religion of ,plato is co-extensive with 
morality1 and is that purified religion 
and mythology of which he speaks in the 
second book of the ,republic4 ,there is 
no real discrepancy in the two works4   
,in a practical treatise1 he speaks of  

religion rather than of philosophy2 just
 as he appears to identify virtue with  
pleasure1 and rather seeks to find the  
common element of the virtues than to   
maintain his old paradoxical theses that
 they are one1 or that they are         
identical with knowledge4 ,the dialectic
 and the idea of good1 which even       
,glaucon in the ,republic could not     
understand1 would be out of place in a  
less ideal work4 ,there may also be a   
change in his own mind1 the purely      
intellectual aspect of philosophy having
 a diminishing interest to him in his   
old age4  ,some confusion occurs in the 
passage in which ,plato speaks of the   
,republic1 occasioned by his reference  
to a third state1 which he proposes     
7,d4,v47 hereafter to expound4 ,like    
many other thoughts in the ,laws1 the   
allusion is obscure from not being      
worked out4 ,aristotle 7,polit47 speaks 
of a state which is neither the best    
absolutely1 nor the best under existing 
conditions1 but an imaginary state1     

inferior to either1 destitute1 as he    
supposes1 of the necessaries of         
life--apparently such a beginning of    
primitive society as is described in    
,laws iii4 ,but it is not clear that by 
this the third state of ,plato is       
intended4 ,it is possible that ,plato   
may have meant by his third state an    
historical sketch1 bearing the same     
relation to the ,laws which the         
unfinished ,critias would have borne to 
the ,republic2 or he may1 perhaps1 have 
intended to describe a state more nearly
 approximating than the ,laws to        
existing ,greek states4  ,the ,statesman
 is a mere fragment when compared with  
the ,laws1 yet combining a second       
interest of dialectic as well as        
politics1 which is wanting in the larger
 work4 ,several points of similarity and
 contrast may be observed between them4 
,in some respects the ,statesman is even
 more ideal than the ,republic1 looking 
back to a former state of paradisiacal  
life1 in which the ,gods ruled over     

mankind1 as the ,republic looks forward 
to a coming kingdom of philosophers4 ,of
 this kingdom of ,cronos there is also  
mention in the ,laws4 ,again1 in the    
,statesman1 the ,eleatic ,stranger rises
 above law to the conception of the     
living voice of the lawgiver1 who is    
able to provide for individual cases4 ,a
 similar thought is repeated in the     
,laws3 ',if in the order of nature1 and 
by divine destiny1 a man were able to   
apprehend the truth about these things1 
he would have no need of laws to rule   
over him2 for there is no law or order  
above knowledge1 nor can mind without   
impiety be deemed the subject or slave  
of any1 but rather the lord of all4'    
,the union of opposite natures1 who form
 the warp and the woof of the political 
web1 is a favourite thought which occurs
 in both dialogues 7,laws2 ,statesman74 
,the ,laws are confessedly a            
,second-best1 an inferior ,ideal1 to    
which ,plato has recourse1 when he finds
 that the city of ,philosophers is no   

longer 'within the horizon of practical 
politics4' ,but it is curious to observe
 that the higher ,ideal is always       
returning 7compare ,arist4 ,polit471 and
 that he is not much nearer the actual  
fact1 nor more on the level of ordinary 
life in the ,laws than in the ,republic4
 ,it is also interesting to remark that 
the new ,ideal is always falling away1  
and that he hardly supposes the one to  
be more capable of being realized than  
the other4 ,human beings are troublesome
 to manage2 and the legislator cannot   
adapt his enactments to the infinite    
variety of circumstances2 after all he  
must leave the administration of them to
 his successors2 and though he would    
have liked to make them as permanent as 
they are in ,egypt1 he cannot escape    
from the necessity of change4 ,at length
 ,plato is obliged to institute a       
,nocturnal ,council which is supposed to
 retain the mind of the legislator1 and 
of which some of the members are even   
supposed to go abroad and inspect the   

institutions of foreign countries1 as a 
foundation for changes in their own4    
,the spirit of such changes1 though     
avoiding the extravagance of a popular  
assembly1 being only so much change as  
the conservative temper of old members  
is likely to allow1 is nevertheless     
inconsistent with the fixedness of      
,egypt which ,plato wishes to impress   
upon ,hellenic institutions4 ,he is     
inconsistent with himself as the truth  
begins to dawn upon him that 'in the    
execution things for the most part fall 
short of our conception of them'        
7,republic74  ,and is not this true of  
ideals of government in general8 ,we are
 always disappointed in them4 ,nothing  
great can be accomplished in the short  
space of human life2 wherefore also we  
look forward to another 7,republic74 ,as
 we grow old1 we are sensible that we   
have no power actively to pursue our    
ideals any longer4 ,we have had our     
opportunity and do not aspire to be more
 than men3 we have received our 'wages  

and are going home4' ,neither do we     
despair of the future of mankind1       
because we have been able to do so      
little in comparison of the whole4 ,we  
look in vain for consistency either in  
men or things4 ,but we have seen enough 
of improvement in our own time to       
justify us in the belief that the world 
is worth working for and that a good    
man's life is not thrown away4 ,such    
reflections may help us to bring home to
 ourselves by inward sympathy the       
language of ,plato in the ,laws1 and to 
combine into something like a whole his 
various and at first sight inconsistent 
utterances4  ,,vi4 ,the ,republic may be
 described as the ,spartan constitution 
appended to a government of             
philosophers4 ,but in the ,laws an      
,athenian element is also introduced4   
,many enactments are taken from the     
,athenian2 the four classes are borrowed
 from the constitution of ,cleisthenes1 
which ,plato regards as the best form of
 ,athenian government1 and the guardians

 of the law bear a certain resemblance  
to the archons4 ,in the constitution of 
the ,laws nearly all officers are       
elected by a vote more or less popular  
and by lot4 ,but the assembly only      
exists for the purposes of election1 and
 has no legislative or executive powers4
 ,the ,nocturnal ,council1 which is the 
highest body in the state1 has several  
of the functions of the ancient         
,athenian ,areopagus1 after which it    
appears to be modelled4 ,life is to     
wear1 as at ,athens1 a joyous and       
festive look2 there are to be ,bacchic  
choruses1 and men of mature age are     
encouraged in moderate potations4 ,on   
the other hand1 the common meals1 the   
public education1 the crypteia are      
borrowed from ,sparta and not from      
,athens1 and the superintendence of     
private life1 which was to be practised 
by the governors1 has also its prototype
 in ,sparta4 ,the extravagant dislike   
which ,plato shows both to a naval power
 and to extreme democracy is the reverse

 of ,athenian4  ,the best-governed      
,hellenic states traced the origin of   
their laws to individual lawgivers4     
,these were real persons1 though we are 
uncertain how far they originated or    
only modified the institutions which are
 ascribed to them4 ,but the lawgiver1   
though not a myth1 was a fixed idea in  
the mind of the ,greek1--as fixed as the
 ,trojan war or the earth-born ,cadmus4 
',this was what ,solon meant or         
said'--was the form in which the        
,athenian expressed his own conception  
of right and justice1 or argued a       
disputed point of law4 ,and the constant
 reference in the ,laws of ,plato to the
 lawgiver is altogether in accordance   
with ,greek modes of thinking and       
speaking4  ,there is also1 as in the    
,republic1 a ,pythagorean element4 ,the 
highest branch of education is          
arithmetic2 to know the order of the    
heavenly bodies1 and to reconcile the   
apparent contradiction of their         
movements1 is an important part of      

religion2 the lives of the citizens are 
to have a common measure1 as also their 
vessels and coins2 the great blessing of
 the state is the number #ejdj4 ,plato  
is deeply impressed by the antiquity of 
,egypt1 and the unchangeableness of her 
ancient forms of song and dance4 ,and he
 is also struck by the progress which   
the ,egyptians had made in the          
mathematical sciences--in comparison of 
them the ,greeks appeared to him to be  
little better than swine4 ,yet he       
censures the ,egyptian meanness and     
inhospitality to strangers4 ,he has     
traced the growth of states from their  
rude beginnings in a philosophical      
spirit2 but of any life or growth of the
 ,hellenic world in future ages he is   
silent4 ,he has made the reflection that
 past time is the maker of states 7,book
 iii472 but he does not argue from the  
past to the future1 that the process is 
always going on1 or that the            
institutions of nations are relative to 
their stage of civilization4 ,if he     

could have stamped indelibly upon       
,hellenic states the will of the        
legislator1 he would have been          
satisfied4 ,the utmost which he expects 
of future generations is that they      
should supply the omissions1 or correct 
the errors which younger statesmen      
detect in his enactments4 ,when         
institutions have been once subjected to
 this process of criticism1 he would    
have them fixed for ever4  ,,the        
,,preamble4  ,,book ,i4 ,strangers1 let 
me ask a question of you--,was a ,god or
 a man the author of your laws8 ',a     
,god1 ,stranger4 ,in ,crete1 ,zeus is   
said to have been the author of them2 in
 ,sparta1 as ,megillus will tell you1   
,apollo4' ,you ,cretans believe1 as     
,homer says1 that ,minos went every     
ninth year to converse with his         
,olympian sire1 and gave you laws which 
he brought from him4 ',yes2 and there   
was ,rhadamanthus1 his brother1 who is  
reputed among us to have been a most    
righteous judge4' ,that is a reputation 

worthy of the son of ,zeus4 ,and as you 
and ,megillus have been trained under   
these laws1 ,i may ask you to give me an
 account of them4 ,we can talk about    
them in our walk from ,cnosus to the    
cave and temple of ,zeus4 ,i am told    
that the distance is considerable1 but  
probably there are shady places under   
the trees1 where1 being no longer young1
 we may often rest and converse4 ',yes1 
,stranger1 a little onward there are    
beautiful groves of cypresses1 and green
 meadows in which we may repose4'  ,my  
first question is1 ,why has the law     
ordained that you should have common    
meals1 and practise gymnastics1 and bear
 arms8 ',my answer is1 that all our     
institutions are of a military          
character4 ,we lead the life of the camp
 even in time of peace1 keeping up the  
organization of an army1 and having     
meals in common2 and as our country1    
owing to its ruggedness1 is ill-suited  
for heavy-armed cavalry or infantry1 our
 soldiers are archers1 equipped with    

bows and arrows4 ,the legislator was    
under the idea that war was the natural 
state of all mankind1 and that peace is 
only a pretence2 he thought that no     
possessions had any value which were not
 secured against enemies4' ,and do you  
think that superiority in war is the    
proper aim of government8 ',certainly ,i
 do1 and my ,spartan friend will agree  
with me4' ,and are there wars1 not only 
of state against state1 but of village  
against village1 of family against      
family1 of individual against           
individual8 ',yes4' ,and is a man his   
own enemy8 ',there you come to first    
principles1 like a true votary of the   
goddess ,athene2 and this is all the    
better1 for you will the sooner         
recognize the truth of what ,i am       
saying--that all men everywhere are the 
enemies of all1 and each individual of  
every other and of himself2 and1        
further1 that there is a victory and    
defeat--the best and the worst--which   
each man sustains1 not at the hands of  

another1 but of himself4' ,and does this
 extend to states and villages as well  
as to individuals8 ',certainly2 there is
 a better in them which conquers or is  
conquered by the worse4' ,whether the   
worse ever really conquers the better1  
is a question which may be left for the 
present2 but your meaning is1 that bad  
citizens do sometimes overcome the good1
 and that the state is then conquered by
 herself1 and that when they are        
defeated the state is victorious over   
herself4 ,or1 again1 in a family there  
may be several brothers1 and the bad may
 be a majority2 and when the bad        
majority conquer the good minority1 the 
family are worse than themselves4 ,the  
use of the terms 'better or worse than  
himself or themselves' may be doubtful1 
but about the thing meant there can be  
no dispute4 ',very true4' ,such a       
struggle might be determined by a judge4
 ,and which will be the better judge--he
 who destroys the worse and lets the    
better rule1 or he who lets the better  

rule and makes the others voluntarily   
obey2 or1 thirdly1 he who destroys no   
one1 but reconciles the two parties8    
',the last1 clearly4' ,but the object of
 such a judge or legislator would not be
 war4 ',true4' ,and as there are two    
kinds of war1 one without and one within
 a state1 of which the internal is by   
far the worse1 will not the legislator  
chiefly direct his attention to this    
latter8 ,he will reconcile the          
contending factions1 and unite them     
against their external enemies4         
',certainly4' ,every legislator will aim
 at the greatest good1 and the greatest 
good is not victory in war1 whether     
civil or external1 but mutual peace and 
good-will1 as in the body health is     
preferable to the purgation of disease4 
,he who makes war his object instead of 
peace1 or who pursues war except for the
 sake of peace1 is not a true statesman4
 ',and yet1 ,stranger1 the laws both of 
,crete and ,sparta aim entirely at war4'
 ,perhaps so2 but do not let us quarrel 

about your legislators--let us be       
gentle2 they were in earnest quite as   
much as we are1 and we must try to      
discover their meaning4 ,the poet       
,tyrtaeus 7you know his poems in ,crete1
 and my ,lacedaemonian friend is only   
too familiar with them7--he was an      
,athenian by birth1 and a ,spartan      
citizen3--',well1' he says1 ',i sing    
not1 ,i care not about any man1 however 
rich or happy1 unless he is brave in    
war4' ,now ,i should like1 in the name  
of us all1 to ask the poet a question4  
,oh ,tyrtaeus1 ,i would say to him1 we  
agree with you in praising those who    
excel in war1 but which kind of war do  
you mean8--that dreadful war which is   
termed civil1 or the milder sort which  
is waged against foreign enemies8 ,you  
say that you abominate 'those who are   
not eager to taste their enemies'       
blood1' and you seem to mean chiefly    
their foreign enemies4 ',certainly he   
does4' ,but we contend that there are   
men better far than your heroes1        

,tyrtaeus1 concerning whom another poet1
 ,theognis the ,sicilian1 says that 'in 
a civil broil they are worth their      
weight in gold and silver4' ,for in a   
civil war1 not only courage1 but justice
 and temperance and wisdom are required1
 and all virtue is better than a part4  
,the mercenary soldier is ready to die  
at his post2 yet he is commonly a       
violent1 senseless creature4 ,and the   
legislator1 whether inspired or         
uninspired1 will make laws with a view  
to the highest virtue2 and this is not  
brute courage1 but loyalty in the hour  
of danger4 ,the virtue of ,tyrtaeus1    
although needful enough in his own time1
 is really of a fourth-rate description4
 ',you are degrading our legislator to a
 very low level4' ,nay1 we degrade not  
him1 but ourselves1 if we believe that  
the laws of ,lycurgus and ,minos had a  
view to war only4 ,a divine lawgiver    
would have had regard to all the        
different kinds of virtue1 and have     
arranged his laws in corresponding      

classes1 and not in the modern fashion1 
which only makes them after the want of 
them is felt1--about inheritances and   
heiresses and assaults1 and the like4   
,as you truly said1 virtue is the       
business of the legislator2 but you went
 wrong when you referred all legislation
 to a part of virtue1 and to an inferior
 part4 ,for the object of laws1 whether 
the ,cretan or any other1 is to make men
 happy4 ,now happiness or good is of two
 kinds--there are divine and there are  
human goods4 ,he who has the divine has 
the human added to him2 but he who has  
lost the greater is deprived of both4   
,the lesser goods are health1 beauty1   
strength1 and1 lastly1 wealth2 not the  
blind ,god1 ,pluto1 but one who has eyes
 to see and follow wisdom4 ,for mind or 
wisdom is the most divine of all goods2 
and next comes temperance1 and justice  
springs from the union of wisdom and    
temperance with courage1 which is the   
fourth or last4 ,these four precede     
other goods1 and the legislator will    

arrange all his ordinances accordingly1 
the human going back to the divine1 and 
the divine to their leader mind4 ,there 
will be enactments about marriage1 about
 education1 about all the states and    
feelings and experiences of men and     
women1 at every age1 in weal and woe1 in
 war and peace2 upon all the law will   
fix a stamp of praise and blame4 ,there 
will also be regulations about property 
and expenditure1 about contracts1 about 
rewards and punishments1 and finally    
about funeral rites and honours of the  
dead4 ,the lawgiver will appoint        
guardians to preside over these things2 
and mind will harmonize his ordinances1 
and show them to be in agreement with   
temperance and justice4 ,now ,i want to 
know whether the same principles are    
observed in the laws of ,lycurgus and   
,minos1 or1 as ,i should rather say1 of 
,apollo and ,zeus4 ,we must go through  
the virtues1 beginning with courage1 and
 then we will show that what has        
preceded has relation to virtue4  ',i   

wish1' says the ,lacedaemonian1 'that   
you1 ,stranger1 would first criticize   
,cleinias and the ,cretan laws4' ,yes1  
is the reply1 and ,i will criticize you 
and myself1 as well as him4 ,tell me1   
,megillus1 were not the common meals and
 gymnastic training instituted by your  
legislator with a view to war8 ',yes2   
and next in the order of importance     
comes hunting1 and fourth the endurance 
of pain in boxing contests1 and in the  
beatings which are the punishment of    
theft4 ,there is1 too1 the so-called    
,crypteia or secret service1 in which   
our youth wander about the country night
 and day unattended1 and even in winter 
go unshod and have no beds to lie on4   
,moreover they wrestle and exercise     
under a blazing sun1 and they have many 
similar customs4' ,well1 but is courage 
only a combat against fear and pain1 and
 not against pleasure and flattery8     
',against both1 ,i should say4' ,and    
which is worse1--to be overcome by pain1
 or by pleasure8 ',the latter4' ,but did

 the lawgivers of ,crete and ,sparta    
legislate for a courage which is lame of
 one leg1--able to meet the attacks of  
pain but not those of pleasure1 or for  
one which can meet both8 ',for a courage
 which can meet both1 ,i should say4'   
,but if so1 where are the institutions  
which train your citizens to be equally 
brave against pleasure and pain1 and    
superior to enemies within as well as   
without8 ',we confess that we have no   
institutions worth mentioning which are 
of this character4' ,i am not surprised1
 and will therefore only request        
forbearance on the part of us all1 in   
case the love of truth should lead any  
of us to censure the laws of the others4
 ,remember that ,i am more in the way of
 hearing criticisms of your laws than   
you can be2 for in well-ordered states  
like ,crete and ,sparta1 although an old
 man may sometimes speak of them in     
private to a ruler or elder1 a similar  
liberty is not allowed to the young4    
,but now being alone we shall not offend

 your legislator by a friendly          
examination of his laws4 ',take any     
freedom which you like4'  ,my first     
observation is1 that your lawgiver      
ordered you to endure hardships1 because
 he thought that those who had not this 
discipline would run away from those who
 had4 ,but he ought to have considered  
further1 that those who had never       
learned to resist pleasure would be     
equally at the mercy of those who had1  
and these are often among the worst of  
mankind4 ,pleasure1 like fear1 would    
overcome them and take away their       
courage and freedom4 ',perhaps2 but ,i  
must not be hasty in giving my assent4' 
,next as to temperance3 what            
institutions have you which are adapted 
to promote temperance8 ',there are the  
common meals and gymnastic exercises4'  
,these are partly good and partly bad1  
and1 as in medicine1 what is good at one
 time and for one person1 is bad at     
another time and for another person4    
,now although gymnastics and common     

meals do good1 they are also a cause of 
evil in civil troubles1 and they appear 
to encourage unnatural love1 as has been
 shown at ,miletus1 in ,boeotia1 and at 
,thurii4 ,and the ,cretans are said to  
have invented the tale of ,zeus and     
,ganymede in order to justify their evil
 practices by the example of the ,god   
who was their lawgiver4 ,leaving the    
story1 we may observe that all law has  
to do with pleasure and pain2 these are 
two fountains which are ever flowing in 
human nature1 and he who drinks of them 
when and as much as he ought1 is happy1 
and he who indulges in them to excess1  
is miserable4 ',you may be right1 but ,i
 still incline to think that the        
,lacedaemonian lawgiver did well in     
forbidding pleasure1 if ,i may judge    
from the result4 ,for there is no       
drunken revelry in ,sparta1 and any one 
found in a state of intoxication is     
severely punished2 he is not excused as 
an ,athenian would be at ,athens on     
account of a festival4 ,i myself have   

seen the ,athenians drunk at the        
,dionysia--and at our colony1 ,tarentum1
 on a similar occasion1 ,i have beheld  
the whole city in a state of            
intoxication4' ,i admit that these      
festivals should be properly regulated4 
,yet ,i might reply1 ',yes1 ,spartans1  
that is not your vice2 but look at home 
and remember the licentiousness of your 
women4' ,and to all such accusations    
every one of us may reply in            
turn3--',wonder not1 ,stranger2 there   
are different customs in different      
countries4' ,now this may be a          
sufficient answer2 but we are speaking  
about the wisdom of lawgivers and not   
about the customs of men4 ,to return to 
the question of drinking3 shall we have 
total abstinence1 as you have1 or hard  
drinking1 like the ,scythians and       
,thracians1 or moderate potations like  
the ,persians8 ',give us arms1 and we   
send all these nations flying before    
us4' ,my good friend1 be modest2        
victories and defeats often arise from  

unknown causes1 and afford no proof of  
the goodness or badness of institutions4
 ,the stronger overcomes the weaker1 as 
the ,athenians have overcome the ,ceans1
 or the ,syracusans the ,locrians1 who  
are1 perhaps1 the best governed state in
 that part of the world4 ,people are apt
 to praise or censure practices without 
enquiring into the nature of them4 ,this
 is the way with drink3 one person      
brings many witnesses1 who sing the     
praises of wine2 another declares that  
sober men defeat drunkards in battle2   
and he again is refuted in turn4 ,i     
should like to conduct the argument on  
some other method2 for if you regard    
numbers1 there are two cities on one    
side1 and ten thousand on the other4 ',i
 am ready to pursue any method which is 
likely to lead us to the truth4' ,let me
 put the matter thus3 ,somebody praises 
the useful qualities of a goat2 another 
has seen goats running about wild in a  
garden1 and blames a goat or any other  
animal which happens to be without a    

keeper4 ',how absurd6' ,would a pilot   
who is sea-sick be a good pilot8 ',no4' 
,or a general who is sick and drunk with
 fear and ignorant of war a good        
general8 ',a general of old women he    
ought to be4' ,but can any one form an  
estimate of any society1 which is       
intended to have a ruler1 and which he  
only sees in an unruly and lawless      
state8 ',no4' ,there is a convivial form
 of society--is there not8 ',yes4' ,and 
has this convivial society ever been    
rightly ordered8 ,of course you         
,spartans and ,cretans have never seen  
anything of the kind1 but ,i have had   
wide experience1 and made many enquiries
 about such societies1 and have hardly  
ever found anything right or good in    
them4 ',we acknowledge our want of      
experience1 and desire to learn of you4'
 ,will you admit that in all societies  
there must be a leader8 ',yes4' ,and in 
time of war he must be a man of courage 
and absolutely devoid of fear1 if this  
be possible8 ',certainly4' ,but we are  

talking now of a general who shall      
preside at meetings of friends--and as  
these have a tendency to be uproarious1 
they ought above all others to have a   
governor4 ',very good4' ,he should be a 
sober man and a man of the world1 who   
will keep1 make1 and increase the peace 
of the society2 a drunkard in charge of 
drunkards would be singularly fortunate 
if he avoided doing a serious mischief4 
',indeed he would4' ,suppose a person to
 censure such meetings--he may be right1
 but also he may have known them only in
 their disorderly state1 under a drunken
 master of the feast2 and a drunken     
general or pilot cannot save his army or
 his ships4 ',true2 but although ,i see 
the advantage of an army having a good  
general1 ,i do not equally see the good 
of a feast being well managed4' ,if you 
mean to ask what good accrues to the    
state from the right training of a      
single youth or a single chorus1 ,i     
should reply1 ',not much'2 but if you   
ask what is the good of education in    

general1 ,i answer1 that education makes
 good men1 and that good men act nobly  
and overcome their enemies in battle4   
,victory is often suicidal to the       
victors1 because it creates             
forgetfulness of education1 but         
education itself is never suicidal4     
',you imply that the regulation of      
convivial meetings is a part of         
education2 how will you prove this8' ,i 
will tell you4 ,but first let me offer a
 word of apology4 ,we ,athenians are    
always thought to be fond of talking1   
whereas the ,lacedaemonian is celebrated
 for brevity1 and the ,cretan is        
considered to be sagacious and reserved4
 ,now ,i fear that ,i may be charged    
with spinning a long discourse out of   
slender materials4 ,for drinking cannot 
be rightly ordered without correct      
principles of music1 and music runs up  
into education generally1 and to discuss
 all these matters may be tedious2 if   
you like1 therefore1 we will pass on to 
another part of our subject4 ',are you  

aware1 ,athenian1 that our family is    
your proxenus at ,sparta1 and that from 
my boyhood ,i have regarded ,athens as a
 second country1 and having often fought
 your battles in my youth1 ,i have      
become attached to you1 and love the    
sound of the ,attic dialect8 ,the saying
 is true1 that the best ,athenians are  
more than ordinarily good1 because they 
are good by nature2 therefore1 be       
assured that ,i shall be glad to hear   
you talk as much as you please4' ',i1   
too1' adds ,cleinias1 'have a tie which 
binds me to you4 ,you know that         
,epimenides1 the ,cretan prophet1 came  
and offered sacrifices in your city by  
the command of an oracle ten years      
before the ,persian war4 ,he told the   
,athenians that the ,persian host would 
not come for ten years1 and would go    
away again1 having suffered more harm   
than they had inflicted4 ,now           
,epimenides was of my family1 and when  
he visited ,athens he entered into      
friendship with your forefathers4' ,i   

see that you are willing to listen1 and 
,i have the will to speak1 if ,i had    
only the ability4 ,but1 first1 ,i must  
define the nature and power of          
education1 and by this road we will     
travel on to the ,god ,dionysus4 ,the   
man who is to be good at anything must  
have early training2--the future builder
 must play at building1 and the         
husbandman at digging2 the soldier must 
learn to ride1 and the carpenter to     
measure and use the rule1--all the      
thoughts and pleasures of children      
should bear on their                    
after-profession4--,do you agree with   
me8 ',certainly4' ,and we must remember 
further that we are speaking of the     
education1 not of a trainer1 or of the  
captain of a ship1 but of a perfect     
citizen who knows how to rule and how to
 obey2 and such an education aims at    
virtue1 and not at wealth or strength or
 mere cleverness4 ,to the good man1     
education is of all things the most     
precious1 and is also in constant need  

of renovation4 ',we agree4' ,and we have
 before agreed that good men are those  
who are able to control themselves1 and 
bad men are those who are not4 ,let me  
offer you an illustration which will    
assist our argument4 ,man is one2 but in
 one and the same man are two foolish   
counsellors who contend within          
him--pleasure and pain1 and of either he
 has expectations which we call hope and
 fear2 and he is able to reason about   
good and evil1 and reason1 when affirmed
 by the state1 becomes law4 ',we cannot 
follow you4' ,let me put the matter in  
another way3 ,every creature is a puppet
 of the ,gods--whether he is a mere     
plaything or has any serious use we do  
not know2 but this we do know1 that he  
is drawn different ways by cords and    
strings4 ,there is a soft golden cord   
which draws him towards virtue--this is 
the law of the state2 and there are     
other cords made of iron and hard       
materials drawing him other ways4 ,the  
golden reasoning influence has nothing  

of the nature of force1 and therefore   
requires ministers in order to vanquish 
the other principles4 ,this explains the
 doctrine that cities and citizens both 
conquer and are conquered by themselves4
 ,the individual follows reason1 and the
 city law1 which is embodied reason1    
either derived from the ,gods or from   
the legislator4 ,when virtue and vice   
are thus distinguished1 education will  
be better understood1 and in particular 
the relation of education to convivial  
intercourse4 ,and now let us set wine   
before the puppet4 ,you admit that wine 
stimulates the passions8 ',yes4' ,and   
does wine equally stimulate the         
reasoning faculties8 ',no2 it brings the
 soul back to a state of childhood4' ,in
 such a state a man has the least       
control over himself1 and is1 therefore1
 worst4 ',very true4' ,then how can we  
believe that drinking should be         
encouraged8 ',you seem to think that it 
ought to be4' ,and ,i am ready to       
maintain my position4 ',we should like  

to hear you prove that a man ought to   
make a beast of himself4' ,you are      
speaking of the degradation of the soul3
 but how about the body8 ,would any man 
willingly degrade or weaken that8       
',certainly not4' ,and yet if he goes to
 a doctor or a gymnastic master1 does he
 not make himself ill in the hope of    
getting well8 for no one would like to  
be always taking medicine1 or always to 
be in training4 ',true4' ,and may not   
convivial meetings have a similar       
remedial use8 ,and if so1 are they not  
to be preferred to other modes of       
training because they are painless8     
',but have they any such use8' ,let us  
see3 ,are there not two kinds of        
fear--fear of evil and fear of an evil  
reputation8 ',there are4' ,the latter   
kind of fear is opposed both to the fear
 of pain and to the love of pleasure4   
,this is called by the legislator       
reverence1 and is greatly honoured by   
him and by every good man2 whereas      
confidence1 which is the opposite       

quality1 is the worst fault both of     
individuals and of states4 ,this sort of
 fear or reverence is one of the two    
chief causes of victory in war1         
fearlessness of enemies being the other4
 ',true4' ,then every one should be both
 fearful and fearless8 ',yes4' ,the     
right sort of fear is infused into a man
 when he comes face to face with shame1 
or cowardice1 or the temptations of     
pleasure1 and has to conquer them4 ,he  
must learn by many trials to win the    
victory over himself1 if he is ever to  
be made perfect4 ',that is reasonable   
enough4' ,and now1 suppose that the     
,gods had given mankind a drug1 of which
 the effect was to exaggerate every sort
 of evil and danger1 so that the bravest
 man entirely lost his presence of mind 
and became a coward for a time3--would  
such a drug have any value8 ',but is    
there such a drug8' ,no2 but suppose    
that there were2 might not the          
legislator use such a mode of testing   
courage and cowardice8 ',to be sure4'   

,the legislator would induce fear in    
order to implant fearlessness2 and would
 give rewards or punishments to those   
who behaved well or the reverse1 under  
the influence of the drug8 ',certainly4'
 ,and this mode of training1 whether    
practised in the case of one or many1   
whether in solitude or in the presence  
of a large company--if a man have       
sufficient confidence in himself to     
drink the potion amid his boon          
companions1 leaving off in time and not 
taking too much1--would be an equally   
good test of temperance8 ',very true4'  
,let us return to the lawgiver and say  
to him1 ',well1 lawgiver1 no such       
fear-producing potion has been given by 
,god or invented by man1 but there is a 
potion which will make men fearless4'   
',you mean wine4' ,yes2 has not wine an 
effect the contrary of that which ,i was
 just now describing1--first mellowing  
and humanizing a man1 and then filling  
him with confidence1 making him ready to
 say or do anything8 ',certainly4' ,let 

us not forget that there are two        
qualities which should be cultivated in 
the soul--first1 the greatest           
fearlessness1 and1 secondly1 the        
greatest fear1 which are both parts of  
reverence4 ,courage and fearlessness are
 trained amid dangers2 but we have still
 to consider how fear is to be trained4 
,we desire to attain fearlessness and   
confidence without the insolence and    
boldness which commonly attend them4    
,for do not love1 ignorance1 avarice1   
wealth1 beauty1 strength1 while they    
stimulate courage1 also madden and      
intoxicate the soul8 ,what better and   
more innocent test of character is there
 than festive intercourse8 ,would you   
make a bargain with a man in order to   
try whether he is honest8 ,or would you 
ascertain whether he is licentious by   
putting your wife or daughter into his  
hands8 ,no one would deny that the test 
proposed is fairer1 speedier1 and safer 
than any other4 ,and such a test will be
 particularly useful in the political   

science1 which desires to know human    
natures and characters4 ',very true4'   
,,book ,,ii4 ,and are there any other   
uses of well-ordered potations8 ,there  
are2 but in order to explain them1 ,i   
must repeat what ,i mean by right       
education2 which1 if ,i am not mistaken1
 depends on the due regulation of       
convivial intercourse4 ',a high         
assumption4' ,i believe that virtue and 
vice are originally present to the mind 
of children in the form of pleasure and 
pain2 reason and fixed principles come  
later1 and happy is he who acquires them
 even in declining years2 for he who    
possesses them is the perfect man4 ,when
 pleasure and pain1 and love and hate1  
are rightly implanted in the yet        
unconscious soul1 and after the         
attainment of reason are discovered to  
be in harmony with her1 this harmony of 
the soul is virtue1 and the preparatory 
stage1 anticipating reason1 ,i call     
education4 ,but the finer sense of      
pleasure and pain is apt to be impaired 

in the course of life2 and therefore the
 ,gods1 pitying the toils and sorrows of
 mortals1 have allowed them to have     
holidays1 and given them the ,muses and 
,apollo and ,dionysus for leaders and   
playfellows4 ,all young creatures love  
motion and frolic1 and utter sounds of  
delight2 but man only is capable of     
taking pleasure in rhythmical and       
harmonious movements4 ,with these       
education begins2 and the uneducated is 
he who has never known the discipline of
 the chorus1 and the educated is he who 
has4 ,the chorus is partly dance and    
partly song1 and therefore the          
well-educated must sing and dance well4 
,but when we say1 ',he sings and dances 
well1' we mean that he sings and dances 
what is good4 ,and if he thinks that to 
be good which is really good1 he will   
have a much higher music and harmony in 
him1 and be a far greater master of     
imitation in sound and gesture than he  
who is not of this opinion4 ',true4'    
,then1 if we know what is good and bad  

in song and dance1 we shall know what   
education is8 ',very true4' ,let us now 
consider the beauty of figure1 melody1  
song1 and dance4 ,will the same figures 
or sounds be equally well adapted to the
 manly and the cowardly when they are in
 trouble8 ',how can they be1 when the   
very colours of their faces are         
different8' ,figures and melodies have a
 rhythm and harmony which are adapted to
 the expression of different feelings   
7,i may remark1 by the way1 that the    
term 'colour1' which is a favourite word
 of music-masters1 is not really        
applicable to music74 ,and one class of 
harmonies is akin to courage and all    
virtue1 the other to cowardice and all  
vice4 ',we agree4' ,and do all men      
equally like all dances8 ',far          
otherwise4' ,do some figures1 then1     
appear to be beautiful which are not8   
,for no one will admit that the forms of
 vice are more beautiful than the forms 
of virtue1 or that he prefers the first 
kind to the second4 ,and yet most       

persons say that the merit of music is  
to give pleasure4 ,but this is impiety4 
,there is1 however1 a more plausible    
account of the matter given by others1  
who make their likes or dislikes the    
criterion of excellence4 ,sometimes     
nature crosses habit1 or conversely1 and
 then they say that such and such       
fashions or gestures are pleasant1 but  
they do not like to exhibit them before 
men of sense1 although they enjoy them  
in private4 ',very true4' ,and do       
vicious measures and strains do any     
harm1 or good measures any good to the  
lovers of them8 ',probably4' ,say1      
rather ',certainly'3 for the gentle     
indulgence which we often show to       
vicious men inevitably makes us become  
like them4 ,and what can be worse than  
this8 ',nothing4' ,then in a            
well-administered city1 the poet will   
not be allowed to make the songs of the 
people just as he pleases1 or to train  
his choruses without regard to virtue   
and vice4 ',certainly not4' ,and yet he 

may do this anywhere except in ,egypt2  
for there ages ago they discovered the  
great truth which ,i am now asserting1  
that the young should be educated in    
forms and strains of virtue4 ,these they
 fixed and consecrated in their temples2
 and no artist or musician is allowed to
 deviate from them4 ,they are literally 
the same which they were ten thousand   
years ago4 ,and this practice of theirs 
suggests the reflection that legislation
 about music is not an impossible thing4
 ,but the particular enactments must be 
the work of ,god or of some             
,god-inspired man1 as in ,egypt their   
ancient chants are said to be the       
composition of the goddess ,isis4 ,the  
melodies which have a natural truth and 
correctness should be embodied in a law1
 and then the desire of novelty is not  
strong enough to change the old         
fashions4 ,is not the origin of music as
 follows8 ,we rejoice when we think that
 we prosper1 and we think that we       
prosper when we rejoice1 and at such    

times we cannot rest1 but our young men 
dance dances and sing songs1 and our old
 men1 who have lost the elasticity of   
youth1 regale themselves with the memory
 of the past1 while they contemplate the
 life and activity of the young4 ',most 
true4' ,people say that he who gives us 
most pleasure at such festivals is to   
win the palm3 are they right8           
',possibly4' ,let us not be hasty in    
deciding1 but first imagine a festival  
at which the lord of the festival1      
having assembled the citizens1 makes a  
proclamation that he shall be crowned   
victor who gives the most pleasure1 from
 whatever source derived4 ,we will      
further suppose that there are          
exhibitions of rhapsodists and          
musicians1 tragic and comic poets1 and  
even marionette-players--which of the   
pleasure-makers will win8 ,shall ,i     
answer for you8--the marionette-players 
will please the children2 youths will   
decide for comedy2 young men1 educated  
women1 and people in general will prefer

 tragedy2 we old men are lovers of      
,homer and ,hesiod4 ,now which of them  
is right8 ,if you and ,i are asked1 we  
shall certainly say that the old men's  
way of thinking ought to prevail4 ',very
 true4' ,so far ,i agree with the many  
that the excellence of music is to be   
measured by pleasure2 but then the      
pleasure must be that of the good and   
educated1 or better still1 of one       
supremely virtuous and educated man4    
,the true judge must have both wisdom   
and courage4 ,for he must lead the      
multitude and not be led by them1 and   
must not weakly yield to the uproar of  
the theatre1 nor give false judgment out
 of that mouth which has just appealed  
to the ,gods4 ,the ancient custom of    
,hellas1 which still prevails in ,italy 
and ,sicily1 left the judgment to the   
spectators1 but this custom has been the
 ruin of the poets1 who seek only to    
please their patrons1 and has degraded  
the audience by the representation of   
inferior characters4 ,what is the       

inference8 ,the same which we have often
 drawn1 that education is the training  
of the young idea in what the law       
affirms and the elders approve4 ,and as 
the soul of a child is too young to be  
trained in earnest1 a kind of education 
has been invented which tempts him with 
plays and songs1 as the sick are tempted
 by pleasant meats and drinks4 ,and the 
wise legislator will compel the poet to 
express in his poems noble thoughts in  
fitting words and rhythms4 ',but is this
 the practice elsewhere than in ,crete  
and ,lacedaemon8 ,in other states1 as   
far as ,i know1 dances and music are    
constantly changed at the pleasure of   
the hearers4' ,i am afraid that ,i      
misled you2 not liking to be always     
finding fault with mankind as they are1 
,i described them as they ought to be4  
,but let me understand3 you say that    
such customs exist among the ,cretans   
and ,lacedaemonians1 and that the rest  
of the world would be improved by       
adopting them8 ',much improved4' ,and   

you compel your poets to declare that   
the righteous are happy1 and that the   
wicked man1 even if he be as rich as    
,midas1 is unhappy8 ,or1 in the words of
 ,tyrtaeus1 ',i sing not1 ,i care not   
about him' who is a great warrior not   
having justice2 if he be unjust1 ',i    
would not have him look calmly upon     
death or be swifter than the wind'2 and 
may he be deprived of every good--that  
is1 of every true good4 ,for even if he 
have the goods which men regard1 these  
are not really goods3 first health2     
beauty next2 thirdly wealth2 and there  
are others4 ,a man may have every sense 
purged and improved2 he may be a tyrant1
 and do what he likes1 and live for     
ever3 but you and ,i will maintain that 
all these things are goods to the just1 
but to the unjust the greatest of evils1
 if life be immortal2 not so great if he
 live for a short time only4 ,if a man  
had health and wealth1 and power1 and   
was insolent and unjust1 his life would 
still be miserable2 he might be fair and

 rich1 and do what he liked1 but he     
would live basely1 and if basely evilly1
 and if evilly painfully4 ',there ,i    
cannot agree with you4' ,then may heaven
 give us the spirit of agreement1 for ,i
 am as convinced of the truth of what ,i
 say as that ,crete is an island2 and1  
if ,i were a lawgiver1 ,i would exercise
 a censorship over the poets1 and ,i    
would punish them if they said that the 
wicked are happy1 or that injustice is  
profitable4 ,and these are not the only 
matters in which ,i should make my      
citizens talk in a different way to the 
world in general4 ,if ,i asked ,zeus and
 ,apollo1 the divine legislators of     
,crete and ,sparta1--',are the just and 
pleasant life the same or not the       
same'8--and they replied1--',not the    
same'2 and ,i asked again--',which is   
the happier'8 ,and they said'--',the    
pleasant life1' this is an answer not   
fit for a ,god to utter1 and therefore  
,i ought rather to put the same question
 to some legislator4 ,and if he replies 

',the pleasant1' then ,i should say to  
him1 ',o my father1 did you not tell me 
that ,i should live as justly as        
possible'8 and if to be just is to be   
happy1 what is that principle of        
happiness or good which is superior to  
pleasure8 ,is the approval of gods and  
men to be deemed good and honourable1   
but unpleasant1 and their disapproval   
the reverse8 ,or is the neither doing   
nor suffering evil good and honourable1 
although not pleasant8 ,but you cannot  
make men like what is not pleasant1 and 
therefore you must make them believe    
that the just is pleasant4 ,the business
 of the legislator is to clear up this  
confusion4 ,he will show that the just  
and the unjust are identical with the   
pleasurable and the painful1 from the   
point of view of the just man1 of the   
unjust the reverse4 ,and which is the   
truer judgment8 ,surely that of the     
better soul4 ,for if not the truth1 it  
is the best and most moral of fictions2 
and the legislator who desires to       

propagate this useful lie1 may be       
encouraged by remarking that mankind    
have believed the story of ,cadmus and  
the dragon's teeth1 and therefore he may
 be assured that he can make them       
believe anything1 and need only consider
 what fiction will do the greatest good4
 ,that the happiest is also the holiest1
 this shall be our strain1 which shall  
be sung by all three choruses alike4    
,first will enter the choir of children1
 who will lift up their voices on high2 
and after them the young men1 who will  
pray the ,god ,paean to be gracious to  
the youth1 and to testify to the truth  
of their words2 then will come the      
chorus of elder men1 between thirty and 
sixty2 and1 lastly1 there will be the   
old men1 and they will tell stories     
enforcing the same virtues1 as with the 
voice of an oracle4 ',whom do you mean  
by the third chorus8' ,you remember how 
,i spoke at first of the restless nature
 of young creatures1 who jumped about   
and called out in a disorderly manner1  

and ,i said that no other animal        
attained any perception of rhythm2 but  
that to us the ,gods gave ,apollo and   
the ,muses and ,dionysus to be our      
playfellows4 ,of the two first choruses 
,i have already spoken1 and ,i have now 
to speak of the third1 or ,dionysian    
chorus1 which is composed of those who  
are between thirty and sixty years old4 
',let us hear4' ,we are agreed 7are we  
not87 that men1 women1 and children     
should be always charming themselves    
with strains of virtue1 and that there  
should be a variety in the strains1 that
 they may not weary of them8 ,now the   
fairest and most useful of strains will 
be uttered by the elder men1 and        
therefore we cannot let them off4 ,but  
how can we make them sing8 ,for a       
discreet elderly man is ashamed to hear 
the sound of his own voice in private1  
and still more in public4 ,the only way 
is to give them drink2 this will mellow 
the sourness of age4 ,no one should be  
allowed to taste wine until they are    

eighteen2 from eighteen to thirty they  
may take a little2 but when they have   
reached forty years1 they may be        
initiated into the mystery of drinking4 
,thus they will become softer and more  
impressible2 and when a man's heart is  
warm within him1 he will be more ready  
to charm himself and others with song4  
,and what songs shall he sing8 ',at     
,crete and ,lacedaemon we only know     
choral songs4' ,yes2 that is because    
your way of life is military4 ,your     
young men are like wild colts feeding in
 a herd together2 no one takes the      
individual colt and trains him apart1   
and tries to give him the qualities of a
 statesman as well as of a soldier4 ,he 
who was thus trained would be a greater 
warrior than those of whom ,tyrtaeus    
speaks1 for he would be courageous1 and 
yet he would know that courage was only 
fourth in the scale of virtue4 ',once   
more1 ,i must say1 ,stranger1 that you  
run down our lawgivers4' ,not           
intentionally1 my good friend1 but      

whither the argument leads ,i follow2   
and ,i am trying to find some style of  
poetry suitable for those who dislike   
the common sort4 ',very good4' ,in all  
things which have a charm1 either this  
charm is their good1 or they have some  
accompanying truth or advantage4 ,for   
example1 in eating and drinking there is
 pleasure and also profit1 that is to   
say1 health2 and in learning there is a 
pleasure and also truth4 ,there is a    
pleasure or charm1 too1 in the imitative
 arts1 as well as a law of proportion or
 equality2 but the pleasure which they  
afford1 however innocent1 is not the    
criterion of their truth4 ,the test of  
pleasure cannot be applied except to    
that which has no other good or evil1 no
 truth or falsehood4 ,but that which has
 truth must be judged of by the standard
 of truth1 and therefore imitation and  
proportion are to be judged of by their 
truth alone4 ',certainly4' ,and as music
 is imitative1 it is not to be judged by
 the criterion of pleasure1 and the     

,muse whom we seek is the muse not of   
pleasure but of truth1 for imitation has
 a truth4 ',doubtless4' ,and if so1 the 
judge must know what is being imitated  
before he decides on the quality of the 
imitation1 and he who does not know what
 is true will not know what is good4    
',he will not4' ,will any one be able to
 imitate the human body1 if he does not 
know the number1 proportion1 colour1 or 
figure of the limbs8 ',how can he8' ,but
 suppose we know some picture or figure 
to be an exact resemblance of a man1    
should we not also require to know      
whether the picture is beautiful or not8
 ',quite right4' ,the judge of the      
imitation is required to know1          
therefore1 first the original1 secondly 
the truth1 and thirdly the merit of the 
execution8 ',true4' ,then let us not    
weary in the attempt to bring music to  
the standard of the ,muses and of truth4
 ,the ,muses are not like human poets2  
they never spoil or mix rhythms or      
scales1 or mingle instruments and human 

voices1 or confuse the manners and      
strains of men and women1 or of freemen 
and slaves1 or of rational beings and   
brute animals4 ,they do not practise the
 baser sorts of musical arts1 such as   
the 'matured judgments1' of whom        
,orpheus speaks1 would ridicule4 ,but   
modern poets separate metre from music1 
and melody and rhythm from words1 and   
use the instrument alone without the    
voice4 ,the consequence is1 that the    
meaning of the rhythm and of the time   
are not understood4 ,i am endeavouring  
to show how our fifty-year-old          
choristers are to be trained1 and what  
they are to avoid4 ,the opinion of the  
multitude about these matters is        
worthless2 they who are only made to    
step in time by sheer force cannot be   
critics of music4 ',impossible4' ,then  
our newly-appointed minstrels must be   
trained in music sufficiently to        
understand the nature of rhythms and    
systems2 and they should select such as 
are suitable to men of their age1 and   

will enable them to give and receive    
innocent pleasure4 ,this is a knowledge 
which goes beyond that either of the    
poets or of their auditors in general4  
,for although the poet must understand  
rhythm and music1 he need not           
necessarily know whether the imitation  
is good or not1 which was the third     
point required in a judge2 but our      
chorus of elders must know all three1 if
 they are to be the instructors of      
youth4  ,and now we will resume the     
original argument1 which may be summed  
up as follows3 ,a convivial meeting is  
apt to grow tumultuous as the drinking  
proceeds2 every man becomes             
light-headed1 and fancies that he can   
rule the whole world4 ',doubtless4' ,and
 did we not say that the souls of the   
drinkers1 when subdued by wine1 are made
 softer and more malleable at the hand  
of the legislator8 the docility of      
childhood returns to them4 ,at times    
however they become too valiant and     
disorderly1 drinking out of their turn1 

and interrupting one another4 ,and the  
business of the legislator is to infuse 
into them that divine fear1 which we    
call shame1 in opposition to this       
disorderly boldness4 ,but in order to   
discipline them there must be guardians 
of the law of drinking1 and sober       
generals who shall take charge of the   
private soldiers2 they are as necessary 
in drinking as in fighting1 and he who  
disobeys these ,dionysiac commanders    
will be equally disgraced4 ',very good4'
 ,if a drinking festival were well      
regulated1 men would go away1 not as    
they now do1 greater enemies1 but better
 friends4 ,of the greatest gift of      
,dionysus ,i hardly like to speak1 lest 
,i should be misunderstood4 ',what is   
that8' ,according to tradition ,dionysus
 was driven mad by his stepmother ,here1
 and in order to revenge himself he     
inspired mankind with ,bacchic madness4 
,but these are stories which ,i would   
rather not repeat4 ,however ,i do       
acknowledge that all men are born in an 

imperfect state1 and are at first       
restless1 irrational creatures3 this1 as
 you will remember1 has been already    
said by us4 ',i remember4' ,and that    
,apollo and the ,muses and ,dionysus    
gave us harmony and rhythm8 ',very      
true4' ,the other story implies that    
wine was given to punish us and make us 
mad2 but we contend that wine is a balm 
and a cure2 a spring of modesty in the  
soul1 and of health and strength in the 
body4 ,again1 the work of the chorus is 
co-extensive with the work of education2
 rhythm and melody answer to the voice1 
and the motions of the body correspond  
to all three1 and the sound enters in   
and educates the soul in virtue4 ',yes4'
 ,and the movement which1 when pursued  
as an amusement1 is termed dancing1 when
 studied with a view to the improvement 
of the body1 becomes gymnastic4 ,shall  
we now proceed to speak of this8 ',what 
,cretan or ,lacedaemonian would approve 
of your omitting gymnastic8' ,your      
question implies assent2 and you will   

easily understand a subject which is    
familiar to you4 ,gymnastic is based on 
the natural tendency of every animal to 
rapid motion2 and man adds a sense of   
rhythm1 which is awakened by music2     
music and dancing together form the     
choral art4 ,but before proceeding ,i   
must add a crowning word about drinking4
 ,like other pleasures1 it has a lawful 
use2 but if a state or an individual is 
inclined to drink at will1 ,i cannot    
allow them4 ,i would go further than    
,crete or ,lacedaemon and have the law  
of the ,carthaginians1 that no slave of 
either sex should drink wine at all1 and
 no soldier while he is on a campaign1  
and no magistrate or officer while he is
 on duty1 and that no one should drink  
by daylight or on a bridal night4 ,and  
there are so many other occasions on    
which wine ought to be prohibited1 that 
there will not be many vines grown or   
vineyards required in the state4  ,,book
 ,,iii4 ,if a man wants to know the     
origin of states and societies1 he      

should behold them from the point of    
view of time4 ,thousands of cities have 
come into being and have passed away    
again in infinite ages1 every one of    
them having had endless forms of        
government2 and if we can ascertain the 
cause of these changes in states1 that  
will probably explain their origin4     
,what do you think of ancient traditions
 about deluges and destructions of      
mankind1 and the preservation of a      
remnant8 ',every one believes in them4' 
,then let us suppose the world to have  
been destroyed by a deluge4 ,the        
survivors would be hill-shepherds1 small
 sparks of the human race1 dwelling in  
isolation1 and unacquainted with the    
arts and vices of civilization4 ,we may 
further suppose that the cities on the  
plain and on the coast have been swept  
away1 and that all inventions1 and every
 sort of knowledge1 have perished4      
',why1 if all things were as they now   
are1 nothing would have ever been       
invented4 ,all our famous discoveries   

have been made within the last thousand 
years1 and many of them are but of      
yesterday4' ,yes1 ,cleinias1 and you    
must not forget ,epimenides1 who was    
really of yesterday2 he practised the   
lesson of moderation and abstinence     
which ,hesiod only preached4 ',true4'   
,after the great destruction we may     
imagine that the earth was a desert1 in 
which there were a herd or two of oxen  
and a few goats1 hardly enough to       
support those who tended them2 while of 
politics and governments the survivors  
would know nothing4 ,and out of this    
state of things have arisen arts and    
laws1 and a great deal of virtue and a  
great deal of vice2 little by little the
 world has come to be what it is4 ,at   
first1 the few inhabitants would have   
had a natural fear of descending into   
the plains2 although they would want to 
have intercourse with one another1 they 
would have a difficulty in getting      
about1 having lost the arts1 and having 
no means of extracting metals from the  

earth1 or of felling timber2 for even if
 they had saved any tools1 these would  
soon have been worn out1 and they could 
get no more until the art of metallurgy 
had been again revived4 ,faction and war
 would be extinguished among them1 for  
being solitary they would incline to be 
friendly2 and having abundance of       
pasture and plenty of milk and flesh1   
they would have nothing to quarrel      
about4 ,we may assume that they had also
 dwellings1 clothes1 pottery1 for the   
weaving and plastic arts do not require 
the use of metals4 ,in those days they  
were neither poor nor rich1 and there   
was no insolence or injustice among     
them2 for they were of noble natures1   
and lived up to their principles1 and   
believed what they were told2 knowing   
nothing of land or naval warfare1 or of 
legal practices or party conflicts1 they
 were simpler and more temperate1 and   
also more just than the men of our day4 
',very true4' ,i am showing whence the  
need of lawgivers arises1 for in        

primitive ages they neither had nor     
wanted them4 ,men lived according to the
 customs of their fathers1 in a simple  
manner1 under a patriarchal government1 
such as still exists both among         
,hellenes and barbarians1 and is        
described in ,homer as prevailing among 
the ,cyclopes3--  ',they have no laws1  
and they dwell in rocks or on the tops  
of mountains1 and every one is the judge
 of his wife and children1 and they do  
not trouble themselves about one        
another4'  ',that is a charming poet of 
yours1 though ,i know little of him1 for
 in ,crete foreign poets are not much   
read4' ',but he is well known in        
,sparta1 though he describes ,ionian    
rather than ,dorian manners1 and he     
seems to take your view of primitive    
society4' ,may we not suppose that      
government arose out of the union of    
single families who survived the        
destruction1 and were under the rule of 
patriarchs1 because they had originally 
descended from a single father and      

mother8 ',that is very probable4' ,as   
time went on1 men increased in number1  
and tilled the ground1 living in a      
common habitation1 which they protected 
by walls against wild beasts2 but the   
several families retained the laws and  
customs which they separately received  
from their first parents4 ,they would   
naturally like their own laws better    
than any others1 and would be already   
formed by them when they met in a common
 society3 thus legislation imperceptibly
 began among them4 ,for in the next     
stage the associated families would     
appoint plenipotentiaries1 who would    
select and present to the chiefs those  
of all their laws which they thought    
best4 ,the chiefs in turn would make a  
further selection1 and would thus become
 the lawgivers of the state1 which they 
would form into an aristocracy or a     
monarchy4 ',probably4' ,in the third    
stage various other forms of government 
would arise4 ,this state of society is  
described by ,homer in speaking of the  

foundation of ,dardania1 which1 he says1
    'was built at the foot of           
many-fountained ,ida1 for ,ilium1    the
 city of the plain1 as yet was not4'    
,here1 as also in the account of the    
,cyclopes1 the poet by some divine      
inspiration has attained truth4 ,but to 
proceed with our tale4 ,ilium was built 
in a wide plain1 on a low hill1 which   
was surrounded by streams descending    
from ,ida4 ,this shows that many ages   
must have passed2 for the men who       
remembered the deluge would never have  
placed their city at the mercy of the   
waters4 ,when mankind began to multiply1
 many other cities were built in similar
 situations4 ,these cities carried on a 
ten years' war against ,troy1 by sea as 
well as land1 for men were ceasing to be
 afraid of the sea1 and1 in the         
meantime1 while the chiefs of the army  
were at ,troy1 their homes fell into    
confusion4 ,the youth revolted and      
refused to receive their own fathers2   
deaths1 murders1 exiles ensued4 ,under  

the new name of ,dorians1 which they    
received from their chief ,dorieus1 the 
exiles returned3 the rest of the story  
is part of the history of ,sparta4      
,thus1 after digressing from the subject
 of laws into music and drinking1 we    
return to the settlement of ,sparta1    
which in laws and institutions is the   
sister of ,crete4 ,we have seen the rise
 of a first1 second1 and third state1   
during the lapse of ages2 and now we    
arrive at a fourth state1 and out of the
 comparison of all four we propose to   
gather the nature of laws and           
governments1 and the changes which may  
be desirable in them4 ',if1' replies the
 ,spartan1 'our new discussion is likely
 to be as good as the last1 ,i would    
think the longest day too short for such
 an employment4'  ,let us imagine the   
time when ,lacedaemon1 and ,argos1 and  
,messene were all subject1 ,megillus1 to
 your ancestors4 ,afterwards1 they      
distributed the army into three         
portions1 and made three cities--,argos1

 ,messene1 ,lacedaemon4 ',yes4' ,temenus
 was the king of ,argos1 ,cresphontes of
 ,messene1 ,procles and ,eurysthenes    
ruled at ,lacedaemon4 ',just so4' ,and  
they all swore to assist any one of     
their number whose kingdom was          
subverted4 ',yes4' ,but did we not say  
that kingdoms or governments can only be
 subverted by themselves8 ',that is     
true4' ,yes1 and the truth is now proved
 by facts3 there were certain conditions
 upon which the three kingdoms were to  
assist one another2 the government was  
to be mild and the people obedient1 and 
the kings and people were to unite in   
assisting either of the two others when 
they were wronged4 ,this latter         
condition was a great security4         
',clearly4' ,such a provision is in     
opposition to the common notion that the
 lawgiver should make only such laws as 
the people like2 but we say that he     
should rather be like a physician1      
prepared to effect a cure even at the   
cost of considerable suffering4 ',very  

true4' ,the early lawgivers had another 
great advantage--they were saved from   
the reproach which attends a division of
 land and the abolition of debts4 ,no   
one could quarrel with the ,dorians for 
dividing the territory1 and they had no 
debts of long standing4 ',they had not4'
 ,then what was the reason why their    
legislation signally failed8 ,for there 
were three kingdoms1 two of them quickly
 lost their original constitution4 ,that
 is a question which we cannot refuse to
 answer1 if we mean to proceed with our 
old man's game of enquiring into laws   
and institutions4 ,and the ,dorian      
institutions are more worthy of         
consideration than any other1 having    
been evidently intended to be a         
protection not only to the ,peloponnese1
 but to all the ,hellenes against the   
,barbarians4 ,for the capture of ,troy  
by the ,achaeans had given great offence
 to the ,assyrians1 of whose empire it  
then formed part1 and they were likely  
to retaliate4 ,accordingly the royal    

,heraclid brothers devised their        
military constitution1 which was        
organised on a far better plan than the 
old ,trojan expedition2 and the ,dorians
 themselves were far superior to the    
,achaeans1 who had taken part in that   
expedition1 and had been conquered by   
them4 ,such a scheme1 undertaken by men 
who had shared with one another toils   
and dangers1 sanctioned by the ,delphian
 oracle1 under the guidance of the      
,heraclidae1 seemed to have a promise of
 permanence4 ',naturally4' ,yet this has
 not proved to be the case4 ,instead of 
the three being one1 they have always   
been at war2 had they been united1 in   
accordance with the original intention1 
they would have been invincible4  ,and  
what caused their ruin8 ,did you ever   
observe that there are beautiful things 
of which men often say1 ',what wonders  
they would have effected if rightly     
used8' and yet1 after all1 this may be a
 mistake4 ,and so ,i say of the         
,heraclidae and their expedition1 which 

,i may perhaps have been justified in   
admiring1 but which nevertheless        
suggests to me the general              
reflection1--',what wonders might not   
strength and military resources have    
accomplished1 if the possessor had only 
known how to use them6' ,for consider3  
if the generals of the army had only    
known how to arrange their forces1 might
 they not have given their subjects     
everlasting freedom1 and the power of   
doing what they would in all the world8 
',very true4' ,suppose a person to      
express his admiration of wealth or     
rank1 does he not do so under the idea  
that by the help of these he can attain 
his desires8 ,all men wish to obtain the
 control of all things1 and they are    
always praying for what they desire4    
',certainly4' ,and we ask for our       
friends what they ask for themselves4   
',yes4' ,dear is the son to the father1 
and yet the son1 if he is young and     
foolish1 will often pray to obtain what 
the father will pray that he may not    

obtain4 ',true4' ,and when the father1  
in the heat of youth or the dotage of   
age1 makes some rash prayer1 the son1   
like ,hippolytus1 may have reason to    
pray that the word of his father may be 
ineffectual4 ',you mean that a man      
should pray to have right desires1      
before he prays that his desires may be 
fulfilled2 and that wisdom should be the
 first object of our prayers8' ,yes2 and
 you will remember my saying that wisdom
 should be the principal aim of the     
legislator2 but you said that defence in
 war came first4 ,and ,i replied1 that  
there were four virtues1 whereas you    
acknowledged one only--courage1 and not 
wisdom which is the guide of all the    
rest4 ,and ,i repeat--in jest if you    
like1 but ,i am willing that you should 
receive my words in earnest--that 'the  
prayer of a fool is full of danger4' ,i 
will prove to you1 if you will allow me1
 that the ruin of those states was not  
caused by cowardice or ignorance in war1
 but by ignorance of human affairs4     

',pray proceed3 our attention will show 
better than compliments that we prize   
your words4' ,i maintain that ignorance 
is1 and always has been1 the ruin of    
states2 wherefore the legislator should 
seek to banish it from the state2 and   
the greatest ignorance is the love of   
what is known to be evil1 and the hatred
 of what is known to be good2 this is   
the last and greatest conflict of       
pleasure and reason in the soul4 ,i say 
the greatest1 because affecting the     
greater part of the soul2 for the       
passions are in the individual what the 
people are in a state4 ,and when they   
become opposed to reason or law1 and    
instruction no longer avails--that is   
the last and greatest ignorance of      
states and men4 ',i agree4' ,let this1  
then1 be our first principle3--,that the
 citizen who does not know how to choose
 between good and evil must not have    
authority1 although he possess great    
mental gifts1 and many accomplishments2 
for he is really a fool4 ,on the other  

hand1 he who has this knowledge may be  
unable either to read or swim2          
nevertheless1 he shall be counted wise  
and permitted to rule4 ,for how can     
there be wisdom where there is no       
harmony8--the wise man is the saviour1  
and he who is devoid of wisdom is the   
destroyer of states and households4     
,there are rulers and there are subjects
 in states4 ,and the first claim to rule
 is that of parents to rule over their  
children2 the second1 that of the noble 
to rule over the ignoble2 thirdly1 the  
elder must govern the younger2 in the   
fourth place1 the slave must obey his   
master2 fifthly1 there is the power of  
the stronger1 which the poet ,pindar    
declares to be according to nature2     
sixthly1 there is the rule of the wiser1
 which is also according to nature1 as  
,i must inform ,pindar1 if he does not  
know1 and is the rule of law over       
obedient subjects4 ',most true4' ,and   
there is a seventh kind of rule which   
the ,gods love1--in this the ruler is   

elected by lot4  ,then1 now1 we         
playfully say to him who fancies that it
 is easy to make laws3--,you see1       
legislator1 the many and inconsistent   
claims to authority2 here is a spring of
 troubles which you must stay4 ,and     
first of all you must help us to        
consider how the kings of ,argos and    
,messene in olden days destroyed their  
famous empire--did they forget the      
saying of ,hesiod1 that 'the half is    
better than the whole'8 ,and do we      
suppose that the ignorance of this truth
 is less fatal to kings than to peoples8
 ',probably the evil is increased by    
their way of life4' ,the kings of those 
days transgressed the laws and violated 
their oaths4 ,their deeds were not in   
harmony with their words1 and their     
folly1 which seemed to them wisdom1 was 
the ruin of the state4 ,and how could   
the legislator have prevented this      
evil8--the remedy is easy to see now1   
but was not easy to foresee at the time4
 ',what is the remedy8' ,the            

institutions of ,sparta may teach you1  
,megillus4 ,wherever there is excess1   
whether the vessel has too large a sail1
 or the body too much food1 or the mind 
too much power1 there destruction is    
certain4 ,and similarly1 a man who      
possesses arbitrary power is soon       
corrupted1 and grows hateful to his     
dearest friends4 ,in order to guard     
against this evil1 the ,god who watched 
over ,sparta gave you two kings instead 
of one1 that they might balance one     
another2 and further to lower the pulse 
of your body politic1 some human wisdom1
 mingled with divine power1 tempered the
 strength and self-sufficiency of youth 
with the moderation of age in the       
institution of your senate4 ,a third    
saviour bridled your rising and swelling
 power by ephors1 whom he assimilated to
 officers elected by lot3 and thus the  
kingly power was preserved1 and became  
the preserver of all the rest4 ,had the 
constitution been arranged by the       
original legislators1 not even the      

portion of ,aristodemus would have been 
saved2 for they had no political        
experience1 and imagined that a youthful
 spirit invested with power could be    
restrained by oaths4 ,now that ,god has 
instructed us in the arts of            
legislation1 there is no merit in seeing
 all this1 or in learning wisdom after  
the event4 ,but if the coming danger    
could have been foreseen1 and the union 
preserved1 then no ,persian or other    
enemy would have dared to attack        
,hellas2 and indeed there was not so    
much credit to us in defeating the      
enemy1 as discredit in our disloyalty to
 one another4 ,for of the three cities  
one only fought on behalf of ,hellas2   
and of the two others1 ,argos refused   
her aid2 and ,messenia was actually at  
war with ,sparta3 and if the            
,lacedaemonians and ,athenians had not  
united1 the ,hellenes would have been   
absorbed in the ,persian empire1 and    
dispersed among the barbarians4 ,we make
 these reflections upon past and present

 legislators because we desire to find  
out what other course could have been   
followed4 ,we were saying just now1 that
 a state can only be free and wise and  
harmonious when there is a balance of   
powers4 ,there are many words by which  
we express the aims of the              
legislator1--temperance1 wisdom1        
friendship2 but we need not be disturbed
 by the variety of expression1--these   
words have all the same meaning4 ',i    
should like to know at what in your     
opinion the legislator should aim4'     
,hear me1 then4 ,there are two mother   
forms of states--one monarchy1 and the  
other democracy3 the ,persians have the 
first in the highest form1 and the      
,athenians the second2 and no government
 can be well administered which does not
 include both4 ,there was a time when   
both the ,persians and ,athenians had   
more the character of a constitutional  
state than they now have4 ,in the days  
of ,cyrus the ,persians were freemen as 
well as lords of others1 and their      

soldiers were free and equal1 and the   
kings used and honoured all the talent  
which they could find1 and so the nation
 waxed great1 because there was freedom 
and friendship and communion of soul4   
,but ,cyrus1 though a wise general1     
never troubled himself about the        
education of his family4 ,he was a      
soldier from his youth upward1 and left 
his children who were born in the purple
 to be educated by women1 who humoured  
and spoilt them4 ',a rare education1    
truly6' ,yes1 such an education as      
princesses who had recently grown rich  
might be expected to give them in a     
country where the men were solely       
occupied with warlike pursuits4 ',likely
 enough4' ,their father had possessions 
of men and animals1 and never considered
 that the race to whom he was about to  
make them over had been educated in a   
very different school1 not like the     
,persian shepherd1 who was well able to 
take care of himself and his own4 ,he   
did not see that his children had been  

brought up in the ,median fashion1 by   
women and eunuchs4 ,the end was that one
 of the sons of ,cyrus slew the other1  
and lost the kingdom by his own folly4  
,observe1 again1 that ,darius1 who      
restored the kingdom1 had not received a
 royal education4 ,he was one of the    
seven chiefs1 and when he came to the   
throne he divided the empire into seven 
provinces2 and he made equal laws1 and  
implanted friendship among the people4  
,hence his subjects were greatly        
attached to him1 and cheerfully helped  
him to extend his empire4 ,next followed
 ,xerxes1 who had received the same     
royal education as ,cambyses1 and met   
with a similar fate4 ,the reflection    
naturally occurs to us--,how could      
,darius1 with all his experience1 have  
made such a mistake6 ,the ruin of       
,xerxes was not a mere accident1 but the
 evil life which is generally led by the
 sons of very rich and royal persons2   
and this is what the legislator has     
seriously to consider4 ,justly may the  

,lacedaemonians be praised for not      
giving special honour to birth or       
wealth2 for such advantages are not to  
be highly esteemed without virtue1 and  
not even virtue is to be esteemed unless
 it be accompanied by temperance4       
',explain4' ,no one would like to live  
in the same house with a courageous man 
who had no control over himself1 nor    
with a clever artist who was a rogue4   
,nor can justice and wisdom ever be     
separated from temperance4 ,but         
considering these qualities with        
reference to the honour and dishonour   
which is to be assigned to them in      
states1 would you say1 on the other     
hand1 that temperance1 if existing      
without the other virtues in the soul1  
is worth anything or nothing8 ',i cannot
 tell4' ,you have answered well4 ,it    
would be absurd to speak of temperance  
as belonging to the class of honourable 
or of dishonourable qualities1 because  
all other virtues in their various      
classes require temperance to be added  

to them2 having the addition1 they are  
honoured not in proportion to that1 but 
to their own excellence4 ,and ought not 
the legislator to determine these       
classes8 ',certainly4' ,suppose then    
that1 without going into details1 we    
make three great classes of them4 ,most 
honourable are the goods of the soul1   
always assuming temperance as a         
condition of them2 secondly1 those of   
the body2 thirdly1 external possessions4
 ,the legislator who puts them in       
another order is doing an unholy and    
unpatriotic thing4  ,these remarks were 
suggested by the history of the ,persian
 kings2 and to them ,i will now return4 
,the ruin of their empire was caused by 
the loss of freedom and the growth of   
despotism2 all community of feeling     
disappeared4 ,hatred and spoliation took
 the place of friendship2 the people no 
longer fought heartily for their        
masters2 the rulers1 finding their      
myriads useless on the field of battle1 
resorted to mercenaries as their only   

salvation1 and were thus compelled by   
their circumstances to proclaim the     
stupidest of falsehoods--that virtue is 
a trifle in comparison of money4  ,but  
enough of the ,persians3 a different    
lesson is taught by the ,athenians1     
whose example shows that a limited      
freedom is far better than an unlimited4
 ,ancient ,athens1 at the time of the   
,persian invasion1 had such a limited   
freedom4 ,the people were divided into  
four classes1 according to the amount of
 their property1 and the universal love 
of order1 as well as the fear of the    
approaching host1 made them obedient and
 willing citizens4 ,for ,darius had sent
 ,datis and ,artaphernes1 commanding    
them under pain of death to subjugate   
the ,eretrians and ,athenians4 ,a       
report1 whether true or not1 came to    
,athens that all the ,eretrians had been
 'netted'2 and the ,athenians in terror 
sent all over ,hellas for assistance4   
,none came to their relief except the   
,lacedaemonians1 and they arrived a day 

too late1 when the battle of ,marathon  
had been already fought4 ,in process of 
time ,xerxes came to the throne1 and the
 ,athenians heard of nothing but the    
bridge over the ,hellespont1 and the    
canal of ,athos1 and the innumerable    
host and fleet4 ,they knew that these   
were intended to avenge the defeat of   
,marathon4 ,their case seemed desperate1
 for there was no ,hellene likely to    
assist them by land1 and at sea they    
were attacked by more than a thousand   
vessels2--their only hope1 however      
slender1 was in victory2 so they relied 
upon themselves and upon the ,gods4     
,their common danger1 and the influence 
of their ancient constitution1 greatly  
tended to promote harmony among them4   
,reverence and fear--that fear which the
 coward never knows--made them fight for
 their altars and their homes1 and saved
 them from being dispersed all over the 
world4 ',your words1 ,athenian1 are     
worthy of your country4' ,and you       
,megillus1 who have inherited the       

virtues of your ancestors1 are worthy to
 hear them4 ,let me ask you to take the 
moral of my tale4 ,the ,persians have   
lost their liberty in absolute slavery1 
and we in absolute freedom4 ,in ancient 
times the ,athenian people were not the 
masters1 but the servants of the laws4  
',of what laws8' ,in the first place1   
there were laws about music1 and the    
music was of various kinds3 there was   
one kind which consisted of hymns1      
another of lamentations2 there was also 
the paean and the dithyramb1 and the    
so-called 'laws' 7nomoi7 or strains1    
which were played upon the harp4 ,the   
regulation of such matters was not left 
to the whistling and clapping of the    
crowd2 there was silence while the      
judges decided1 and the boys1 and the   
audience in general1 were kept in order 
by raps of a stick4 ,but after a while  
there arose a new race of poets1 men of 
genius certainly1 however careless of   
musical truth and propriety1 who made   
pleasure the only criterion of          

excellence4 ,that was a test which the  
spectators could apply for themselves2  
the whole audience1 instead of being    
mute1 became vociferous1 and a          
theatrocracy took the place of an       
aristocracy4 ,could the judges have been
 free1 there would have been no great   
harm done2 a musical democracy would    
have been well enough--but conceit has  
been our ruin4 ,everybody knows         
everything1 and is ready to say         
anything2 the age of reverence is gone1 
and the age of irreverence and          
licentiousness has succeeded4 ',most    
true4' ,and with this freedom comes     
disobedience to rulers1 parents1        
elders1--in the latter days to the law  
also2 the end returns to the beginning1 
and the old ,titanic nature             
reappears--men have no regard for the   
,gods or for oaths2 and the evils of the
 human race seem as if they would never 
cease4 ,whither are we running away8    
,once more we must pull up the argument 
with bit and curb1 lest1 as the proverb 

says1 we should fall off our ass4       
',good4' ,our purpose in what we have   
been saying is to prove that the        
legislator ought to aim at securing for 
a state three things--freedom1          
friendship1 wisdom4 ,and we chose two   
states2--one was the type of freedom1   
and the other of despotism2 and we      
showed that when in a mean they attained
 their highest perfection4 ,in a similar
 spirit we spoke of the ,dorian         
expedition1 and of the settlement on the
 hills and in the plains of ,troy2 and  
of music1 and the use of wine1 and of   
all that preceded4  ,and now1 has our   
discussion been of any use8 ',yes1      
stranger2 for by a singular coincidence 
the ,cretans are about to send out a    
colony1 of which the settlement has been
 confided to the ,cnosians4 ,ten        
commissioners1 of whom ,i am one1 are to
 give laws to the colonists1 and we may 
give any which we please--,cretan or    
foreign4 ,and therefore let us make a   
selection from what has been said1 and  

then proceed with the construction of   
the state4' ,very good3 ,i am quite at  
your service4 ',and ,i too1' says       
,megillus4  ,,book ,,iv4 ,and now1 what 
is this city8 ,i do not want to know    
what is to be the name of the place 7for
 some accident1--a river or a local     
deity1 will determine that71 but what   
the situation is1 whether maritime or   
inland4 ',the city will be about eleven 
miles from the sea4' ,are there         
harbours8 ',excellent4' ,and is the     
surrounding country self-supporting8    
',almost4' ,any neighbouring states8    
',no2 and that is the reason for        
choosing the place1 which has been      
deserted from time immemorial4' ,and is 
there a fair proportion of hill and     
plain and wood8 ',like ,crete in        
general1 more hill than plain4' ,then   
there is some hope for your citizens2   
had the city been on the sea1 and       
dependent for support on other          
countries1 no human power could have    
preserved you from corruption4 ,even the

 distance of eleven miles is hardly     
enough4 ,for the sea1 although an       
agreeable1 is a dangerous companion1 and
 a highway of strange morals and manners
 as well as of commerce4 ,but as the    
country is only moderately fertile there
 will be no great export trade and no   
great returns of gold and silver1 which 
are the ruin of states4 ,is there timber
 for ship-building8 ',there is no pine1 
nor much cypress2 and very little       
stone-pine or plane wood for the        
interior of ships4' ,that is good4      
',why8' ,because the city will not be   
able to imitate the bad ways of her     
enemies4 ',what is the bearing of that  
remark8' ,to explain my meaning1 ,i     
would ask you to remember what we said  
about the ,cretan laws1 that they had an
 eye to war only2 whereas ,i maintained 
that they ought to have included all    
virtue4 ,and ,i hope that you in your   
turn will retaliate upon me if ,i am    
false to my own principle4 ,for ,i      
consider that the lawgiver should go    

straight to the mark of virtue and      
justice1 and disregard wealth and every 
other good when separated from virtue4  
,what further ,i mean1 when ,i speak of 
the imitation of enemies1 ,i will       
illustrate by the story of ,minos1 if   
our ,cretan friend will allow me to     
mention it4 ,minos1 who was a great     
sea-king1 imposed upon the ,athenians a 
cruel tribute1 for in those days they   
were not a maritime power2 they had no  
timber for ship-building1 and therefore 
they could not 'imitate their enemies'2 
and better far1 as ,i maintain1 would it
 have been for them to have lost many   
times over the lives which they devoted 
to the tribute than to have turned      
soldiers into sailors4 ,naval warfare is
 not a very praiseworthy art2 men should
 not be taught to leap on shore1 and    
then again to hurry back to their ships1
 or to find specious excuses for        
throwing away their arms2 bad customs   
ought not to be gilded with fine words4 
,and retreat is always bad1 as we are   

taught in ,homer1 when he introduces    
,odysseus1 setting forth to ,agamemnon  
the danger of ships being at hand when  
soldiers are disposed to fly4 ,an army  
of lions trained in such ways would fly 
before a herd of deer4 ,further1 a city 
which owes its preservation to a crowd  
of pilots and oarsmen and other         
undeserving persons1 cannot bestow      
rewards of honour properly2 and this is 
the ruin of states4 ',still1 in ,crete  
we say that the battle of ,salamis was  
the salvation of ,hellas4' ,such is the 
prevailing opinion4 ,but ,i and         
,megillus say that the battle of        
,marathon began the deliverance1 and    
that the battle of ,plataea completed   
it2 for these battles made men better1  
whereas the battles of ,salamis and     
,artemisium made them no better4 ,and we
 further affirm that mere existence is  
not the great political good of         
individuals or states1 but the          
continuance of the best existence4      
',certainly4' ,let us then endeavour to 

follow this principle in colonization   
and legislation4  ,and first1 let me ask
 you who are to be the colonists8 ,may  
any one come from any city of ,crete8   
,for you would surely not send a general
 invitation to all ,hellas4 ,yet ,i     
observe that in ,crete there are people 
who have come from ,argos and ,aegina   
and other places4 ',our recruits will be
 drawn from all ,crete1 and of other    
,hellenes we should prefer              
,peloponnesians4 ,as you observe1 there 
are ,argives among the ,cretans2        
moreover the ,gortynians1 who are the   
best of all ,cretans1 have come from    
,gortys in ,peloponnesus4'              
,colonization is in some ways easier    
when the colony goes out in a swarm from
 one country1 owing to the pressure of  
population1 or revolution1 or war4 ,in  
this case there is the advantage that   
the new colonists have a community of   
race1 language1 and laws4 ,but then     
again1 they are less obedient to the    
legislator2 and often they are anxious  

to keep the very laws and customs which 
caused their ruin at home4 ,a mixed     
multitude1 on the other hand1 is more   
tractable1 although there is a          
difficulty in making them pull together4
 ,there is nothing1 however1 which      
perfects men's virtue more than         
legislation and colonization4 ,and yet  
,i have a word to say which may seem to 
be depreciatory of legislators4 ',what  
is that8'  ,i was going to make the     
saddening reflection1 that accidents of 
all sorts are the true                  
legislators1--wars and pestilences and  
famines and the frequent recurrence of  
bad seasons4 ,the observer will be      
inclined to say that almost all human   
things are chance2 and this is certainly
 true about navigation and medicine1 and
 the art of the general4 ,but there is  
another thing which may equally be said4
 ',what is it8' ,that ,god governs all  
things1 and that chance and opportunity 
co-operate with ,him4 ,and according to 
yet a third view1 art has part with     

them1 for surely in a storm it is well  
to have a pilot8 ,and the same is true  
of legislation3 even if circumstances   
are favourable1 a skilful lawgiver is   
still necessary4 ',most true4' ,all     
artists would pray for certain          
conditions under which to exercise their
 art3 and would not the legislator do   
the same8 ',certainly8' ,come1          
legislator1 let us say to him1 and what 
are the conditions which you would have8
 ,he will answer1 ,grant me a city which
 is ruled by a tyrant2 and let the      
tyrant be young1 mindful1 teachable1    
courageous1 magnanimous2 and let him    
have the inseparable condition of all   
virtue1 which is temperance--not        
prudence1 but that natural temperance   
which is the gift of children and       
animals1 and is hardly reckoned among   
goods--with this he must be endowed1 if 
the state is to acquire the form most   
conducive to happiness in the speediest 
manner4 ,and ,i must add one other      
condition3 the tyrant must be fortunate1

 and his good fortune must consist in   
his having the co-operation of a great  
legislator4 ,when ,god has done all     
this1 ,he has done the best which ,he   
can for a state2 not so well if ,he has 
given them two legislators instead of   
one1 and less and less well if ,he has  
given them a great many4 ,an orderly    
tyranny most easily passes into the     
perfect state2 in the second degree1 a  
monarchy2 in the third degree1 a        
democracy2 an oligarchy is worst of all4
 ',i do not understand4' ,i suppose that
 you have never seen a city which is    
subject to a tyranny8 ',i have no desire
 to see one4' ,you would have seen what 
,i am describing1 if you ever had4 ,the 
tyrant can speedily change the manners  
of a state1 and affix the stamp of      
praise or blame on any action which he  
pleases2 for the citizens readily follow
 the example which he sets4 ,there is no
 quicker way of making changes2 but     
there is a counterbalancing difficulty4 
,it is hard to find the divine love of  

temperance and justice existing in any  
powerful form of government1 whether in 
a monarchy or an oligarchy4 ,in olden   
days there were chiefs like ,nestor1 who
 was the most eloquent and temperate of 
mankind1 but there is no one his equal  
now4 ,if such an one ever arises among  
us1 blessed will he be1 and blessed they
 who listen to his words4 ,for where    
power and wisdom and temperance meet in 
one1 there are the best laws and        
constitutions4 ,i am endeavouring to    
show you how easy under the conditions  
supposed1 and how difficult under any   
other1 is the task of giving a city good
 laws4 ',how do you mean8' ,let us old  
men attempt to mould in words a         
constitution for your new state1 as     
children make figures out of wax4       
',proceed4 ,what constitution shall we  
give--democracy1 oligarchy1 or          
aristocracy8' ,to which of these        
classes1 ,megillus1 do you refer your   
own state8 ',the ,spartan constitution  
seems to me to contain all these        

elements4 ,our state is a democracy and 
also an aristocracy2 the power of the   
,ephors is tyrannical1 and we have an   
ancient monarchy4' ',much the same1'    
adds ,cleinias1 'may be said of         
,cnosus4' ,the reason is that you have  
polities1 but other states are mere     
aggregations of men dwelling together1  
which are named after their several     
ruling powers2 whereas a state1 if an   
'ocracy' at all1 should be called a     
theocracy4 ,a tale of old will explain  
my meaning4 ,there is a tradition of a  
golden age1 in which all things were    
spontaneous and abundant4 ,cronos1 then 
lord of the world1 knew that no mortal  
nature could endure the temptations of  
power1 and therefore he appointed demons
 or demi-gods1 who are of a superior    
race1 to have dominion over man1 as man 
has dominion over the animals4 ,they    
took care of us with great ease and     
pleasure to themselves1 and no less to  
us2 and the tradition says that only    
when ,god1 and not man1 is the ruler1   

can the human race cease from ill4 ,this
 was the manner of life which prevailed 
under ,cronos1 and which we must strive 
to follow so far as the principle of    
immortality still abides in us and we   
live according to law and the dictates  
of right reason4 ,but in an oligarchy or
 democracy1 when the governing principle
 is athirst for pleasure1 the laws are  
trampled under foot1 and there is no    
possibility of salvation4 ,is it not    
often said that there are as many forms 
of laws as there are governments1 and   
that they have no concern either with   
any one virtue or with all virtue1 but  
are relative to the will of the         
government8 ,which is as much as to say 
that 'might makes right4' ',what do you 
mean8' ,i mean that governments enact   
their own laws1 and that every          
government makes self-preservation its  
principal aim4 ,he who transgresses the 
laws is regarded as an evil-doer1 and   
punished accordingly4 ,this was one of  
the unjust principles of government     

which we mentioned when speaking of the 
different claims to rule4 ,we were      
agreed that parents should rule their   
children1 the elder the younger1 the    
noble the ignoble4 ,but there were also 
several other principles1 and among them
 ,pindar's 'law of violence4' ,to whom  
then is our state to be entrusted8 ,for 
many a government is only a victorious  
faction which has a monopoly of power1  
and refuses any share to the conquered1 
lest when they get into office they     
should remember their wrongs4 ,such     
governments are not polities1 but       
parties2 nor are any laws good which are
 made in the interest of particular     
classes only1 and not of the whole4 ,and
 in our state ,i mean to protest against
 making any man a ruler because he is   
rich1 or strong1 or noble4 ,but those   
who are obedient to the laws1 and who   
win the victory of obedience1 shall be  
promoted to the service of the ,gods    
according to the degree of their        
obedience4 ,when ,i call the ruler the  

servant or minister of the law1 this is 
not a mere paradox1 but ,i mean to say  
that upon a willingness to obey the law 
the existence of the state depends4     
',truly1 ,stranger1 you have a keen     
vision4' ,why1 yes2 every man when he is
 old has his intellectual vision most   
keen4 ,and now shall we call in our     
colonists and make a speech to them8    
,friends1 we say to them1 ,god holds in 
,his hand the beginning1 middle1 and end
 of all things1 and ,he moves in a      
straight line towards the accomplishment
 of ,his will4 ,justice always bears    
,him company1 and punishes those who    
fall short of ,his laws4 ,he who would  
be happy follows humbly in her train2   
but he who is lifted up with pride1 or  
wealth1 or honour1 or beauty1 is soon   
deserted by ,god1 and1 being deserted1  
he lives in confusion and disorder4 ,to 
many he seems a great man2 but in a     
short time he comes to utter            
destruction4 ,wherefore1 seeing these   
things1 what ought we to do or think8   

',every man ought to follow ,god4' ,what
 life1 then1 is pleasing to ,god8 ,there
 is an old saying that 'like agrees with
 like1 measure with measure1' and ,god  
ought to be our measure in all things4  
,the temperate man is the friend of ,god
 because he is like ,him1 and the       
intemperate man is not ,his friend1     
because he is not like ,him4 ,and the   
conclusion is1 that the best of all     
things for a good man is to pray and    
sacrifice to the ,gods2 but the bad man 
has a polluted soul2 and therefore his  
service is wasted upon the ,gods1 while 
the good are accepted of them4 ,i have  
told you the mark at which we ought to  
aim4 ,you will say1 ,how1 and with what 
weapons8 ,in the first place we affirm1 
that after the ,olympian ,gods and the  
,gods of the state1 honour should be    
given to the ,gods below1 and to them   
should be offered everything in even    
numbers and of the second choice2 the   
auspicious odd numbers and everything of
 the first choice are reserved for the  

,gods above4 ,next demi-gods or spirits 
must be honoured1 and then heroes1 and  
after them family gods1 who will be     
worshipped at their local seats         
according to law4 ,further1 the honour  
due to parents should not be forgotten2 
children owe all that they have to them1
 and the debt must be repaid by kindness
 and attention in old age4 ,no          
unbecoming word must be uttered before  
them2 for there is an avenging angel who
 hears them when they are angry1 and the
 child should consider that the parent  
when he has been wronged has a right to 
be angry4 ,after their death let them   
have a moderate funeral1 such as their  
fathers have had before them2 and there 
shall be an annual commemoration of     
them4 ,living on this wise1 we shall be 
accepted of the ,gods1 and shall pass   
our days in good hope4 ,the law will    
determine all our various duties towards
 relatives and friends and other        
citizens1 and the whole state will be   
happy and prosperous4 ,but if the       

legislator would persuade as well as    
command1 he will add prefaces to his    
laws which will predispose the citizens 
to virtue4 ,even a little accomplished  
in the way of gaining the hearts of men 
is of great value4 ,for most men are in 
no particular haste to become good4 ,as 
,hesiod says3  ',long and steep is the  
first half of the way to virtue1 ,but   
when you have reached the top the rest  
is easy4'  ',those are excellent words4'
 ,yes2 but may ,i tell you the effect   
which the preceding discourse has had   
upon me8 ,i will express my meaning in  
an address to the lawgiver3--,o         
lawgiver1 if you know what we ought to  
do and say1 you can surely tell us2--you
 are not like the poet1 who1 as you were
 just now saying1 does not know the     
effect of his own words4 ,and the poet  
may reply1 that when he sits down on the
 tripod of the ,muses he is not in his  
right mind1 and that being a mere       
imitator he may be allowed to say all   
sorts of opposite things1 and cannot    

tell which of them is true4 ,but this   
licence cannot be allowed to the        
lawgiver4 ,for example1 there are three 
kinds of funerals2 one of them is       
excessive1 another mean1 a third        
moderate1 and you say that the last is  
right4 ,now if ,i had a rich wife1 and  
she told me to bury her1 and ,i were to 
sing of her burial1 ,i should praise the
 extravagant kind2 a poor man would     
commend a funeral of the meaner sort1   
and a man of moderate means would prefer
 a moderate funeral4 ,but you1 as       
legislator1 would have to say exactly   
what you meant by 'moderate4' ',very    
true4' ,and is our lawgiver to have no  
preamble or interpretation of his laws1 
never offering a word of advice to his  
subjects1 after the manner of some      
doctors8 ,for of doctors are there not  
two kinds8 ,the one gentle and the other
 rough1 doctors who are freemen and     
learn themselves and teach their pupils 
scientifically1 and doctor's assistants 
who get their knowledge empirically by  

attending on their masters8 ',of course 
there are4' ,and did you ever observe   
that the gentlemen doctors practise upon
 freemen1 and that slave doctors confine
 themselves to slaves8 ,the latter go   
about the country or wait for the slaves
 at the dispensaries4 ,they hold no     
parley with their patients about their  
diseases or the remedies of them2 they  
practise by the rule of thumb1 and give 
their decrees in the most arbitrary     
manner4 ,when they have doctored one    
patient they run off to another1 whom   
they treat with equal assurance1 their  
duty being to relieve the master of the 
care of his sick slaves4 ,but the other 
doctor1 who practises on freemen1       
proceeds in quite a different way4 ,he  
takes counsel with his patient and      
learns from him1 and never does anything
 until he has persuaded him of what he  
is doing4 ,he trusts to influence rather
 than force4 ,now is not the use of both
 methods far better than the use of     
either alone8 ,and both together may be 

advantageously employed by us in        
legislation4  ,we may illustrate our    
proposal by an example4 ,the laws       
relating to marriage naturally come     
first1 and therefore we may begin with  
them4 ,the simple law would be as       
follows3--,a man shall marry between the
 ages of thirty and thirty-five2 if he  
do not1 he shall be fined or deprived of
 certain privileges4 ,the double law    
would add the reason why3 ,forasmuch as 
man desires immortality1 which he       
attains by the procreation of children1 
no one should deprive himself of his    
share in this good4 ,he who obeys the   
law is blameless1 but he who disobeys   
must not be a gainer by his celibacy2   
and therefore he shall pay a yearly     
fine1 and shall not be allowed to       
receive honour from the young4 ,that is 
an example of what ,i call the double   
law1 which may enable us to judge how   
far the addition of persuasion to       
threats is desirable4 ',lacedaemonians  
in general1 ,stranger1 are in favour of 

brevity2 in this case1 however1 ,i      
prefer length4 ,but ,cleinias is the    
real lawgiver1 and he ought to be first 
consulted4' ',thank you1 ,megillus4'    
,whether words are to be many or few1 is
 a foolish question3--the best and not  
the shortest forms are always to be     
approved4 ,and legislators have never   
thought of the advantages which they    
might gain by using persuasion as well  
as force1 but trust to force only4 ,and 
,i have something else to say about the 
matter4 ,here have we been from early   
dawn until noon1 discoursing about laws1
 and all that we have been saying is    
only the preamble of the laws which we  
are about to give4 ,i tell you this1    
because ,i want you to observe that     
songs and strains have all of them      
preludes1 but that laws1 though called  
by the same name 7nomoi71 have never any
 prelude4 ,now ,i am disposed to give   
preludes to laws1 dividing them into two
 parts--one containing the despotic     
command1 which ,i described under the   

image of the slave doctor--the other the
 persuasive part1 which ,i term the     
preamble4 ,the legislator should give   
preludes or preambles to his laws4      
',that shall be the way in my colony4'  
,i am glad that you agree with me2 this 
is a matter which it is important to    
remember4 ,a preamble is not always     
necessary to a law3 the lawgiver must   
determine when it is needed1 as the     
musician determines when there is to be 
a prelude to a song4 ',most true3 and   
now1 having a preamble1 let us          
recommence our discourse4' ,enough has  
been said of ,gods and parents1 and we  
may proceed to consider what relates to 
the citizens--their souls1 bodies1      
properties1--their occupations and      
amusements2 and so arrive at the nature 
of education4  ,the first word of the   
,laws somewhat abruptly introduces the  
thought which is present to the mind of 
,plato throughout the work1 namely1 that
 ,law is of divine origin4 ,in the words
 of a great ,english writer--',her seat 

is the bosom of ,god1 her voice the     
harmony of the world4' ,though the      
particular laws of ,sparta and ,crete   
had a narrow and imperfect aim1 this is 
not true of divine laws1 which are based
 upon the principles of human nature1   
and not framed to meet the exigencies of
 the moment4 ,they have their natural   
divisions1 too1 answering to the kinds  
of virtue2 very unlike the discordant   
enactments of an ,athenian assembly or  
of an ,english ,parliament4 ,yet we may 
observe two inconsistencies in ,plato's 
treatment of the subject3 first1 a      
lesser1 inasmuch as he does not clearly 
distinguish the ,cretan and ,spartan    
laws1 of which the exclusive aim is war1
 from those other laws of ,zeus and     
,apollo which are said to be divine1 and
 to comprehend all virtue4 ,secondly1 we
 may retort on him his own complaint    
against ,sparta and ,crete1 that he has 
himself given us a code of laws1 which  
for the most part have a military       
character2 and that we cannot point to  

'obvious examples of similar            
institutions which are concerned with   
pleasure2' at least there is only one   
such1 that which relates to the         
regulation of convivial intercourse4    
,the military spirit which is condemned 
by him in the beginning of the ,laws1   
reappears in the seventh and eighth     
books4  ,the mention of ,minos the great
 lawgiver1 and of ,rhadamanthus the     
righteous administrator of the law1     
suggests the two divisions of the laws  
into enactments and appointments of     
officers4 ,the legislator and the judge 
stand side by side1 and their functions 
cannot be wholly distinguished4 ,for the
 judge is in some sort a legislator1 at 
any rate in small matters2 and his      
decisions growing into precedents1 must 
determine the innumerable details which 
arise out of the conflict of            
circumstances4 ,these ,plato proposes to
 leave to a younger generation of       
legislators4 ,the action of courts of   
law in making law seems to have escaped 

him1 probably because the ,athenian     
law-courts were popular assemblies2 and1
 except in a mythical form1 he can      
hardly be said to have had before his   
eyes the ideal of a judge4 ,in reading  
the ,laws of ,plato1 or any other       
ancient writing about ,laws1 we should  
consider how gradual the process is by  
which not only a legal system1 but the  
administration of a court of law1       
becomes perfected4  ,there are other    
subjects on which ,plato breaks ground1 
as his manner is1 early in the work4    
,first1 he gives a sketch of the subject
 of laws2 they are to comprehend the    
whole of human life1 from infancy to    
age1 and from birth to death1 although  
the proposed plan is far from being     
regularly executed in the books which   
follow1 partly owing to the necessity of
 describing the constitution as well as 
the laws of his new colony4 ,secondly1  
he touches on the power of music1 which 
may exercise so great an influence on   
the character of men for good or evil2  

he refers especially to the great       
offence--which he mentions again1 and   
which he had condemned in the           
,republic--of varying the modes and     
rhythms1 as well as to that of          
separating the words from the music4    
,thirdly1 he reprobates the prevalence  
of unnatural loves in ,sparta and       
,crete1 which he attributes to the      
practice of syssitia and gymnastic      
exercises1 and considers to be almost   
inseparable from them4 ,to this subject 
he again returns in the eighth book4    
,fourthly1 the virtues are affirmed to  
be inseparable from one another1 even if
 not absolutely one2 this1 too1 is a    
principle which he reasserts at the     
conclusion of the work4 ,as in the      
beginnings of ,plato's other writings1  
we have here several 'notes' struck1    
which form the preludes of longer       
discussions1 although the hint is less  
ingeniously given1 and the promise more 
imperfectly fulfilled than in the       
earlier dialogues4  ,the distinction    

between ethics and politics has not yet 
dawned upon ,plato's mind4 ,to him1 law 
is still floating in a region between   
the two4 ,he would have desired that all
 the acts and laws of a state should    
have regard to all virtue4 ,but he did  
not see that politics and law are       
subject to their own conditions1 and are
 distinguished from ethics by natural   
differences4 ,the actions of which      
politics take cognisance are necessarily
 collective or representative2 and law  
is limited to external acts which affect
 others as well as the agents4 ,ethics1 
on the other hand1 include the whole    
duty of man in relation both to himself 
and others4 ,but ,plato has never       
reflected on these differences4 ,he     
fancies that the life of the state can  
be as easily fashioned as that of the   
individual4 ,he is favourable to a      
balance of power1 but never seems to    
have considered that power might be so  
balanced as to produce an absolute      
immobility in the state4 ,nor is he     

alive to the evils of confounding vice  
and crime2 or to the necessity of       
governments abstaining from excessive   
interference with their subjects4  ,yet 
this confusion of ethics and politics   
has also a better and a truer side4 ,if 
unable to grasp some important          
distinctions1 ,plato is at any rate     
seeking to elevate the lower to the     
higher2 he does not pull down the       
principles of men to their practice1 or 
narrow the conception of the state to   
the immediate necessities of politics4  
,political ideals of freedom and        
equality1 of a divine government which  
has been or will be in some other age or
 country1 have greatly tended to educate
 and ennoble the human race4 ,and if not
 the first author of such ideals 7for   
they are as old as ,hesiod71 ,plato has 
done more than any other writer to      
impress them on the world4 ,to those who
 censure his idealism we may reply in   
his own words--',he is not the worse    
painter who draws a perfectly beautiful 

figure1 because no such figure of a man 
could ever have existed' 7,republic74   
,a new thought about education suddenly 
occurs to him1 and for a time exercises 
a sort of fascination over his mind1    
though in the later books of the ,laws  
it is forgotten or overlooked4 ,as true 
courage is allied to temperance1 so     
there must be an education which shall  
train mankind to resist pleasure as well
 as to endure pain4 ,no one can be on   
his guard against that of which he has  
no experience4 ,the perfectly trained   
citizen should have been accustomed to  
look his enemy in the face1 and to      
measure his strength against her4 ,this 
education in pleasure is to be given1   
partly by festive intercourse1 but      
chiefly by the song and dance4 ,youth   
are to learn music and gymnastics2 their
 elders are to be trained and tested at 
drinking parties4 ,according to the old 
proverb1 in vino veritas1 they will then
 be open and visible to the world in    
their true characters2 and also they    

will be more amenable to the laws1 and  
more easily moulded by the hand of the  
legislator4 ,the first reason is curious
 enough1 though not important2 the      
second can hardly be thought deserving  
of much attention4 ,yet if ,plato means 
to say that society is one of the       
principal instruments of education in   
after-life1 he has expressed in an      
obscure fashion a principle which is    
true1 and to his contemporaries was also
 new4 ,that at a banquet a degree of    
moral discipline might be exercised is  
an original thought1 but ,plato has not 
yet learnt to express his meaning in an 
abstract form4 ,he is sensible that     
moderation is better than total         
abstinence1 and that asceticism is but a
 one-sided training4 ,he makes the      
sagacious remark1 that 'those who are   
able to resist pleasure may often be    
among the worst of mankind4' ,he is as  
much aware as any modern utilitarian    
that the love of pleasure is the great  
motive of human action4 ,this cannot be 

eradicated1 and must therefore be       
regulated1--the pleasure must be of the 
right sort4 ,such reflections seem to be
 the real1 though imperfectly expressed1
 groundwork of the discussion4 ,as in   
the juxtaposition of the ,bacchic       
madness and the great gift of ,dionysus1
 or where he speaks of the different    
senses in which pleasure is and is not  
the object of imitative art1 or in the  
illustration of the failure of the      
,dorian institutions from the prayer of 
,theseus1 we have to gather his meaning 
as well as we can from the connexion4   
,the feeling of old age is discernible  
in this as well as in several other     
passages of the ,laws4 ,plato has       
arrived at the time when men sit still  
and look on at life2 and he is willing  
to allow himself and others the few     
pleasures which remain to them4 ,wine is
 to cheer them now that their limbs are 
old and their blood runs cold4 ,they are
 the best critics of dancing and music1 
but cannot be induced to join in song   

unless they have been enlivened by      
drinking4 ,youth has no need of the     
stimulus of wine1 but age can only be   
made young again by its invigorating    
influence4 ,total abstinence for the    
young1 moderate and increasing potations
 for the old1 is ,plato's principle4    
,the fire1 of which there is too much in
 the one1 has to be brought to the      
other4 ,drunkenness1 like madness1 had a
 sacredness and mystery to the ,greek2  
if1 on the one hand1 as in the case of  
the ,tarentines1 it degraded a whole    
population1 it was also a mode of       
worshipping the god ,dionysus1 which was
 to be practised on certain occasions4  
,moreover1 the intoxication produced by 
the fruit of the vine was very different
 from the grosser forms of drunkenness  
which prevail among some modern nations4
  ,the physician in modern times would  
restrict the old man's use of wine      
within narrow limits4 ,he would tell us 
that you cannot restore strength by a   
stimulus4 ,wine may call back the vital 

powers in disease1 but cannot           
reinvigorate old age4 ,in his maxims of 
health and longevity1 though aware of   
the importance of a simple diet1 ,plato 
has omitted to dwell on the perfect rule
 of moderation4 ,his commendation of    
wine is probably a passing fancy1 and   
may have arisen out of his own habits or
 tastes4 ,if so1 he is not the only     
philosopher whose theory has been based 
upon his practice4  ,plato's denial of  
wine to the young and his approval of it
 for their elders has some points of    
view which may be illustrated by the    
temperance controversy of our own times4
 ,wine may be allowed to have a         
religious as well as a festive use2 it  
is commended both in the ,old and ,new  
,testament2 it has been sung of by      
nearly all poets2 and it may be truly   
said to have a healing influence both on
 body and mind4 ,yet it is also very    
liable to excess and abuse1 and for this
 reason is prohibited by ,mahometans1 as
 well as of late years by many          

,christians1 no less than by the ancient
 ,spartans2 and to sound its praises    
seriously seems to partake of the nature
 of a paradox4 ,but we may rejoin with  
,plato that the abuse of a good thing   
does not take away the use of it4 ,total
 abstinence1 as we often say1 is not the
 best rule1 but moderate indulgence2 and
 it is probably true that a temperate   
use of wine may contribute some elements
 of character to social life which we   
can ill afford to lose4 ,it draws men   
out of their reserve2 it helps them to  
forget themselves and to appear as they 
by nature are when not on their guard1  
and therefore to make them more human   
and greater friends to their fellow-men4
 ,it gives them a new experience2 it    
teaches them to combine self-control    
with a measure of indulgence2 it may    
sometimes restore to them the simplicity
 of childhood4 ,we entirely agree with  
,plato in forbidding the use of wine to 
the young2 but when we are of mature age
 there are occasions on which we derive 

refreshment and strength from moderate  
potations4 ,it is well to make          
abstinence the rule1 but the rule may   
sometimes admit of an exception4 ,we are
 in a higher1 as well as in a lower     
sense1 the better for the use of wine4  
,the question runs up into wider        
ones--,what is the general effect of    
asceticism on human nature8 and1 ,must  
there not be a certain proportion       
between the aspirations of man and his  
powers8--questions which have been often
 discussed both by ancient and modern   
philosophers4 ,so by comparing things   
old and new we may sometimes help to    
realize to ourselves the meaning of     
,plato in the altered circumstances of  
our own life4  ,like the importance     
which he attaches to festive            
entertainments1 his depreciation of     
courage to the fourth place in the scale
 of virtue appears to be somewhat       
rhetorical and exaggerated4 ,but he is  
speaking of courage in the lower sense  
of the term1 not as including loyalty or

 temperance4 ,he does not insist in this
 passage1 as in the ,protagoras1 on the 
unity of the virtues2 or1 as in the     
,laches1 on the identity of wisdom and  
courage4 ,but he says that they all     
depend upon their leader mind1 and that1
 out of the union of wisdom and         
temperance with courage1 springs        
justice4 ,elsewhere he is disposed to   
regard temperance rather as a condition 
of all virtue than as a particular      
virtue4 ,he generalizes temperance1 as  
in the ,republic he generalizes justice4
 ,the nature of the virtues is to run up
 into one another1 and in many passages 
,plato makes but a faint effort to      
distinguish them4 ,he still quotes the  
poets1 somewhat enlarging1 as his manner
 is1 or playing with their meaning4 ,the
 martial poet ,tyrtaeus1 and the        
oligarch ,theognis1 furnish him with    
happy illustrations of the two sorts of 
courage4 ,the fear of fear1 the division
 of goods into human and divine1 the    
acknowledgment that peace and           

reconciliation are better than the      
appeal to the sword1 the analysis of    
temperance into resistance of pleasure  
as well as endurance of pain1 the       
distinction between the education which 
is suitable for a trade or profession1  
and for the whole of life1 are important
 and probably new ethical conceptions4  
,nor has ,plato forgotten his old       
paradox 7,gorgias7 that to be punished  
is better than to be unpunished1 when he
 says1 that to the bad man death is the 
only mitigation of his evil4 ,he is not 
less ideal in many passages of the ,laws
 than in the ,gorgias or ,republic4 ,but
 his wings are heavy1 and he is unequal 
to any sustained flight4  ,there is more
 attempt at dramatic effect in the first
 book than in the later parts of the    
work4 ,the outburst of martial spirit in
 the ,lacedaemonian1 ',o best of men'2  
the protest which the ,cretan makes     
against the supposed insult to his      
lawgiver2 the cordial acknowledgment on 
the part of both of them that laws      

should not be discussed publicly by     
those who live under their rule2 the    
difficulty which they alike experience  
in following the speculations of the    
,athenian1 are highly characteristic4   
,in the second book1 ,plato pursues     
further his notion of educating by a    
right use of pleasure4 ,he begins by    
conceiving an endless power of youthful 
life1 which is to be reduced to rule and
 measure by harmony and rhythm4 ,men    
differ from the lower animals in that   
they are capable of musical discipline4 
,but music1 like all art1 must be truly 
imitative1 and imitative of what is true
 and good4 ,art and morality agree in   
rejecting pleasure as the criterion of  
good4 ,true art is inseparable from the 
highest and most ennobling ideas4 ,plato
 only recognizes the identity of        
pleasure and good when the pleasure is  
of the higher kind4 ,he is the enemy of 
'songs without words1' which he supposes
 to have some confusing or enervating   
effect on the mind of the hearer2 and he

 is also opposed to the modern          
degeneracy of the drama1 which he would 
probably have illustrated1 like         
,aristophanes1 from ,euripides and      
,agathon4 ,from this passage may be     
gathered a more perfect conception of   
art than from any other of ,plato's     
writings4 ,he understands that art is at
 once imitative and ideal1 an exact     
representation of truth1 and also a     
representation of the highest truth4    
,the same double view of art may be     
gathered from a comparison of the third 
and tenth books of the ,republic1 but is
 here more clearly and pointedly        
expressed4  ,we are inclined to suspect 
that both here and in the ,republic     
,plato exaggerates the influence really 
exercised by the song and the dance4    
,but we must remember also the          
susceptible nature of the ,greek1 and   
the perfection to which these arts were 
carried by him4 ,further1 the music had 
a sacred and ,pythagorean character2 the
 dance too was part of a religious      

festival4 ,and only at such festivals   
the sexes mingled in public1 and the    
youths passed under the eyes of their   
elders4  ,at the beginning of the third 
book1 ,plato abruptly asks the question1
 ,what is the origin of states8 ,the    
answer is1 ,infinite time4 ,we have     
already seen--in the ,theaetetus1 where 
he supposes that in the course of ages  
every man has had numberless            
progenitors1 kings and slaves1 ,greeks  
and barbarians2 and in the ,critias1    
where he says that nine thousand years  
have elapsed since the island of        
,atlantis fought with ,athens--that     
,plato is no stranger to the conception 
of long periods of time4 ,he imagines   
human society to have been interrupted  
by natural convulsions2 and beginning   
from the last of these1 he traces the   
steps by which the family has grown into
 the state1 and the original scattered  
society1 becoming more and more         
civilised1 has finally passed into      
military organizations like those of    

,crete and ,sparta4 ,his conception of  
the origin of states is far truer in the
 ,laws than in the ,republic2 but it    
must be remembered that here he is      
giving an historical1 there an ideal    
picture of the growth of society4       
,modern enquirers1 like ,plato1 have    
found in infinite ages the explanation  
not only of states1 but of languages1   
men1 animals1 the world itself2 like    
him1 also1 they have detected in later  
institutions the vestiges of a          
patriarchal state still surviving4 ,thus
 far ,plato speaks as 'the spectator of 
all time and all existence1' who may be 
thought by some divine instinct to have 
guessed at truths which were hereafter  
to be revealed4 ,he is far above the    
vulgar notion that ,hellas is the       
civilized world 7,statesman71 or that   
civilization only began when the        
,hellenes appeared on the scene4 ,but he
 has no special knowledge of 'the days  
before the flood'2 and when he          
approaches more historical times1 in    

preparing the way for his own theory of 
mixed government1 he argues partially   
and erroneously4 ,he is desirous of     
showing that unlimited power is ruinous 
to any state1 and hence he is led to    
attribute a tyrannical spirit to the    
first ,dorian kings4 ,the decay of      
,argos and the destruction of ,messene  
are adduced by him as a manifest proof  
of their failure2 and ,sparta1 he       
thinks1 was only preserved by the       
limitations which the wisdom of         
successive legislators introduced into  
the government4 ,but there is no more   
reason to suppose that the ,dorian rule 
of life which was followed at ,sparta   
ever prevailed in ,argos and ,messene1  
than to assume that ,dorian institutions
 were framed to protect the ,greeks     
against the power of ,assyria2 or that  
the empire of ,assyria was in any way   
affected by the ,trojan war2 or that the
 return of the ,heraclidae was only the 
return of ,achaean exiles1 who received 
a new name from their leader ,dorieus4  

,such fancies were chiefly based1 as far
 as they had any foundation1 on the use 
of analogy1 which played a great part in
 the dawn of historical and geographical
 research4 ,because there was a ,persian
 empire which was the natural enemy of  
the ,greek1 there must also have been an
 ,assyrian empire1 which had a similar  
hostility2 and not only the fable of the
 island of ,atlantis1 but the ,trojan   
war1 in ,plato's mind derived some      
features from the ,persian struggle4 ,so
 ,herodotus makes the ,nile answer to   
the ,ister1 and the valley of the ,nile 
to the ,red ,sea4 ,in the ,republic1    
,plato is flying in the air regardless  
of fact and possibility--in the ,laws1  
he is making history by analogy4 ,in the
 former1 he appears to be like some     
modern philosophers1 absolutely devoid  
of historical sense2 in the latter1 he  
is on a level1 not with ,thucydides1 or 
the critical historians of ,greece1 but 
with ,herodotus1 or even with ,ctesias4 
,the chief object of ,plato in tracing  

the origin of society is to show the    
point at which regular government       
superseded the patriarchical authority1 
and the separate customs of different   
families were systematized by           
legislators1 and took the form of laws  
consented to by them all4 ,according to 
,plato1 the only sound principle on     
which any government could be based was 
a mixture or balance of power4 ,the     
balance of power saved ,sparta1 when the
 two other ,heraclid states fell into   
disorder4 ,here is probably the first   
trace of a political idea1 which has    
exercised a vast influence both in      
ancient and modern times4 ,and yet we   
might fairly ask1 a little parodying the
 language of ,plato--,o legislator1 is  
unanimity only 'the struggle for        
existence'2 or is the balance of powers 
in a state better than the harmony of   
them8  ,in the fourth book we approach  
the realities of politics1 and ,plato   
begins to ascend to the height of his   
great argument4 ,the reign of ,cronos   

has passed away1 and various forms of   
government have succeeded1 which are all
 based on self-interest and             
self-preservation4 ,right and wrong1    
instead of being measured by the will of
 ,god1 are created by the law of the    
state4 ,the strongest assertions are    
made of the purely spiritual nature of  
religion--',without holiness no man is  
accepted of ,god'2 and of the duty of   
filial obedience1--',honour thy         
parents4' ,the legislator must teach    
these precepts as well as command them4 
,he is to be the educator as well as the
 lawgiver of future ages1 and his laws  
are themselves to form a part of the    
education of the state4 ,unlike the     
poet1 he must be definite and rational2 
he cannot be allowed to say one thing at
 one time1 and another thing at         
another--he must know what he is about4 
,and yet legislation has a poetical or  
rhetorical element1 and must find words 
which will wing their way to the hearts 
of men4 ,laws must be promulgated before

 they are put in execution1 and mankind 
must be reasoned with before they are   
punished4 ,the legislator1 when he      
promulgates a particular law1 will      
courteously entreat those who are       
willing to hear his voice4 ,upon the    
rebellious only does the heavy blow     
descend4 ,a sermon and a law in one1    
blending the secular punishment with the
 religious sanction1 appeared to ,plato 
a new idea which might have a great     
result in reforming the world4 ,the     
experiment had never been tried of      
reasoning with mankind2 the laws of     
others had never had any preambles1 and 
,plato seems to have great pleasure in  
contemplating his discovery4  ,in these 
quaint forms of thought and language1   
great principles of morals and          
legislation are enunciated by him for   
the first time4 ,they all go back to    
mind and ,god1 who holds the beginning1 
middle1 and end of all things in ,his   
hand4 ,the adjustment of the divine and 
human elements in the world is conceived

 in the spirit of modern popular        
philosophy1 differing not much in the   
mode of expression4 ,at first sight the 
legislator appears to be impotent1 for  
all things are the sport of chance4 ,but
 we admit also that ,god governs all    
things1 and that chance and opportunity 
co-operate with ,him 7compare the       
saying1 that chance is the name of the  
unknown cause74 ,lastly1 while we       
acknowledge that ,god and chance govern 
mankind and provide the conditions of   
human action1 experience will not allow 
us to deny a place to art4 ,we know that
 there is a use in having a pilot1      
though the storm may overwhelm him2 and 
a legislator is required to provide for 
the happiness of a state1 although he   
will pray for favourable conditions     
under which he may exercise his art4    
,,book ,v4 ,hear now1 all ye who heard  
the laws about ,gods and ancestors3 ,of 
all human possessions the soul is most  
divine1 and most truly a man's own4 ,for
 in every man there are two parts--a    

better which rules1 and an inferior     
which serves2 and the ruler is to be    
preferred to the servant4 ,wherefore ,i 
bid every one next after the ,gods to   
honour his own soul1 and he can only    
honour her by making her better4 ,a man 
does not honour his soul by flattery1 or
 gifts1 or self-indulgence1 or conceit  
of knowledge1 nor when he blames others 
for his own errors2 nor when he indulges
 in pleasure or refuses to bear pain2   
nor when he thinks that life at any     
price is a good1 because he fears the   
world below1 which1 far from being an   
evil1 may be the greatest good2 nor when
 he prefers beauty to virtue--not       
reflecting that the soul1 which came    
from heaven1 is more honourable than the
 body1 which is earth-born2 nor when he 
covets dishonest gains1 of which no     
amount is equal in value to virtue2--in 
a word1 when he counts that which the   
legislator pronounces evil to be good1  
he degrades his soul1 which is the      
divinest part of him4 ,he does not      

consider that the real punishment of    
evil-doing is to grow like evil men1 and
 to shun the conversation of the good3  
and that he who is joined to such men   
must do and suffer what they by nature  
do and say to one another1 which        
suffering is not justice but            
retribution4 ,for justice is noble1 but 
retribution is only the companion of    
injustice4 ,and whether a man escapes   
punishment or not1 he is equally        
miserable2 for in the one case he is not
 cured1 and in the other case he        
perishes that the rest may be saved4    
,the glory of man is to follow the      
better and improve the inferior4 ,and   
the soul is that part of man which is   
most inclined to avoid the evil and     
dwell with the good4 ,wherefore also the
 soul is second only to the ,gods in    
honour1 and in the third place the body 
is to be esteemed1 which often has a    
false honour4 ,for honour is not to be  
given to the fair or the strong1 or the 
swift or the tall1 or to the healthy1   

any more than to their opposites1 but to
 the mean states of all these habits2   
and so of property and external goods4  
,no man should heap up riches that he   
may leave them to his children4 ,the    
best condition for them as for the state
 is a middle one1 in which there is a   
freedom without luxury4 ,and the best   
inheritance of children is modesty4 ,but
 modesty cannot be implanted by         
admonition only--the elders must set the
 example4 ,he who would train the young 
must first train himself4  ,he who      
honours his kindred and family may      
fairly expect that the ,gods will give  
him children4 ,he who would have friends
 must think much of their favours to    
him1 and little of his to them4 ,he who 
prefers to an ,olympic1 or any other    
victory1 to win the palm of obedience to
 the laws1 serves best both the state   
and his fellow-citizens4 ,engagements   
with strangers are to be deemed most    
sacred1 because the stranger1 having    
neither kindred nor friends1 is         

immediately under the protection of     
,zeus1 the ,god of strangers4 ,a prudent
 man will not sin against the stranger2 
and still more carefully will he avoid  
sinning against the suppliant1 which is 
an offence never passed over by the     
,gods4  ,i will now speak of those      
particulars which are matters of praise 
and blame only1 and which1 although not 
enforced by the law1 greatly affect the 
disposition to obey the law4 ,truth has 
the first place among the gifts of ,gods
 and men1 for truth begets trust2 but he
 is not to be trusted who loves         
voluntary falsehood1 and he who loves   
involuntary falsehood is a fool4        
,neither the ignorant nor the           
untrustworthy man is happy2 for they    
have no friends in life1 and die        
unlamented and untended4 ,good is he who
 does no injustice--better who prevents 
others from doing any--best of all who  
joins the rulers in punishing injustice4
 ,and this is true of goods and virtues 
in general2 he who has and communicates 

them to others is the man of men2 he who
 would1 if he could1 is second-best2 he 
who has them and is jealous of imparting
 them to others is to be blamed1 but the
 good or virtue which he has is to be   
valued still4 ,let every man contend in 
the race without envy2 for the unenvious
 man increases the strength of the city2
 himself foremost in the race1 he harms 
no one with calumny4 ,whereas the       
envious man is weak himself1 and drives 
his rivals to despair with his slanders1
 thus depriving the whole city of       
incentives to the exercise of virtue1   
and tarnishing her glory4 ,every man    
should be gentle1 but also passionate2  
for he must have the spirit to fight    
against incurable and malignant evil4   
,but the evil which is remediable should
 be dealt with more in sorrow than      
anger4 ,he who is unjust is to be pitied
 in any case2 for no man voluntarily    
does evil or allows evil to exist in his
 soul4 ,and therefore he who deals with 
the curable sort must be long-suffering 

and forbearing2 but the incurable shall 
have the vials of our wrath poured out  
upon him4 ,the greatest of all evils is 
self-love1 which is thought to be       
natural and excusable1 and is enforced  
as a duty1 and yet is the cause of many 
errors4 ,the lover is blinded about the 
beloved1 and prefers his own interests  
to truth and right2 but the truly great 
man seeks justice before all things4    
,self-love is the source of that        
ignorant conceit of knowledge which is  
always doing and never succeeding4      
,wherefore let every man avoid          
self-love1 and follow the guidance of   
those who are better than himself4      
,there are lesser matters which a man   
should recall to mind2 for wisdom is    
like a stream1 ever flowing in and out1 
and recollection flows in when knowledge
 is failing4 ,let no man either laugh or
 grieve overmuch2 but let him control   
his feelings in the day of good- or     
ill-fortune1 believing that the ,gods   
will diminish the evils and increase the

 blessings of the righteous4 ,these are 
thoughts which should ever occupy a good
 man's mind2 he should remember them    
both in lighter and in more serious     
hours1 and remind others of them4  ,so  
much of divine matters and the relation 
of man to ,god4 ,but man is man1 and    
dependent on pleasure and pain2 and     
therefore to acquire a true taste       
respecting either is a great matter4    
,and what is a true taste8 ,this can    
only be explained by a comparison of one
 life with another4 ,pleasure is an     
object of desire1 pain of avoidance2 and
 the absence of pain is to be preferred 
to pain1 but not to pleasure4 ,there are
 infinite kinds and degrees of both of  
them1 and we choose the life which has  
more pleasure and avoid that which has  
less2 but we do not choose that life in 
which the elements of pleasure are      
either feeble or equally balanced with  
pain4 ,all the lives which we desire are
 pleasant2 the choice of any others is  
due to inexperience4  ,now there are    

four lives--the temperate1 the rational1
 the courageous1 the healthful2 and to  
these let us oppose four others--the    
intemperate1 the foolish1 the cowardly1 
the diseased4 ,the temperate life has   
gentle pains and pleasures and placid   
desires1 the intemperate life has       
violent delights1 and still more violent
 desires4 ,and the pleasures of the     
temperate exceed the pains1 while the   
pains of the intemperate exceed the     
pleasures4 ,but if this is true1 none   
are voluntarily intemperate1 but all who
 lack temperance are either ignorant or 
wanting in self-control3 for men always 
choose the life which 7as they think7   
exceeds in pleasure4 ,the wise1 the     
healthful1 the courageous life have a   
similar advantage--they also exceed     
their opposites in pleasure4 ,and1      
generally speaking1 the life of virtue  
is far more pleasurable and honourable1 
fairer and happier far1 than the life of
 vice4 ,let this be the preamble of our 
laws2 the strain will follow4  ,as in a 

web the warp is stronger than the woof1 
so should the rulers be stronger than   
their half-educated subjects4 ,let us   
suppose1 then1 that in the constitution 
of a state there are two parts1 the     
appointment of the rulers1 and the laws 
which they have to administer4 ,but1    
before going further1 there are some    
preliminary matters which have to be    
considered4  ,as of animals1 so also of 
men1 a selection must be made2 the bad  
breed must be got rid of1 and the good  
retained4 ,the legislator must purify   
them1 and if he be not a despot he will 
find this task to be a difficult one4   
,the severer kinds of purification are  
practised when great offenders are      
punished by death or exile1 but there is
 a milder process which is necessary    
when the poor show a disposition to     
attack the property of the rich1 for    
then the legislator will send them off  
to another land1 under the name of a    
colony4 ,in our case1 however1 we shall 
only need to purify the streams before  

they meet4 ,this is often a troublesome 
business1 but in theory we may suppose  
the operation performed1 and the desired
 purity attained4 ,evil men we will     
hinder from coming1 and receive the good
 as friends4  ,like the old ,heraclid   
colony1 we are fortunate in escaping the
 abolition of debts and the distribution
 of land1 which are difficult and       
dangerous questions4 ,but1 perhaps1 now 
that we are speaking of the subject1 we 
ought to say how1 if the danger existed1
 the legislator should try to avert it4 
,he would have recourse to prayers1 and 
trust to the healing influence of time4 
,he would create a kindly spirit between
 creditors and debtors3 those who have  
should give to those who have not1 and  
poverty should be held to be rather the 
increase of a man's desires than the    
diminution of his property4 ,good-will  
is the only safe and enduring foundation
 of the political society2 and upon this
 our city shall be built4 ,the lawgiver1
 if he is wise1 will not proceed with   

the arrangement of the state until all  
disputes about property are settled4    
,and for him to introduce fresh grounds 
of quarrel would be madness4  ,let us   
now proceed to the distribution of our  
state1 and determine the size of the    
territory and the number of the         
allotments4 ,the territory should be    
sufficient to maintain the citizens in  
moderation1 and the population should be
 numerous enough to defend themselves1  
and sometimes to aid their neighbours4  
,we will fix the number of citizens at  
#ejdj1 to which the number of houses and
 portions of land shall correspond4 ,let
 the number be divided into two parts   
and then into three2 for it is very     
convenient for the purposes of          
distribution1 and is capable of         
fifty-nine divisions1 ten of which      
proceed without interval from one to    
ten4 ,here are numbers enough for war   
and peace1 and for all contracts and    
dealings4 ,these properties of numbers  
are true1 and should be ascertained with

 a view to use4  ,in carrying out the   
distribution of the land1 a prudent     
legislator will be careful to respect   
any provision for religious worship     
which has been sanctioned by ancient    
tradition or by the oracles of ,delphi1 
,dodona1 or ,ammon4 ,all sacrifices1 and
 altars1 and temples1 whatever may be   
their origin1 should remain as they are4
 ,every division should have a patron   
,god or hero2 to these a portion of the 
domain should be appropriated1 and at   
their temples the inhabitants of the    
districts should meet together from time
 to time1 for the sake of mutual help   
and friendship4 ,all the citizens of a  
state should be known to one another2   
for where men are in the dark about each
 other's characters1 there can be no    
justice or right administration4 ,every 
man should be true and single-minded1   
and should not allow himself to be      
deceived by others4  ,and now the game  
opens1 and we begin to move the pieces4 
,at first sight1 our constitution may   

appear singular and ill-adapted to a    
legislator who has not despotic power2  
but on second thoughts will be deemed to
 be1 if not the very best1 the second   
best4 ,for there are three forms of     
government1 a first1 a second1 and a    
third best1 out of which ,cleinias has  
now to choose4 ,the first and highest   
form is that in which friends have all  
things in common1 including wives and   
property1--in which they have common    
fears1 hopes1 desires1 and do not even  
call their eyes or their hands their    
own4 ,this is the ideal state2 than     
which there never can be a truer or     
better--a state1 whether inhabited by   
,gods or sons of ,gods1 which will make 
the dwellers therein blessed4 ,here is  
the pattern on which we must ever fix   
our eyes2 but we are now concerned with 
another1 which comes next to it1 and we 
will afterwards proceed to a third4     
,inasmuch as our citizens are not fitted
 either by nature or education to       
receive the saying1 ,friends have all   

things in common1 let them retain their 
houses and private property1 but use    
them in the service of their country1   
who is their ,god and parent1 and of the
 ,gods and demigods of the land4 ,their 
first care should be to preserve the    
number of their lots4 ,this may be      
secured in the following manner3 when   
the possessor of a lot dies1 he shall   
leave his lot to his best-beloved child1
 who will become the heir of all duties 
and interests1 and will minister to the 
,gods and to the family1 to the living  
and to the dead4 ,of the remaining      
children1 the females must be given in  
marriage according to the law to be     
hereafter enacted2 the males may be     
assigned to citizens who have no        
children of their own4 ,how to equalize 
families and allotments will be one of  
the chief cares of the guardians of the 
laws4 ,when parents have too many       
children they may give to those who have
 none1 or couples may abstain from      
having children1 or1 if there is a want 

of offspring1 special care may be taken 
to obtain them2 or if the number of     
citizens becomes excessive1 we may send 
away the surplus to found a colony4 ,if1
 on the other hand1 a war or plague     
diminishes the number of inhabitants1   
new citizens must be introduced2 and    
these ought not1 if possible1 to be men 
of low birth or inferior training2 but  
even ,god1 it is said1 cannot always    
fight against necessity4  ,wherefore we 
will thus address our citizens3--,good  
friends1 honour order and equality1 and 
above all the number #ejdj4 ,secondly1  
respect the original division of the    
lots1 which must not be infringed by    
buying and selling1 for the law says    
that the land which a man has is sacred 
and is given to him by ,god4 ,and       
priests and priestesses will offer      
frequent sacrifices and pray that he who
 alienates either house or lot may      
receive the punishment which he         
deserves1 and their prayers shall be    
inscribed on tablets of cypress-wood for

 the instruction of posterity4 ,the     
guardians will keep a vigilant watch    
over the citizens1 and they will punish 
those who disobey ,god and the law4  ,to
 appreciate the benefit of such an      
institution a man requires to be well   
educated2 for he certainly will not make
 a fortune in our state1 in which all   
illiberal occupations are forbidden to  
freemen4 ,the law also provides that no 
private person shall have gold or       
silver1 except a little coin for daily  
use1 which will not pass current in     
other countries4 ,the state must also   
possess a common ,hellenic currency1 but
 this is only to be used in defraying   
the expenses of expeditions1 or of      
embassies1 or while a man is on foreign 
travels2 but in the latter case he must 
deliver up what is over1 when he comes  
back1 to the treasury in return for an  
equal amount of local currency1 on pain 
of losing the sum in question2 and he   
who does not inform against an offender 
is to be mulcted in a like sum4 ,no     

money is to be given or taken as a      
dowry1 or to be lent on interest4 ,the  
law will not protect a man in recovering
 either interest or principal4 ,all     
these regulations imply that the aim of 
the legislator is not to make the city  
as rich or as mighty as possible1 but   
the best and happiest4 ,now men can     
hardly be at the same time very virtuous
 and very rich4 ,and why8 ,because he   
who makes twice as much and saves twice 
as much as he ought1 receiving where he 
ought not and not spending where he     
ought1 will be at least twice as rich as
 he who makes money where he ought1 and 
spends where he ought4 ,on the other    
hand1 an utterly bad man is generally   
profligate and poor1 while he who       
acquires honestly1 and spends what he   
acquires on noble objects1 can hardly be
 very rich4 ,a very rich man is         
therefore not a good man1 and therefore 
not a happy one4 ,but the object of our 
laws is to make the citizens as friendly
 and happy as possible1 which they      

cannot be if they are always at law and 
injuring each other in the pursuit of   
gain4 ,and therefore we say that there  
is to be no silver or gold in the state1
 nor usury1 nor the rearing of the      
meaner kinds of live-stock1 but only    
agriculture1 and only so much of this as
 will not lead men to neglect that for  
the sake of which money is made1 first  
the soul and afterwards the body2       
neither of which are good for much      
without music and gymnastic4 ,money is  
to be held in honour last or third2 the 
highest interests being those of the    
soul1 and in the second class are to be 
ranked those of the body4 ,this is the  
true order of legislation1 which would  
be inverted by placing health before    
temperance1 and wealth before health4   
,it might be well if every man could    
come to the colony having equal         
property2 but equality is impossible1   
and therefore we must avoid causes of   
offence by having property valued and by
 equalizing taxation4 ,to this end1 let 

us make four classes in which the       
citizens may be placed according to the 
measure of their original property1 and 
the changes of their fortune4 ,the      
greatest of evils is revolution2 and    
this1 as the law will say1 is caused by 
extremes of poverty or wealth4 ,the     
limit of poverty shall be the lot1 which
 must not be diminished1 and may be     
increased fivefold1 but not more4 ,he   
who exceeds the limit must give up the  
excess to the state2 but if he does not1
 and is informed against1 the surplus   
shall be divided between the informer   
and the ,gods1 and he shall pay a sum   
equal to the surplus out ,of his own    
property4 ,all property other than the  
lot must be inscribed in a register1 so 
that any disputes which arise may be    
easily determined4  ,the city shall be  
placed in a suitable situation1 as      
nearly as possible in the centre of the 
country1 and shall be divided into      
twelve wards4 ,first1 we will erect an  
acropolis1 encircled by a wall1 within  

which shall be placed the temples of    
,hestia1 and ,zeus1 and ,athene4 ,from  
this shall be drawn lines dividing the  
city1 and also the country1 into twelve 
sections1 and the country shall be      
subdivided into #ejdj lots4 ,each lot   
shall contain two parts1 one at a       
distance1 the other near the city2 and  
the distance of one part shall be       
compensated by the nearness of the      
other1 the badness and goodness by the  
greater or less size4 ,twelve lots will 
be assigned to twelve ,gods1 and they   
will give their names to the tribes4    
,the divisions of the city shall        
correspond to those of the country2 and 
every man shall have two habitations1   
one near the centre of the country1 the 
other at the extremity4  ,the objection 
will naturally arise1 that all the      
advantages of which we have been        
speaking will never concur4 ,the        
citizens will not tolerate a settlement 
in which they are deprived of gold and  
silver1 and have the number of their    

families regulated1 and the sites of    
their houses fixed by law4 ,it will be  
said that our city is a mere image of   
wax4 ,and the legislator will answer3   
',i know it1 but ,i maintain that we    
ought to set forth an ideal which is as 
perfect as possible4 ,if difficulties   
arise in the execution of the plan1 we  
must avoid them and carry out the       
remainder4 ,but the legislator must     
first be allowed to complete his idea   
without interruption4'  ,the number     
twelve1 which we have chosen for the    
number of division1 must run through all
 parts of the state1--phratries1        
villages1 ranks of soldiers1 coins1 and 
measures wet and dry1 which are all to  
be made commensurable with one another4 
,there is no meanness in requiring that 
the smallest vessels should have a      
common measure2 for the divisions of    
number are useful in measuring height   
and depth1 as well as sounds and        
motions1 upwards or downwards1 or round 
and round4 ,the legislator should       

impress on his citizens the value of    
arithmetic4 ,no instrument of education 
has so much power2 nothing more tends to
 sharpen and inspire the dull intellect4
 ,but the legislator must be careful to 
instil a noble and generous spirit into 
the students1 or they will tend to      
become cunning rather than wise4 ,this  
may be proved by the example of the     
,egyptians and ,phoenicians1 who1       
notwithstanding their knowledge of      
arithmetic1 are degraded in their       
general character2 whether this defect  
in them is due to some natural cause or 
to a bad legislator4 ,for it is clear   
that there are great differences in the 
power of regions to produce good men3   
heat and cold1 and water and food1 have 
great effects both on body and soul2 and
 those spots are peculiarly fortunate in
 which the air is holy1 and the ,gods   
are pleased to dwell4 ,to all this the  
legislator must attend1 so far as in him
 lies4  ,,book ,,vi4 ,and now we are    
about to consider 7#a7 the appointment  

of magistrates2 7#b7 the laws which they
 will have to administer must be        
determined4 ,i may observe by the way   
that laws1 however good1 are useless and
 even injurious unless the magistrates  
are capable of executing them4 ,and     
therefore 7#a7 the intended rulers of   
our imaginary state should be tested    
from their youth upwards until the time 
of their election2 and 7#b7 those who   
are to elect them ought to be trained in
 habits of law1 that they may form a    
right judgment of good and bad men4 ,but
 uneducated colonists1 who are          
unacquainted with each other1 will not  
be likely to choose well4 ,what1 then1  
shall we do8 ,i will tell you3 ,the     
colony will have to be intrusted to the 
ten commissioners1 of whom you are one1 
and ,i will help you and them1 which is 
my reason for inventing this romance4   
,and ,i cannot bear that the tale should
 go wandering about the world without a 
head1--it will be such an ugly monster4 
',very good4' ,yes2 and ,i will be as   

good as my word1 if ,god be gracious and
 old age permit4 ,but let us not forget 
what a courageously mad creation this   
our city is4 ',what makes you say so8'  
,why1 surely our courage is shown in    
imagining that the new colonists will   
quietly receive our laws8 ,for no man   
likes to receive laws when they are     
first imposed3 could we only wait until 
those who had been educated under them  
were grown up1 and of an age to vote in 
the public elections1 there would be far
 greater reason to expect permanence in 
our institutions4 ',very true4' ,the    
,cnosian founders should take the utmost
 pains in the matter of the colony1 and 
in the election of the higher officers1 
particularly of the guardians of the    
law4 ,the latter should be appointed in 
this way3 ,the ,cnosians1 who take the  
lead in the colony1 together with the   
colonists1 will choose thirty-seven     
persons1 of whom nineteen will be       
colonists1 and the remaining eighteen   
,cnosians--you must be one of the       

eighteen yourself1 and become a citizen 
of the new state4 ',why do not you and  
,megillus join us8' ,athens is proud1   
and ,sparta too2 and they are both a    
long way off4 ,but let me proceed with  
my scheme4 ,when the state is           
permanently established1 the mode of    
election will be as follows3 ,all who   
are serving1 or have served1 in the army
 will be electors2 and the election will
 be held in the most sacred of the      
temples4 ,the voter will place on the   
altar a tablet1 inscribing thereupon the
 name of the candidate whom he prefers1 
and of his father1 tribe1 and ward1     
writing at the side of them his own name
 in like manner2 and he may take away   
any tablet which does not appear written
 to his mind1 and place it in the ,agora
 for thirty days4 ,the #cjj who obtain  
the greatest number of votes will be    
publicly announced1 and out of them     
there will be a second election of #ajj2
 and out of the #ajj a third and final  
election of thirty-seven1 accompanied by

 the solemnity of the electors passing  
through victims4 ,but then who is to    
arrange all this8 ,there is a common    
saying1 that the beginning is half the  
whole2 and ,i should say a good deal    
more than half4 ',most true4' ,the only 
way of making a beginning is from the   
parent city2 and though in after ages   
the tie may be broken1 and quarrels may 
arise between them1 yet in early days   
the child naturally looks to the mother 
for care and education4 ,and1 as ,i said
 before1 the ,cnosians ought to take an 
interest in the colony1 and select #ajj 
elders of their own citizens1 to whom   
shall be added #ajj of the colonists1 to
 arrange and supervise the first        
elections and scrutinies2 and when the  
colony has been started1 the ,cnosians  
may return home and leave the colonists 
to themselves4  ,the thirty-seven       
magistrates who have been elected in the
 manner described1 shall have the       
following duties3 first1 they shall be  
guardians of the law2 secondly1 of the  

registers of property in the four       
classes--not including the one1 two1    
three1 four minae1 which are allowed as 
a surplus4 ,he who is found to possess  
what is not entered in the registers1 in
 addition to the confiscation of such   
property shall be proceeded against by  
law1 and if he be cast he shall lose his
 share in the public property and in    
distributions of money2 and his sentence
 shall be inscribed in some public      
place4 ,the guardians are to continue in
 office twenty years only1 and to       
commence holding office at fifty years1 
or if elected at sixty they are not to  
remain after seventy4  ,generals have   
now to be elected1 and commanders of    
horse and brigadiers of foot4 ,the      
generals shall be natives of the city1  
proposed by the guardians of the law1   
and elected by those who are or have    
been of the age for military service4   
,any one may challenge the person       
nominated and start another candidate1  
whom he affirms upon oath to be better  

qualified4 ,the three who obtain the    
greatest number of votes shall be       
elected4 ,the generals thus elected     
shall propose the taxiarchs or          
brigadiers1 and the challenge may be    
made1 and the voting shall take place1  
in the same manner as before4 ,the      
elective assembly will be presided over 
in the first instance1 and until the    
prytanes and council come into being1 by
 the guardians of the law in some holy  
place2 and they shall divide the        
citizens into three                     
divisions1--hoplites1 cavalry1 and the  
rest of the army--placing each of them  
by itself4 ,all are to vote for generals
 and cavalry officers4 ,the brigadiers  
are to be voted for only by the         
hoplites4 ,next1 the cavalry are to     
choose phylarchs for the generals2 but  
captains of archers and other irregular 
troops are to be appointed by the       
generals themselves4 ,the               
cavalry-officers shall be proposed and  
voted upon by the same persons who vote 

for the generals4 ,the two who have the 
greatest number of votes shall be       
leaders of all the horse4 ,disputes     
about the voting may be raised once or  
twice1 but1 if a third time1 the        
presiding officers shall decide4  ,the  
council shall consist of #cfj1 who may  
be conveniently divided into four       
sections1 making ninety councillors of  
each class4 ,in the first place1 all the
 citizens shall select candidates from  
the first class2 and they shall be      
compelled to vote under pain of a fine4 
,this shall be the business of the first
 day4 ,on the second day a similar      
selection shall be made from the second 
class under the same conditions4 ,on the
 third day1 candidates shall be selected
 from the third class2 but the          
compulsion to vote shall only extend to 
the voters of the first three classes4  
,on the fourth day1 members of the      
council shall be selected from the      
fourth class2 they shall be selected by 
all1 but the compulsion to vote shall   

only extend to the second class1 who1 if
 they do not vote1 shall pay a fine of  
triple the amount which was exacted at  
first1 and to the first class1 who shall
 pay a quadruple fine4 ,on the fifth    
day1 the names shall be exhibited1 and  
out of them shall be chosen by all the  
citizens #ahj of each class3 these are  
severally to be reduced by lot to       
ninety1 and #ij x #d will form the      
council for the year4  ,the mode of     
election which has been described is a  
mean between monarchy and democracy1 and
 such a mean should ever be observed in 
the state4 ,for servants and masters    
cannot be friends1 and1 although        
equality makes friendship1 we must      
remember that there are two sorts of    
equality4 ,one of them is the rule of   
number and measure2 but there is also a 
higher equality1 which is the judgment  
of ,zeus4 ,of this he grants but little 
to mortal men2 yet that little is the   
source of the greatest good to cities   
and individuals4 ,it is proportioned to 

the nature of each man2 it gives more to
 the better and less to the inferior1   
and is the true political justice2 to   
this we in our state desire to look1 as 
every legislator should1 not to the     
interests either of tyrants or mobs4    
,but justice cannot always be strictly  
enforced1 and then equity and mercy have
 to be substituted3 and for a similar   
reason1 when true justice will not be   
endured1 we must have recourse to the   
rougher justice of the lot1 which ,god  
must be entreated to guide4  ,these are 
the principal means of preserving the   
state1 but perpetual care will also be  
required4 ,when a ship is sailing on the
 sea1 vigilance must not be relaxed     
night or day2 and the vessel of state is
 tossing in a political sea1 and        
therefore watch must continually succeed
 watch1 and rulers must join hands with 
rulers4 ,a small body will best perform 
this duty1 and therefore the greater    
part of the #cfj senators may be        
permitted to go and manage their own    

affairs1 but a twelfth portion must be  
set aside in each month for the         
administration of the state4 ,their     
business will be to receive information 
and answer embassies2 also they must    
endeavour to prevent or heal internal   
disorders2 and with this object they    
must have the control of all assemblies 
of the citizens4  ,besides the council1 
there must be wardens of the city and of
 the agora1 who will superintend houses1
 ways1 harbours1 markets1 and fountains1
 in the city and the suburbs1 and       
prevent any injury being done to them by
 man or beast4 ,the temples1 also1 will 
require priests and priestesses4 ,those 
who hold the priestly office by         
hereditary tenure shall not be          
disturbed2 but as there will probably be
 few or none such in a new colony1      
priests and priestesses shall be        
appointed for the ,gods who have no     
servants4 ,some of these officers shall 
be elected by vote1 some by lot2 and all
 classes shall mingle in a friendly     

manner at the elections4 ,the           
appointment of priests should be left to
 ,god1--that is1 to the lot2 but the    
person elected must prove that he is    
himself sound in body and of legitimate 
birth1 and that his family has been free
 from homicide or any other stain of    
impurity4 ,priests and priestesses are  
to be not less than sixty years of age1 
and shall hold office for a year only4  
,the laws which are to regulate matters 
of religion shall be brought from       
,delphi1 and interpreters appointed to  
superintend their execution4 ,these     
shall be elected in the following       
manner3--,the twelve tribes shall be    
formed into three bodies of four1 each  
of which shall select four candidates1  
and this shall be done three times3 of  
each twelve thus selected the three who 
receive the largest number of votes1    
nine in all1 after undergoing a scrutiny
 shall go to ,delphi1 in order that the 
,god may elect one out of each triad4   
,they shall be appointed for life2 and  

when any of them dies1 another shall be 
elected by the four tribes who made the 
original appointment4 ,there shall also 
be treasurers of the temples2 three for 
the greater temples1 two for the lesser1
 and one for those of least importance4 
,the defence of the city should be      
committed to the generals and other     
officers of the army1 and to the wardens
 of the city and agora4 ,the defence of 
the country shall be on this wise3--,the
 twelve tribes shall allot among        
themselves annually the twelve divisions
 of the country1 and each tribe shall   
appoint five wardens and commanders of  
the watch4 ,the five wardens in each    
division shall choose out of their own  
tribe twelve guards1 who are to be      
between twenty-five and thirty years of 
age4 ,both the wardens and the guards   
are to serve two years2 and they shall  
make a round of the divisions1 staying a
 month in each4 ,they shall go from     
,west to ,east during the first year1   
and back from ,east to ,west during the 

second4 ,thus they will gain a perfect  
knowledge of the country at every season
 of the year4  ,while on service1 their 
first duty will be to see that the      
country is well protected by means of   
fortifications and entrenchments2 they  
will use the beasts of burden and the   
labourers whom they find on the spot1   
taking care however not to interfere    
with the regular course of agriculture4 
,but while they thus render the country 
as inaccessible as possible to enemies1 
they will also make it as accessible as 
possible to friends by constructing and 
maintaining good roads4 ,they will      
restrain and preserve the rain which    
comes down from heaven1 making the      
barren places fertile1 and the wet      
places dry4 ,they will ornament the     
fountains with plantations and          
buildings1 and provide water for        
irrigation at all seasons of the year4  
,they will lead the streams to the      
temples and groves of the ,gods2 and in 
such spots the youth shall make gymnasia

 for themselves1 and warm baths for the 
aged2 there the rustic worn with toil   
will receive a kindly welcome1 and be   
far better treated than at the hands of 
an unskilful doctor4  ,these works will 
be both useful and ornamental2 but the  
sixty wardens must not fail to give     
serious attention to other duties4 ,for 
they must watch over the districts      
assigned to them1 and also act as       
judges4 ,in small matters the five      
commanders shall decide3 in greater     
matters up to three minae1 the five     
commanders and the twelve guards4 ,like 
all other judges1 except those who have 
the final decision1 they shall be liable
 to give an account4 ,if the wardens    
impose unjust tasks on the villagers1 or
 take by force their crops or           
implements1 or yield to flattery or     
bribes in deciding suits1 let them be   
publicly dishonoured4 ,in regard to any 
other wrong-doing1 if the question be of
 a mina1 let the neighbours decide2 but 
if the accused person will not submit1  

trusting that his monthly removals will 
enable him to escape payment1 and also  
in suits about a larger amount1 the     
injured party may have recourse to the  
common court2 in the former case1 if    
successful1 he may exact a double       
penalty4  ,the wardens and guards1 while
 on their two years' service1 shall live
 and eat together1 and the guard who is 
absent from the daily meals without     
permission or sleeps out at night1 shall
 be regarded as a deserter1 and may be  
punished by any one who meets him4 ,if  
any of the commanders is guilty of such 
an irregularity1 the whole sixty shall  
have him punished2 and he of them who   
screens him shall suffer a still heavier
 penalty than the offender himself4 ,now
 by service a man learns to rule2 and he
 should pride himself upon serving well 
the laws and the ,gods all his life1 and
 upon having served ancient and         
honourable men in his youth4 ,the twelve
 and the five should be their own       
servants1 and use the labour of the     

villagers only for the good of the      
public4 ,let them search the country    
through1 and acquire a perfect knowledge
 of every locality2 with this view1     
hunting and field sports should be      
encouraged4  ,next we have to speak of  
the elections of the wardens of the     
agora and of the city4 ,the wardens of  
the city shall be three in number1 and  
they shall have the care of the streets1
 roads1 buildings1 and also of the      
water-supply4 ,they shall be chosen out 
of the highest class1 and when the      
number of candidates has been reduced to
 six who have the greatest number of    
votes1 three out of the six shall be    
taken by lot1 and1 after a scrutiny1    
shall be admitted to their office4 ,the 
wardens of the agora shall be five in   
number--ten are to be first elected1 and
 every one shall vote for all the vacant
 places2 the ten shall be afterwards    
reduced to five by lot1 as in the former
 election4 ,the first and second class  
shall be compelled to go to the         

assembly1 but not the third and fourth1 
unless they are specially summoned4 ,the
 wardens of the agora shall have the    
care of the temples and fountains which 
are in the agora1 and shall punish those
 who injure them by stripes and bonds1  
if they be slaves or strangers2 and by  
fines1 if they be citizens4 ,and the    
wardens of the city shall have a similar
 power of inflicting punishment and     
fines in their own department4  ,in the 
next place1 there must be directors of  
music and gymnastic2 one class of them  
superintending gymnasia and schools1 and
 the attendance and lodging of the boys 
and girls--the other having to do with  
contests of music and gymnastic4 ,in    
musical contests there shall be one kind
 of judges of solo singing or playing1  
who will judge of rhapsodists1          
flute-players1 harp-players and the     
like1 and another of choruses4 ,there   
shall be choruses of men and boys and   
maidens--one director will be enough to 
introduce them all1 and he should not be

 less than forty years of age2 secondly1
 of solos also there shall be one       
director1 aged not less than thirty     
years2 he will introduce the competitors
 and give judgment upon them4 ,the      
director of the choruses is to be       
elected in an assembly at which all who 
take an interest in music are compelled 
to attend1 and no one else4 ,candidates 
must only be proposed for their fitness1
 and opposed on the ground of unfitness4
 ,ten are to be elected by vote1 and the
 one of these on whom the lot falls     
shall be director for a year4 ,next     
shall be elected out of the second and  
third classes the judges of gymnastic   
contests1 who are to be three in number1
 and are to be tested1 after being      
chosen by lot out of twenty who have    
been elected by the three highest       
classes--these being compelled to attend
 at the election4  ,one minister        
remains1 who will have the general      
superintendence of education4 ,he must  
be not less than fifty years old1 and be

 himself the father of children born in 
wedlock4 ,his office must be regarded by
 all as the highest in the state4 ,for  
the right growth of the first shoot in  
plants and animals is the chief cause of
 matured perfection4 ,man is supposed to
 be a tame animal1 but he becomes either
 the gentlest or the fiercest of        
creatures1 accordingly as he is well or 
ill educated4 ,wherefore he who is      
elected to preside over education should
 be the best man possible4 ,he shall    
hold office for five years1 and shall be
 elected out of the guardians of the    
law1 by the votes of the other          
magistrates with the exception of the   
senate and prytanes2 and the election   
shall be held by ballot in the temple of
 ,apollo4  ,when a magistrate dies      
before his term of office has expired1  
another shall be elected in his place2  
and1 if the guardian of an orphan dies1 
the relations shall appoint another     
within ten days1 or be fined a drachma a
 day for neglect4  ,the city which has  

no courts of law will soon cease to be a
 city2 and a judge who sits in silence  
and leaves the enquiry to the litigants1
 as in arbitrations1 is not a good      
judge4 ,a few judges are better than    
many1 but the few must be good4 ,the    
matter in dispute should be clearly     
elicited2 time and examination will find
 out the truth4 ,causes should first be 
tried before a court of neighbours3 if  
the decision is unsatisfactory1 let them
 be referred to a higher court2 or1 if  
necessary1 to a higher still1 of which  
the decision shall be final4  ,every    
magistrate is a judge1 and every judge  
is a magistrate1 on the day on which he 
is deciding the suit4 ,this will        
therefore be an appropriate place to    
speak of judges and their functions4    
,the supreme tribunal will be that on   
which the litigants agree2 and let there
 be two other tribunals1 one for public 
and the other for private causes4 ,the  
high court of appeal shall be composed  
as follows3--,all the officers of state 

shall meet on the last day but one of   
the year in some temple1 and choose for 
a judge the best man out of every       
magistracy3 and those who are elected1  
after they have undergone a scrutiny1   
shall be judges of appeal4 ,they shall  
give their decisions openly1 in the     
presence of the magistrates who have    
elected them2 and the public may attend4
 ,if anybody charges one of them with   
having intentionally decided wrong1 he  
shall lay his accusation before the     
guardians of the law1 and if the judge  
be found guilty he shall pay damages to 
the extent of half the injury1 unless   
the guardians of the law deem that he   
deserves a severer punishment1 in which 
case the judges shall assess the        
penalty4  ,as the whole people are      
injured by offences against the state1  
they should share in the trial of them4 
,such causes should originate with the  
people and be decided by them3 the      
enquiry shall take place before any     
three of the highest magistrates upon   

whom the defendant and plaintiff can    
agree4 ,also in private suits all should
 judge as far as possible1 and therefore
 there should be a court of law in every
 ward2 for he who has no share in the   
administration of justice1 believes that
 he has no share in the state4 ,the     
judges in these courts shall be elected 
by lot and give their decision at once4 
,the final judgment in all cases shall  
rest with the court of appeal4 ,and so1 
having done with the appointment of     
courts and the election of officers1 we 
will now make our laws4  ',your way of  
proceeding1 ,stranger1 is admirable4'   
,then so far our old man's game of play 
has gone off well4  ',say1 rather1 our  
serious and noble pursuit4'  ,perhaps2  
but let me ask you whether you have ever
 observed the manner in which painters  
put in and rub out colour3 yet their    
endless labour will last but a short    
time1 unless they leave behind them some
 successor who will restore the picture 
and remove its defects4 ',certainly4'   

,and have we not a similar object at the
 present moment8 ,we are old ourselves1 
and therefore we must leave our work of 
legislation to be improved and perfected
 by the next generation2 not only making
 laws for our guardians1 but making them
 lawgivers4 ',we must at least do our   
best4' ,let us address them as follows4 
,beloved saviours of the laws1 we give  
you an outline of legislation which you 
must fill up1 according to a rule which 
we will prescribe for you4 ,megillus and
 ,cleinias and ,i are agreed1 and we    
hope that you will agree with us in     
thinking1 that the whole energies of a  
man should be devoted to the attainment 
of manly virtue1 whether this is to be  
gained by study1 or habit1 or desire1 or
 opinion4 ,and rather than accept       
institutions which tend to degrade and  
enslave him1 he should fly his country  
and endure any hardship4 ,these are our 
principles1 and we would ask you to     
judge of our laws1 and praise or blame  
them1 accordingly as they are or are not

 capable of improving our citizens4     
,and first of laws concerning religion4 
,we have already said that the number   
#ejdj has many convenient divisions3 and
 we took a twelfth part of this 7#dbj71 
which is itself divisible by twelve1 for
 the number of the tribe4 ,every divisor
 is a gift of ,god1 and corresponds to  
the months of the year and to the       
revolution of the universe4 ,all cities 
have a number1 but none is more         
fortunate than our own1 which can be    
divided by all numbers up to #ab1 with  
the exception of #aa1 and even by #aa1  
if two families are deducted4 ,and now  
let us divide the state1 assigning to   
each division some ,god or demigod1 who 
shall have altars raised to them1 and   
sacrifices offered twice a month2 and   
assemblies shall be held in their       
honour1 twelve for the tribes1 and      
twelve for the city1 corresponding to   
their divisions4 ,the object of them    
will be first to promote religion1      
secondly to encourage friendship and    

intercourse between families2 for       
families must be acquainted before they 
marry into one another1 or great        
mistakes will occur4 ,at these festivals
 there shall be innocent dances of young
 men and maidens1 who may have the      
opportunity of seeing one another in    
modest undress4 ,to the details of all  
this the masters of choruses and the    
guardians will attend1 embodying in laws
 the results of their experience2 and1  
after ten years1 making the laws        
permanent1 with the consent of the      
legislator1 if he be alive1 or1 if he be
 not alive1 of the guardians of the law1
 who shall perfect them and settle them 
once for all4 ,at least1 if any further 
changes are required1 the magistrates   
must take the whole people into counsel1
 and obtain the sanction of all the     
oracles4  ,whenever any one who is      
between the ages of twenty-five and     
thirty-five wants to marry1 let him do  
so2 but first let him hear the strain   
which we will address to him3--  ,my    

son1 you ought to marry1 but not in     
order to gain wealth or to avoid        
poverty2 neither should you1 as men are 
wont to do1 choose a wife who is like   
yourself in property and character4 ,you
 ought to consult the interests of the  
state rather than your own pleasure2 for
 by equal marriages a society becomes   
unequal4 ,and yet to enact a law that   
the rich and mighty shall not marry the 
rich and mighty1 that the quick shall be
 united to the slow1 and the slow to the
 quick1 will arouse anger in some       
persons and laughter in others2 for they
 do not understand that opposite        
elements ought to be mingled in the     
state1 as wine should be mingled with   
water4 ,the object at which we aim must 
therefore be left to the influence of   
public opinion4 ,and do not forget our  
former precept1 that every one should   
seek to attain immortality and raise up 
a fair posterity to serve ,god4--,let   
this be the prelude of the law about the
 duty of marriage4 ,but if a man will   

not listen1 and at thirty-five years of 
age is still unmarried1 he shall pay an 
annual fine3 if he be of the first      
class1 #ajj drachmas2 if of the second1 
#gj2 if of the third1 #fj2 and if of the
 fourth1 #cj4 ,this fine shall be sacred
 to ,here2 and if he refuse to pay1 a   
tenfold penalty shall be exacted by the 
treasurer of ,here1 who shall be        
responsible for the payment4 ,further1  
the unmarried man shall receive no      
honour or obedience from the young1 and 
he shall not retain the right of        
punishing others4 ,a man is neither to  
give nor receive a dowry beyond a       
certain fixed sum2 in our state1 for his
 consolation1 if he be poor1 let him    
know that he need neither receive nor   
give one1 for every citizen is provided 
with the necessaries of life4 ,again1 if
 the woman is not rich1 her husband will
 not be her humble servant4 ,he who     
disobeys this law shall pay a fine      
according to his class1 which shall be  
exacted by the treasurers of ,here and  

,zeus4  ,the betrothal of the parties   
shall be made by the next of kin1 or if 
there are none1 by the guardians4 ,the  
offerings and ceremonies of marriage    
shall be determined by the interpreters 
of sacred rites4 ,let the wedding party 
be moderate2 five male and five female  
friends1 and a like number of kinsmen1  
will be enough4 ,the expense should not 
exceed1 for the first class1 a mina2 and
 for the second1 half a mina2 and should
 be in like proportion for the other    
classes4 ,extravagance is to be regarded
 as vulgarity and ignorance of nuptial  
proprieties4 ,much wine is only to be   
drunk at the festivals of ,dionysus1 and
 certainly not on the occasion of a     
marriage4 ,the bride and bridegroom1 who
 are taking a great step in life1 ought 
to have all their wits about them2 they 
should be especially careful of the     
night on which ,god may give them       
increase1 and which this will be none   
can say4 ,their bodies and souls should 
be in the most temperate condition2 they

 should abstain from all that partakes  
of the nature of disease or vice1 which 
will otherwise become hereditary4 ,there
 is an original divinity in man which   
preserves all things1 if used with      
proper respect4 ,he who marries should  
make one of the two houses on the lot   
the nest and nursery of his young2 he   
should leave his father and mother1 and 
then his affection for them will be only
 increased by absence4 ,he will go forth
 as to a colony1 and will there rear up 
his offspring1 handing on the torch of  
life to another generation4  ,about     
property in general there is little     
difficulty1 with the exception of       
property in slaves1 which is an         
institution of a very doubtful          
character4 ,the slavery of the ,helots  
is approved by some and condemned by    
others2 and there is some doubt even    
about the slavery of the ,mariandynians 
at ,heraclea and of the ,thessalian     
,penestae4 ,this makes us ask1 ,what    
shall we do about slaves8 ,to which     

every one would agree in replying1--,let
 us have the best and most attached whom
 we can get4 ,all of us have heard      
stories of slaves who have been better  
to their masters than sons or brethren4 
,yet there is an opposite doctrine1 that
 slaves are never to be trusted2 as     
,homer says1 ',slavery takes away half a
 man's understanding4' ,and different   
persons treat them in different ways3   
there are some who never trust them1 and
 beat them like dogs1 until they make   
them many times more slavish than they  
were before2 and others pursue the      
opposite plan4 ,man is a troublesome    
animal1 as has been often shown1        
,megillus1 notably in the revolts of the
 ,messenians2 and great mischiefs have  
arisen in countries where there are     
large bodies of slaves of one           
nationality4 ,two rules may be given for
 their management3 first that they      
should not1 if possible1 be of the same 
country or have a common language2 and  
secondly1 that they should be treated by

 their master with more justice even    
than equals1 out of regard to himself   
quite as much as to them4 ,for he who is
 righteous in the treatment of his      
slaves1 or of any inferiors1 will sow in
 them the seed of virtue4 ,masters      
should never jest with their slaves3    
this1 which is a common but foolish     
practice1 increases the difficulty and  
painfulness of managing them4  ,next as 
to habitations4 ,these ought to have    
been spoken of before2 for no man can   
marry a wife1 and have slaves1 who has  
not a house for them to live in4 ,let us
 supply the omission4 ,the temples      
should be placed round the ,agora1 and  
the city built in a circle on the       
heights4 ,near the temples1 which are   
holy places and the habitations of the  
,gods1 should be buildings for the      
magistrates1 and the courts of law1     
including those in which capital        
offences are to be tried4 ,as to walls1 
,megillus1 ,i agree with ,sparta that   
they should sleep in the earth2 'cold   

steel is the best wall1' as the poet    
finely says4 ,besides1 how absurd to be 
sending out our youth to fortify and    
guard the borders of our country1 and   
then to build a city wall1 which is very
 unhealthy1 and is apt to make people   
fancy that they may run there and rest  
in idleness1 not knowing that true      
repose comes from labour1 and that      
idleness is only a renewal of trouble4  
,if1 however1 there must be a wall1 the 
private houses had better be so arranged
 as to form one wall2 this will have an 
agreeable aspect1 and the building will 
be safer and more defensible4 ,these    
objects should be attended to at the    
foundation of the city4 ,the wardens of 
the city must see that they are carried 
out2 and they must also enforce         
cleanliness1 and preserve the public    
buildings from encroachments4 ,moreover1
 they must take care to let the rain    
flow off easily1 and must regulate other
 matters concerning the general         
administration of the city4 ,if any     

further enactments prove to be          
necessary1 the guardians of the law must
 supply them4  ,and now1 having provided
 buildings1 and having married our      
citizens1 we will proceed to speak of   
their mode of life4 ,in a               
well-constituted state1 individuals     
cannot be allowed to live as they       
please4 ,why do ,i say this8 ,because ,i
 am going to enact that the bridegroom  
shall not absent himself from the common
 meals4 ,they were instituted originally
 on the occasion of some war1 and1      
though deemed singular when first       
founded1 they have tended greatly to the
 security of states4 ,there was a       
difficulty in introducing them1 but     
there is no difficulty in them now4     
,there is1 however1 another institution 
about which ,i would speak1 if ,i dared4
 ,i may preface my proposal by remarking
 that disorder in a state is the source 
of all evil1 and order of all good4 ,now
 in ,sparta and ,crete there are common 
meals for men1 and this1 as ,i was      

saying1 is a divine and natural         
institution4 ,but the women are left to 
themselves2 they live in dark places1   
and1 being weaker1 and therefore        
wickeder1 than men1 they are at the     
bottom of a good deal more than half the
 evil of states4 ,this must be          
corrected1 and the institution of common
 meals extended to both sexes4 ,but1 in 
the present unfortunate state of        
opinion1 who would dare to establish    
them8 ,and still more1 who can compel   
women to eat and drink in public8 ,they 
will defy the legislator to drag them   
out of their holes4 ,and in any other   
state such a proposal would be drowned  
in clamour1 but in our own ,i think that
 ,i can show the attempt to be just and 
reasonable4 ',there is nothing which we 
should like to hear better4' ,listen1   
then2 having plenty of time1 we will go 
back to the beginning of things1 which  
is an old subject with us4 ',right4'    
,either the race of mankind never had a 
beginning and will never have an end1 or

 the time which has elapsed since man   
first came into being is all but        
infinite4 ',no doubt4' ,and in this     
infinity of time there have been changes
 of every kind1 both in the order of the
 seasons and in the government of states
 and in the customs of eating and       
drinking4 ,vines and olives were at     
length discovered1 and the blessings of 
,demeter and ,persephone1 of which one  
,triptolemus is said to have been the   
minister2 before his time the animals   
had been eating one another4 ,and there 
are nations in which mankind still      
sacrifice their fellow-men1 and other   
nations in which they lead a kind of    
,orphic existence1 and will not         
sacrifice animals1 or so much as taste  
of a cow--they offer fruits or cakes    
moistened with honey4 ,perhaps you will 
ask me what is the bearing of these     
remarks8 ',we would gladly hear4' ,i    
will endeavour to explain their drift4  
,i see that the virtue of human life    
depends on the due regulation of three  

wants or desires4 ,the first is the     
desire of meat1 the second of drink2    
these begin with birth1 and make us     
disobedient to any voice other than that
 of pleasure4 ,the third and fiercest   
and greatest need is felt latest2 this  
is love1 which is a madness setting     
men's whole nature on fire4 ,these three
 disorders of mankind we must endeavour 
to restrain by three mighty             
influences--fear1 and law1 and reason1  
which1 with the aid of the ,muses and   
the ,gods of contests1 may extinguish   
our lusts4  ,but to return4 ,after      
marriage let us proceed to the          
generation of children1 and then to     
their nurture and education--thus       
gradually approaching the subject of    
syssitia4 ,there are1 however1 some     
other points which are suggested by the 
three words--meat1 drink1 love4         
',proceed1' the bride and bridegroom    
ought to set their mind on having a     
brave offspring4 ,now a man only        
succeeds when he takes pains2 wherefore 

the bridegroom ought to take special    
care of the bride1 and the bride of the 
bridegroom1 at the time when their      
children are about to be born4 ,and let 
there be a committee of matrons who     
shall meet every day at the temple of   
,eilithyia at a time fixed by the       
magistrates1 and inform against any man 
or woman who does not observe the laws  
of married life4 ,the time of begetting 
children and the supervision of the     
parents shall last for ten years only2  
if at the expiration of this period they
 have no children1 they may part1 with  
the consent of their relatives and the  
official matrons1 and with a due regard 
to the interests of either2 if a dispute
 arise1 ten of the guardians of the law 
shall be chosen as arbiters4 ,the       
matrons shall also have power to enter  
the houses of the young people1 if      
necessary1 and to advise and threaten   
them4 ,if their efforts fail1 let them  
go to the guardians of the law2 and if  
they too fail1 the offender1 whether man

 or woman1 shall be forbidden to be     
present at all family ceremonies4 ,if   
when the time for begetting children has
 ceased1 either husband or wife have    
connexion with others who are of an age 
to beget children1 they shall be liable 
to the same penalties as those who are  
still having a family4 ,but when both   
parties have ceased to beget children   
there shall be no penalties4 ,if men and
 women live soberly1 the enactments of  
law may be left to slumber2 punishment  
is necessary only when there is great   
disorder of manners4  ,the first year of
 children's lives is to be registered in
 their ancestral temples2 the name of   
the archon of the year is to be         
inscribed on a whited wall in every     
phratry1 and the names of the living    
members of the phratry close to them1 to
 be erased at their decease4 ,the proper
 time of marriage for a woman shall be  
from sixteen years to twenty2 for a man1
 from thirty to thirty-five 7compare    
,republic74 ,the age of holding office  

for a woman is to be forty1 for a man   
thirty years4 ,the time for military    
service for a man is to be from twenty  
years to sixty2 for a woman1 from the   
time that she has ceased to bear        
children until fifty4  ,,book ,,vii4    
,now that we have married our citizens  
and brought their children into the     
world1 we have to find nurture and      
education for them4 ,this is a matter of
 precept rather than of law1 and cannot 
be precisely regulated by the           
legislator4 ,for minute regulations are 
apt to be transgressed1 and frequent    
transgressions impair the habit of      
obedience to the laws4 ,i speak darkly1 
but ,i will also try to exhibit my wares
 in the light of day4 ,am ,i not right  
in saying that a good education tends to
 the improvement of body and mind8      
',certainly4' ,and the body is fairest  
which grows up straight and well-formed 
from the time of birth4 ',very true4'   
,and we observe that the first shoot of 
every living thing is the greatest2 many

 even contend that man is not at        
twenty-five twice the height that he was
 at five4 ',true4' ,and growth without  
exercise of the limbs is the source of  
endless evils in the body4 ',yes4' ,the 
body should have the most exercise when 
growing most4 ',what1 the bodies of     
young infants8' ,nay1 the bodies of     
unborn infants4 ,i should like to       
explain to you this singular kind of    
gymnastics4 ,the ,athenians are fond of 
cock-fighting1 and the people who keep  
cocks carry them about in their hands or
 under their arms1 and take long walks1 
to improve1 not their own health1 but   
the health of the birds4 ,here is a     
proof of the usefulness of motion1      
whether of rocking1 swinging1 riding1 or
 tossing upon the wave2 for all these   
kinds of motion greatly increase        
strength and the powers of digestion4   
,hence we infer that our women1 when    
they are with child1 should walk about  
and fashion the embryo2 and the         
children1 when born1 should be carried  

by strong nurses1--there must be more   
than one of them1--and should not be    
suffered to walk until they are three   
years old4 ,shall we impose penalties   
for the neglect of these rules8 ,the    
greatest penalty1 that is1 ridicule1 and
 the difficulty of making the nurses do 
as we bid them1 will be incurred by     
ourselves4 ',then why speak of such     
matters8' ,in the hope that heads of    
families may learn that the due         
regulation of them is the foundation of 
law and order in the state4  ,and now1  
leaving the body1 let us proceed to the 
soul2 but we must first repeat that     
perpetual motion by night and by day is 
good for the young creature4 ,this is   
proved by the ,corybantian cure of      
motion1 and by the practice of nurses   
who rock children in their arms1 lapping
 them at the same time in sweet strains4
 ,and the reason of this is obvious4    
,the affections1 both of the ,bacchantes
 and of the children1 arise from fear1  
and this fear is occasioned by something

 wrong which is going on within them4   
,now a violent external commotion tends 
to calm the violent internal one2 it    
quiets the palpitation of the heart1    
giving to the children sleep1 and       
bringing back the ,bacchantes to their  
right minds by the help of dances and   
acceptable sacrifices4 ,but if fear has 
such power1 will not a child who is     
always in a state of terror grow up     
timid and cowardly1 whereas if he learns
 from the first to resist fear he will  
develop a habit of courage8 ',very      
true4' ,and we may say that the use of  
motion will inspire the souls of        
children with cheerfulness and therefore
 with courage4 ',of course4' ,softness  
enervates and irritates the temper of   
the young1 and violence renders them    
mean and misanthropical4 ',but how is   
the state to educate them when they are 
as yet unable to understand the meaning 
of words8' ,why1 surely they roar and   
cry1 like the young of any other animal1
 and the nurse knows the meaning of     

these intimations of the child's likes  
or dislikes1 and the occasions which    
call them forth4 ,about three years is  
passed by children in a state of        
imperfect articulation1 which is quite  
long enough time to make them either    
good- or ill-tempered4 ,and1 therefore1 
during these first three years1 the     
infant should be as free as possible    
from fear and pain4 ',yes1 and he should
 have as much pleasure as possible4'    
,there1 ,i think1 you are wrong2 for the
 influence of pleasure in the beginning 
of education is fatal4 ,a man should    
neither pursue pleasure nor wholly avoid
 pain4 ,he should embrace the mean1 and 
cultivate that state of calm which      
mankind1 taught by some inspiration1    
attribute to ,god2 and he who would be  
like ,god should neither be too fond of 
pleasure himself1 nor should he permit  
any other to be thus given2 above all1  
not the infant1 whose character is just 
in the making4 ,it may sound ridiculous1
 but ,i affirm that a woman in her      

pregnancy should be carefully tended1   
and kept from excessive pleasures and   
pains4  ',i quite agree with you about  
the duty of avoiding extremes and       
following the mean4'  ,let us consider a
 further point4 ,the matters which are  
now in question are generally called    
customs rather than laws2 and we have   
already made the reflection that1 though
 they are not1 properly speaking1 laws1 
yet neither can they be neglected4 ,for 
they fill up the interstices of law1 and
 are the props and ligatures on which   
the strength of the whole building      
depends4 ,laws without customs never    
last2 and we must not wonder if habit   
and custom sometimes lengthen out our   
laws4 ',very true4' ,up to their third  
year1 then1 the life of children may be 
regulated by customs such as we have    
described4 ,from three to six their     
minds have to be amused2 but they must  
not be allowed to become self-willed and
 spoilt4 ,if punishment is necessary1   
the same rule will hold as in the case  

of slaves2 they must neither be punished
 in hot blood nor ruined by indulgence4 
,the children of that age will have     
their own modes of amusing themselves2  
they should be brought for their play to
 the village temples1 and placed under  
the care of nurses1 who will be         
responsible to twelve matrons annually  
chosen by the women who have authority  
over marriage4 ,these shall be          
appointed1 one out of each tribe1 and   
their duty shall be to keep order at the
 meetings3 slaves who break the rules   
laid down by them1 they shall punish by 
the help of some of the public slaves2  
but citizens who dispute their authority
 shall be brought before the            
magistrates4 ,after six years of age    
there shall be a separation of the      
sexes2 the boys will go to learn riding 
and the use of arms1 and the girls may1 
if they please1 also learn4 ,here ,i    
note a practical error in early         
training4 ,mothers and nurses foolishly 
believe that the left hand is by nature 

different from the right1 whereas the   
left leg and foot are acknowledged to be
 the same as the right4 ,but the truth  
is that nature made all things to       
balance1 and the power of using the left
 hand1 which is of little importance in 
the case of the plectrum of the lyre1   
may make a great difference in the art  
of the warrior1 who should be a skilled 
gymnast and able to fight and balance   
himself in any position4 ,if a man were 
a ,briareus1 he should use all his      
hundred hands at once2 at any rate1 let 
everybody employ the two which they     
have4 ,to these matters the magistrates1
 male and female1 should attend2 the    
women superintending the nursing and    
amusement of the children1 and the men  
superintending their education1 that all
 of them1 boys and girls alike1 may be  
sound1 wind and limb1 and not spoil the 
gifts of nature by bad habits4          
,education has two branches--gymnastic1 
which is concerned with the body2 and   
music1 which improves the soul4 ,and    

gymnastic has two parts1 dancing and    
wrestling4 ,of dancing one kind imitates
 musical recitation and aims at         
stateliness and freedom2 another kind is
 concerned with the training of the     
body1 and produces health1 agility1 and 
beauty4 ,there is no military use in the
 complex systems of wrestling which pass
 under the names of ,antaeus and        
,cercyon1 or in the tricks of boxing1   
which are attributed to ,amycus and     
,epeius2 but good wrestling and the     
habit of extricating the neck1 hands1   
and sides1 should be diligently learnt  
and taught4 ,in our dances imitations of
 war should be practised1 as in the     
dances of the ,curetes in ,crete and of 
the ,dioscuri at ,sparta1 or as in the  
dances in complete armour which were    
taught us ,athenians by the goddess     
,athene4 ,youths who are not yet of an  
age to go to war should make religious  
processions armed and on horseback2 and 
they should also engage in military     
games and contests4 ,these exercises    

will be equally useful in peace and war1
 and will benefit both states and       
families4  ,next follows music1 to which
 we will once more return2 and here ,i  
shall venture to repeat my old paradox1 
that amusements have great influence on 
laws4 ,he who has been taught to play at
 the same games and with the same       
playthings will be content with the same
 laws4 ,there is no greater evil in a   
state than the spirit of innovation4 ,in
 the case of the seasons and winds1 in  
the management of our bodies and in the 
habits of our minds1 change is a        
dangerous thing4 ,and in everything but 
what is bad the same rule holds4 ,we all
 venerate and acquiesce in the laws to  
which we are accustomed2 and if they    
have continued during long periods of   
time1 and there is no remembrance of    
their ever having been otherwise1 people
 are absolutely afraid to change them4  
,now how can we create this quality of  
immobility in the laws8 ,i say1 by not  
allowing innovations in the games and   

plays of children4 ,the children who are
 always having new plays1 when grown up 
will be always having new laws4 ,changes
 in mere fashions are not serious evils1
 but changes in our estimate of men's   
characters are most serious2 and rhythms
 and music are representations of       
characters1 and therefore we must avoid 
novelties in dance and song4 ,for       
securing permanence no better method can
 be imagined than that of the           
,egyptians4 ',what is their method8'    
,they make a calendar for the year1     
arranging on what days the festivals of 
the various ,gods shall be celebrated1  
and for each festival they consecrate an
 appropriate hymn and dance4 ,in our    
state a similar arrangement shall in the
 first instance be framed by certain    
individuals1 and afterwards solemnly    
ratified by all the citizens4 ,he who   
introduces other hymns or dances shall  
be excluded by the priests and          
priestesses and the guardians of the    
law2 and if he refuses to submit1 he may

 be prosecuted for impiety4 ,but we must
 not be too ready to speak about such   
great matters4 ,even a young man1 when  
he hears something unaccustomed1 stands 
and looks this way and that1 like a     
traveller at a place where three ways   
meet2 and at our age a man ought to be  
very sure of his ground in so singular  
an argument4 ',very true4' ,then1       
leaving the subject for further         
examination at some future time1 let us 
proceed with our laws about education1  
for in this manner we may probably throw
 light upon our present difficulty4     
',let us do as you say4' ,the ancients  
used the term nomoi to signify          
harmonious strains1 and perhaps they    
fancied that there was a connexion      
between the songs and laws of a country4
 ,and we say--,whosoever shall          
transgress the strains by law           
established is a transgressor of the    
laws1 and shall be punished by the      
guardians of the law and by the priests 
and priestesses4 ',very good4' ,how can 

we legislate about these consecrated    
strains without incurring ridicule8     
,moulds or types must be first framed1  
and one of the types shall              
be--,abstinence from evil words at      
sacrifices4 ,when a son or brother      
blasphemes at a sacrifice there is a    
sound of ill-omen heard in the family2  
and many a chorus stands by the altar   
uttering inauspicious words1 and he is  
crowned victor who excites the hearers  
most with lamentations4 ,such           
lamentations should be reserved for evil
 days1 and should be uttered only by    
hired mourners2 and let the singers not 
wear circlets or ornaments of gold4 ,to 
avoid every evil word1 then1 shall be   
our first type4 ',agreed4' ,our second  
law or type shall be1 that prayers ever 
accompany sacrifices2 and our third1    
that1 inasmuch as all prayers are       
requests1 they shall be only for good2  
this the poets must be made to          
understand4 ',certainly4' ,have we not  
already decided that no gold or silver  

,plutus shall be allowed in our city8   
,and did not this show that we were     
dissatisfied with the poets8 ,and may we
 not fear that1 if they are allowed to  
utter injudicious prayers1 they will    
bring the greatest misfortunes on the   
state8 ,and we must therefore make a law
 that the poet is not to contradict the 
laws or ideas of the state2 nor is he to
 show his poems to any private persons  
until they have first received the      
imprimatur of the director of education4
 ,a fourth musical law will be to the   
effect that hymns and praises shall be  
offered to ,gods1 and to heroes and     
demigods4 ,still another law will permit
 eulogies of eminent citizens1 whether  
men or women1 but only after their      
death4 ,as to songs and dances1 we will 
enact as follows3--,there shall be a    
selection made of the best ancient      
musical compositions and dances2 these  
shall be chosen by judges1 who ought not
 to be less than fifty years of age4    
,they will accept some1 and reject or   

amend others1 for which purpose they    
will call1 if necessary1 the poets      
themselves into council4 ,the severe and
 orderly music is the style in which to 
educate children1 who1 if they are      
accustomed to this1 will deem the       
opposite kind to be illiberal1 but if   
they are accustomed to the other1 will  
count this to be cold and unpleasing4   
',true4' ,further1 a distinction should 
be made between the melodies of men and 
women4 ,nature herself teaches that the 
grand or manly style should be assigned 
to men1 and to women the moderate and   
temperate4 ,so much for the subjects of 
education4 ,but to whom are they to be  
taught1 and when8 ,i must try1 like the 
shipwright1 who lays down the keel of a 
vessel1 to build a secure foundation for
 the vessel of the soul in her voyage   
through life4 ,human affairs are hardly 
serious1 and yet a sad necessity compels
 us to be serious about them4 ,let us1  
therefore1 do our best to bring the     
matter to a conclusion4 ',very good4' ,i

 say then1 that ,god is the object of a 
man's most serious endeavours4 ,but man 
is created to be the plaything of the   
,gods2 and therefore the aim of every   
one should be to pass through life1 not 
in grim earnest1 but playing at the     
noblest of pastimes1 in another spirit  
from that which now prevails4 ,for the  
common opinion is1 that work is for the 
sake of play1 war of peace2 whereas in  
war there is neither amusement nor      
instruction worth speaking of4 ,the life
 of peace is that which men should      
chiefly desire to lengthen out and      
improve4 ,they should live sacrificing1 
singing1 and dancing1 with the view of  
propitiating ,gods and heroes4 ,i have  
already told you the types of song and  
dance which they should follow3 and     
',some things1' as the poet well says1  
'you will devise for yourself--others1  
,god will suggest to you4'  ,these words
 of his may be applied to our pupils4   
,they will partly teach themselves1 and 
partly will be taught by ,god1 the art  

of propitiating ,him2 for they are ,his 
puppets1 and have only a small portion  
in truth4 ',you have a poor opinion of  
man4' ,no wonder1 when ,i compare him   
with ,god2 but1 if you are offended1 ,i 
will place him a little higher4  ,next  
follow the building for gymnasia and    
schools2 these will be in the midst of  
the city1 and outside will be           
riding-schools and archery-grounds4 ,in 
all of them there ought to be           
instructors of the young1 drawn from    
foreign parts by pay1 and they will     
teach them music and war4 ,education    
shall be compulsory2 the children must  
attend school1 whether their parents    
like it or not2 for they belong to the  
state more than to their parents4 ,and  
,i say further1 without hesitation1 that
 the same education in riding and       
gymnastic shall be given both to men and
 women4 ,the ancient tradition about the
 ,amazons confirms my view1 and at the  
present day there are myriads of women1 
called ,sauromatides1 dwelling near the 

,pontus1 who practise the art of riding 
as well as archery and the use of arms4 
,but if ,i am right1 nothing can be more
 foolish than our modern fashion of     
training men and women differently1     
whereby the power the city is reduced to
 a half4 ,for reflect--if women are not 
to have the education of men1 some other
 must be found for them1 and what other 
can we propose8 ,shall they1 like the   
women of ,thrace1 tend cattle and till  
the ground2 or1 like our own1 spin and  
weave1 and take care of the house8 or   
shall they follow the ,spartan custom1  
which is between the two8--there the    
maidens share in gymnastic exercises and
 in music2 and the grown women1 no      
longer engaged in spinning1 weave the   
web of life1 although they are not      
skilled in archery1 like the ,amazons1  
nor can they imitate our warrior goddess
 and carry shield or spear1 even in the 
extremity of their country's need4      
,compared with our women1 the           
,sauromatides are like men4 ,but your   

legislators1 ,megillus1 as ,i maintain1 
only half did their work2 they took care
 of the men1 and left the women to take 
care of themselves4  ',shall we suffer  
the ,stranger1 ,cleinias1 to run down   
,sparta in this way8'  ',why1 yes2 for  
we cannot withdraw the liberty which we 
have already conceded to him4'  ,what   
will be the manner of life of men in    
moderate circumstances1 freed from the  
toils of agriculture and business1 and  
having common tables for themselves and 
their families which are under the      
inspection of magistrates1 male and     
female8 ,are men who have these         
institutions only to eat and fatten like
 beasts8 ,if they do1 how can they      
escape the fate of a fatted beast1 which
 is to be torn in pieces by some other  
beast more valiant than himself8 ,true1 
theirs is not the perfect way of life1  
for they have not all things in common2 
but the second best way of life also    
confers great blessings4 ,even those who
 live in the second state have a work to

 do twice as great as the work of any   
,pythian or ,olympic victor2 for their  
labour is for the body only1 but ours   
both for body and soul4 ,and this higher
 work ought to be pursued night and day 
to the exclusion of every other4 ,the   
magistrates who keep the city should be 
wakeful1 and the master of the household
 should be up early and before all his  
servants2 and the mistress1 too1 should 
awaken her handmaidens1 and not be      
awakened by them4 ,much sleep is not    
required either for our souls or bodies4
 ,when a man is asleep1 he is no better 
than if he were dead2 and he who loves  
life and wisdom will take no more sleep 
than is necessary for health4           
,magistrates who are wide awake at night
 are terrible to the bad2 but they are  
honoured by the good1 and are useful to 
themselves and the state4  ,when the    
morning dawns1 let the boy go to school4
 ,as the sheep need the shepherd1 so the
 boy needs a master2 for he is at once  
the most cunning and the most           

insubordinate of creatures4 ,let him be 
taken away from mothers and nurses1 and 
tamed with bit and bridle1 being treated
 as a freeman in that he learns and is  
taught1 but as a slave in that he may be
 chastised by all other freemen2 and the
 freeman who neglects to chastise him   
shall be disgraced4 ,all these matters  
will be under the supervision of the    
,director of ,education4  ,him we will  
address as follows3 ,we have spoken to  
you1 ,o illustrious teacher of youth1 of
 the song1 the time1 and the dance1 and 
of martial strains2 but of the learning 
of letters and of prose writings1 and of
 music1 and of the use of calculation   
for military and domestic purposes we   
have not spoken1 nor yet of the higher  
use of numbers in reckoning divine      
things--such as the revolutions of the  
stars1 or the arrangements of days1     
months1 and years1 of which the true    
calculation is necessary in order that  
seasons and festivals may proceed in    
regular course1 and arouse and enliven  

the city1 rendering to the ,gods their  
due1 and making men know them better4   
,there are1 we say1 many things about   
which we have not as yet instructed     
you--and first1 as to reading and music3
 ,shall the pupil be a perfect scholar  
and musician1 or not even enter on these
 studies8 ,he should certainly enter on 
both3--to letters he will apply himself 
from the age of ten to thirteen1 and at 
thirteen he will begin to handle the    
lyre1 and continue to learn music until 
he is sixteen2 no shorter and no longer 
time will be allowed1 however fond he or
 his parents may be of the pursuit4 ,the
 study of letters he should carry to the
 extent of simple reading and writing1  
but he need not care for calligraphy and
 tachygraphy1 if his natural gifts do   
not enable him to acquire them in the   
three years4 ,and here arises a question
 as to the learning of compositions when
 unaccompanied with music1 ,i mean1     
prose compositions4 ,they are a         
dangerous species of literature4 ,speak 

then1 ,o guardians of the law1 and tell 
us what we shall do about them4 ',you   
seem to be in a difficulty4' ,yes2 it is
 difficult to go against the opinion of 
all the world4 ',but have we not often  
already done so8' ,very true4 ,and you  
imply that the road which we are taking1
 though disagreeable to many1 is        
approved by those whose judgment is most
 worth having4 ',certainly4' ,then ,i   
would first observe that we have many   
poets1 comic as well as tragic1 with    
whose compositions1 as people say1 youth
 are to be imbued and saturated4 ,some  
would have them learn by heart entire   
poets2 others prefer extracts4 ,now ,i  
believe1 and the general opinion is1    
that some of the things which they learn
 are good1 and some bad4 ',then how     
shall we reject some and select others8'
 ,a happy thought occurs to me2 this    
long discourse of ours is a sample of   
what we want1 and is moreover an        
inspired work and a kind of poem4 ,i am 
naturally pleased in reflecting upon all

 our words1 which appear to me to be    
just the thing for a young man to hear  
and learn4 ,i would venture1 then1 to   
offer to the ,director of ,education    
this treatise of laws as a pattern for  
his guidance2 and in case he should find
 any similar compositions1 written or   
oral1 ,i would have him carefully       
preserve them1 and commit them in the   
first place to the teachers who are     
willing to learn them 7he should turn   
off the teacher who refuses71 and let   
them communicate the lesson to the      
young4  ,i have said enough to the      
teacher of letters2 and now we will     
proceed to the teacher of the lyre4 ,he 
must be reminded of the advice which we 
gave to the sexagenarian minstrels2 like
 them he should be quick to perceive the
 rhythms suited to the expression of    
virtue1 and to reject the opposite4     
,with a view to the attainment of this  
object1 the pupil and his instructor are
 to use the lyre because its notes are  
pure2 the voice and string should       

coincide note for note3 nor should there
 be complex harmonies and contrasts of  
intervals1 or variations of times or    
rhythms4 ,three years' study is not long
 enough to give a knowledge of these    
intricacies2 and our pupils will have   
many things of more importance to learn4
 ,the tunes and hymns which are to be   
consecrated for each festival have been 
already determined by us4  ,having given
 these instructions to the ,director of 
,music1 let us now proceed to dancing   
and gymnastic1 which must also be taught
 to boys and girls by masters and       
mistresses4 ,our minister of education  
will have a great deal to do2 and being 
an old man1 how will he get through so  
much work8 ,there is no difficulty2--the
 law will provide him with assistants1  
male and female2 and he will consider   
how important his office is1 and how    
great the responsibility of choosing    
them4 ,for if education prospers1 the   
vessel of state sails merrily along2 or 
if education fails1 the consequences are

 not even to be mentioned4 ,of dancing  
and gymnastics something has been said  
already4 ,we include under the latter   
military exercises1 the various uses of 
arms1 all that relates to horsemanship1 
and military evolutions and tactics4    
,there should be public teachers of both
 arts1 paid by the state1 and women as  
well as men should be trained in them4  
,the maidens should learn the armed     
dance1 and the grown-up women be        
practised in drill and the use of arms1 
if only in case of extremity1 when the  
men are gone out to battle1 and they are
 left to guard their families4 ,birds   
and beasts defend their young1 but women
 instead of fighting run to the altars1 
thus degrading man below the level of   
the animals4 ',such a lack of education1
 ,stranger1 is both unseemly and        
dangerous4'  ,wrestling is to be pursued
 as a military exercise1 but the meaning
 of this1 and the nature of the art1 can
 only be explained when action is       
combined with words4 ,next follows      

dancing1 which is of two kinds2         
imitative1 first1 of the serious and    
beautiful2 and1 secondly1 of the        
ludicrous and grotesque4 ,the first kind
 may be further divided into the dance  
of war and the dance of peace4 ,the     
former is called the ,pyrrhic2 in this  
the movements of attack and defence are 
imitated in a direct and manly style1   
which indicates strength and sufficiency
 of body and mind4 ,the latter of the   
two1 the dance of peace1 is suitable to 
orderly and law-abiding men4 ,these must
 be distinguished from the ,bacchic     
dances which imitate drunken revelry1   
and also from the dances by which       
purifications are effected and mysteries
 celebrated4 ,such dances cannot be     
characterized either as warlike or      
peaceful1 and are unsuited to a         
civilized state4 ,now the dances of     
peace are of two classes3--the first of 
them is the more violent1 being an      
expression of joy and triumph after toil
 and danger2 the other is more tranquil1

 symbolizing the continuance and        
preservation of good4 ,in speaking or   
singing we naturally move our bodies1   
and as we have more or less courage or  
self-control we become less or more     
violent and excited4 ,thus from the     
imitation of words in gestures the art  
of dancing arises4 ,now one man imitates
 in an orderly1 another in a disorderly 
manner3 and so the peaceful kinds of    
dance have been appropriately called    
,emmeleiai1 or dances of order1 as the  
warlike have been called ,pyrrhic4 ,in  
the latter a man imitates all sorts of  
blows and the hurling of weapons and the
 avoiding of them2 in the former he     
learns to bear himself gracefully and   
like a gentleman4 ,the types of these   
dances are to be fixed by the           
legislator1 and when the guardians of   
the law have assigned them to the       
several festivals1 and consecrated them 
in due order1 no further change shall be
 allowed4  ,thus much of the dances     
which are appropriate to fair forms and 

noble souls4 ,comedy1 which is the      
opposite of them1 remains to be         
considered4 ,for the serious implies the
 ludicrous1 and opposites cannot be     
understood without opposites4 ,but a man
 of repute will desire to avoid doing   
what is ludicrous4 ,he should leave such
 performances to slaves1--they are not  
fit for freemen2 and there should be    
some element of novelty in them4        
,concerning tragedy1 let our law be as  
follows3 ,when the inspired poet comes  
to us with a request to be admitted into
 our state1 we will reply in courteous  
words--,we also are tragedians and your 
rivals2 and the drama which we enact is 
the best and noblest1 being the         
imitation of the truest and noblest     
life1 with a view to which our state is 
ordered4 ,and we cannot allow you to    
pitch your stage in the agora1 and make 
your voices to be heard above ours1 or  
suffer you to address our women and     
children and the common people on       
opposite principles to our own4 ,come   

then1 ye children of the ,lydian ,muse1 
and present yourselves first to the     
magistrates1 and if they decide that    
your hymns are as good or better than   
ours1 you shall have your chorus2 but if
 not1 not4  ,there remain three kinds of
 knowledge which should be learnt by    
freemen--arithmetic1 geometry of        
surfaces and of solids1 and thirdly1    
astronomy4 ,few need make an accurate   
study of such sciences2 and of special  
students we will speak at another time4 
,but most persons must be content with  
the study of them which is absolutely   
necessary1 and may be said to be a      
necessity of that nature against which  
,god himself is unable to contend4      
',what are these divine necessities of  
knowledge8' ,necessities of a knowledge 
without which neither gods1 nor         
demigods1 can govern mankind4 ,and far  
is he from being a divine man who cannot
 distinguish one1 two1 odd and even2 who
 cannot number day and night1 and is    
ignorant of the revolutions of the sun  

and stars2 for to every higher knowledge
 a knowledge of number is necessary--a  
fool may see this2 how much1 is a matter
 requiring more careful consideration4  
',very true4' ,but the legislator cannot
 enter into such details1 and therefore 
we must defer the more careful          
consideration of these matters to       
another occasion4 ',you seem to fear our
 habitual want of training in these     
subjects4' ,still more do ,i fear the   
danger of bad training1 which is often  
worse than none at all4 ',very true4' ,i
 think that a gentleman and a freeman   
may be expected to know as much as an   
,egyptian child4 ,in ,egypt1 arithmetic 
is taught to children in their sports by
 a distribution of apples or garlands   
among a greater or less number of       
people2 or a calculation is made of the 
various combinations which are possible 
among a set of boxers or wrestlers2 or  
they distribute cups among the children1
 sometimes of gold1 brass1 and silver   
intermingled1 sometimes of one metal    

only4 ,the knowledge of arithmetic which
 is thus acquired is a great help1      
either to the general or to the manager 
of a household2 wherever measure is     
employed1 men are more wide-awake in    
their dealings1 and they get rid of     
their ridiculous ignorance4 ',what do   
you mean8' ,i have observed this        
ignorance among my countrymen--they are 
like pigs--and ,i am heartily ashamed   
both on my own behalf and on that of all
 the ,hellenes4 ',in what respect8' ,let
 me ask you a question4 ,you know that  
there are such things as length1        
breadth1 and depth8 ',yes4' ,and the    
,hellenes imagine that they are         
commensurable 7#a7 with themselves1 and 
7#b7 with each other2 whereas they are  
only commensurable with themselves4 ,but
 if this is true1 then we are in an     
unfortunate case1 and may well say to   
our compatriots that not to possess     
necessary knowledge is a disgrace1      
though to possess such knowledge is     
nothing very grand4 ',certainly4' ,the  

discussion of arithmetical problems is a
 much better amusement for old men than 
their favourite game of draughts4       
',true4' ,mathematics1 then1 will be one
 of the subjects in which youth should  
be trained4 ,they may be regarded as an 
amusement1 as well as a useful and      
innocent branch of knowledge2--,i think 
that we may include them provisionally4 
',yes2 that will be the way4' ,the next 
question is1 whether astronomy shall be 
made a part of education4 ,about the    
stars there is a strange notion         
prevalent4 ,men often suppose that it is
 impious to enquire into the nature of  
,god and the world1 whereas the very    
reverse is the truth4 ',how do you      
mean8' ,what ,i am going to say may seem
 absurd and at variance with the usual  
language of age1 and yet if true and    
advantageous to the state1 and pleasing 
to ,god1 ought not to be withheld4 ',let
 us hear4' ,my dear friend1 how falsely 
do we and all the ,hellenes speak about 
the sun and moon6 ',in what respect8'   

,we are always saying that they and     
certain of the other stars do not keep  
the same path1 and we term them planets4
 ',yes2 and ,i have seen the morning and
 evening stars go all manner of ways1   
and the sun and moon doing what we know 
that they always do4 ,but ,i wish that  
you would explain your meaning further4'
 ,you will easily understand what ,i    
have had no difficulty in understanding 
myself1 though we are both of us past   
the time of learning4 ',true2 but what  
is this marvellous knowledge which youth
 are to acquire1 and of which we are    
ignorant8' ,men say that the sun1 moon1 
and stars are planets or wanderers2 but 
this is the reverse of the fact4 ,each  
of them moves in one orbit only1 which  
is circular1 and not in many2 nor is the
 swiftest of them the slowest1 as       
appears to human eyes4 ,what an insult  
should we offer to ,olympian runners if 
we were to put the first last and the   
last first6 ,and if that is a ridiculous
 error in speaking of men1 how much more

 in speaking of the ,gods8 ,they cannot 
be pleased at our telling falsehoods    
about them4 ',they cannot4' ,then people
 should at least learn so much about    
them as will enable them to avoid       
impiety4  ,enough of education4 ,hunting
 and similar pursuits now claim our     
attention4 ,these require for their     
regulation that mixture of law and      
admonition of which we have often       
spoken2 e4g41 in what we were saying    
about the nurture of young children4    
,and therefore the whole duty of the    
citizen will not consist in mere        
obedience to the laws2 he must regard   
not only the enactments but also the    
precepts of the legislator4 ,i will     
illustrate my meaning by an example4 ,of
 hunting there are many kinds--hunting  
of fish and fowl1 man and beast1 enemies
 and friends2 and the legislator can    
neither omit to speak about these       
things1 nor make penal ordinances about 
them all4 ',what is he to do then8' ,he 
will praise and blame hunting1 having in

 view the discipline and exercise of    
youth4 ,and the young man will listen   
obediently and will regard his praises  
and censures2 neither pleasure nor pain 
should hinder him4 ,the legislator will 
express himself in the form of a pious  
wish for the welfare of the young3--,o  
my friends1 he will say1 may you never  
be induced to hunt for fish in the      
waters1 either by day or night2 or for  
men1 whether by sea or land4 ,never let 
the wish to steal enter into your minds2
 neither be ye fowlers1 which is not an 
occupation for gentlemen4 ,as to land   
animals1 the legislator will discourage 
hunting by night1 and also the use of   
nets and snares by day2 for these are   
indolent and unmanly methods4 ,the only 
mode of hunting which he can praise is  
with horses and dogs1 running1 shooting1
 striking at close quarters4 ,enough of 
the prelude3 the law shall be as        
follows3--  ,let no one hinder the holy 
order of huntsmen2 but let the nightly  
hunters who lay snares and nets be      

everywhere prohibited4 ,let the fowler  
confine himself to waste places and to  
the mountains4 ,the fisherman is also   
permitted to exercise his calling1      
except in harbours and sacred streams1  
marshes and lakes2 in all other places  
he may fish1 provided he does not make  
use of poisonous mixtures4  ,,book      
,,viii4 ,next1 with the help of the     
,delphian ,oracle1 we will appoint      
festivals and sacrifices4 ,there shall  
be #cfe of them1 one for every day in   
the year2 and one magistrate1 at least1 
shall offer sacrifice daily according to
 rites prescribed by a convocation of   
priests and interpreters1 who shall     
co-operate with the guardians of the    
law1 and supply what the legislator has 
omitted4 ,moreover there shall be twelve
 festivals to the twelve ,gods after    
whom the twelve tribes are named3 these 
shall be celebrated every month with    
appropriate musical and gymnastic       
contests4 ,there shall also be festivals
 for women1 to be distinguished from the

 men's festivals4 ,nor shall the ,gods  
below be forgotten1 but they must be    
separated from the ,gods above--,pluto  
shall have his own in the twelfth month4
 ,he is not the enemy1 but the friend of
 man1 who releases the soul from the    
body1 which is at least as good a work  
as to unite them4 ,further1 those who   
have to regulate these matters should   
consider that our state has leisure and 
abundance1 and wishing to be happy1 like
 an individual1 should lead a good life2
 for he who leads such a life neither   
does nor suffers injury1 of which the   
first is very easy1 and the second very 
difficult of attainment1 and is only to 
be acquired by perfect virtue4 ,a good  
city has peace1 but the evil city is    
full of wars within and without4 ,to    
guard against the danger of external    
enemies the citizens should practise war
 at least one day in every month2 they  
should go out en masse1 including their 
wives and children1 or in divisions1 as 
the magistrates determine1 and have     

mimic contests1 imitating in a lively   
manner real battles2 they should also   
have prizes and encomiums of valour1    
both for the victors in these contests1 
and for the victors in the battle of    
life4 ,the poet who celebrates the      
victors should be fifty years old at    
least1 and himself a man who has done   
great deeds4 ,of such an one the poems  
may be sung1 even though he is not the  
best of poets4 ,to the director of      
education and the guardians of the law  
shall be committed the judgment1 and no 
song1 however sweet1 which has not been 
licensed by them shall be recited4      
,these regulations about poetry1 and    
about military expeditions1 apply       
equally to men and to women4  ,the      
legislator may be conceived to make the 
following address to himself3--,with    
what object am ,i training my citizens8 
,are they not strivers for mastery in   
the greatest of combats8 ,certainly1    
will be the reply4 ,and if they were    
boxers or wrestlers1 would they think of

 entering the lists without many days'  
practice8 ,would they not as far as     
possible imitate all the circumstances  
of the contest2 and if they had no one  
to box with1 would they not practise on 
a lifeless image1 heedless of the       
laughter of the spectators8 ,and shall  
our soldiers go out to fight for life   
and kindred and property unprepared1    
because sham fights are thought to be   
ridiculous8 ,will not the legislator    
require that his citizens shall practise
 war daily1 performing lesser exercises 
without arms1 while the combatants on a 
greater scale will carry arms1 and take 
up positions1 and lie in ambuscade8 ,and
 let their combats be not without       
danger1 that opportunity may be given   
for distinction1 and the brave man and  
the coward may receive their meed of    
honour or disgrace4 ,if occasionally a  
man is killed1 there is no great harm   
done--there are others as good as he is 
who will replace him2 and the state can 
better afford to lose a few of her      

citizens than to lose the only means of 
testing them4  ',we agree1 ,stranger1   
that such warlike exercises are         
necessary4' ,but why are they so rarely 
practised8 ,or rather1 do we not all    
know the reasons8 ,one of them 7#a7 is  
the inordinate love of wealth4 ,this    
absorbs the soul of a man1 and leaves   
him no time for any other pursuit4      
,knowledge is valued by him only as it  
tends to the attainment of wealth4 ,all 
is lost in the desire of heaping up gold
 and silver2 anybody is ready to do     
anything1 right or wrong1 for the sake  
of eating and drinking1 and the         
indulgence of his animal passions4      
',most true4' ,this is one of the causes
 which prevents a man being a good      
soldier1 or anything else which is good2
 it converts the temperate and orderly  
into shopkeepers or servants1 and the   
brave into burglars or pirates4 ,many of
 these latter are men of ability1 and   
are greatly to be pitied1 because their 
souls are hungering and thirsting all   

their lives long4 ,the bad forms of     
government 7#b7 are another             
reason--democracy1 oligarchy1 tyranny1  
which1 as ,i was saying1 are not states1
 but states of discord1 in which the    
rulers are afraid of their subjects1 and
 therefore do not like them to become   
rich1 or noble1 or valiant4 ,now our    
state will escape both these causes of  
evil2 the society is perfectly free1 and
 has plenty of leisure1 and is not      
allowed by the laws to be absorbed in   
the pursuit of wealth2 hence we have an 
excellent field for a perfect education1
 and for the introduction of martial    
pastimes4 ,let us proceed to describe   
the character of these pastimes4 ,all   
gymnastic exercises in our state must   
have a military character2 no other will
 be allowed4 ,activity and quickness are
 most useful in war2 and yet these      
qualities do not attain their greatest  
efficiency unless the competitors are   
armed4 ,the runner should enter the     
lists in armour1 and in the races which 

our heralds proclaim1 no prize is to be 
given except to armed warriors4 ,let    
there be six courses--first1 the        
stadium2 secondly1 the diaulos or double
 course2 thirdly1 the horse course2     
fourthly1 the long course2 fifthly1     
races 7#a7 between heavy-armed soldiers 
who shall pass over sixty stadia and    
finish at a temple of ,ares1 and 7#b7   
between still more heavily-armed        
competitors who run over smoother       
ground2 sixthly1 a race for archers1 who
 shall run over hill and dale a distance
 of a hundred stadia1 and their goal    
shall be a temple of ,apollo and        
,artemis4 ,there shall be three contests
 of each kind--one for boys1 another for
 youths1 a third for men2 the course for
 the boys we will fix at half1 and that 
for the youths at two-thirds of the     
entire length4 ,women shall join in the 
races3 young girls who are not grown up 
shall run naked2 but after thirteen they
 shall be suitably dressed2 from        
thirteen to eighteen they shall be      

obliged to share in these contests1 and 
from eighteen to twenty they may if they
 please and if they are unmarried4 ,as  
to trials of strength1 single combats in
 armour1 or battles between two and two1
 or of any number up to ten1 shall take 
the place of wrestling and the heavy    
exercises4 ,and there must be umpires1  
as there are now in wrestling1 to       
determine what is a fair hit and who is 
conqueror4 ,instead of the pancratium1  
let there be contests in which the      
combatants carry bows and wear light    
shields and hurl javelins and throw     
stones4 ,the next provision of the law  
will relate to horses1 which1 as we are 
in ,crete1 need be rarely used by us1   
and chariots never2 our horse-racing    
prizes will only be given to single     
horses1 whether colts1 half-grown1 or   
full-grown4 ,their riders are to wear   
armour1 and there shall be a competition
 between mounted archers4 ,women1 if    
they have a mind1 may join in the       
exercises of men4  ,but enough of       

gymnastics1 and nearly enough of music4 
,all musical contests will take place at
 festivals1 whether every third or every
 fifth year1 which are to be fixed by   
the guardians of the law1 the judges of 
the games1 and the director of          
education1 who for this purpose shall   
become legislators and arrange times and
 conditions4 ,the principles on which   
such contests are to be ordered have    
been often repeated by the first        
legislator2 no more need be said of     
them1 nor are the details of them       
important4 ,but there is another subject
 of the highest importance1 which1 if   
possible1 should be determined by the   
laws1 not of man1 but of ,god2 or1 if a 
direct revelation is impossible1 there  
is need of some bold man who1 alone     
against the world1 will speak plainly of
 the corruption of human nature1 and go 
to war with the passions of mankind4    
',we do not understand you4' ,i will try
 to make my meaning plainer4 ,in        
speaking of education1 ,i seemed to see 

young men and maidens in friendly       
intercourse with one another2 and there 
arose in my mind a natural fear about a 
state1 in which the young of either sex 
are well nurtured1 and have little to   
do1 and occupy themselves chiefly with  
festivals and dances4 ,how can they be  
saved from those passions which reason  
forbids them to indulge1 and which are  
the ruin of so many8 ,the prohibition of
 wealth1 and the influence of education1
 and the all-seeing eye of the ruler1   
will alike help to promote temperance2  
but they will not wholly extirpate the  
unnatural loves which have been the     
destruction of states2 and against this 
evil what remedy can be devised8        
,lacedaemon and ,crete give no          
assistance here2 on the subject of love1
 as ,i may whisper in your ear1 they are
 against us4 ,suppose a person were to  
urge that you ought to restore the      
natural use which existed before the    
days of ,laius2 he would be quite right1
 but he would not be supported by public

 opinion in either of your states4 ,or  
try the matter by the test which we     
apply to all laws1--who will say that   
the permission of such things tends to  
virtue8 ,will he who is seduced learn   
the habit of courage2 or will the       
seducer acquire temperance8 ,and will   
any legislator be found to make such    
actions legal8  ,but to judge of this   
matter truly1 we must understand the    
nature of love and friendship1 which may
 take very different forms4 ,for we     
speak of friendship1 first1 when there  
is some similarity or equality of       
virtue2 secondly1 when there is some    
want2 and either of these1 when in      
excess1 is termed love4 ,the first kind 
is gentle and sociable2 the second is   
fierce and unmanageable2 and there is   
also a third kind1 which is akin to     
both1 and is under the dominion of      
opposite principles4 ,the one is of the 
body1 and has no regard for the         
character of the beloved2 but he who is 
under the influence of the other        

disregards the body1 and is a looker    
rather than a lover1 and desires only   
with his soul to be knit to the soul of 
his friend2 while the intermediate sort 
is both of the body and of the soul4    
,here are three kinds of love3 ought the
 legislator to prohibit all of them     
equally1 or to allow the virtuous love  
to remain8 ',the latter1 clearly4' ,i   
expected to gain your approval2 but ,i  
will reserve the task of convincing our 
friend ,cleinias for another occasion4  
',very good4' ,to make right laws on    
this subject is in one point of view    
easy1 and in another most difficult2 for
 we know that in some cases most men    
abstain willingly from intercourse with 
the fair4 ,the unwritten law which      
prohibits members of the same family    
from such intercourse is strictly       
obeyed1 and no thought of anything else 
ever enters into the minds of men in    
general4 ,a little word puts out the    
fire of their lusts4 ',what is it8' ,the
 declaration that such things are       

hateful to the ,gods1 and most          
abominable and unholy4 ,the reason is   
that everywhere1 in jest and earnest    
alike1 this is the doctrine which is    
repeated to all from their earliest     
youth4 ,they see on the stage that an   
,oedipus or a ,thyestes or a ,macareus1 
when undeceived1 are ready to kill      
themselves4 ,there is an undoubted power
 in public opinion when no breath is    
heard adverse to the law2 and the       
legislator who would enslave these      
enslaving passions must consecrate such 
a public opinion all through the city4  
',good3 but how can you create it8' ,a  
fair objection2 but ,i promised to try  
and find some means of restraining loves
 to their natural objects4 ,a law which 
would extirpate unnatural love as       
effectually as incest is at present     
extirpated1 would be the source of      
innumerable blessings1 because it would 
be in accordance with nature1 and would 
get rid of excess in eating and drinking
 and of adulteries and frenzies1 making 

men love their wives1 and having other  
excellent effects4 ,i can imagine that  
some lusty youth overhears what we are  
saying1 and roars out in abusive terms  
that we are legislating for             
impossibilities4 ,and so a person might 
have said of the syssitia1 or common    
meals2 but this is refuted by facts1    
although even now they are not extended 
to women4 ',true4' ,there is no         
impossibility or super-humanity in my   
proposed law1 as ,i shall endeavour to  
prove4 ',do so4' ,will not a man find   
abstinence more easy when his body is   
sound than when he is in ill-condition8 
',yes4' ,have we not heard of ,iccus of 
,tarentum and other wrestlers who       
abstained wholly for a time8 ,yet they  
were infinitely worse educated than our 
citizens1 and far more lusty in their   
bodies4 ,and shall they have abstained  
for the sake of an athletic contest1 and
 our citizens be incapable of a similar 
endurance for the sake of a much nobler 
victory1--the victory over pleasure1    

which is true happiness8 ,will not the  
fear of impiety enable them to conquer  
that which many who were inferior to    
them have conquered8 ',i dare say4' ,and
 therefore the law must plainly declare 
that our citizens should not fall below 
the other animals1 who live all together
 in flocks1 and yet remain pure and     
chaste until the time of procreation    
comes1 when they pair1 and are ever     
after faithful to their compact4 ,but if
 the corruption of public opinion is too
 great to allow our first law to be     
carried out1 then our guardians of the  
law must turn legislators1 and try their
 hand at a second law4 ,they must       
minimize the appetites1 diverting the   
vigour of youth into other channels1    
allowing the practice of love in secret1
 but making detection shameful4 ,three  
higher principles may be brought to bear
 on all these corrupt natures4 ',what   
are they8' ,religion1 honour1 and the   
love of the higher qualities of the     
soul4 ,perhaps this is a dream only1 yet

 it is the best of dreams2 and if not   
the whole1 still1 by the grace of ,god1 
a part of what we desire may be         
realized4 ,either men may learn to      
abstain wholly from any loves1 natural  
or unnatural1 except of their wedded    
wives2 or1 at least1 they may give up   
unnatural loves2 or1 if detected1 they  
shall be punished with loss of          
citizenship1 as aliens from the state in
 their morals4 ',i entirely agree with  
you1' said ,megillus1 'but ,cleinias    
must speak for himself4' ',i will give  
my opinion by-and-by4'  ,we were        
speaking of the syssitia1 which will be 
a natural institution in a ,cretan      
colony4 ,whether they shall be          
established after the model of ,crete or
 ,lacedaemon1 or shall be different from
 either1 is an unimportant question     
which may be determined without         
difficulty4 ,we may1 therefore1 proceed 
to speak of the mode of life among our  
citizens1 which will be far less complex
 than in other cities2 a state which is 

inland and not maritime requires only   
half the number of laws4 ,there is no   
trouble about trade and commerce1 and a 
thousand other things4 ,the legislator  
has only to regulate the affairs of     
husbandmen and shepherds1 which will be 
easily arranged1 now that the principal 
questions1 such as marriage1 education1 
and government1 have been settled4  ,let
 us begin with husbandry3 ,first1 let   
there be a law of ,zeus against removing
 a neighbour's landmark1 whether he be a
 citizen or stranger4 ,for this is 'to  
move the immoveable'2 and ,zeus1 the    
,god of kindred1 witnesses to the wrongs
 of citizens1 and ,zeus1 the ,god of    
strangers1 to the wrongs of strangers4  
,the offence of removing a boundary     
shall receive two punishments--the first
 will be inflicted by the ,god himself2 
the second by the judges4 ,in the next  
place1 the differences between          
neighbours about encroachments must be  
guarded against4 ,he who encroaches     
shall pay twofold the amount of the     

injury2 of all such matters the wardens 
of the country shall be the judges1 in  
lesser cases the officers1 and in       
greater the whole number of them        
belonging to any one division4 ,any     
injury done by cattle1 the decoying of  
bees1 the careless firing of woods1 the 
planting unduly near a neighbour's      
ground1 shall all be visited with proper
 damages4 ,such details have been       
determined by previous legislators1 and 
need not now be mixed up with greater   
matters4 ,husbandmen have had of old    
excellent rules about streams and       
waters2 and we need not 'divert their   
course4' ,anybody may take water from a 
common stream1 if he does not thereby   
cut off a private spring2 he may lead   
the water in any direction1 except      
through a house or temple1 but he must  
do no harm beyond the channel4 ,if land 
is without water the occupier shall dig 
down to the clay1 and if at this depth  
he find no water1 he shall have a right 
of getting water from his neighbours for

 his household2 and if their supply is  
limited1 he shall receive from them a   
measure of water fixed by the wardens of
 the country4 ,if there be heavy rains1 
the dweller on the higher ground must   
not recklessly suffer the water to flow 
down upon a neighbour beneath him1 nor  
must he who lives upon lower ground or  
dwells in an adjoining house refuse an  
outlet4 ,if the two parties cannot      
agree1 they shall go before the wardens 
of the city or country1 and if a man    
refuse to abide by their decision1 he   
shall pay double the damage which he has
 caused4  ,in autumn ,god gives us two  
boons--one the joy of ,dionysus not to  
be laid up--the other to be laid up4    
,about the fruits of autumn let the law 
be as follows3 ,he who gathers the      
storing fruits of autumn1 whether grapes
 or figs1 before the time of the        
vintage1 which is the rising of         
,arcturus1 shall pay fifty drachmas as a
 fine to ,dionysus1 if he gathers on his
 own ground2 if on his neighbour's      

ground1 a mina1 and two-thirds of a mina
 if on that of any one else4 ,the grapes
 or figs not used for storing a man may 
gather when he pleases on his own       
ground1 but on that of others he must   
pay the penalty of removing what he has 
not laid down4 ,if he be a slave who has
 gathered1 he shall receive a stroke for
 every grape or fig4 ,a metic must      
purchase the choice fruit2 but a        
stranger may pluck for himself and his  
attendant4 ,this right of hospitality1  
however1 does not extend to storing     
grapes4 ,a slave who eats of the storing
 grapes or figs shall be beaten1 and the
 freeman be dismissed with a warning4   
,pears1 apples1 pomegranates1 may be    
taken secretly1 but he who is detected  
in the act of taking them shall be      
lightly beaten off1 if he be not more   
than thirty years of age4 ,the stranger 
and the elder may partake of them1 but  
not carry any away2 the latter1 if he   
does not obey the law1 shall fail in the
 competition of virtue1 if anybody      

brings up his offence against him4      
,water is also in need of protection1   
being the greatest element of nutrition1
 and1 unlike the other elements--soil1  
air1 and sun--which conspire in the     
growth of plants1 easily polluted4 ,and 
therefore he who spoils another's water1
 whether in springs or reservoirs1      
either by trenching1 or theft1 or by    
means of poisonous substances1 shall pay
 the damage and purify the stream4 ,at  
the getting-in of the harvest everybody 
shall have a right of way over his      
neighbour's ground1 provided he is      
careful to do no damage beyond the      
trespass1 or if he himself will gain    
three times as much as his neighbour    
loses4 ,of all this the magistrates are 
to take cognizance1 and they are to     
assess the damage where the injury does 
not exceed three minae2 cases of greater
 damage can be tried only in the public 
courts4 ,a charge against a magistrate  
is to be referred to the public courts1 
and any one who is found guilty of      

deciding corruptly shall pay twofold to 
the aggrieved person4 ,matters of detail
 relating to punishments and modes of   
procedure1 and summonses1 and witnesses 
to summonses1 do not require the mature 
wisdom of the aged legislator2 the      
younger generation may determine them   
according to their experience2 but when 
once determined1 they shall remain      
unaltered4  ,the following are to be the
 regulations respecting                 
handicrafts3--,no citizen1 or servant of
 a citizen1 is to practise them4 ,for   
the citizen has already an art and      
mystery1 which is the care of the state2
 and no man can practise two arts1 or   
practise one and superintend another4   
,no smith should be a carpenter1 and no 
carpenter1 having many slaves who are   
smiths1 should look after them himself2 
but let each man practise one art which 
shall be his means of livelihood4 ,the  
wardens of the city should see to this1 
punishing the citizen who offends with  
temporary deprival of his rights--the   

foreigner shall be imprisoned1 fined1   
exiled4 ,any disputes about contracts   
shall be determined by the wardens of   
the city up to fifty drachmae--above    
that sum by the public courts4 ,no      
customs are to be exacted either on     
imports or exports4 ,nothing unnecessary
 is to be imported from abroad1 whether 
for the service of the ,gods or for the 
use of man--neither purple1 nor other   
dyes1 nor frankincense1--and nothing    
needed in the country is to be exported4
 ,these things are to be decided on by  
the twelve guardians of the law who are 
next in seniority to the five elders4   
,arms and the materials of war are to be
 imported and exported only with the    
consent of the generals1 and then only  
by the state4 ,there is to be no retail 
trade either in these or any other      
articles4 ,for the distribution of the  
produce of the country1 the ,cretan laws
 afford a rule which may be usefully    
followed4 ,all shall be required to     
distribute corn1 grain1 animals1 and    

other valuable produce1 into twelve     
portions4 ,each of these shall be       
subdivided into three parts--one for    
freemen1 another for servants1 and the  
third shall be sold for the supply of   
artisans1 strangers1 and metics4 ,these 
portions must be equal whether the      
produce be much or little2 and the      
master of a household may distribute the
 two portions among his family and his  
slaves as he pleases--the remainder is  
to be measured out to the animals4      
,next as to the houses in the           
country--there shall be twelve villages1
 one in the centre of each of the twelve
 portions2 and in every village there   
shall be temples and an agora--also     
shrines for heroes or for any old       
,magnesian deities who linger about the 
place4 ,in every division there shall be
 temples of ,hestia1 ,zeus1 and ,athene1
 as well as of the local deity1         
surrounded by buildings on eminences1   
which will be the guard-houses of the   
rural police4 ,the dwellings of the     

artisans will be thus arranged3--,the   
artisans shall be formed into thirteen  
guilds1 one of which will be divided    
into twelve parts and settled in the    
city2 of the rest there shall be one in 
each division of the country4 ,and the  
magistrates will fix them on the spots  
where they will cause the least         
inconvenience and be most serviceable in
 supplying the wants of the husbandmen4 
,the care of the agora will fall to the 
wardens of the agora4 ,their first duty 
will be the regulation of the temples   
which surround the market-place2 and    
their second to see that the markets are
 orderly and that fair dealing is       
observed4 ,they will also take care that
 the sales which the citizens are       
required to make to strangers are duly  
executed4 ,the law shall be1 that on the
 first day of each month the auctioneers
 to whom the sale is entrusted shall    
offer grain2 and at this sale a twelfth 
part of the whole shall be exposed1 and 
the foreigner shall supply his wants for

 a month4 ,on the tenth1 there shall be 
a sale of liquids1 and on the           
twenty-third of animals1 skins1 woven or
 woollen stuffs1 and other things which 
husbandmen have to sell and foreigners  
want to buy4 ,none of these commodities1
 any more than barley or flour1 or any  
other food1 may be retailed by a citizen
 to a citizen2 but foreigners may sell  
them to one another in the foreigners'  
market4 ,there must also be butchers who
 will sell parts of animals to          
foreigners and craftsmen1 and their     
servants2 and foreigners may buy        
firewood wholesale of the commissioners 
of woods1 and may sell retail to        
foreigners4 ,all other goods must be    
sold in the market1 at some place       
indicated by the magistrates1 and shall 
be paid for on the spot4 ,he who gives  
credit1 and is cheated1 will have no    
redress4 ,in buying or selling1 any     
excess or diminution of what the law    
allows shall be registered4 ,the same   
rule is to be observed about the        

property of metics4 ,anybody who        
practises a handicraft may come and     
remain twenty years from the day on     
which he is enrolled2 at the expiration 
of this time he shall take what he has  
and depart4 ,the only condition which is
 to be imposed upon him as the tax of   
his sojourn is good conduct2 and he is  
not to pay any tax for being allowed to 
buy or sell4 ,but if he wants to extend 
the time of his sojourn1 and has done   
any service to the state1 and he can    
persuade the council and assembly to    
grant his request1 he may remain4 ,the  
children of metics may also be metics2  
and the period of twenty years1 during  
which they are permitted to sojourn1 is 
to count1 in their case1 from their     
fifteenth year4  ,no mention occurs in  
the ,laws of the doctrine of ,ideas4    
,the will of ,god1 the authority of the 
legislator1 and the dignity of the soul1
 have taken their place in the mind of  
,plato4 ,if we ask what is that truth or
 principle which1 towards the end of his

 life1 seems to have absorbed him most1 
like the idea of good in the ,republic1 
or of beauty in the ,symposium1 or of   
the unity of virtue in the ,protagoras1 
we should answer--,the priority of the  
soul to the body3 his later system      
mainly hangs upon this4 ,in the ,laws1  
as in the ,sophist and ,statesman1 we   
pass out of the region of metaphysical  
or transcendental ideas into that of    
psychology4  ,the opening of the fifth  
book1 though abrupt and unconnected in  
style1 is one of the most elevated      
passages in ,plato4 ,the religious      
feeling which he seeks to diffuse over  
the commonest actions of life1 the      
blessedness of living in the truth1 the 
great mistake of a man living for       
himself1 the pity as well as anger which
 should be felt at evil1 the kindness   
due to the suppliant and the stranger1  
have the temper of ,christian           
philosophy4 ,the remark that elder men1 
if they want to educate others1 should  
begin by educating themselves2 the      

necessity of creating a spirit of       
obedience in the citizens2 the          
desirableness of limiting property2 the 
importance of parochial districts1 each 
to be placed under the protection of    
some ,god or demigod1 have almost the   
tone of a modern writer4 ,in many of his
 views of politics1 ,plato seems to us1 
like some politicians of our own time1  
to be half socialist1 half conservative4
  ,in the ,laws1 we remark a change in  
the place assigned by him to pleasure   
and pain4 ,there are two ways in which  
even the ideal systems of morals may    
regard them3 either like the ,stoics1   
and other ascetics1 we may say that     
pleasure must be eradicated2 or if this 
seems unreal to us1 we may affirm that  
virtue is the true pleasure2 and then1  
as ,aristotle says1 'to be brought up to
 take pleasure in what we ought1        
exercises a great and paramount         
influence on human life' 7,arist4 ,eth4 
,nic474 ,or as ,plato says in the ,laws1
 ',a man will recognize the noblest life

 as having the greatest pleasure and the
 least pain1 if he have a true taste4'  
,if we admit that pleasures differ in   
kind1 the opposition between these two  
modes of speaking is rather verbal than 
real2 and in the greater part of the    
writings of ,plato they alternate with  
each other4 ,in the ,republic1 the mere 
suggestion that pleasure may be the     
chief good1 is received by ,socrates    
with a cry of abhorrence2 but in the    
,philebus1 innocent pleasures vindicate 
their right to a place in the scale of  
goods4 ,in the ,protagoras1 speaking in 
the person of ,socrates rather than in  
his own1 ,plato admits the calculation  
of pleasure to be the true basis of     
ethics1 while in the ,phaedo he         
indignantly denies that the exchange of 
one pleasure for another is the exchange
 of virtue4 ,so wide of the mark are    
they who would attribute to ,plato      
entire consistency in thoughts or words4
  ,he acknowledges that the second state
 is inferior to the first--in this1 at  

any rate1 he is consistent2 and he still
 casts longing eyes upon the ideal4     
,several features of the first are      
retained in the second3 the education of
 men and women is to be as far as       
possible the same2 they are to have     
common meals1 though separate1 the men  
by themselves1 the women with their     
children2 and they are both to serve in 
the army2 the citizens1 if not actually 
communists1 are in spirit communistic2  
they are to be lovers of equality2 only 
a certain amount of wealth is permitted 
to them1 and their burdens and also     
their privileges are to be proportioned 
to this4 ,the constitution in the ,laws 
is a timocracy of wealth1 modified by an
 aristocracy of merit4 ,yet the         
political philosopher will observe that 
the first of these two principles is    
fixed and permanent1 while the latter is
 uncertain and dependent on the opinion 
of the multitude4 ,wealth1 after all1   
plays a great part in the ,second       
,republic of ,plato4 ,like other        

politicians1 he deems that a property   
qualification will contribute stability 
to the state4 ,the four classes are     
derived from the constitution of        
,athens1 just as the form of the city1  
which is clustered around a citadel set 
on a hill1 is suggested by the          
,acropolis at ,athens4 ,plato1 writing  
under ,pythagorean influences1 seems    
really to have supposed that the        
well-being of the city depended almost  
as much on the number #ejdj as on       
justice and moderation4 ,but he is not  
prevented by ,pythagoreanism from       
observing the effects which climate and 
soil exercise on the characters of      
nations4  ,he was doubtful in the       
,republic whether the ideal or          
communistic state could be realized1 but
 was at the same time prepared to       
maintain that whether it existed or not 
made no difference to the philosopher1  
who will in any case regulate his life  
by it 7,republic74 ,he has now lost     
faith in the practicability of his      

scheme--he is speaking to 'men1 and not 
to ,gods or sons of ,gods' 7,laws74 ,yet
 he still maintains it to be the true   
pattern of the state1 which we must     
approach as nearly as possible3 as      
,aristotle says1 ',after having created 
a more general form of state1 he        
gradually brings it round to the other' 
7,pol474 ,he does not observe1 either   
here or in the ,republic1 that in such a
 commonwealth there would be little room
 for the development of individual      
character4 ,in several respects the     
second state is an improvement on the   
first1 especially in being based more   
distinctly on the dignity of the soul4  
,the standard of truth1 justice1        
temperance1 is as high as in the        
,republic2--in one respect higher1 for  
temperance is now regarded1 not as a    
virtue1 but as the condition of all     
virtue4 ,it is finally acknowledged that
 the virtues are all one and connected1 
and that if they are separated1 courage 
is the lowest of them4 ,the treatment of

 moral questions is less speculative but
 more human4 ,the idea of good has      
disappeared2 the excellences of         
individuals--of him who is faithful in a
 civil broil1 of the examiner who is    
incorruptible1 are the patterns to which
 the lives of the citizens are to       
conform4 ,plato is never weary of       
speaking of the honour of the soul1     
which can only be honoured truly by     
being improved4 ,to make the soul as    
good as possible1 and to prepare her for
 communion with the ,gods in another    
world by communion with divine virtue in
 this1 is the end of life4 ,if the      
,republic is far superior to the ,laws  
in form and style1 and perhaps in reach 
of thought1 the ,laws leave on the mind 
of the modern reader much more strongly 
the impression of a struggle against    
evil1 and an enthusiasm for human       
improvement4 ,when ,plato says that he  
must carry out that part of his ideal   
which is practicable1 he does not appear
 to have reflected that part of an ideal

 cannot be detached from the whole4     
,the great defect of both his           
constitutions is the fixedness which he 
seeks to impress upon them4 ,he had seen
 the ,athenian empire1 almost within the
 limits of his own life1 wax and wane1  
but he never seems to have asked himself
 what would happen if1 a century from   
the time at which he was writing1 the   
,greek character should have as much    
changed as in the century which had     
preceded4 ,he fails to perceive that the
 greater part of the political life of a
 nation is not that which is given them 
by their legislators1 but that which    
they give themselves4 ,he has never     
reflected that without progress there   
cannot be order1 and that mere order can
 only be preserved by an unnatural and  
despotic repression4 ,the possibility of
 a great nation or of an universal      
empire arising never occurred to him4   
,he sees the enfeebled and distracted   
state of the ,hellenic world in his own 
later life1 and thinks that the remedy  

is to make the laws unchangeable4 ,the  
same want of insight is apparent in his 
judgments about art4 ,he would like to  
have the forms of sculpture and of music
 fixed as in ,egypt4 ,he does not       
consider that this would be fatal to the
 true principles of art1 which1 as      
,socrates had himself taught1 was to    
give life 7,xen4 ,mem474 ,we wonder how1
 familiar as he was with the statues of 
,pheidias1 he could have endured the    
lifeless and half-monstrous works of    
,egyptian sculpture4 ,the 'chants of    
,isis' 7,laws71 we might think1 would   
have been barbarous in an ,athenian ear4
 ,but although he is aware that there   
are some things which are not so well   
among 'the children of the ,nile1' he is
 deeply struck with the stability of    
,egyptian institutions4 ,both in        
politics and in art ,plato seems to have
 seen no way of bringing order out of   
disorder1 except by taking a step       
backwards4 ,antiquity1 compared with the
 world in which he lived1 had a         

sacredness and authority for him3 the   
men of a former age were supposed by him
 to have had a sense of reverence which 
was wanting among his contemporaries4   
,he could imagine the early stages of   
civilization2 he never thought of what  
the future might bring forth4 ,his      
experience is confined to two or three  
centuries1 to a few ,greek states1 and  
to an uncertain report of ,egypt and the
 ,east4 ,there are many ways in which   
the limitations of their knowledge      
affected the genius of the ,greeks4 ,in 
criticism they were like children1      
having an acute vision of things which  
were near to them1 blind to             
possibilities which were in the         
distance4  ,the colony is to receive    
from the mother-country her original    
constitution1 and some of the first     
guardians of the law4 ,the guardians of 
the law are to be ministers of justice1 
and the president of education is to    
take precedence of them all4 ,they are  
to keep the registers of property1 to   

make regulations for trade1 and they are
 to be superannuated at seventy years of
 age4 ,several questions of modern      
politics1 such as the limitation of     
property1 the enforcement of education1 
the relations of classes1 are           
anticipated by ,plato4 ,he hopes that in
 his state will be found neither poverty
 nor riches2 every man having the       
necessaries of life1 he need not go     
fortune-hunting in marriage4 ,almost in 
the spirit of the ,gospel he would say1 
',how hardly can a rich man dwell in a  
perfect state4' ,for he cannot be a good
 man who is always gaining too much and 
spending too little 7,laws2 compare     
,arist4 ,eth4 ,nic474 ,plato1 though he 
admits wealth as a political element1   
would deny that material prosperity can 
be the foundation of a really great     
community4 ,a man's soul1 as he often   
says1 is more to be esteemed than his   
body2 and his body than external goods4 
,he repeats the complaint which has been
 made in all ages1 that the love of     

money is the corruption of states4 ,he  
has a sympathy with thieves and         
burglars1 'many of whom are men of      
ability and greatly to be pitied1       
because their souls are hungering and   
thirsting all their lives long2' but he 
has little sympathy with shopkeepers or 
retailers1 although he makes the        
reflection1 which sometimes occurs to   
ourselves1 that such occupations1 if    
they were carried on honestly by the    
best men and women1 would be delightful 
and honourable4 ,for traders and        
artisans a moderate gain was1 in his    
opinion1 best4 ,he has never1 like      
modern writers1 idealized the wealth of 
nations1 any more than he has worked out
 the problems of political economy1     
which among the ancients had not yet    
grown into a science4 ,the isolation of 
,greek states1 their constant wars1 the 
want of a free industrial population1   
and of the modern methods and           
instruments of 'credit1' prevented any  
great extension of commerce among them2 

and so hindered them from forming a     
theory of the laws which regulate the   
accumulation and distribution of wealth4
  ,the constitution of the army is      
aristocratic and also democratic2       
official appointment is combined with   
popular election4 ,the two principles   
are carried out as follows3 ,the        
guardians of the law nominate generals  
out of whom three are chosen by those   
who are or have been of the age for     
military service2 and the generals      
elected have the nomination of certain  
of the inferior officers4 ,but if either
 in the case of generals or of the      
inferior officers any one is ready to   
swear that he knows of a better man than
 those nominated1 he may put the claims 
of his candidate to the vote of the     
whole army1 or of the division of the   
service which he will1 if elected1      
command4 ,there is a general assembly1  
but its functions1 except at elections1 
are hardly noticed4 ,in the election of 
the ,boule1 ,plato again attempts to mix

 aristocracy and democracy4 ,this is    
effected1 first as in the ,servian      
constitution1 by balancing wealth and   
numbers2 for it cannot be supposed that 
those who possessed a higher            
qualification were equal in number with 
those who had a lower1 and yet they have
 an equal number of representatives4 ,in
 the second place1 all classes are      
compelled to vote in the election of    
senators from the first and second      
class2 but the fourth class is not      
compelled to elect from the third1 nor  
the third and fourth from the fourth4   
,thirdly1 out of the #ahj persons who   
are thus chosen from each of the four   
classes1 #gbj in all1 #cfj are to be    
taken by lot2 these form the council for
 the year4  ,these political adjustments
 of ,plato's will be criticised by the  
practical statesman as being for the    
most part fanciful and ineffectual4 ,he 
will observe1 first of all1 that the    
only real check on democracy is the     
division into classes4 ,the second of   

the three proposals1 though ingenious1  
and receiving some light from the apathy
 to politics which is often shown by the
 higher classes in a democracy1 would   
have little power in times of excitement
 and peril1 when the precaution was most
 needed4 ,at such political crises1 all 
the lower classes would vote equally    
with the higher4 ,the subtraction of    
half the persons chosen at the first    
election by the chances of the lot would
 not raise the character of the         
senators1 and is open to the objection  
of uncertainty1 which necessarily       
attends this and similar schemes of     
double representative government4 ,nor  
can the voters be expected to retain the
 continuous political interest required 
for carrying out such a proposal as     
,plato's4 ,who could select #ahj persons
 of each class1 fitted to be senators8  
,and whoever were chosen by the voter in
 the first instance1 his wishes might be
 neutralized by the action of the lot4  
,yet the scheme of ,plato is not really 

so extravagant as the actual            
constitution of ,athens1 in which all   
the senators appear to have been elected
 by lot 7apo kuamou bouleutai71 at      
least1 after the revolution made by     
,cleisthenes2 for the constitution of   
the senate which was established by     
,solon probably had some aristocratic   
features1 though their precise nature is
 unknown to us4 ,the ancients knew that 
election by lot was the most democratic 
of all modes of appointment1 seeming to 
say in the objectionable sense1 that    
'one man is as good as another4' ,plato1
 who is desirous of mingling different  
elements1 makes a partial use of the    
lot1 which he applies to candidates     
already elected by vote4 ,he attempts   
also to devise a system of checks and   
balances such as he supposes to have    
been intended by the ancient            
legislators4 ,we are disposed to say to 
him1 as he himself says in a remarkable 
passage1 that 'no man ever legislates1  
but accidents of all sorts1 which       

legislate for us in all sorts of ways4  
,the violence of war and the hard       
necessity of poverty are constantly     
overturning governments and changing    
laws4' ,and yet1 as he adds1 the true   
legislator is still required3 he must   
co-operate with circumstances4 ,many    
things which are ascribed to human      
foresight are the result of chance4     
,ancient1 and in a less degree modern   
political constitutions1 are never      
consistent with themselves1 because they
 are never framed on a single design1   
but are added to from time to time as   
new elements arise and gain the         
preponderance in the state4 ,we often   
attribute to the wisdom of our ancestors
 great political effects which have     
sprung unforeseen from the accident of  
the situation4 ,power1 not wisdom1 is   
most commonly the source of political   
revolutions4 ,and the result1 as in the 
,roman ,republic1 of the co-existence of
 opposite elements in the same state is1
 not a balance of power or an equable   

progress of liberal principles1 but a   
conflict of forces1 of which one or     
other may happen to be in the ascendant4
 ,in ,greek history1 as well as in      
,plato's conception of it1 this         
'progression by antagonism' involves    
reaction3 the aristocracy expands into  
democracy and returns again to tyranny4 
,the constitution of the ,laws may be   
said to consist1 besides the            
magistrates1 mainly of three            
elements1--an administrative ,council1  
the judiciary1 and the ,nocturnal       
,council1 which is an intellectual      
aristocracy1 composed of priests and the
 ten eldest guardians of the law and    
some younger co-opted members4 ,to this 
latter chiefly are assigned the         
functions of legislation1 but to be     
exercised with a sparing hand4 ,the     
powers of the ordinary council are      
administrative rather than legislative4 
,the whole number of #cfj1 as in the    
,athenian constitution1 is distributed  
among the months of the year according  

to the number of the tribes4 ,not more  
than one-twelfth is to be in office at  
once1 so that the government would be   
made up of twelve administrations       
succeeding one another in the course of 
the year4 ,they are to exercise a       
general superintendence1 and1 like the  
,athenian counsellors1 are to preside in
 monthly divisions over all assemblies4 
,of the ecclesia over which they        
presided little is said1 and that little
 relates to comparatively trifling      
duties4 ,nothing is less present to the 
mind of ,plato than a ,house of         
,commons1 carrying on year by year the  
work of legislation4 ,for he supposes   
the laws to be already provided4 ,as    
little would he approve of a body like  
the ,roman ,senate4 ,the people and the 
aristocracy alike are to be represented1
 not by assemblies1 but by officers     
elected for one or two years1 except the
 guardians of the law1 who are elected  
for twenty years4  ,the evils of this   
system are obvious4 ,if in any state1 as

 ,plato says in the ,statesman1 it is   
easier to find fifty good               
draught-players than fifty good rulers1 
the greater part of the #cfj who compose
 the council must be unfitted to rule4  
,the unfitness would be increased by the
 short period during which they held    
office4 ,there would be no traditions of
 government among them1 as in a ,greek  
or ,italian oligarchy1 and no individual
 would be responsible for any of their  
acts4 ,everything seems to have been    
sacrificed to a false notion of         
equality1 according to which all have a 
turn of ruling and being ruled4 ,in the 
constitution of the ,magnesian state    
,plato has not emancipated himself from 
the limitations of ancient politics4    
,his government may be described as a   
democracy of magistrates elected by the 
people4 ,he never troubles himself about
 the political consistency of his       
scheme4 ,he does indeed say that the    
greater part of the good of this world  
arises1 not from equality1 but from     

proportion1 which he calls the judgment 
of ,zeus 7compare ,aristotle's          
,distributive ,justice71 but he hardly  
makes any attempt to carry out the      
principle in practice4 ,there is no     
attempt to proportion representation to 
merit2 nor is there any body in his     
commonwealth which represents the life  
either of a class or of the whole state4
 ,the manner of appointing magistrates  
is taken chiefly from the old democratic
 constitution of ,athens1 of which it   
retains some of the worst features1 such
 as the use of the lot1 while by doing  
away with the political character of the
 popular assembly the mainspring of the 
machine is taken out4 ,the guardians of 
the law1 thirty-seven in number1 of whom
 the ten eldest reappear as a part of   
the ,nocturnal ,council at the end of   
the twelfth book1 are to be elected by  
the whole military class1 but they are  
to hold office for twenty years1 and    
would therefore have an oligarchical    
rather than a democratic character4     

,nothing is said of the manner in which 
the functions of the ,nocturnal ,council
 are to be harmonized with those of the 
guardians of the law1 or as to how the  
ordinary council is related to it4      
,similar principles are applied to      
inferior offices4 ,to some the          
appointment is made by vote1 to others  
by lot4 ,in the elections to the        
priesthood1 ,plato endeavours to mix or 
balance in a friendly manner 'demus and 
not demus4' ,the commonwealth of the    
,laws1 like the ,republic1 cannot       
dispense with a spiritual head1 which is
 the same in both--the oracle of        
,delphi4 ,from this the laws about all  
divine things are to be derived4 ,the   
final selection of the ,interpreters1   
the choice of an heir for a vacant lot1 
the punishment for removing a deposit1  
are also to be determined by it4 ,plato 
is not disposed to encourage amateur    
attempts to revive religion in states4  
,for1 as he says in the ,laws1 ',to     
institute religious rites is the work of

 a great intelligence4'  ,though the    
council is framed on the model of the   
,athenian ,boule1 the law courts of     
,plato do not equally conform to the    
pattern of the ,athenian dicasteries4   
,plato thinks that the judges should    
speak and ask questions3--this is not   
possible if they are numerous2 he would1
 therefore1 have a few judges only1 but 
good ones4 ,he is nevertheless aware    
that both in public and private suits   
there must be a popular element4 ,he    
insists that the whole people must share
 in the administration of justice--in   
public causes they are to take the first
 step1 and the final decision is to     
remain with them4 ,in private suits they
 are also to retain a share2 'for the   
citizen who has no part in the          
administration of justice is apt to     
think that he has no share in the state4
 ,for this reason there is to be a court
 of law in every tribe 7i4e4 for about  
every #b1jjj citizens71 and the judges  
are to be chosen by lot4' ,of the courts

 of law he gives what he calls a        
superficial sketch4 ,nor1 indeed is it  
easy to reconcile his various accounts  
of them4 ,it is however clear that      
although some officials1 like the       
guardians of the law1 the wardens of the
 agora1 city1 and country have power to 
inflict minor penalties1 the            
administration of justice is in the main
 popular4 ,the ingenious expedient of   
dividing the questions of law and fact  
between a judge and jury1 which would   
have enabled ,plato to combine the      
popular element with the judicial1 did  
not occur to him or to any other ancient
 political philosopher4 ,though desirous
 of limiting the number of judges1 and  
thereby confining the office to persons 
specially fitted for it1 he does not    
seem to have understood that a body of  
law must be formed by decisions as well 
as by legal enactments4  ,he would have 
men in the first place seek justice from
 their friends and neighbours1 because1 
as he truly remarks1 they know best the 

questions at issue2 these are called in 
another passage arbiters rather than    
judges4 ,but if they cannot settle the  
matter1 it is to be referred to the     
courts of the tribes1 and a higher      
penalty is to be paid by the party who  
is unsuccessful in the suit4 ,there is a
 further appeal allowed to the select   
judges1 with a further increase of      
penalty4 ,the select judges are to be   
appointed by the magistrates1 who are to
 choose one from every magistracy4 ,they
 are to be elected annually1 and        
therefore probably for a year only1 and 
are liable to be called to account      
before the guardians of the law4 ,in    
cases of which death is the penalty1 the
 trial takes place before a special     
court1 which is composed of the         
guardians of the law and of the judges  
of appeal4  ,in treating of the subject 
in ,book ix1 he proposes to leave for   
the most part the methods of procedure  
to a younger generation of legislators2 
the procedure in capital causes he      

determines himself4 ,he insists that the
 vote of the judges shall be given      
openly1 and before they vote they are to
 hear speeches from the plaintiff and   
defendant4 ,they are then to take       
evidence in support of what has been    
said1 and to examine witnesses4 ,the    
eldest judge is to ask his questions    
first1 and then the second1 and then the
 third4 ,the interrogatories are to     
continue for three days1 and the        
evidence is to be written down4         
,apparently he does not expect the      
judges to be professional lawyers1 any  
more than he expects the members of the 
council to be trained statesmen4  ,in   
forming marriage connexions1 ,plato     
supposes that the public interest will  
prevail over private inclination4 ,there
 was nothing in this very shocking to   
the notions of ,greeks1 among whom the  
feeling of love towards the other sex   
was almost deprived of sentiment or     
romance4 ,married life is to be         
regulated solely with a view to the good

 of the state4 ,the newly-married couple
 are not allowed to absent themselves   
from their respective syssitia1 even    
during their honeymoon2 they are to give
 their whole mind to the procreation of 
children2 their duties to one another at
 a later period of life are not a matter
 about which the state is equally       
solicitous4 ,divorces are readily       
allowed for incompatibility of temper4  
,as in the ,republic1 physical          
considerations seem almost to exclude   
moral and social ones4 ,to modern       
feelings there is a degree of coarseness
 in ,plato's treatment of the subject4  
,yet he also makes some shrewd remarks  
on marriage1 as for example1 that a man 
who does not marry for money will not be
 the humble servant of his wife4 ,and he
 shows a true conception of the nature  
of the family1 when he requires that the
 newly-married couple 'should leave     
their father and mother1' and have a    
separate home4 ,he also provides against
 extravagance in marriage festivals1    

which in some states of society1 for    
instance in the case of the ,hindoos1   
has been a social evil of the first     
magnitude4  ,in treating of property1   
,plato takes occasion to speak of       
property in slaves4 ,they are to be     
treated with perfect justice2 but1 for  
their own sake1 to be kept at a         
distance4 ,the motive is not so much    
humanity to the slave1 of which there   
are hardly any traces 7although ,plato  
allows that many in the hour of peril   
have found a slave more attached than   
members of their own family71 but the   
self-respect which the freeman and      
citizen owes to himself 7compare        
,republic74 ,if they commit crimes1 they
 are doubly punished2 if they inform    
against illegal practices of their      
masters1 they are to receive a          
protection1 which would probably be     
ineffectual1 from the guardians of the  
law2 in rare cases they are to be set   
free4 ,plato still breathes the spirit  
of the old ,hellenic world1 in which    

slavery was a necessity1 because leisure
 must be provided for the citizen4  ,the
 education propounded in the ,laws      
differs in several points from that of  
the ,republic4 ,plato seems to have     
reflected as deeply and earnestly on the
 importance of infancy as ,rousseau1 or 
,jean ,paul 7compare the saying of the  
latter--',not the moment of death1 but  
the moment of birth1 is probably the    
more important'74 ,he would fix the     
amusements of children in the hope of   
fixing their characters in after-life4  
,in the spirit of the statesman who     
said1 ',let me make the ballads of a    
country1 and ,i care not who make their 
laws1' ,plato would say1 ',let the      
amusements of children be unchanged1 and
 they will not want to change the laws4 
,the ',goddess ,harmonia' plays a great 
part in ,plato's ideas of education4    
,the natural restless force of life in  
children1 'who do nothing but roar until
 they are three years old1' is gradually
 to be reduced to law and order4 ,as in 

the ,republic1 he fixes certain forms in
 which songs are to be composed3 7#a7   
they are to be strains of cheerfulness  
and good omen2 7#b7 they are to be hymns
 or prayers addressed to the ,gods2 7#c7
 they are to sing only of the lawful and
 good4 ,the poets are again expelled or 
rather ironically invited to depart2 and
 those who remain are required to submit
 their poems to the censorship of the   
magistrates4 ,youth are no longer       
compelled to commit to memory many      
thousand lyric and tragic ,greek verses2
 yet1 perhaps1 a worse fate is in store 
for them4 ,plato has no belief in       
'liberty of prophesying'2 and having    
guarded against the dangers of lyric    
poetry1 he remembers that there is an   
equal danger in other writings4 ,he     
cannot leave his old enemies1 the       
,sophists1 in possession of the field2  
and therefore he proposes that youth    
shall learn by heart1 instead of the    
compositions of poets or prose writers1 
his own inspired work on laws4 ,these1  

and music and mathematics1 are the chief
 parts of his education4  ,mathematics  
are to be cultivated1 not as in the     
,republic with a view to the science of 
the idea of good1--though the higher use
 of them is not altogether              
excluded1--but rather with a religious  
and political aim4 ,they are a sacred   
study which teaches men how to          
distribute the portions of a state1 and 
which is to be pursued in order that    
they may learn not to blaspheme about   
astronomy4 ,against three mathematical  
errors ,plato is in profound earnest4   
,first1 the error of supposing that the 
three dimensions of length1 breadth1 and
 height1 are really commensurable with  
one another4 ,the difficulty which he   
feels is analogous to the difficulty    
which he formerly felt about the        
connexion of ideas1 and is equally      
characteristic of ancient philosophy3 he
 fixes his mind on the point of         
difference1 and cannot at the same time 
take in the similarity4 ,secondly1 he is

 puzzled about the nature of fractions3 
in the ,republic1 he is disposed to deny
 the possibility of their existence4    
,thirdly1 his optimism leads him to     
insist 7unlike the ,spanish king who    
thought that he could have improved on  
the mechanism of the heavens7 on the    
perfect or circular movement of the     
heavenly bodies4 ,he appears to mean1   
that instead of regarding the stars as  
overtaking or being overtaken by one    
another1 or as planets wandering in many
 paths1 a more comprehensive survey of  
the heavens would enable us to infer    
that they all alike moved in a circle   
around a centre 7compare ,timaeus2      
,republic74 ,he probably suspected1     
though unacquainted with the true cause1
 that the appearance of the heavens did 
not agree with the reality3 at any rate1
 his notions of what was right or       
fitting easily overpowered the results  
of actual observation4 ,to the early    
astronomers1 who lived at the revival of
 science1 as to ,plato1 there was       

nothing absurd in a priori astronomy1   
and they would probably have made fewer 
real discoveries of they had followed   
any other track4 7,compare ,introduction
 to the ,republic47  ,the science of    
dialectic is nowhere mentioned by name  
in the ,laws1 nor is anything said of   
the education of after-life4 ,the child 
is to begin to learn at ten years of    
age3 he is to be taught reading and     
writing for three years1 from ten to    
thirteen1 and no longer2 and for three  
years more1 from thirteen to sixteen1 he
 is to be instructed in music4 ,the     
great fault which ,plato finds in the   
contemporary education is the almost    
total ignorance of arithmetic and       
astronomy1 in which the ,greeks would do
 well to take a lesson from the         
,egyptians 7compare ,republic74 ,dancing
 and wrestling are to have a military   
character1 and women as well as men are 
to be taught the use of arms4 ,the      
military spirit which ,plato has vainly 
endeavoured to expel in the first two   

books returns again in the seventh and  
eighth4 ,he has evidently a sympathy    
with the soldier1 as well as with the   
poet1 and he is no mean master of the   
art1 or at least of the theory1 of war  
7compare ,laws2 ,republic71 though      
inclining rather to the ,spartan than to
 the ,athenian practice of it 7,laws74  
,of a supreme or master science which   
was to be the 'coping-stone' of the     
rest1 few traces appear in the ,laws4   
,he seems to have lost faith in it1 or  
perhaps to have realized that the time  
for such a science had not yet come1 and
 that he was unable to fill up the      
outline which he had sketched4 ,there is
 no requirement that the guardians of   
the law shall be philosophers1 although 
they are to know the unity of virtue1   
and the connexion of the sciences4 ,nor 
are we told that the leisure of the     
citizens1 when they are grown up1 is to 
be devoted to any intellectual          
employment4 ,in this respect we note a  
falling off from the ,republic1 but also

 there is 'the returning to it' of which
 ,aristotle speaks in the ,politics4    
,the public and family duties of the    
citizens are to be their main business1 
and these would1 no doubt1 take up a    
great deal more time than in the modern 
world we are willing to allow to either 
of them4 ,plato no longer entertains the
 idea of any regular training to be     
pursued under the superintendence of the
 state from eighteen to thirty1 or from 
thirty to thirty-five2 he has taken the 
first step downwards on ',constitution  
,hill' 7,republic74 ,but he maintains as
 earnestly as ever that 'to men living  
under this second polity there remains  
the greatest of all works1 the education
 of the soul1' and that no bye-work     
should be allowed to interfere with it4 
,night and day are not long enough for  
the consummation of it4  ,few among us  
are either able or willing to carry     
education into later life2 five or six  
years spent at school1 three or four at 
a university1 or in the preparation for 

a profession1 an occasional attendance  
at a lecture to which we are invited by 
friends when we have an hour to spare   
from house-keeping or                   
money-making--these comprise1 as a      
matter of fact1 the education even of   
the educated2 and then the lamp is      
extinguished 'more truly than           
,heracleitus' sun1 never to be lighted  
again' 7,republic74 ,the description    
which ,plato gives in the ,republic of  
the state of adult education among his  
contemporaries may be applied almost    
word for word to our own age4 ,he does  
not however acquiesce in this           
widely-spread want of a higher          
education2 he would rather seek to make 
every man something of a philosopher    
before he enters on the duties of active
 life4 ,but in the ,laws he no longer   
prescribes any regular course of study  
which is to be pursued in mature years4 
,nor does he remark that the education  
of after-life is of another kind1 and   
must consist with the majority of the   

world rather in the improvement of      
character than in the acquirement of    
knowledge4 ,it comes from the study of  
ourselves and other men3 from moderation
 and experience3 from reflection on     
circumstances3 from the pursuit of high 
aims3 from a right use of the           
opportunities of life4 ,it is the       
preservation of what we have been1 and  
the addition of something more4 ,the    
power of abstract study or continuous   
thought is very rare1 but such a        
training as this can be given by every  
one to himself4  ,the singular passage  
in ,book vii41 in which ,plato describes
 life as a pastime1 like many other     
passages in the ,laws is imperfectly    
expressed4 ,two thoughts seem to be     
struggling in his mind3 first1 the      
reflection1 to which he returns at the  
end of the passage1 that men are        
playthings or puppets1 and that ,god    
only is the serious aim of human        
endeavours2 this suggests to him the    
afterthought that1 although playthings1 

they are the playthings of the ,gods1   
and that this is the best of them4 ,the 
cynical1 ironical fancy of the moment   
insensibly passes into a religious      
sentiment4 ,in another passage he says  
that life is a game of which ,god1 who  
is the player1 shifts the pieces so as  
to procure the victory of good on the   
whole4 ,or once more3 ,tragedies are    
acted on the stage2 but the best and    
noblest of them is the imitation of the 
noblest life1 which we affirm to be the 
life of our whole state4 ,again1 life is
 a chorus1 as well as a sort of mystery1
 in which we have the ,gods for         
playmates4 ,men imagine that war is     
their serious pursuit1 and they make war
 that they may return to their          
amusements4 ,but neither wars nor       
amusements are the true satisfaction of 
men1 which is to be found only in the   
society of the ,gods1 in sacrificing to 
them and propitiating them4 ,like a     
,christian ascetic1 ,plato seems to     
suppose that life should be passed      

wholly in the enjoyment of divine       
things4 ,and after meditating in        
amazement on the sadness and unreality  
of the world1 he adds1 in a sort of     
parenthesis1 ',be cheerful1 ,sirs'      
7,shakespeare1 ,tempest47  ,in one of   
the noblest passages of ,plato1 he      
speaks of the relation of the sexes4    
,natural relations between members of   
the same family have been established of
 old2 a 'little word' has put a stop to 
incestuous connexions4 ,but unnatural   
unions of another kind continued to     
prevail at ,crete and ,lacedaemon1 and  
were even justified by the example of   
the ,gods4 ,they1 too1 might be         
banished1 if the feeling that they were 
unholy and abominable could sink into   
the minds of men4 ,the legislator is to 
cry aloud1 and spare not1 ',let not men 
fall below the level of the beasts4'    
,plato does not shrink1 like some modern
 philosophers1 from 'carrying on war    
against the mightiest lusts of mankind2'
 neither does he expect to extirpate    

them1 but only to confine them to their 
natural use and purpose1 by the         
enactments of law1 and by the influence 
of public opinion4 ,he will not feed    
them by an over-luxurious diet1 nor     
allow the healthier instincts of the    
soul to be corrupted by music and       
poetry4 ,the prohibition of excessive   
wealth is1 as he says1 a very           
considerable gain in the way of         
temperance1 nor does he allow of those  
enthusiastic friendships between older  
and younger persons which in his earlier
 writings appear to be alluded to with a
 certain degree of amusement and without
 reproof 7compare ,introduction to the  
,symposium74 ,sappho and ,anacreon are  
celebrated by him in the ,charmides and 
the ,phaedrus2 but they would have been 
expelled from the ,magnesian state4     
,yet he does not suppose that the rule  
of absolute purity can be enforced on   
all mankind4 ,something must be conceded
 to the weakness of human nature4 ,he   
therefore adopts a 'second legal        

standard of honourable and              
dishonourable1 having a second standard 
of right4' ,he would abolish altogether 
'the connexion of men with men444,as to 
women1 if any man has to do with any but
 those who come into his house duly     
married by sacred rites1 and he offends 
publicly in the face of all mankind1 we 
shall be right in enacting that he be   
deprived of civic honours and           
privileges4' ,but feeling also that it  
is impossible wholly to control the     
mightiest passions of mankind1' ,plato1 
like other legislators1 makes a         
compromise4 ,the offender must not be   
found out2 decency1 if not morality1    
must be respected4 ,in this he appears  
to agree with the practice of all       
civilized ages and countries4 ,much may 
be truly said by the moralist on the    
comparative harm of open and concealed  
vice4 ,nor do we deny that some moral   
evils are better turned out to the      
light1 because1 like diseases1 when     
exposed1 they are more easily cured4    

,and secrecy introduces mystery which   
enormously exaggerates their power2 a   
mere animal want is thus elevated into a
 sentimental ideal4 ,it may very well be
 that a word spoken in season about     
things which are commonly concealed may 
have an excellent effect4 ,but having   
regard to the education of youth1 to the
 innocence of children1 to the          
sensibilities of women1 to the decencies
 of society1 ,plato and the world in    
general are not wrong in insisting that 
some of the worst vices1 if they must   
exist1 should be kept out of sight2     
this1 though only a second-best rule1 is
 a support to the weakness of human     
nature4 ,there are some things which may
 be whispered in the closet1 but should 
not be shouted on the housetop4 ,it may 
be said of this1 as of many other       
things1 that it is a great part of      
education to know to whom they are to be
 spoken of1 and when1 and where4  ,,book
 ,,ix4 ,punishments of offences and     
modes of procedure come next in order4  

,we have a sense of disgrace in making  
regulations for all the details of crime
 in a virtuous and well-ordered state4  
,but seeing that we are legislating for 
men and not for ,gods1 there is no      
uncharitableness in apprehending that   
some one of our citizens may have a     
heart1 like the seed which has touched  
the ox's horn1 so hard as to be         
impenetrable to the law4 ,let our first 
enactment be directed against the       
robbing of temples4 ,no well-educated   
citizen will be guilty of such a crime1 
but one of their servants1 or some      
stranger1 may1 and with a view to him1  
and at the same time with a remoter eye 
to the general infirmity of human       
nature1 ,i will lay down the law1       
beginning with a prelude4 ,to the       
intending robber we will say--,o sir1   
the complaint which troubles you is not 
human2 but some curse has fallen upon   
you1 inherited from the crimes of your  
ancestors1 of which you must purge      
yourself3 go and sacrifice to the ,gods1

 associate with the good1 avoid the     
wicked2 and if you are cured of the     
fatal impulse1 well2 but if not1        
acknowledge death to be better than     
life1 and depart4  ,these are the       
accents1 soft and low1 in which we      
address the would-be criminal4 ,and if  
he will not listen1 then cry aloud as   
with the sound of a trumpet3 ,whosoever 
robs a temple1 if he be a slave or      
foreigner shall be branded in the face  
and hands1 and scourged1 and cast naked 
beyond the border4 ,and perhaps this may
 improve him3 for the law aims either at
 the reformation of the criminal1 or the
 repression of crime4 ,no punishment is 
designed to inflict useless injury4 ,but
 if the offender be a citizen1 he must  
be incurable1 and for him death is the  
only fitting penalty4 ,his iniquity1    
however1 shall not be visited on his    
children1 nor shall his property be     
confiscated4  ,as to the exaction of    
penalties1 any person who is fined for  
an offence shall not be liable to pay   

the fine1 unless he have property in    
excess of his lot4 ,for the lots must   
never go uncultivated for lack of means2
 the guardians of the law are to provide
 against this4 ,if a fine is inflicted  
upon a man which he cannot pay1 and for 
which his friends are unwilling to give 
security1 he shall be imprisoned and    
otherwise dishonoured4 ,but no criminal 
shall go unpunished3--whether death1 or 
imprisonment1 or stripes1 or fines1 or  
the stocks1 or banishment to a remote   
temple1 be the penalty4 ,capital        
offences shall come under the cognizance
 of the guardians of the law1 and a     
college of the best of the last year's  
magistrates4 ,the order of suits and    
similar details we shall leave to the   
lawgivers of the future1 and only       
determine the mode of voting4 ,the      
judges are to sit in order of seniority1
 and the proceedings shall begin with   
the speeches of the plaintiff and the   
defendant2 and then the judges1         
beginning with the eldest1 shall ask    

questions and collect evidence during   
three days1 which1 at the end of each   
day1 shall be deposited in writing under
 their seals on the altar of ,hestia2   
and when they have evidence enough1     
after a solemn declaration that they    
will decide justly1 they shall vote and 
end the case4 ,the votes are to be given
 openly in the presence of the citizens4
  ,next to religion1 the preservation of
 the constitution is the first object of
 the law4 ,the greatest enemy of the    
state is he who attempts to set up a    
tyrant1 or breeds plots and             
conspiracies2 not far below him in guilt
 is a magistrate who either knowingly1  
or in ignorance1 fails to bring the     
offender to justice4 ,any one who is    
good for anything will give information 
against traitors4 ,the mode of          
proceeding at such trials will be the   
same as at trials for sacrilege2 the    
penalty1 death4 ,but neither in this    
case nor in any other is the son to bear
 the iniquity of the father1 unless     

father1 grandfather1 great-grandfather1 
have all of them been capitally         
convicted1 and then the family of the   
criminal are to be sent off to the      
country of their ancestor1 retaining    
their property1 with the exception of   
the lot and its fixtures4 ,and ten are  
to be selected from the younger sons of 
the other citizens--one of whom is to be
 chosen by the oracle of ,delphi to be  
heir of the lot4  ,our third law will be
 a general one1 concerning the procedure
 and the judges in cases of treason4 ,as
 regards the remaining or departure of  
the family of the offender1 the same law
 shall apply equally to the traitor1 the
 sacrilegious1 and the conspirator4  ,a 
thief1 whether he steals much or little1
 must refund twice the amount1 if he can
 do so without impairing his lot2 if he 
cannot1 he must go to prison until he   
either pays the plaintiff1 or in case of
 a public theft1 the city1 or they agree
 to forgive him4 ',but should all kinds 
of theft incur the same penalty8' ,you  

remind me of what ,i know--that         
legislation is never perfect4 ,the men  
for whom laws are now made may be       
compared to the slave who is being      
doctored1 according to our old image1 by
 the unscientific doctor4 ,for the      
empirical practitioner1 if he chance to 
meet the educated physician talking to  
his patient1 and entering into the      
philosophy of his disease1 would burst  
out laughing and say1 as doctors delight
 in doing1 ',foolish fellow1 instead of 
curing the patient you are educating    
him6' ',and would he not be right8'     
,perhaps2 and he might add1 that he who 
discourses in our fashion preaches to   
the citizens instead of legislating for 
them4 ',true4' ,there is1 however1 one  
advantage which we possess--that being  
amateurs only1 we may either take the   
most ideal1 or the most necessary and   
utilitarian view4 ',but why offer such  
an alternative8 ,as if all our          
legislation must be done to-day1 and    
nothing put off until the morrow4 ,we   

may surely rough-hew our materials      
first1 and shape and place them         
afterwards4' ,that will be the natural  
way of proceeding4 ,there is a further  
point4 ,of all writings either in prose 
or verse the writings of the legislator 
are the most important4 ,for it is he   
who has to determine the nature of good 
and evil1 and how they should be studied
 with a view to our instruction4 ,and is
 it not as disgraceful for ,solon and   
,lycurgus to lay down false precepts    
about the institutions of life as for   
,homer and ,tyrtaeus8 ,the laws of      
states ought to be the models of        
writing1 and what is at variance with   
them should be deemed ridiculous4 ,and  
we may further imagine them to express  
the affection and good sense of a father
 or mother1 and not to be the fiats of a
 tyrant4 ',very true4'  ,let us enquire 
more particularly about sacrilege1 theft
 and other crimes1 for which we have    
already legislated in part4 ,and this   
leads us to ask1 first of all1 whether  

we are agreed or disagreed about the    
nature of the honourable and just4 ',to 
what are you referring8' ,i will        
endeavour to explain4 ,all are agreed   
that justice is honourable1 whether in  
men or things1 and no one who maintains 
that a very ugly men who is just1 is in 
his mind fair1 would be thought         
extravagant4 ',very true4' ,but if      
honour is to be attributed to justice1  
are just sufferings honourable1 or only 
just actions8 ',what do you mean8' ,our 
laws supply a case in point2 for we     
enacted that the robber of temples and  
the traitor should die2 and this was    
just1 but the reverse of honourable4 ,in
 this way does the language of the many 
rend asunder the just and honourable4   
',that is true4' ,but is our own        
language consistent8 ,i have already    
said that the evil are involuntarily    
evil2 and the evil are the unjust4 ,now 
the voluntary cannot be the involuntary2
 and if you two come to me and say1     
',then shall we legislate for our city8'

 ,of course1 ,i shall reply4--',then    
will you distinguish what crimes are    
voluntary and what involuntary1 and     
shall we impose lighter penalties on the
 latter1 and heavier on the former8 ,or 
shall we refuse to determine what is the
 meaning of voluntary and involuntary1  
and maintain that our words have come   
down from heaven1 and that they should  
be at once embodied in a law8' ,all     
states legislate under the idea that    
there are two classes of actions1 the   
voluntary and the involuntary1 but there
 is great confusion about them in the   
minds of men2 and the law can never act 
unless they are distinguished4 ,either  
we must abstain from affirming that     
unjust actions are involuntary1 or      
explain the meaning of this statement4  
,believing1 then1 that acts of injustice
 cannot be divided into voluntary and   
involuntary1 ,i must endeavour to find  
some other mode of classifying them4    
,hurts are voluntary and involuntary1   
but all hurts are not injuries3 on the  

other hand1 a benefit when wrongly      
conferred may be an injury4 ,an act     
which gives or takes away anything is   
not simply just2 but the legislator who 
has to decide whether the case is one of
 hurt or injury1 must consider the      
animus of the agent2 and when there is  
hurt1 he must as far as possible1       
provide a remedy and reparation3 but if 
there is injustice1 he must1 when       
compensation has been made1 further     
endeavour to reconcile the two parties4 
',excellent4' ,where injustice1 like    
disease1 is remediable1 there the remedy
 must be applied in word or deed1 with  
the assistance of pleasures and pains1  
of bounties and penalties1 or any other 
influence which may inspire man with the
 love of justice1 or hatred of          
injustice2 and this is the noblest work 
of law4 ,but when the legislator        
perceives the evil to be incurable1 he  
will consider that the death of the     
offender will be a good to himself1 and 
in two ways a good to society3 first1 as

 he becomes an example to others2       
secondly1 because the city will be quit 
of a rogue2 and in such a case1 but in  
no other1 the legislator will punish    
with death4 ',there is some truth in    
what you say4 ,i wish1 however1 that you
 would distinguish more clearly the     
difference of injury and hurt1 and the  
complications of voluntary and          
involuntary4' ,you will admit that anger
 is of a violent and destructive nature8
 ',certainly4' ,and further1 that       
pleasure is different from anger1 and   
has an opposite power1 working by       
persuasion and deceit8 ',yes4'          
,ignorance is the third source of       
crimes2 this is of two kinds--simple    
ignorance and ignorance doubled by      
conceit of knowledge2 the latter1 when  
accompanied with power1 is a source of  
terrible errors1 but is excusable when  
only weak and childish4 ',true4' ,we    
often say that one man masters1 and     
another is mastered by pleasure and     
anger4 ',just so4' ,but no one says that

 one man masters1 and another is        
mastered by ignorance4 ',you are right4'
 ,all these motives actuate men and     
sometimes drive them in different ways4 
',that is so4' ,now1 then1 ,i am in a   
position to define the nature of just   
and unjust4 ,by injustice ,i mean the   
dominion of anger and fear1 pleasure and
 pain1 envy and desire1 in the soul1    
whether doing harm or not3 by justice ,i
 mean the rule of the opinion of the    
best1 whether in states or individuals1 
extending to the whole of life2 although
 actions done in error are often thought
 to be involuntary injustice4 ,no       
controversy need be raised about names  
at present2 we are only desirous of     
fixing in our memories the heads of     
error4 ,and the pain which is called    
fear and anger is our first head of     
error2 the second is the class of       
pleasures and desires2 and the third1 of
 hopes which aim at true opinion about  
the best2--this latter falls into three 
divisions 7i4e4 7#a7 when accompanied by

 simple ignorance1 7#b7 when accompanied
 by conceit of wisdom combined with     
power1 or 7#c7 with weakness71 so that  
there are in all five4 ,and the laws    
relating to them may be summed up under 
two heads1 laws which deal with acts of 
open violence and with acts of deceit2  
to which may be added acts both violent 
and deceitful1 and these last should be 
visited with the utmost rigour of the   
law4 ',very properly4'  ,let us now     
return to the enactment of laws4 ,we    
have treated of sacrilege1 and of       
conspiracy1 and of treason4 ,any of     
these crimes may be committed by a      
person not in his right mind1 or in the 
second childhood of old age4 ,if this is
 proved to be the fact before the       
judges1 the person in question shall    
only have to pay for the injury1 and not
 be punished further1 unless he have on 
his hands the stain of blood4 ,in this  
case he shall be exiled for a year1 and 
if he return before the expiration of   
the year1 he shall be retained in the   

public prison two years4  ,homicides may
 be divided into voluntary and          
involuntary3 and first of involuntary   
homicide4 ,he who unintentionally kills 
another man at the games or in military 
exercises duly authorized by the        
magistrates1 whether death follow       
immediately or after an interval1 shall 
be acquitted1 subject only to the       
purification required by the ,delphian  
,oracle4 ,any physician whose patient   
dies against his will shall in like     
manner be acquitted4 ,any one who       
unintentionally kills the slave of      
another1 believing that he is his own1  
with or without weapons1 shall bear the 
master of the slave harmless1 or pay a  
penalty amounting to twice the value of 
the slave1 and to this let him add a    
purification greater than in the case of
 homicide at the games4 ,if a man kill  
his own slave1 a purification only is   
required of him4 ,if he kill a freeman  
unintentionally1 let him also make      
purification2 and let him remember the  

ancient tradition which says that the   
murdered man is indignant when he sees  
the murderer walk about in his own      
accustomed haunts1 and that he terrifies
 him with the remembrance of his crime4 
,and therefore the homicide should keep 
away from his native land for a year1   
or1 if he have slain a stranger1 let him
 avoid the land of the stranger for a   
like period4 ,if he complies with this  
condition1 the nearest kinsman of the   
deceased shall take pity upon him and be
 reconciled to him2 but if he refuses to
 remain in exile1 or visits the temples 
unpurified1 then let the kinsman proceed
 against him1 and demand a double       
penalty4 ,the kinsman who neglects this 
duty shall himself incur the curse1 and 
any one who likes may proceed against   
him1 and compel him to leave his country
 for five years4 ,if a stranger         
involuntarily kill a stranger1 any one  
may proceed against him in the same     
manner3 and the homicide1 if he be a    
metic1 shall be banished for a year2 but

 if he be an entire stranger1 whether he
 have murdered metic1 citizen1 or       
stranger1 he shall be banished for ever2
 and if he return1 he shall be punished 
with death1 and his property shall go to
 the next of kin of the murdered man4   
,if he come back by sea against his     
will1 he shall remain on the seashore1  
wetting his feet in the water while he  
waits for a vessel to sail2 or if he be 
brought back by land1 the magistrates   
shall send him unharmed beyond the      
border4  ,next follows murder done from 
anger1 which is of two kinds--either    
arising out of a sudden impulse1 and    
attended with remorse2 or committed with
 premeditation1 and unattended with     
remorse4 ,the cause of both is anger1   
and both are intermediate between       
voluntary and involuntary4 ,the one     
which is committed from sudden impulse1 
though not wholly involuntary1 bears the
 image of the involuntary1 and is       
therefore the more excusable of the two1
 and should receive a gentler           

punishment4 ,the act of him who nurses  
his wrath is more voluntary1 and        
therefore more culpable4 ,the degree of 
culpability depends on the presence or  
absence of intention1 to which the      
degree of punishment should correspond4 
,for the first kind of murder1 that     
which is done on a momentary impulse1   
let two years' exile be the penalty2 for
 the second1 that which is accompanied  
with malice prepense1 three4 ,when the  
time of any one's exile has expired1 the
 guardians shall send twelve judges to  
the borders of the land1 who shall have 
authority to decide whether he may      
return or not4 ,he who after returning  
repeats the offence1 shall be exiled and
 return no more1 and1 if he return1     
shall be put to death1 like the stranger
 in a similar case4 ,he who in a fit of 
anger kills his own slave1 shall purify 
himself2 and he who kills another man's 
slave1 shall pay to his master double   
the value4 ,any one may proceed against 
the offender if he appear in public     

places1 not having been purified2 and   
may bring to trial both the next of kin 
to the dead man and the homicide1 and   
compel the one to exact1 and the other  
to pay1 a double penalty4 ,if a slave   
kill his master1 or a freeman who is not
 his master1 in anger1 the kinsmen of   
the murdered person may do with the     
murderer whatever they please1 but they 
must not spare his life4 ,if a father or
 mother kill their son or daughter in   
anger1 let the slayer remain in exile   
for three years2 and on the return of   
the exile let the parents separate1 and 
no longer continue to cohabit1 or have  
the same sacred rites with those whom he
 or she has deprived of a brother or    
sister4 ,the same penalty is decreed    
against the husband who murders his     
wife1 and also against the wife who     
murders her husband4 ,let them be absent
 three years1 and on their return never 
again share in the same sacred rites    
with their children1 or sit at the same 
table with them4 ,nor is a brother or   

sister who have lifted up their hands   
against a brother or sister1 ever to    
come under the same roof or share in the
 same rites with those whom they have   
robbed of a child4 ,if a son feels such 
hatred against his father or mother as  
to take the life of either of them1     
then1 if the parent before death forgive
 him1 he shall only suffer the penalty  
due to involuntary homicide2 but if he  
be unforgiven1 there are many laws      
against which he has offended2 he is    
guilty of outrage1 impiety1 sacrilege   
all in one1 and deserves to be put to   
death many times over4 ,for if the law  
will not allow a man to kill the authors
 of his being even in self-defence1 what
 other penalty than death can be        
inflicted upon him who in a fit of      
passion wilfully slays his father or    
mother8 ,if a brother kill a brother in 
self-defence during a civil broil1 or a 
citizen a citizen1 or a slave a slave1  
or a stranger a stranger1 let them be   
free from blame1 as he is who slays an  

enemy in battle4 ,but if a slave kill a 
freeman1 let him be as a parricide4 ,in 
all cases1 however1 the forgiveness of  
the injured party shall acquit the      
agents2 and then they shall only be     
purified1 and remain in exile for a     
year4  ,enough of actions that are      
involuntary1 or done in anger2 let us   
proceed to voluntary and premeditated   
actions4 ,the great source of voluntary 
crime is the desire of money1 which is  
begotten by evil education2 and this    
arises out of the false praise of       
riches1 common both among ,hellenes and 
barbarians2 they think that to be the   
first of goods which is really the      
third4 ,for the body is not for the sake
 of wealth1 but wealth for the body1 as 
the body is for the soul4 ,if this were 
better understood1 the crime of murder1 
of which avarice is the chief cause1    
would soon cease among men4 ,next to    
avarice1 ambition is a source of crime1 
troublesome to the ambitious man        
himself1 as well as to the chief men of 

the state4 ,and next to ambition1 base  
fear is a motive1 which has led many an 
one to commit murder in order that he   
may get rid of the witnesses of his     
crimes4 ,let this be said as a prelude  
to all enactments about crimes of       
violence2 and the tradition must not be 
forgotten1 which tells that the murderer
 is punished in the world below1 and    
that when he returns to this world he   
meets the fate which he has dealt out to
 others4 ,if a man is deterred by the   
prelude and the fear of future          
punishment1 he will have no need of the 
law2 but in case he disobey1 let the law
 be declared against him as             
follows3--,he who of malice prepense    
kills one of his kindred1 shall in the  
first place be outlawed2 neither temple1
 harbour1 nor agora shall be polluted by
 his presence4 ,and if a kinsman of the 
deceased refuse to proceed against his  
slayer1 he shall take the curse of      
pollution upon himself1 and also be     
liable to be prosecuted by any one who  

will avenge the dead4 ,the prosecutor1  
however1 must observe the customary     
ceremonial before he proceeds against   
the offender4 ,the details of these     
observances will be best determined by a
 conclave of prophets and interpreters  
and guardians of the law1 and the judges
 of the cause itself shall be the same  
as in cases of sacrilege4 ,he who is    
convicted shall be punished with death1 
and not be buried within the country of 
the murdered person4 ,he who flies from 
the law shall undergo perpetual         
banishment2 if he return1 he may be put 
to death with impunity by any relative  
of the murdered man or by any other     
citizen1 or bound and delivered to the  
magistrates4 ,he who accuses a man of   
murder shall demand satisfactory bail of
 the accused1 and if this is not        
forthcoming1 the magistrate shall keep  
him in prison against the day of trial4 
,if a man commit murder by the hand of  
another1 he shall be tried in the same  
way as in the cases previously supposed1

 but if the offender be a citizen1 his  
body after execution shall be buried    
within the land4  ,if a slave kill a    
freeman1 either with his own hand or by 
contrivance1 let him be led either to   
the grave or to a place whence he can   
see the grave of the murdered man1 and  
there receive as many stripes at the    
hand of the public executioner as the   
person who took him pleases2 and if he  
survive he shall be put to death4 ,if a 
slave be put out of the way to prevent  
his informing of some crime1 his death  
shall be punished like that of a        
citizen4 ,if there are any of those     
horrible murders of kindred which       
sometimes occur even in well-regulated  
societies1 and of which the legislator1 
however unwilling1 cannot avoid taking  
cognizance1 he will repeat the old myth 
of the divine vengeance against the     
perpetrators of such atrocities4 ,the   
myth will say that the murderer must    
suffer what he has done3 if he have     
slain his father1 he must be slain by   

his children2 if his mother1 he must    
become a woman and perish at the hands  
of his offspring in another age of the  
world4 ,such a preamble may terrify him2
 but if1 notwithstanding1 in some evil  
hour he murders father or mother or     
brethren or children1 the mode of       
proceeding shall be as follows3--,him   
who is convicted1 the officers of the   
judges shall lead to a spot without the 
city where three ways meet1 and there   
slay him and expose his body naked2 and 
each of the magistrates shall cast a    
stone upon his head and justify the     
city1 and he shall be thrown unburied   
beyond the border4 ,but what shall we   
say of him who takes the life which is  
dearest to him1 that is to say1 his own2
 and this not from any disgrace or      
calamity1 but from cowardice and        
indolence8 ,the manner of his burial and
 the purification of his crime is a     
matter for ,god and the interpreters to 
decide and for his kinsmen to execute4  
,let him1 at any rate1 be buried alone  

in some uncultivated and nameless spot1 
and be without name or monument4 ,if a  
beast kill a man1 not in a public       
contest1 let it be prosecuted for       
murder1 and after condemnation slain and
 cast without the border4 ,also         
inanimate things which have caused      
death1 except in the case of lightning  
and other visitations from heaven1 shall
 be carried without the border4 ,if the 
body of a dead man be found1 and the    
murderer remain unknown1 the trial shall
 take place all the same1 and the       
unknown murderer shall be warned not to 
set foot in the temples or come within  
the borders of the land2 if discovered1 
he shall die1 and his body shall be cast
 out4 ,a man is justified in taking the 
life of a burglar1 of a footpad1 of a   
violator of women or youth2 and he may  
take the life of another with impunity  
in defence of father1 mother1 brother1  
wife1 or other relations4  ,the nurture 
and education which are necessary to the
 existence of men have been considered1 

and the punishment of acts of violence  
which destroy life4 ,there remain       
maiming1 wounding1 and the like1 which  
admit of a similar division into        
voluntary and involuntary4 ,about this  
class of actions the preamble shall be3 
,whereas men would be like wild beasts  
unless they obeyed the laws1 the first  
duty of citizens is the care of the     
public interests1 which unite and       
preserve states1 as private interests   
distract them4 ,a man may know what is  
for the public good1 but if he have     
absolute power1 human nature will impel 
him to seek pleasure instead of virtue1 
and so darkness will come over his soul 
and over the state4 ,if he had mind1 he 
would have no need of law2 for mind is  
the perfection of law4 ,but such a      
freeman1 'whom the truth makes free1' is
 hardly to be found2 and therefore law  
and order are necessary1 which are the  
second-best1 and they regulate things as
 they exist in part only1 but cannot    
take in the whole4 ,for actions have    

innumerable characteristics1 which must 
be partly determined by the law and     
partly left to the judge4 ,the judge    
must determine the fact2 and to him also
 the punishment must sometimes be left4 
,what shall the law prescribe1 and what 
shall be left to the judge8 ,a city is  
unfortunate in which the tribunals are  
either secret and speechless1 or1 what  
is worse1 noisy and public1 when the    
people1 as if they were in a theatre1   
clap and hoot the various speakers4     
,such courts a legislator would rather  
not have2 but if he is compelled to have
 them1 he will speak distinctly1 and    
leave as little as possible to their    
discretion4 ,but where the courts are   
good1 and presided over by well-trained 
judges1 the penalties to be inflicted   
may be in a great measure left to them2 
and as there are to be good courts among
 our colonists1 we need not determine   
beforehand the exact proportion of the  
penalty and the crime4 ,returning1 then1
 to our legislator1 let us indite a law 

about wounding1 which shall run as      
follows3--,he who wounds with intent to 
kill1 and fails in his object1 shall be 
tried as if he had succeeded4 ,but since
 ,god has favoured both him and his     
victim1 instead of being put to death1  
he shall be allowed to go into exile and
 take his property with him1 the damage 
due to the sufferer having been         
previously estimated by the court1 which
 shall be the same as would have tried  
the case if death had ensued4 ,if a     
child should intentionally wound a      
parent1 or a servant his master1 or     
brother or sister wound brother or      
sister with malice prepense1 the penalty
 shall be death4 ,if a husband or wife  
wound one another with intent to kill1  
the penalty which is inflicted upon them
 shall be perpetual exile2 and if they  
have young children1 the guardians shall
 take care of them and administer their 
property as if they were orphans4 ,if   
they have no children1 their kinsmen    
male and female shall meet1 and after a 

consultation with the priests and       
guardians of the law1 shall appoint an  
heir of the house2 for the house and    
family belong to the state1 being a     
#ejdjth portion of the whole4 ,and the  
state is bound to preserve her families 
happy and holy2 therefore1 when the heir
 of a house has committed a capital     
offence1 or is in exile for life1 the   
house is to be purified1 and then the   
kinsmen of the house and the guardians  
of the law are to find out a family     
which has a good name and in which there
 are many sons1 and introduce one of    
them to be the heir and priest of the   
house4 ,he shall assume the fathers and 
ancestors of the family1 while the first
 son dies in dishonour and his name is  
blotted out4  ,some actions are         
intermediate between the voluntary and  
involuntary4 ,those done from anger are 
of this class4 ,if a man wound another  
in anger1 let him pay double the damage1
 if the injury is curable2 or fourfold1 
if curable1 and at the same time        

dishonourable2 and fourfold1 if         
incurable2 the amount is to be assessed 
by the judges4 ,if the wounded person is
 rendered incapable of military service1
 the injurer1 besides the other         
penalties1 shall serve in his stead1 or 
be liable to a suit for refusing to     
serve4 ,if brother wounds brother1 then 
their parents and kindred1 of both      
sexes1 shall meet and judge the crime4  
,the damages shall be assessed by the   
parents2 and if the amount fixed by them
 is disputed1 an appeal shall be made to
 the male kindred2 or in the last resort
 to the guardians of the law4 ,parents  
who wound their children are to be tried
 by judges of at least sixty years of   
age1 who have children of their own2 and
 they are to determine whether death1 or
 some lesser punishment1 is to be       
inflicted upon them--no relatives are to
 take part in the trial4 ,if a slave in 
anger smite a freeman1 he is to be      
delivered up by his master to the       
injured person4 ,if the master suspect  

collusion between the slave and the     
injured person1 he may bring the matter 
to trial3 and if he fail he shall pay   
three times the injury2 or if he obtain 
a conviction1 the contriver of the      
conspiracy shall be liable to an action 
for kidnapping4 ,he who wounds another  
unintentionally shall only pay for the  
actual harm done4  ,in all outrages and 
acts of violence1 the elder is to be    
more regarded than the younger4 ,an     
injury done by a younger man to an elder
 is abominable and hateful2 but the     
younger man who is struck by an elder is
 to bear with him patiently1 considering
 that he who is twenty years older is   
loco parentis1 and remembering the      
reverence which is due to the ,gods who 
preside over birth4 ,let him keep his   
hands1 too1 from the stranger2 instead  
of taking upon himself to chastise him  
when he is insolent1 he shall bring him 
before the wardens of the city1 who     
shall examine into the case1 and if they
 find him guilty1 shall scourge him with

 as many blows as he has given2 or if he
 be innocent1 they shall warn and       
threaten his accuser4 ,when an equal    
strikes an equal1 whether an old man an 
old man1 or a young man a young man1 let
 them use only their fists and have no  
weapons4 ,he who being above forty years
 of age commences a fight1 or           
retaliates1 shall be counted mean and   
base4  ,to this preamble1 let the law be
 added3 ,if a man smite another who is  
his elder by twenty years or more1 let  
the bystander1 in case he be older than 
the combatants1 part them2 or if he be  
younger than the person struck1 or of   
the same age with him1 let him defend   
him as he would a father or brother2 and
 let the striker be brought to trial1   
and if convicted imprisoned for a year  
or more at the discretion of the judges4
 ,if a stranger smite one who is his    
elder by twenty years or more1 he shall 
be imprisoned for two years1 and a      
metic1 in like case1 shall suffer three 
years' imprisonment4 ,he who is standing

 by and gives no assistance1 shall be   
punished according to his class in one  
of four penalties--a mina1 fifty1       
thirty1 twenty drachmas4 ,the generals  
and other superior officers of the army 
shall form the court which tries this   
class of offences4  ,laws are made to   
instruct the good1 and in the hope that 
there may be no need of them2 also to   
control the bad1 whose hardness of heart
 will not be hindered from crime4 ,the  
uttermost penalty will fall upon those  
who lay violent hands upon a parent1    
having no fear of the ,gods above1 or of
 the punishments which will pursue them 
in the world below4 ,they are too wise  
in their own conceits to believe in such
 things3 wherefore the tortures which   
await them in another life must be      
anticipated in this4 ,let the law be as 
follows3--  ,if a man1 being in his     
right mind1 dare to smite his father and
 mother1 or his grandfather and         
grandmother1 let the passer-by come to  
the rescue2 and if he be a metic or     

stranger who comes to the rescue1 he    
shall have the first place at the games2
 or if he do not come to the rescue1 he 
shall be a perpetual exile4 ,let the    
citizen in the like case be praised or  
blamed1 and the slave receive freedom or
 a hundred stripes4 ,the wardens of the 
agora1 the city1 or the country1 as the 
case may be1 shall see to the execution 
of the law4 ,and he who is an inhabitant
 of the same place and is present shall 
come to the rescue1 or he shall fall    
under a curse4  ,if a man be convicted  
of assaulting his parents1 let him be   
banished for ever from the city into the
 country1 and let him abstain from all  
sacred rites2 and if he do not abstain1 
let him be punished by the wardens of   
the country2 and if he return to the    
city1 let him be put to death4 ,if any  
freeman consort with him1 let him be    
purified before he returns to the city4 
,if a slave strike a freeman1 whether   
citizen or stranger1 let the bystander  
be obliged to seize and deliver him into

 the hands of the injured person1 who   
may inflict upon him as many blows as he
 pleases1 and shall then return him to  
his master4 ,the law will be as         
follows3--,the slave who strikes a      
freeman shall be bound by his master1   
and not set at liberty without the      
consent of the person whom he has       
injured4 ,all these laws apply to women 
as well as to men4  ,,book ,x4 ,the     
greatest wrongs arise out of youthful   
insolence1 and the greatest of all are  
committed against public temples2 they  
are in the second degree great when     
private rites and sepulchres are        
insulted2 in the third degree1 when     
committed against parents2 in the fourth
 degree1 when they are done against the 
authority or property of the rulers2 in 
the fifth degree1 when the rights of    
individuals are violated4 ,most of these
 offences have been already considered2 
but there remains the question of       
admonition and punishment of offences   
against the ,gods4 ,let the admonition  

be in the following terms3--,no man who 
ever intentionally did or said anything 
impious1 had a true belief in the       
existence of the ,gods2 but either he   
thought that there were no ,gods1 or    
that they did not care about men1 or    
that they were easily appeased by       
sacrifices and prayers4 ',what shall we 
say or do to such persons8' ,my good    
sir1 let us first hear the jests which  
they in their superiority will make upon
 us4 ',what will they say8' ,probably   
something of this kind3--',strangers you
 are right in thinking that some of us  
do not believe in the existence of the  
,gods2 while others assert that they do 
not care for us1 and others that they   
are propitiated by prayers and          
offerings4 ,but we want you to argue    
with us before you threaten2 you should 
prove to us by reasonable evidence that 
there are ,gods1 and that they are too  
good to be bribed4 ,poets1 priests1     
prophets1 rhetoricians1 even the best of
 them1 speak to us of atoning for evil1 

and not of avoiding it4 ,from           
legislators who profess to be gentle we 
ask for instruction1 which may1 at      
least1 have the persuasive power of     
truth1 if no other4' ,what have you to  
say8 ',well1 there is no difficulty in  
proving the being of the ,gods4 ,the    
sun1 and earth1 and stars1 moving in    
their courses1 the recurring seasons1   
furnish proofs of their existence2 and  
there is the general opinion of         
mankind4' ,i fear that the              
unbelievers--not that ,i care for their 
opinion--will despise us4 ,you are not  
aware that their impiety proceeds1 not  
from sensuality1 but from ignorance     
taking the garb of wisdom4 ',what do you
 mean8' ,at ,athens there are tales     
current both in prose and verse of a    
kind which are not tolerated in a       
well-regulated state like yours4 ,the   
oldest of them relate the origin of the 
world1 and the birth and life of the    
,gods4 ,these narratives have a bad     
influence on family relations2 but as   

they are old we will let them pass1 and 
consider another kind of tales1 invented
 by the wisdom of a younger generation1 
who1 if any one argues for the existence
 of the ,gods and claims that the stars 
have a divine being1 insist that these  
are mere earth and stones1 which can    
have no care of human things1 and that  
all theology is a cooking up of words4  
,now what course ought we to take8      
,shall we suppose some impious man to   
charge us with assuming the existence of
 the ,gods1 and make a defence8 ,or     
shall we leave the preamble and go on to
 the laws8 ',there is no hurry1 and we  
have often said that the shorter and    
worse method should not be preferred to 
the longer and better4 ,the proof that  
there are ,gods who are good1 and the   
friends of justice1 is the best preamble
 of all our laws4' ,come1 let us talk   
with the impious1 who have been brought 
up from their infancy in the belief of  
religion1 and have heard their own      
fathers and mothers praying for them and

 talking with the ,gods as if they were 
absolutely convinced of their existence2
 who have seen mankind prostrate in     
prayer at the rising and setting of the 
sun and moon and at every turn of       
fortune1 and have dared to despise and  
disbelieve all this4 ,can we keep our   
temper with them1 when they compel us to
 argue on such a theme8 ,we must2 or    
like them we shall go mad1 though with  
more reason4 ,let us select one of them 
and address him as follows3  ,o my son1 
you are young2 time and experience will 
make you change many of your opinions4  
,do not be hasty in forming a conclusion
 about the divine nature2 and let me    
mention to you a fact which ,i know4    
,you and your friends are not the first 
or the only persons who have had these  
notions about the ,gods4 ,there are     
always a considerable number who are    
infected by them3 ,i have known many    
myself1 and can assure you that no one  
who was an unbeliever in his youth ever 
persisted till he was old in denying the

 existence of the ,gods4 ,the two other 
opinions1 first1 that the ,gods exist   
and have no care of men1 secondly1 that 
they care for men1 but may be           
propitiated by sacrifices and prayers1  
may indeed last through life in a few   
instances1 but even this is not common4 
,i would beg of you to be patient1 and  
learn the truth of the legislator and   
others2 in the mean time abstain from   
impiety4 ',so far1 our discourse has    
gone well4'  ,i will now speak of a     
strange doctrine1 which is regarded by  
many as the crown of philosophy4 ,they  
affirm that all things come into being  
either by art or nature or chance1 and  
that the greater things are done by     
nature and chance1 and the lesser things
 by art1 which receiving from nature the
 greater creations1 moulds and fashions 
all those lesser works which are termed 
works of art4 ,their meaning is that    
fire1 water1 earth1 and air all exist by
 nature and chance1 and not by art2 and 
that out of these1 according to certain 

chance affinities of opposites1 the sun1
 the moon1 the stars1 and the earth have
 been framed1 not by any action of mind1
 but by nature and chance only4 ,thus1  
in their opinion1 the heaven and earth  
were created1 as well as the animals and
 plants4 ,art came later1 and is of     
mortal birth2 by her power were invented
 certain images and very partial        
imitations of the truth1 of which kind  
are the creations of musicians and      
painters3 but they say that there are   
other arts which combine with nature1   
and have a deeper truth1 such as        
medicine1 husbandry1 gymnastic4 ,also   
the greater part of politics they       
imagine to co-operate with nature1 but  
in a less degree1 having more of art1   
while legislation is declared by them to
 be wholly a work of art4 ',how do you  
mean8' ,in the first place1 they say    
that the ,gods exist neither by nature  
nor by art1 but by the laws of states1  
which are different in different        
countries2 and that virtue is one thing 

by nature and another by convention2 and
 that justice is altogether             
conventional1 made by law1 and having   
authority for the moment only4 ,this is 
repeated to young men by sages and      
poets1 and leads to impiety1 and the    
pretended life according to nature and  
in disobedience to law2 for nobody      
believes the ,gods to be such as the law
 affirms4 ',how true6 and oh6 how       
injurious to states and to families6'   
,but then1 what should the lawgiver do8 
,should he stand up in the state and    
threaten mankind with the severest      
penalties if they persist in their      
unbelief1 while he makes no attempt to  
win them by persuasion8 ',nay1          
,stranger1 the legislator ought never to
 weary of trying to persuade the world  
that there are ,gods2 and he should     
declare that law and art exist by       
nature4' ,yes1 ,cleinias2 but these are 
difficult and tedious questions4 ',and  
shall our patience1 which was not       
exhausted in the enquiry about music or 

drink1 fail now that we are discoursing 
about the ,gods8 ,there may be a        
difficulty in framing laws1 but when    
written down they remain1 and time and  
diligence will make them clear2 if they 
are useful there would be neither reason
 nor religion in rejecting them on      
account of their length4' ,most true4   
,and the general spread of unbelief     
shows that the legislator should do     
something in vindication of the laws1   
when they are being undermined by bad   
men4 ',he should4' ,you agree with me1  
,cleinias1 that the heresy consists in  
supposing earth1 air1 fire1 and water to
 be the first of all things4 ,these the 
heretics call nature1 conceiving them to
 be prior to the soul4 ',i agree4' ,you 
would further agree that natural        
philosophy is the source of this        
impiety--the study appears to be pursued
 in a wrong way4 ',in what way do you   
mean8' ,the error consists in           
transposing first and second causes4    
,they do not see that the soul is before

 the body1 and before all other things1 
and the author and ruler of them all4   
,and if the soul is prior to the body1  
then the things of the soul are prior to
 the things of the body4 ,in other      
words1 opinion1 attention1 mind1 art1   
law1 are prior to sensible qualities2   
and the first and greater works of      
creation are the results of art and     
mind1 whereas the works of nature1 as   
they are improperly termed1 are         
secondary and subsequent4 ',why do you  
say improperly8' ,because when they     
speak of nature they seem to mean the   
first creative power4 ,but if the soul  
is first1 and not fire and air1 then the
 soul above all things may be said to   
exist by nature4 ,and this can only be  
on the supposition that the soul is     
prior to the body4 ,shall we try to     
prove that it is so8 ',by all means4' ,i
 fear that the greenness of our argument
 will ludicrously contrast with the     
ripeness of our ages4 ,but as we must go
 into the water1 and the stream is      

strong1 ,i will first attempt to cross  
by myself1 and if ,i arrive at the bank1
 you shall follow4 ,remembering that you
 are unaccustomed to such discussions1  
,i will ask and answer the questions    
myself1 while you listen in safety4 ,but
 first ,i must pray the ,gods to assist 
at the demonstration of their own       
existence--if ever we are to call upon  
them1 now is the time4 ,let me hold fast
 to the rope1 and enter into the depths3
 ,shall ,i put the question to myself in
 this form8--,are all things at rest1   
and is nothing in motion8 or are some   
things in motion1 and some things at    
rest8 ',the latter4' ,and do they move  
and rest1 some in one place1 some in    
more8 ',yes4' ,there may be 7#a7 motion 
in the same place1 as in revolution on  
an axis1 which is imparted swiftly to   
the larger and slowly to the lesser     
circle2 and there may be motion in      
different places1 having sometimes 7#b7 
one centre of motion and sometimes 7#c7 
more4 7#d7 ,when bodies in motion come  

against other bodies which are at rest1 
they are divided by them1 and 7#e7 when 
they are caught between other bodies    
coming from opposite directions they    
unite with them2 and 7#f7 they grow by  
union and 7#g7 waste by dissolution     
while their constitution remains the    
same1 but are 7#h7 destroyed when their 
constitution fails4 ,there is a growth  
from one dimension to two1 and from a   
second to a third1 which then becomes   
perceptible to sense2 this process is   
called generation1 and the opposite1    
destruction4 ,we have now enumerated all
 possible motions with the exception of 
two4 ',what are they8' ,just the two    
with which our enquiry is concerned2 for
 our enquiry relates to the soul4 ,there
 is one kind of motion which is only    
able to move other things2 there is     
another which can move itself as well1  
working in composition and              
decomposition1 by increase and          
diminution1 by generation and           
destruction4 ',granted4' 7#i7 ,that     

which moves and is moved by another is  
the ninth kind of motion2 7#aj7 that    
which is self-moved and moves others is 
the tenth4 ,and this tenth kind of      
motion is the mightiest1 and is really  
the first1 and is followed by that which
 was improperly called the ninth4 ',how 
do you mean8' ,must not that which is   
moved by others finally depend upon that
 which is moved by itself8 ,nothing can 
be affected by any transition prior to  
self-motion4 ,then the first and eldest 
principle of motion1 whether in things  
at rest or not at rest1 will be the     
principle of self-motion2 and that which
 is moved by others and can move others 
will be the second4 ',true4' ,let me ask
 another question3  ,what is the name   
which is given to self-motion when      
manifested in any material substance8   
',life4' ,and soul too is life8 ',very  
good4' ,and are there not three kinds of
 knowledge--a knowledge 7#a7 of the     
essence1 7#b7 of the definition1 7#c7 of
 the name8 ,and sometimes the name leads

 us to ask the definition1 sometimes the
 definition to ask the name4 ,for       
example1 number can be divided into     
equal parts1 and when thus divided is   
termed even1 and the definition of even 
and the word 'even' refer to the same   
thing4 ',very true4' ,and what is the   
definition of the thing which is named  
'soul'8 ,must we not reply1 ',the       
self-moved'8 ,and have we not proved    
that the self-moved is the source of    
motion in other things8 ',yes4' ,and the
 motion which is not self-moved will be 
inferior to this8 ',true4' ,and if so1  
we shall be right in saying that the    
soul is prior and superior to the body1 
and the body by nature subject and      
inferior to the soul8 ',quite right4'   
,and we agreed that if the soul was     
prior to the body1 the things of the    
soul were prior to the things of the    
body8 ',certainly4' ,and therefore      
desires1 and manners1 and thoughts1 and 
true opinions1 and recollections1 are   
prior to the length and breadth and     

force of bodies4 ',to be sure4' ,in the 
next place1 we acknowledge that the soul
 is the cause of good and evil1 just and
 unjust1 if we suppose her to be the    
cause of all things8 ',certainly4' ,and 
the soul which orders all things must   
also order the heavens8 ',of course4'   
,one soul or more8 ,more2 for less than 
two are inconceivable1 one good1 the    
other evil4 ',most true4' ,the soul     
directs all things by her movements1    
which we call will1 consideration1      
attention1 deliberation1 opinion true   
and false1 joy1 sorrow1 courage1 fear1  
hatred1 love1 and similar affections4   
,these are the primary movements1 and   
they receive the secondary movements of 
bodies1 and guide all things to increase
 and diminution1 separation and union1  
and to all the qualities which accompany
 them--cold1 hot1 heavy1 light1 hard1   
soft1 white1 black1 sweet1 bitter2 these
 and other such qualities the soul1     
herself a goddess1 uses1 when truly     
receiving the divine mind she leads all 

things rightly to their happiness2 but  
under the impulse of folly she works out
 an opposite result4 ,for the controller
 of heaven and earth and the circle of  
the world is either the wise and good   
soul1 or the foolish and vicious soul1  
working in them4 ',what do you mean8'   
,if we say that the whole course and    
motion of heaven and earth is in        
accordance with the workings and        
reasonings of mind1 clearly the best    
soul must have the care of the heaven1  
and guide it along that better way4     
',true4' ,but if the heavens move wildly
 and disorderly1 then they must be under
 the guidance of the evil soul4 ',true  
again4' ,what is the nature of the      
movement of the soul8 ,we must not      
suppose that we can see and know the    
soul with our bodily eyes1 any more than
 we can fix them on the midday sun2 it  
will be safer to look at an image only4 
',how do you mean8' ,let us find among  
the ten kinds of motion an image of the 
motion of the mind4 ,you remember1 as we

 said1 that all things are divided into 
two classes2 and some of them were moved
 and some at rest4 ',yes4' ,and of those
 which were moved1 some were moved in   
the same place1 others in more places   
than one4 ',just so4' ,the motion which 
was in one place was circular1 like the 
motion of a spherical body2 and such a  
motion in the same place1 and in the    
same relations1 is an excellent image of
 the motion of mind4 ',very true4' ,the 
motion of the other sort1 which has no  
fixed place or manner or relation or    
order or proportion1 is akin to folly   
and nonsense4 ',very true4' ,after what 
has been said1 it is clear that1 since  
the soul carries round all things1 some 
soul which is either very good or the   
opposite carries round the circumference
 of heaven4 ,but that soul can be no    
other than the best4 ,again1 the soul   
carries round the sun1 moon1 and stars1 
and if the sun has a soul1 then either  
the soul of the sun is within and moves 
the sun as the human soul moves the     

body2 or1 secondly1 the sun is contained
 in some external air or fire1 which the
 soul provides and through which she    
operates2 or1 thirdly1 the course of the
 sun is guided by the soul acting in a  
wonderful manner without a body4 ',yes1 
in one of those ways the soul must guide
 all things4' ,and this soul of the sun1
 which is better than the sun1 whether  
driving him in a chariot or employing   
any other agency1 is by every man called
 a ,god8 ',yes1 by every man who has any
 sense4' ,and of the seasons1 stars1    
moon1 and year1 in like manner1 it may  
be affirmed that the soul or souls from 
which they derive their excellence are  
divine2 and without insisting on the    
manner of their working1 no one can deny
 that all things are full of ,gods4 ',no
 one4' ,and now let us offer an         
alternative to him who denies that there
 are ,gods4 ,either he must show that   
the soul is not the origin of all       
things1 or he must live for the future  
in the belief that there are ,gods4     

,next1 as to the man who believes in the
 ,gods1 but refuses to acknowledge that 
they take care of human things--let him 
too have a word of admonition4 ',best of
 men1' we will say to him1 'some        
affinity to the ,gods leads you to      
honour them and to believe in them4 ,but
 you have heard the happiness of wicked 
men sung by poets and admired by the    
world1 and this has drawn you away from 
your natural piety4 ,or you have seen   
the wicked growing old in prosperity1   
and leaving great offices to their      
children2 or you have watched the tyrant
 succeeding in his career of crime2 and 
considering all these things you have   
been led to believe in an irrational way
 that the ,gods take no care of human   
affairs4 ,that your error may not       
increase1 ,i will endeavour to purify   
your soul4' ,do you1 ,megillus and      
,cleinias1 make answer for the youth1   
and when we come to a difficulty1 ,i    
will carry you over the water as ,i did 
before4 ',very good4' ,he will easily be

 convinced that the ,gods care for the  
small as well as the great2 for he heard
 what was said of their goodness and of 
their having all things under their     
care4 ',he certainly heard4' ,then now  
let us enquire what is meant by the     
virtue of the ,gods4 ,to possess mind   
belongs to virtue1 and the contrary to  
vice4 ',that is what we say4' ,and is   
not courage a part of virtue1 and       
cowardice of vice8 ',certainly4' ,and to
 the ,gods we ascribe virtues2 but      
idleness and indolence are not virtues4 
',of course not4' ,and is ,god to be    
conceived of as a careless1 indolent    
fellow1 such as the poet would compare  
to a stingless drone8 ',impossible4'    
,can we be right in praising any one who
 cares for great matters and leaves the 
small to take care of themselves8       
,whether ,god or man1 he who does so1   
must either think the neglect of such   
matters to be of no consequence1 or he  
is indolent and careless4 ,for surely   
neither of them can be charged with     

neglect if they fail to attend to       
something which is beyond their power8  
',certainly not4'  ,and now we will     
examine the two classes of offenders who
 admit that there are ,gods1 but        
say1--the one that they may be appeased1
 the other that they take no care of    
small matters3 do they not acknowledge  
that the ,gods are omnipotent and       
omniscient1 and also good and perfect8  
',certainly4' ,then they cannot be      
indolent1 for indolence is the offspring
 of idleness1 and idleness of cowardice1
 and there is no cowardice in ,god4     
',true4' ,if the ,gods neglect small    
matters1 they must either know or not   
know that such things are not to be     
regarded4 ,but of course they know that 
they should be regarded1 and knowing1   
they cannot be supposed to neglect their
 duty1 overcome by the seductions of    
pleasure or pain4 ',impossible4' ,and do
 not all human things share in soul1 and
 is not man the most religious of       
animals and the possession of the ,gods8

 ,and the ,gods1 who are the best of    
owners1 will surely take care of their  
property1 small or great4 ,consider     
further1 that the greater the power of  
perception1 the less the power of       
action4 ,for it is harder to see and    
hear the small than the great1 but      
easier to control them4 ,suppose a      
physician who had to cure a             
patient--would he ever succeed if he    
attended to the great and neglected the 
little8 ',impossible4' ,is not life made
 up of littles8--the pilot1 general1    
householder1 statesman1 all attend to   
small matters2 and the builder will tell
 you that large stones do not lie well  
without small ones4 ,and ,god is not    
inferior to mortal craftsmen1 who in    
proportion to their skill are careful in
 the details of their work2 we must not 
imagine the best and wisest to be a lazy
 good-for-nothing1 who wearies of his   
work and hurries over small and easy    
matters4 ',never1 never6' ,he who       
charges the ,gods with neglect has been 

forced to admit his error2 but ,i should
 like further to persuade him that the  
author of all has made every part for   
the sake of the whole1 and that the     
smallest part has an appointed state of 
action or passion1 and that the least   
action or passion of any part has a     
presiding minister4 ,you1 we say to him1
 are a minute fraction of this universe1
 created with a view to the whole2 the  
world is not made for you1 but you for  
the world2 for the good artist considers
 the whole first1 and afterwards the    
parts4 ,and you are annoyed at not      
seeing how you and the universe are all 
working together for the best1 so far as
 the laws of the common creation admit4 
,the soul undergoes many changes from   
her contact with bodies2 and all that   
the player does is to put the pieces    
into their right places4 ',what do you  
mean8' ,i mean that ,god acts in the way
 which is simplest and easiest4 ,had    
each thing been formed without any      
regard to the rest1 the transposition of

 the ,cosmos would have been endless2   
but now there is not much trouble in the
 government of the world4 ,for when the 
king saw the actions of the living souls
 and bodies1 and the virtue and vice    
which were in them1 and the             
indestructibility of the soul and body  
7although they were not eternal71 he    
contrived so to arrange them that virtue
 might conquer and vice be overcome as  
far as possible2 giving them a seat and 
room adapted to them1 but leaving the   
direction of their separate actions to  
men's own wills1 which make our         
characters to be what they are4 ',that  
is very probable4' ,all things which    
have a soul possess in themselves the   
principle of change1 and in changing    
move according to fate and law2 natures 
which have undergone lesser changes move
 on the surface2 but those which have   
changed utterly for the worse1 sink into
 ,hades and the infernal world4 ,and in 
all great changes for good and evil     
which are produced either by the will of

 the soul or the influence of others1   
there is a change of place4 ,the good   
soul1 which has intercourse with the    
divine nature1 passes into a holier and 
better place2 and the evil soul1 as she 
grows worse1 changes her place for the  
worse4 ,this1--as we declare to the     
youth who fancies that he is neglected  
of the ,gods1--is the law of divine     
justice--the worse to the worse1 the    
better to the better1 like to like1 in  
life and in death4 ,and from this law no
 man will ever boast that he has        
escaped4 ,even if you say--',i am small1
 and will creep into the earth1' or ',i 
am high1 and will mount to heaven'--you 
are not so small or so high that you    
shall not pay the fitting penalty1      
either here or in the world below4 ,this
 is also the explanation of the seeming 
prosperity of the wicked1 in whose      
actions as in a mirror you imagined that
 you saw the neglect of the ,gods1 not  
considering that they make all things   
contribute to the whole4 ,and how then  

could you form any idea of true         
happiness8--,if ,cleinias and ,megillus 
and ,i have succeeded in persuading you 
that you know not what you say about the
 ,gods1 ,god will help you2 but if there
 is still any deficiency of proof1 hear 
our answer to the third opponent4       
,enough has been said to prove that the 
,gods exist and care for us2 that they  
can be propitiated1 or that they receive
 gifts1 is not to be allowed or admitted
 for an instant4 ',let us proceed with  
the argument4' ,tell me1 by the ,gods1  
,i say1 how the ,gods are to be         
propitiated by us8 ,are they not rulers1
 who may be compared to charioteers1    
pilots1 perhaps generals1 or physicians 
providing against the assaults of       
disease1 husbandmen observing the perils
 of the seasons1 shepherds watching     
their flocks8 ,to whom shall we compare 
them8 ,we acknowledged that the world is
 full both of good and evil1 but having 
more of evil than of good4 ,there is an 
immortal conflict going on1 in which    

,gods and demigods are our allies1 and  
we their property2 for injustice and    
folly and wickedness make war in our    
souls upon justice and temperance and   
wisdom4 ,there is little virtue to be   
found on earth2 and evil natures fawn   
upon the ,gods1 like wild beasts upon   
their keepers1 and believe that they can
 win them over by flattery and prayers4 
,and this sin1 which is termed          
dishonesty1 is to the soul what disease 
is to the body1 what pestilence is to   
the seasons1 what injustice is to       
states4 ',quite so4' ,and they who      
maintain that the ,gods can be appeased 
must say that they forgive the sins of  
men1 if they are allowed to share in    
their spoils2 as you might suppose      
wolves to mollify the dogs by throwing  
them a portion of the prey4 ',that is   
the argument4' ,but let us apply our    
images to the ,gods--are they the pilots
 who are won by gifts to wreck their own
 ships--or the charioteers who are      
bribed to lose the race--or the         

generals1 or doctors1 or husbandmen1 who
 are perverted from their duty--or the  
dogs who are silenced by wolves8 ',god  
forbid4' ,are they not rather our best  
guardians2 and shall we suppose them to 
fall short even of a moderate degree of 
human or even canine virtue1 which will 
not betray justice for reward8          
',impossible4' ,he1 then1 who maintains 
such a doctrine1 is the most blasphemous
 of mankind4  ,and now our three points 
are proven2 and we are agreed 7#a7 that 
there are ,gods1 7#b7 that they care for
 men1 7#c7 that they cannot be bribed to
 do injustice4 ,i have spoken warmly1   
from a fear lest this impiety of theirs 
should lead to a perversion of life4    
,and our warmth will not have been in   
vain1 if we have succeeded in persuading
 these men to abominate themselves1 and 
to change their ways4 ',so let us hope4'
 ,then now that the preamble is         
completed1 we will make a proclamation  
commanding the impious to renounce their
 evil ways2 and in case they refuse1 the

 law shall be added3--,if a man is      
guilty of impiety in word or deed1 let  
the bystander inform the magistrates1   
and let the magistrates bring the       
offender before the court2 and if any of
 the magistrates refuses to act1 he     
likewise shall be tried for impiety4    
,any one who is found guilty of such an 
offence shall be fined at the discretion
 of the court1 and shall also be        
punished by a term of imprisonment4     
,there shall be three prisons--one for  
common offences against life and        
property2 another1 near by the spot     
where the ,nocturnal ,council will      
assemble1 which is to be called the     
',house of ,reformation'2 the third1 to 
be situated in some desolate region in  
the centre of the country1 shall be     
called by a name indicating retribution4
 ,there are three causes of impiety1 and
 from each of them spring impieties of  
two kinds1 six in all4 ,first1 there is 
the impiety of those who deny the       
existence of the ,gods2 these may be    

honest men1 haters of evil1 who are only
 dangerous because they talk loosely    
about the ,gods and make others like    
themselves2 but there is also a more    
vicious class1 who are full of craft and
 licentiousness4 ,to this latter belong 
diviners1 jugglers1 despots1 demagogues1
 generals1 hierophants of private       
mysteries1 and sophists4 ,the first     
class shall be only imprisoned and      
admonished4 ,the second class should be 
put to death1 if they could be1 many    
times over4 ,the two other sorts of     
impiety1 first of those who deny the    
care of the ,gods1 and secondly1 of     
those who affirm that they may be       
propitiated1 have similar subdivisions1 
varying in degree of guilt4 ,those who  
have learnt to blaspheme from mere      
ignorance shall be imprisoned in the    
,house of ,reformation for five years at
 least1 and not allowed to see any one  
but members of the ,nocturnal ,council1 
who shall converse with them touching   
their souls health4 ,if any of the      

prisoners come to their right mind1 at  
the end of five years let them be       
restored to sane company2 but he who    
again offends shall die4 ,as to that    
class of monstrous natures who not only 
believe that the ,gods are negligent1 or
 may be propitiated1 but pretend to     
practise on the souls of quick and dead1
 and promise to charm the ,gods1 and to 
effect the ruin of houses and           
states--he1 ,i say1 who is guilty of    
these things1 shall be bound in the     
central prison1 and shall have no       
intercourse with any freeman1 receiving 
only his daily rations of food from the 
public slaves2 and when he dies1 let him
 be cast beyond the border2 and if any  
freeman assist to bury him1 he shall be 
liable to a suit for impiety4 ,but the  
sins of the father shall not be visited 
upon his children1 who1 like other      
orphans1 shall be educated by the state4
 ,further1 let there be a general law   
which will have a tendency to repress   
impiety4 ,no man shall have religious   

services in his house1 but he shall go  
with his friends to pray and sacrifice  
in the temples4 ,the reason of this is1 
that religious institutions can only be 
framed by a great intelligence4 ,but    
women and weak men are always           
consecrating the event of the moment2   
they are under the influence of dreams  
and apparitions1 and they build altars  
and temples in every village and in any 
place where they have had a vision4 ,the
 law is designed to prevent this1 and   
also to deter men from attempting to    
propitiate the ,gods by secret          
sacrifices1 which only multiply their   
sins4 ,therefore let the law run3--,no  
one shall have private religious rites2 
and if a man or woman who has not been  
previously noted for any impiety offend 
in this way1 let them be admonished to  
remove their rites to a public temple2  
but if the offender be one of the       
obstinate sort1 he shall be brought to  
trial before the guardians1 and if he be
 found guilty1 let him die4  ,,book     

,,xi4 ,as to dealings between man and   
man1 the principle of them is           
simple--,thou shalt not take what is not
 thine2 and shalt do to others as thou  
wouldst that they should do to thee4    
,first1 of treasure trove3--,may ,i     
never desire to find1 or lift1 if ,i    
find1 or be induced by the counsel of   
diviners to lift1 a treasure which one  
who was not my ancestor has laid down2  
for ,i shall not gain so much in money  
as ,i shall lose in virtue4 ,the saying1
 ',move not the immovable1' may be      
repeated in a new sense2 and there is a 
common belief which asserts that such   
deeds prevent a man from having a       
family4 ,to him who is careless of such 
consequences1 and1 despising the word of
 the wise1 takes up a treasure which is 
not his--what will be done by the hand  
of the ,gods1 ,god only knows1--but ,i  
would have the first person who sees the
 offender1 inform the wardens of the    
city or the country2 and they shall send
 to ,delphi for a decision1 and whatever

 the oracle orders1 they shall carry    
out4 ,if the informer be a freeman1 he  
shall be honoured1 and if a slave1 set  
free2 but he who does not inform1 if he 
be a freeman1 shall be dishonoured1 and 
if a slave1 shall be put to death4 ,if a
 man leave anywhere anything great or   
small1 intentionally or unintentionally1
 let him who may find the property deem 
the deposit sacred to the ,goddess of   
ways4 ,and he who appropriates the same1
 if he be a slave1 shall be beaten with 
many stripes2 if a freeman1 he shall pay
 tenfold1 and be held to have done a    
dishonourable action4 ,if a person says 
that another has something of his1 and  
the other allows that he has the        
property in dispute1 but maintains it to
 be his own1 let the ownership be proved
 out of the registers of property4 ,if  
the property is registered as belonging 
to some one who is absent1 possession   
shall be given to him who offers        
sufficient security on behalf of the    
absentee2 or if the property is not     

registered1 let it remain with the three
 eldest magistrates1 and if it should be
 an animal1 the defeated party must pay 
the cost of its keep4 ,a man may arrest 
his own slave1 and he may also imprison 
for safe-keeping the runaway slave of a 
friend4 ,any one interfering with him   
must produce three sureties2 otherwise1 
he will be liable to an action for      
violence1 and if he be cast1 must pay a 
double amount of damages to him from    
whom he has taken the slave4 ,a freedman
 who does not pay due respect to his    
patron1 may also be seized4 ,due respect
 consists in going three times a month  
to the house of his patron1 and offering
 to perform any lawful service for him2 
he must also marry as his master        
pleases2 and if his property be greater 
than his master's1 he must hand over to 
him the excess4 ,a freedman may not     
remain in the state1 except with the    
consent of the magistrates and of his   
master1 for more than twenty years2 and 
whenever his census exceeds that of the 

third class1 he must in any case leave  
the country within thirty days1 taking  
his property with him4 ,if he break this
 regulation1 the penalty shall be death1
 and his property shall be confiscated4 
,suits about these matters are to be    
decided in the courts of the tribes1    
unless the parties have settled the     
matter before a court of neighbours or  
before arbiters4 ,if anybody claim a    
beast1 or anything else1 let the        
possessor refer to the seller or giver  
of the property within thirty days1 if  
the latter reside in the city1 or1 if   
the goods have been received from a     
stranger1 within five months1 of which  
the middle month shall include the      
summer solstice4 ,all purchases and     
exchanges are to be made in the agora1  
and paid for on the spot2 the law will  
not allow credit to be given4 ,no law   
shall protect the money subscribed for  
clubs4 ,he who sells anything of greater
 value than fifty drachmas shall abide  
in the city for ten days1 and let his   

whereabouts be known to the buyer1 in   
case of any reclamation4 ,when a slave  
is sold who is subject to epilepsy1     
stone1 or any other invisible disorder1 
the buyer1 if he be a physician or      
trainer1 or if he be warned1 shall have 
no redress2 but in other cases within   
six months1 or within twelve months in  
epileptic disorders1 he may bring the   
matter before a jury of physicians to be
 agreed upon by both parties2 and the   
seller who loses the suit1 if he be an  
expert1 shall pay twice the price2 or if
 he be a private person1 the bargain    
shall be rescinded1 and he shall simply 
refund4 ,if a person knowingly sells a  
homicide to another1 who is informed of 
his character1 there is no redress4 ,but
 if the judges--who are to be the five  
youngest guardians of the law--decide   
that the purchaser was not aware1 then  
the seller is to pay threefold1 and to  
purify the house of the buyer4  ,he who 
exchanges money for money1 or beast for 
beast1 must warrant either of them to be

 sound and good4 ,as in the case of     
other laws1 let us have a preamble1     
relating to all this class of crime4    
,adulteration is a kind of falsehood    
about which the many commonly say that  
at proper times the practice may often  
be right1 but they do not define at what
 times4 ,but the legislator will tell   
them1 that no man should invoke the     
,gods when he is practising deceit or   
fraud1 in word or deed4 ,for he is the  
enemy of heaven1 first1 who swears      
falsely1 not thinking of the ,gods by   
whom he swears1 and secondly1 he who    
lies to his superiors4 7,now the        
superiors are the betters of            
inferiors1--the elder of the younger1   
parents of children1 men of women1 and  
rulers of subjects47 ,the trader who    
cheats in the agora is a liar and is    
perjured--he respects neither the name  
of ,god nor the regulations of the      
magistrates4 ,if after hearing this he  
will still be dishonest1 let him listen 
to the law3--,the seller shall not have 

two prices on the same day1 neither must
 he puff his goods1 nor offer to swear  
about them4 ,if he break the law1 any   
citizen not less than thirty years of   
age may smite him4 ,if he sell          
adulterated goods1 the slave or metic   
who informs against him shall have the  
goods2 the citizen who brings such a    
charge1 if he prove it1 shall offer up  
the goods in question to the ,gods of   
the agora2 or if he fail to prove it1   
shall be dishonoured4 ,he who is        
detected in selling adulterated goods   
shall be deprived of them1 and shall    
receive a stripe for every drachma of   
their value4 ,the wardens of the agora  
and the guardians of the law shall take 
experienced persons into counsel1 and   
draw up regulations for the agora4      
,these shall be inscribed on a column in
 front of the court of the wardens of   
the agora4--,as to the wardens of the   
city1 enough has been said already4 ,but
 if any omissions in the law are        
afterwards discovered1 the wardens and  

the guardians shall supply them1 and    
have them inscribed after the original  
regulations on a column before the court
 of the wardens of the city4  ,next in  
order follows the subject of retail     
trades1 which in their natural use are  
the reverse of mischievous2 for every   
man is a benefactor who reduces what is 
unequal to symmetry and proportion4     
,money is the instrument by which this  
is accomplished1 and the shop-keeper1   
the merchant1 and hotel-keeper do but   
supply the wants and equalize the       
possessions of mankind4 ,why1 then1 does
 any dishonour attach to a beneficent   
occupation8 ,let us consider the nature 
of the accusation first1 and then see   
whether it can be removed4 ',what is    
your drift8' ,dear ,cleinias1 there are 
few men who are so gifted by nature1 and
 improved by education1 as to be able to
 control the desire of making money2 or 
who are sober in their wishes and prefer
 moderation to accumulation4 ,the great 
majority think that they can never have 

enough1 and the consequence is that     
retail trade has become a reproach4     
,whereas1 however ludicrous the idea may
 seem1 if noble men and noble women     
could be induced to open a shop1 and to 
trade upon incorruptible principles1    
then the aspect of things would change1 
and retail traders would be regarded as 
nursing fathers and mothers4 ,in our own
 day the trader goes and settles in     
distant places1 and receives the weary  
traveller hospitably at first1 but in   
the end treats him as an enemy and a    
captive1 whom he only liberates for an  
enormous ransom4 ,this is what has      
brought retail trade into disrepute1 and
 against this the legislator ought to   
provide4 ,men have said of old1 that to 
fight against two opponents is hard2 and
 the two opponents of whom ,i am        
thinking are wealth and poverty--the one
 corrupting men by luxury2 the other1   
through misery1 depriving them of the   
sense of shame4 ,what remedies can a    
city find for this disease8 ,first1 to  

have as few retail traders as possible2 
secondly1 to give retail trade over to a
 class whose corruption will not injure 
the state2 and thirdly1 to restrain the 
insolence and meanness of the retailers4
  ,let us make the following laws3--7#a7
 ,in the city of the ,magnetes none of  
the #ejdj citizens shall be a retailer  
or merchant1 or do any service to any   
private persons who do not equally serve
 him1 except to his father and mother   
and their fathers and mothers1 and      
generally to his elders who are freemen1
 and whom he serves as a freeman4 ,he   
who follows an illiberal pursuit may be 
cited for dishonouring his family1 and  
kept in bonds for a year2 and if he     
offend again1 he shall be bound for two 
years2 and for every offence his        
punishment shall be doubled3 7#b7 ,every
 retailer shall be a metic or a         
foreigner3 7#c7 ,the guardians of the   
law shall have a special care of this   
part of the community1 whose calling    
exposes them to peculiar temptations4   

,they shall consult with persons of     
experience1 and find out what prices    
will yield the traders a moderate       
profit1 and fix them4  ,when a man does 
not fulfil his contract1 he being under 
no legal or other impediment1 the case  
shall be brought before the court of the
 tribes1 if not previously settled by   
arbitration4 ,the class of artisans is  
consecrated to ,hephaestus and ,athene2 
the makers of weapons to ,ares and      
,athene3 all of whom1 remembering that  
the ,gods are their ancestors1 should be
 ashamed to deceive in the practice of  
their craft4 ,if any man is lazy in the 
fulfilment of his work1 and fancies1    
foolish fellow1 that his patron ,god    
will not deal hardly with him1 he will  
be punished by the ,god2 and let the law
 follow3--,he who fails in his          
undertaking shall pay the value1 and do 
the work gratis in a specified time4    
,the contractor1 like the seller1 is    
enjoined by law to charge the simple    
value of his work2 in a free city1 art  

should be a true thing1 and the artist  
must not practise on the ignorance of   
others4 ,on the other hand1 he who has  
ordered any work and does not pay the   
workman according to agreement1         
dishonours ,zeus and ,athene1 and breaks
 the bonds of society4 ,and if he does  
not pay at the time agreed1 let him pay 
double2 and although interest is        
forbidden in other cases1 let the       
workman receive after the expiration of 
a year interest at the rate of an obol a
 month for every drachma 7equal to #bjj 
per cent4 per ann474 ,and we may observe
 by the way1 in speaking of craftsmen1  
that if our military craft do their work
 well1 the state will praise those who  
honour them1 and blame those who do not 
honour them4 ,not that the first place  
of honour is to be assigned to the      
warrior2 a higher still is reserved for 
those who obey the laws4  ,most of the  
dealings between man and man are now    
settled1 with the exception of such as  
relate to orphans and guardianships4    

,these lead us to speak of the          
intentions of the dying1 about which we 
must make regulations4 ,i say 'must'2   
for mankind cannot be allowed to dispose
 of their property as they please1 in   
ways at variance with one another and   
with law and custom4 ,but a dying person
 is a strange being1 and is not easily  
managed2 he wants to be master of all he
 has1 and is apt to use angry words4 ,he
 will say1--',may ,i not do what ,i will
 with my own1 and give much to my       
friends1 and little to my enemies8'     
',there is reason in that4' ,o          
,cleinias1 in my judgment the older     
lawgivers were too soft-hearted1 and    
wanting in insight into human affairs4  
,they were too ready to listen to the   
outcry of a dying man1 and hence they   
were induced to give him an absolute    
power of bequest4 ,but ,i would say to  
him3--,o creature of a day1 you know    
neither what is yours nor yourself3 for 
you and your property are not your own1 
but belong to your whole family1 past   

and to come1 and property and family    
alike belong to the ,state4 ,and        
therefore ,i must take out of your hands
 the charge of what you leave behind    
you1 with a view to the interests of    
all4 ,and ,i hope that you will not     
quarrel with us1 now that you are going 
the way of all mankind2 we will do our  
best for you and yours when you are no  
longer here4 ,let this be our address to
 the living and dying1 and let the law  
be as follows3--,the father who has sons
 shall appoint one of them to be the    
heir of the lot2 and if he has given any
 other son to be adopted by another1 the
 adoption shall also be recorded2 and if
 he has still a son who has no lot1 and 
has a chance of going to a colony1 he   
may give him what he has more than the  
lot2 or if he has more than one son     
unprovided for1 he may divide the money 
between them4 ,a son who has a house of 
his own1 and a daughter who is          
betrothed1 are not to share in the      
bequest of money2 and the son or        

daughter who1 having inherited one lot1 
acquires another1 is to bequeath the new
 inheritance to the next of kin4 ,if a  
man have only daughters1 he may adopt   
the husband of any one of them2 or if he
 have lost a son1 let him make mention  
of the circumstance in his will and     
adopt another4 ,if he have no children1 
he may give away a tenth of his acquired
 property to whomsoever he likes2 but he
 must adopt an heir to inherit the lot1 
and may leave the remainder to him4     
,also he may appoint guardians for his  
children2 or if he die without          
appointing them or without making a     
will1 the nearest kinsmen1--two on the  
father's and two on the mother's        
side1--and one friend of the departed1  
shall be appointed guardians4 ,the      
fifteen eldest guardians of the law are 
to have special charge of all orphans1  
the whole number of fifteen being       
divided into bodies of three1 who will  
succeed one another according to        
seniority every year for five years4 ,if

 a man dying intestate leave daughters1 
he must pardon the law which marries    
them for looking1 first to kinship1 and 
secondly to the preservation of the lot4
 ,the legislator cannot regard the      
character of the heir1 which to the     
father is the first consideration4 ,the 
law will therefore run as follows3--,if 
the intestate leave daughters1 husbands 
are to be found for them among their    
kindred according to the following table
 of affinity3 first1 their father's     
brothers2 secondly1 the sons of their   
father's brothers2 thirdly1 of their    
father's sisters2 fourthly1 their       
great-uncles2 fifthly1 the sons of a    
great-uncle2 sixthly1 the sons of a     
great-aunt4 ,the kindred in such cases  
shall always be reckoned in this way2   
the relationship shall proceed upwards  
through brothers and sisters and        
brothers' and sisters' children1 and    
first the male line must be taken and   
then the female4 ,if there is a dispute 
in regard to fitness of age for         

marriage1 this the judge shall decide1  
after having made an inspection of the  
youth naked1 and of the maiden naked    
down to the waist4 ,if the maiden has no
 relations within the degree of third   
cousin1 she may choose whom she likes1  
with the consent of her guardians2 or   
she may even select some one who has    
gone to a colony1 and he1 if he be a    
kinsman1 will take the lot by law2 if   
not1 he must have her guardians'        
consent1 as well as hers4 ,when a man   
dies without children and without a     
will1 let a young man and a young woman 
go forth from the family and take up    
their abode in the desolate house4 ,the 
woman shall be selected from the kindred
 in the following order of              
succession3--first1 a sister of the     
deceased2 second1 a brother's daughter2 
third1 a sister's daughter2 fourth1 a   
father's sister2 fifth1 a daughter of a 
father's brother2 sixth1 a daughter of a
 father's sister4 ,for the man the same 
order shall be observed as in the       

preceding case4 ,the legislator foresees
 that laws of this kind will sometimes  
press heavily1 and that his intention   
cannot always be fulfilled2 as for      
example1 when there are mental and      
bodily defects in the persons who are   
enjoined to marry4 ,but he must be      
excused for not being always able to    
reconcile the general principles of     
public interest with the particular     
circumstances of individuals2 and he is 
willing to allow1 in like manner1 that  
the individual cannot always do what the
 lawgiver wishes4 ,and then arbiters    
must be chosen1 who will determine      
equitably the cases which may arise     
under the law3 e4g4 a rich cousin may   
sometimes desire a grander match1 or the
 requirements of the law can only be    
fulfilled by marrying a madwoman4 ,to   
meet such cases let the following law be
 enacted3--,if any one comes forward and
 says that the lawgiver1 had he been    
alive1 would not have required the      
carrying out of the law in a particular 

case1 let him go to the fifteen eldest  
guardians of the law who have the care  
of orphans2 but if he thinks that too   
much power is thus given to them1 he may
 bring the case before the court of     
select judges4  ,thus will orphans have 
a second birth4 ,in order to make their 
sad condition as light as possible1 the 
guardians of the law shall be their     
parents1 and shall be admonished to take
 care of them4 ,and what admonition can 
be more appropriate than the assurance  
which we formerly gave1 that the souls  
of the dead watch over mortal affairs8  
,about this there are many ancient      
traditions1 which may be taken on trust 
from the legislator4 ,let men fear1 in  
the first place1 the ,gods above2       
secondly1 the souls of the departed1 who
 naturally care for their own           
descendants2 thirdly1 the aged living1  
who are quick to hear of any neglect of 
family duties1 especially in the case of
 orphans4 ,for they are the holiest and 
most sacred of all deposits1 and the    

peculiar care of guardians and          
magistrates2 and those who try to bring 
them up well will contribute to their   
own good and to that of their families4 
,he who listens to the preamble of the  
law will never know the severity of the 
legislator2 but he who disobeys1 and    
injures the orphan1 will pay twice the  
penalty he would have paid if the       
parents had been alive4 ,more laws might
 have been made about orphans1 did we   
not suppose that the guardians have     
children and property of their own which
 are protected by the laws2 and the duty
 of the guardian in our state is the    
same as that of a father1 though his    
honour or disgrace is greater4 ,a legal 
admonition and threat may1 however1 be  
of service3 the guardian of the orphan  
and the guardian of the law who is over 
him1 shall love the orphan as their own 
children1 and take more care of his or  
her property than of their own4 ,if the 
guardian of the child neglect his duty1 
the guardian of the law shall fine him2 

and the guardian may also have the      
magistrate tried for neglect in the     
court of select judges1 and he shall    
pay1 if convicted1 a double penalty4    
,further1 the guardian of the orphan who
 is careless or dishonest may be fined  
on the information of any of the        
citizens in a fourfold penalty1 half to 
go to the orphan and half to the        
prosecutor of the suit4 ,when the orphan
 is of age1 if he thinks that he has    
been ill-used1 his guardian may be      
brought to trial by him within five     
years1 and the penalty shall be fixed by
 the court4 ,or if the magistrate has   
neglected the orphan1 he shall pay      
damages to him2 but if he have defrauded
 him1 he shall make compensation and    
also be deposed from his office of      
guardian of the law4  ,if irremediable  
differences arise between fathers and   
sons1 the father may want to renounce   
his son1 or the son may indict his      
father for imbecility3 such violent     
separations only take place when the    

family are 'a bad lot'2 if only one of  
the two parties is bad1 the differences 
do not grow to so great a height4 ,but  
here arises a difficulty4 ,although in  
any other state a son who is            
disinherited does not cease to be a     
citizen1 in ours he does2 for the number
 of citizens cannot exceed #ejdj4 ,and  
therefore he who is to suffer such a    
penalty ought to be abjured1 not only by
 his father1 but by the whole family4   
,the law1 then1 should run as           
follows3--,if any man's evil fortune or 
temper incline him to disinherit his    
son1 let him not do so lightly or on the
 instant2 but let him have a council of 
his own relations and of the maternal   
relations of his son1 and set forth to  
them the propriety of disinheriting him1
 and allow his son to answer4 ,and if   
more than half of the kindred male and  
female1 being of full age1 condemn the  
son1 let him be disinherited4 ,if any   
other citizen desires to adopt him1 he  
may1 for young men's characters often   

change in the course of life4 ,but if1  
after ten years1 he remains unadopted1  
let him be sent to a colony4 ,if        
disease1 or old age1 or evil disposition
 cause a man to go out of his mind1 and 
he is ruining his house and property1   
and his son doubts about indicting him  
for insanity1 let him lay the case      
before the eldest guardians of the law1 
and consult with them4 ,and if they     
advise him to proceed1 and the father is
 decided to be imbecile1 he shall have  
no more control over his property1 but  
shall live henceforward like a child in 
the house4  ,if a man and his wife are  
of incompatible tempers1 ten guardians  
of the law and ten of the matrons who   
regulate marriage shall take their case 
in hand1 and reconcile them1 if         
possible4 ,if1 however1 their swelling  
souls cannot be pacified1 the wife may  
try and find a new husband1 and the     
husband a new wife2 probably they are   
not very gentle creatures1 and should   
therefore be joined to milder natures4  

,the younger of those who are separated 
should also select their partners with a
 view to the procreation of children2   
while the older should seek a companion 
for their declining years4 ,if a woman  
dies1 leaving children male or female1  
the law will advise1 but not compel1 the
 widower to abstain from a second       
marriage2 if she leave no children1 he  
shall be compelled to marry4 ,also a    
widow1 if she is not old enough to live 
honestly without marriage1 shall marry  
again2 and in case she have no children1
 she should marry for the sake of them4 
,there is sometimes an uncertainty which
 parent the offspring is to follow3 in  
unions of a female slave with a male    
slave1 or with a freedman or free man1  
or of a free woman with a male slave1   
the offspring is to belong to the       
master2 but if the master or mistress be
 themselves the parent of the child1 the
 slave and the child are to be sent away
 to another land4  ,concerning duty to  
parents1 let the preamble be as         

follows3--,we honour the ,gods in their 
lifeless images1 and believe that we    
thus propitiate them4 ,but he who has an
 aged father or mother has a living     
image1 which if he cherish it will do   
him far more good than any statue4      
',what do you mean by cherishing them8' 
,i will tell you4 ,oedipus and ,amyntor 
and ,theseus cursed their children1 and 
their curses took effect4 ,this proves  
that the ,gods hear the curses of       
parents who are wronged2 and shall we   
doubt that they hear and fulfil their   
blessings too8' ',surely not4' ,and1 as 
we were saying1 no image is more        
honoured by the ,gods than an aged      
father and mother1 to whom when honour  
is done1 the ,god who hears their       
prayers is rejoiced1 and their influence
 is greater than that of the lifeless   
statue2 for they pray that good or evil 
may come to us in proportion as they are
 honoured or dishonoured1 but the statue
 is silent4 ',excellent4' ,good men are 
glad when their parents live to extreme 

old age1 or if they depart early1 lament
 their loss2 but to bad man their       
parents are always terrible4 ,wherefore 
let every one honour his parents1 and if
 this preamble fails of influencing him1
 let him hear the law3--,if any one does
 not take sufficient care of his        
parents1 let the aggrieved person inform
 the three eldest guardians of the law  
and three of the women who are concerned
 with marriages4 ,women up to forty     
years of age1 and men up to thirty1 who 
thus offend1 shall be beaten and        
imprisoned4 ,after that age they are to 
be brought before a court composed of   
the eldest citizens1 who may inflict any
 punishment upon them which they please4
 ,if the injured party cannot inform1   
let any freeman who hears of the case   
inform2 a slave who does so shall be set
 free1--if he be the slave of the one of
 the parties1 by the magistrate1--if    
owned by another1 at the cost of the    
state2 and let the magistrates1 take    
care that he is not wronged by any one  

out of revenge4  ,the injuries which one
 person does to another by the use of   
poisons are of two kinds2--one affects  
the body by the employment of drugs and 
potions2 the other works on the mind by 
the practice of sorcery and magic4      
,fatal cases of either sort have been   
already mentioned2 and now we must have 
a law respecting cases which are not    
fatal4 ,there is no use in arguing with 
a man whose mind is disturbed by waxen  
images placed at his own door1 or on the
 sepulchre of his father or mother1 or  
at a spot where three ways meet4 ,but to
 the wizards themselves we must address 
a solemn preamble1 begging them not to  
treat the world as if they were         
children1 or compel the legislator to   
expose them1 and to show men that the   
poisoner who is not a physician and the 
wizard who is not a prophet or diviner  
are equally ignorant of what they are   
doing4 ,let the law be as follows3--,he 
who by the use of poison does any injury
 not fatal to a man or his servants1 or 

any injury whether fatal or not to      
another's cattle or bees1 is to be      
punished with death if he be a          
physician1 and if he be not a physician 
he is to suffer the punishment awarded  
by the court3 and he who injures another
 by sorcery1 if he be a diviner or      
prophet1 shall be put to death2 and1 if 
he be not a diviner1 the court shall    
determine what he ought to pay or       
suffer4  ,any one who injures another by
 theft or violence shall pay damages at 
least equal to the injury2 and besides  
the compensation1 a suitable punishment 
shall be inflicted4 ,the foolish youth  
who is the victim of others is to have a
 lighter punishment2 he whose folly is  
occasioned by his own jealousy or desire
 or anger is to suffer more heavily4    
,punishment is to be inflicted1 not for 
the sake of vengeance1 for what is done 
cannot be undone1 but for the sake of   
prevention and reformation4 ,and there  
should be a proportion between the      
punishment and the crime1 in which the  

judge1 having a discretion left him1    
must1 by estimating the crime1 second   
the legislator1 who1 like a painter1    
furnishes outlines for him to fill up4  
,a madman is not to go about at large in
 the city1 but is to be taken care of by
 his relatives4 ,neglect on their part  
is to be punished in the first class by 
a fine of a hundred drachmas1 and       
proportionally in the others4 ,now      
madness is of various kinds2 in addition
 to that which arises from disease there
 is the madness which originates in a   
passionate temperament1 and makes men   
when engaged in a quarrel use foul and  
abusive language against each other4    
,this is intolerable in a well-ordered  
state2 and therefore our law shall be as
 follows3--,no one is to speak evil of  
another1 but when men differ in opinion 
they are to instruct one another without
 speaking evil4 ,nor should any one seek
 to rouse the passions which education  
has calmed2 for he who feeds and nurses 
his wrath is apt to make ribald jests at

 his opponent1 with a loss of character 
or dignity to himself4 ,and for this    
reason no one may use any abusive word  
in a temple1 or at sacrifices1 or games1
 or in any public assembly1 and he who  
offends shall be censured by the proper 
magistrate2 and the magistrate1 if he   
fail to censure him1 shall not claim the
 prize of virtue4 ,in any other place   
the angry man who indulges in revilings1
 whether he be the beginner or not1 may 
be chastised by an elder4 ,the reviler  
is always trying to make his opponent   
ridiculous2 and the use of ridicule in  
anger we cannot allow4 ,we forbid the   
comic poet to ridicule our citizens1    
under a penalty of expulsion from the   
country or a fine of three minae4 ,jest 
in which there is no offence may be     
allowed2 but the question of offence    
shall be determined by the director of  
education1 who is to be the licenser of 
theatrical performances4  ,the righteous
 man who is in adversity will not be    
allowed to starve in a well-ordered     

city2 he will never be a beggar4 ,nor is
 a man to be pitied1 merely because he  
is hungry1 unless he be temperate4      
,therefore let the law be as            
follows3--,let there be no beggars in   
our state2 and he who begs shall be     
expelled by the magistrates both from   
town and country4  ,if a slave1 male or 
female1 does any harm to the property of
 another1 who is not himself a party to 
the harm1 the master shall compensate   
the injury or give up the offending     
slave4 ,but if the master argue that the
 charge has arisen by collusion1 with   
the view of obtaining the slave1 he may 
put the plaintiff on his trial for      
malpractices1 and recover from him twice
 the value of the slave2 or if he is    
cast he must make good the damage and   
deliver up the slave4 ,the injury done  
by a horse or other animal shall be     
compensated in like manner4  ,a witness 
who will not come of himself may be     
summoned1 and if he fail in appearing1  
he shall be liable for any harm which   

may ensue3 if he swears that he does not
 know1 he may leave the court4 ,a judge 
who is called upon as a witness must not
 vote4 ,a free woman1 if she is over    
forty1 may bear witness and plead1 and1 
if she have no husband1 she may also    
bring an action4 ,a slave1 male or      
female1 and a child may witness and     
plead only in case of murder1 but they  
must give sureties that they will appear
 at the trial1 if they should be charged
 with false witness4 ,such charges must 
be made pending the trial1 and the      
accusations shall be sealed by both     
parties and kept by the magistrates     
until the trial for perjury comes off4  
,if a man is twice convicted of perjury1
 he is not to be required1 if three     
times1 he is not to be allowed to bear  
witness1 or1 if he persists in bearing  
witness1 is to be punished with death4  
,when more than half the evidence is    
proved to be false there must be a new  
trial4  ,the best and noblest things in 
human life are liable to be defiled and 

perverted4 ,is not justice the civilizer
 of mankind8 ,and yet upon the noble    
profession of the advocate has come an  
evil name4 ,for he is said to make the  
worse appear the better cause1 and only 
requires money in return for his        
services4 ,such an art will be forbidden
 by the legislator1 and if existing     
among us will be requested to depart to 
another city4 ,to the disobedient let   
the voice of the law be heard           
saying3--,he who tries to pervert       
justice in the minds of the judges1 or  
to increase litigation1 shall be brought
 before the supreme court4 ,if he does  
so from contentiousness1 let him be     
silenced for a time1 and1 if he offend  
again1 put to death4 ,if he have acted  
from a love of gain1 let him be sent out
 of the country if he be a foreigner1 or
 if he be a citizen let him be put to   
death4  ,,book ,,xii4 ,if a false       
message be taken to or brought from     
other states1 whether friendly or       
hostile1 by ambassadors or heralds1 they

 shall be indicted for having           
dishonoured their sacred office1 and1 if
 convicted1 shall suffer a              
penalty4--,stealing is mean2 robbery is 
shameless4 ,let no man deceive himself  
by the supposed example of the ,gods1   
for no ,god or son of a ,god ever really
 practised either force or fraud4 ,on   
this point the legislator is better     
informed than all the poets put         
together4 ,he who listens to him shall  
be for ever happy1 but he who will not  
listen shall have the following law     
directed against him3--,he who steals   
much1 or he who steals little of the    
public property is deserving of the same
 penalty2 for they are both impelled by 
the same evil motive4 ,when the law     
punishes one man more lightly than      
another1 this is done under the idea1   
not that he is less guilty1 but that he 
is more curable4 ,now a thief who is a  
foreigner or slave may be curable2 but  
the thief who is a citizen1 and has had 
the advantages of education1 should be  

put to death1 for he is incurable4      
,much consideration and many regulations
 are necessary about military           
expeditions2 the great principal of all 
is that no one1 male or female1 in war  
or peace1 in great matters or small1    
shall be without a commander4 ,whether  
men stand or walk1 or drill1 or pursue1 
or retreat1 or wash1 or eat1 they should
 all act together and in obedience to   
orders4 ,we should practise from our    
youth upwards the habits of command and 
obedience4 ,all dances1 relaxations1    
endurances of meats and drinks1 of cold 
and heat1 and of hard couches1 should   
have a view to war1 and care should be  
taken not to destroy the natural        
covering and use of the head and feet by
 wearing shoes and caps2 for the head is
 the lord of the body1 and the feet are 
the best of servants4 ,the soldier      
should have thoughts like these2 and let
 him hear the law3--,he who is enrolled 
shall serve1 and if he absent himself   
without leave he shall be indicted for  

failure of service before his own branch
 of the army when the expedition        
returns1 and if he be found guilty he   
shall suffer the penalty which the      
courts award1 and never be allowed to   
contend for any prize of valour1 or to  
accuse another of misbehaviour in       
military matters4 ,desertion shall also 
be tried and punished in the same       
manner4 ,after the courts for trying    
failure of service and desertion have   
been held1 the generals shall hold      
another court1 in which the several arms
 of the service will award prizes for   
the expedition which has just concluded4
 ,the prize is to be a crown of olive1  
which the victor shall offer up at the  
temple of his favourite war ,god444,in  
any suit which a man brings1 let the    
indictment be scrupulously true1 for    
justice is an honourable maiden1 to whom
 falsehood is naturally hateful4 ,for   
example1 when men are prosecuted for    
having lost their arms1 great care      
should be taken by the witnesses to     

distinguish between cases in which they 
have been lost from necessity and from  
cowardice4 ,if the hero ,patroclus had  
not been killed but had been brought    
back alive from the field1 he might have
 been reproached with having lost the   
divine armour4 ,and a man may lose his  
arms in a storm at sea1 or from a fall1 
and under many other circumstances4     
,there is a distinction of language to  
be observed in the use of the two terms1
 'thrower away of a shield' 7ripsaspis71
 and 'loser of arms' 7apoboleus oplon71 
one being the voluntary1 the other the  
involuntary relinquishment of them4 ,let
 the law then be as follows3--,if any   
one is overtaken by the enemy1 having   
arms in his hands1 and he leaves them   
behind him voluntarily1 choosing base   
life instead of honourable death1 let   
justice be done4 ,the old legend of     
,caeneus1 who was changed by ,poseidon  
from a woman into a man1 may teach by   
contraries the appropriate punishment4  
,let the thrower away of his shield be  

changed from a man into a woman--that is
 to say1 let him be all his life out of 
danger1 and never again be admitted by  
any commander into the ranks of his     
army2 and let him pay a heavy fine      
according to his class4 ,and any        
commander who permits him to serve shall
 also be punished by a fine4  ,all      
magistrates1 whatever be their tenure of
 office1 must give an account of their  
magistracy4 ,but where shall we find the
 magistrate who is worthy to supervise  
them or look into their short-comings   
and crooked ways8 ,the examiner must be 
more than man who is sufficient for     
these things4 ,for the truth is that    
there are many causes of the dissolution
 of states2 which1 like ships or        
animals1 have their cords1 and girders1 
and sinews easily relaxed1 and nothing  
tends more to their welfare and         
preservation than the supervision of    
them by examiners who are better than   
the magistrates2 failing in this they   
fall to pieces1 and each becomes many   

instead of one4 ,wherefore let the      
people meet after the summer solstice1  
in the precincts of ,apollo and the     
,sun1 and appoint three men of not less 
than fifty years of age4 ,they shall    
proceed as follows3--,each citizen shall
 select some one1 not himself1 whom he  
thinks the best4 ,the persons selected  
shall be reduced to one half1 who have  
the greatest number of votes1 if they   
are an even number2 but if an odd       
number1 he who has the smallest number  
of votes shall be previously withdrawn4 
,the voting shall continue in the same  
manner until three only remain2 and if  
the number of votes cast for them be    
equal1 a distinction between the first1 
second1 and third shall be made by lot4 
,the three shall be crowned with an     
olive wreath1 and proclamation made1    
that the city of the ,magnetes1 once    
more preserved by the ,gods1 presents   
her three best men to ,apollo and the   
,sun1 to whom she dedicates them as long
 as their lives answer to the judgment  

formed of them4 ,they shall choose in   
the first year of their office twelve   
examiners1 to continue until they are   
seventy-five years of age2 afterwards   
three shall be added annually4 ,while   
they hold office1 they shall dwell      
within the precinct of the ,god4 ,they  
are to divide all the magistracies into 
twelve classes1 and may apply any       
methods of enquiry1 and inflict any     
punishments which they please2 in some  
cases singly1 in other cases together1  
announcing the acquittal or punishment  
of the magistrate on a tablet which they
 will place in the agora4 ,a magistrate 
who has been condemned by the examiners 
may appeal to the select judges1 and1 if
 he gain his suit1 may in turn prosecute
 the examiners2 but if the appellant is 
cast1 his punishment shall be doubled1  
unless he was previously condemned to   
death4  ,and what honours shall be paid 
to these examiners1 whom the whole state
 counts worthy of the rewards of virtue8
 ,they shall have the first place at all

 sacrifices and other ceremonies1 and in
 all assemblies and public places2 they 
shall go on sacred embassies1 and have  
the exclusive privilege of wearing a    
crown of laurel4 ,they are priests of   
,apollo and the ,sun1 and he of their   
number who is judged first shall be high
 priest1 and give his name to the year4 
,the manner of their burial1 too1 shall 
be different from that of the other     
citizens4 ,the colour of their funeral  
array shall be white1 and1 instead of   
the voice of lamentation1 around the    
bier shall stand a chorus of fifteen    
boys and fifteen maidens1 chanting hymns
 in honour of the deceased in alternate 
strains during an entire day2 and at    
dawn a band of a hundred youths shall   
carry the bier to the grave1 marching in
 the garb of warriors1 and the boys in  
front of the bier shall sing their      
national hymn1 while the maidens and    
women past child-bearing follow after4  
,priests and priestesses may also       
follow1 unless the ,pythian oracle      

forbids4 ,the sepulchre shall be a vault
 built underground1 which will last for 
ever1 having couches of stone placed    
side by side2 on one of these they shall
 lay the departed saint1 and then cover 
the tomb with a mound1 and plant trees  
on every side except one1 where an      
opening shall be left for other         
interments4 ,every year there shall be  
games--musical1 gymnastic1 or           
equestrian1 in honour of those who have 
passed every ordeal4 ,but if any of     
them1 after having been acquitted on any
 occasion1 begin to show the wickedness 
of human nature1 he who pleases may     
bring them to trial before a court      
composed of the guardians of the law1   
and of the select judges1 and of any of 
the examiners who are alive4 ,if he be  
convicted he shall be deprived of his   
honours1 and if the accuser do not      
obtain a fifth part of the votes1 he    
shall pay a fine according to his class4
  ,what is called the judgment of       
,rhadamanthus is suited to 'ages of     

faith1' but not to our days4 ,he knew   
that his contemporaries believed in the 
,gods1 for many of them were the sons of
 ,gods2 and he thought that the easiest 
and surest method of ending litigation  
was to commit the decision to ,heaven4  
,in our own day1 men either deny the    
existence of ,gods or their care of men1
 or maintain that they may be bribed by 
attentions and gifts2 and the procedure 
of ,rhadamanthus would therefore be out 
of date4 ,when the religious ideas of   
mankind change1 their laws should also  
change4 ,thus oaths should no longer be 
taken from plaintiff and defendant2     
simple statements of affirmation and    
denial should be substituted4 ,for there
 is something dreadful in the thought1  
that nearly half the citizens of a state
 are perjured men4 ,there is no         
objection to an oath1 where a man has no
 interest in forswearing himself2 as1   
for example1 when a judge is about to   
give his decision1 or in voting at an   
election1 or in the judgment of games   

and contests4 ,but where there would be 
a premium on perjury1 oaths and         
imprecations should be prohibited as    
irrelevant1 like appeals to feeling4    
,let the principles of justice be       
learned and taught without words of evil
 omen4 ,the oaths of a stranger against 
a stranger may be allowed1 because      
strangers are not permitted to become   
permanent residents in our state4       
,trials in private causes are to be     
decided in the same manner as lesser    
offences against the state4 ,the        
non-attendance at a chorus or sacrifice1
 or the omission to pay a war-tax1 may  
be regarded as in the first instance    
remediable1 and the defaulter may give  
security2 but if he forfeits the        
security1 the goods pledged shall be    
sold and the money given to the state4  
,and for obstinate disobedience1 the    
magistrate shall have the power of      
inflicting greater penalties4  ,a city  
which is without trade or commerce must 
consider what it will do about the going

 abroad of its own people and the       
admission of strangers4 ,for out of     
intercourse with strangers there arises 
great confusion of manners1 which in    
most states is not of any consequence1  
because the confusion exists already2   
but in a well-ordered state it may be a 
great evil4 ,yet the absolute           
prohibition of foreign travel1 or the   
exclusion of strangers1 is impossible1  
and would appear barbarous to the rest  
of mankind4 ,public opinion should never
 be lightly regarded1 for the many are  
not so far wrong in their judgments as  
in their lives4 ,even the worst of men  
have often a divine instinct1 which     
enables them to judge of the differences
 between the good and bad4 ,states are  
rightly advised when they desire to have
 the praise of men2 and the greatest and
 truest praise is that of virtue4 ,and  
our ,cretan colony should1 and probably 
will1 have a character for virtue1 such 
as few cities have4 ,let this1 then1 be 
our law about foreign travel and the    

reception of strangers3--,no one shall  
be allowed to leave the country who is  
under forty years of age--of course     
military service abroad is not included 
in this regulation--and no one at all   
except in a public capacity4 ,to the    
,olympic1 and ,pythian1 and ,nemean1 and
 ,isthmian games1 shall be sent the     
fairest and best and bravest1 who shall 
support the dignity of the city in time 
of peace4 ,these1 when they come home1  
shall teach the youth the inferiority of
 all other governments4 ,besides those  
who go on sacred missions1 other persons
 shall be sent out by permission of the 
guardians to study the institutions of  
foreign countries4 ,for a people which  
has no experience1 and no knowledge of  
the characters of men or the reason of  
things1 but lives by habit only1 can    
never be perfectly civilized4 ,moreover1
 in all states1 bad as well as good1    
there are holy and inspired men2 these  
the citizen of a well-ordered city      
should be ever seeking out2 he should go

 forth to find them over sea and over   
land1 that he may more firmly establish 
institutions in his own state which are 
good already and amend the bad4 ',what  
will be the best way of accomplishing   
such an object8' ,in the first place1   
let the visitor of foreign countries be 
between fifty and sixty years of age1   
and let him be a citizen of repute1     
especially in military matters4 ,on his 
return he shall appear before the       
,nocturnal ,council3 this is a body     
which sits from dawn to sunrise1 and    
includes amongst its members the priests
 who have gained the prize of virtue1   
and the ten oldest guardians of the law1
 and the director and past directors of 
education2 each of whom has power to    
bring with him a younger friend of his  
own selection1 who is between thirty and
 forty4 ,the assembly thus constituted  
shall consider the laws of their own and
 other states1 and gather information   
relating to them4 ,anything of the sort 
which is approved by the elder members  

of the council shall be studied with all
 diligence by the younger2 who are to be
 specially watched by the rest of the   
citizens1 and shall receive honour1 if  
they are deserving of honour1 or        
dishonour1 if they prove inferior4 ,this
 is the assembly to which the visitor of
 foreign countries shall come and tell  
anything which he has heard from others 
in the course of his travels1 or which  
he has himself observed4 ,if he be made 
neither better nor worse1 let him at    
least be praised for his zeal2 and let  
him receive still more praise1 and      
special honour after death1 if he be    
improved4 ,but if he be deteriorated by 
his travels1 let him be prohibited from 
speaking to any one2 and if he submit1  
he may live as a private individual3 but
 if he be convicted of attempting to    
make innovations in education and the   
laws1 let him die4  ,next1 as to the    
reception of strangers4 ,of these there 
are four classes3--,first1 merchants1   
who1 like birds of passage1 find their  

way over the sea at a certain time of   
the year1 that they may exhibit their   
wares4 ,these should be received in     
markets and public buildings without the
 city1 by proper officers1 who shall see
 that justice is done them1 and shall   
also watch against any political designs
 which they may entertain2 no more      
intercourse is to be held with them than
 is absolutely necessary4 ,secondly1    
there are the visitors at the festivals1
 who shall be entertained by hospitable 
persons at the temples for a reasonable 
time2 the priests and ministers of the  
temples shall have a care of them4 ,in  
small suits brought by them or against  
them1 the priests shall be the judges2  
but in the more important1 the wardens  
of the agora4 ,thirdly1 there are       
ambassadors of foreign states2 these are
 to be honourably received by the       
generals and commanders1 and placed     
under the care of the ,prytanes and of  
the persons with whom they are lodged4  
,fourthly1 there is the philosophical   

stranger1 who1 like our own spectators1 
from time to time goes to see what is   
rich and rare in foreign countries4     
,like them he must be fifty years of    
age3 and let him go unbidden to the     
doors of the wise and rich1 that he may 
learn from them1 and they from him4     
,these are the rules of missions into   
foreign countries1 and of the reception 
of strangers4 ,let ,zeus1 the ,god of   
hospitality1 be honoured2 and let not   
the stranger be excluded1 as in ,egypt1 
from meals and sacrifices1 or1 7as at   
,sparta17 driven away by savage         
proclamations4  ,let guarantees be      
clearly given in writing and before     
witnesses4 ,the number of witnesses     
shall be three when the sum lent is     
under a thousand drachmas1 or five when 
above4 ,the agent and principal at a    
fraudulent sale shall be equally liable4
 ,he who would search another man's     
house for anything must swear that he   
expects to find it there2 and he shall  
enter naked1 or having on a single      

garment and no girdle4 ,the owner shall 
place at the disposal of the searcher   
all his goods1 sealed as well as        
unsealed2 if he refuse1 he shall be     
liable in double the value of the       
property1 if it shall prove to be in his
 possession4 ,if the owner be absent1   
the searcher may counter-seal the       
property which is under seal1 and place 
watchers4 ,if the owner remain absent   
more than five days1 the searcher shall 
take the magistrates1 and open the      
sealed property1 and seal it up again in
 their presence4 ,the recovery of goods 
disputed1 except in the case of lands   
and houses1 7about which there can be no
 dispute in our state71 is to be barred 
by time4 ,the public and unimpeached use
 of anything for a year in the city1 or 
for five years in the country1 or the   
private possession and domestic use for 
three years in the city1 or for ten     
years in the country1 is to give a right
 of ownership4 ,but if the possessor    
have the property in a foreign country1 

there shall be no bar as to time4 ,the  
proceedings of any trial are to be void1
 in which either the parties or the     
witnesses1 whether bond or free1 have   
been prevented by violence from         
attending3--if a slave be prevented1 the
 suit shall be invalid2 or if a freeman1
 he who is guilty of the violence shall 
be imprisoned for a year1 and shall also
 be liable to an action for kidnapping4 
,if one competitor forcibly prevents    
another from attending at the games1 the
 other may be inscribed as victor in the
 temples1 and the first1 whether victor 
or not1 shall be liable to an action for
 damages4 ,the receiver of stolen goods 
shall undergo the same punishment as the
 thief4 ,the receiver of an exile shall 
be punished with death4 ,a man ought to 
have the same friends and enemies as his
 country2 and he who makes war or peace 
for himself shall be put to death4 ,and 
if a party in the state make war or     
peace1 their leaders shall be indicted  
by the generals1 and1 if convicted1 they

 shall be put to death4 ,the ministers  
and officers of a country ought not to  
receive gifts1 even as the reward of    
good deeds4 ,he who disobeys shall die4 
,with a view to taxation a man should   
have his property and income valued3 and
 the government may1 at their           
discretion1 levy the tax upon the annual
 return1 or take a portion of the whole4
  ,the good man will offer moderate     
gifts to the ,gods2 his land or hearth  
cannot be offered1 because they are     
already consecrated to all ,gods4 ,gold 
and silver1 which arouse envy1 and      
ivory1 which is taken from the dead body
 of an animal1 are unsuitable offerings2
 iron and brass are materials of war4   
,wood and stone of a single piece may be
 offered2 also woven work which has not 
occupied one woman more than a month in 
making4 ,white is a colour which is     
acceptable to the ,gods2 figures of     
birds and similar offerings are the best
 of gifts1 but they must be such as the 
painter can execute in a day4  ,next    

concerning lawsuits4 ,judges1 or rather 
arbiters1 may be agreed upon by the     
plaintiff and defendant2 and if no      
decision is obtained from them1 their   
fellow-tribesmen shall judge4 ,at this  
stage there shall be an increase of the 
penalty3 the defendant1 if he be cast1  
shall pay a fifth more than the damages 
claimed4 ,if he further persist1 and    
appeal a second time1 the case shall be 
heard before the select judges2 and he  
shall pay1 if defeated1 the penalty and 
half as much again4 ,and the pursuer1 if
 on the first appeal he is defeated1    
shall pay one fifth of the damages      
claimed by him2 and if on the second1   
one half4 ,other matters relating to    
trials1 such as the assignment of judges
 to courts1 the times of sitting1 the   
number of judges1 the modes of pleading 
and procedure1 as we have already said1 
may be determined by younger            
legislators4  ,these are to be the rules
 of private courts4 ,as regards public  
courts1 many states have excellent modes

 of procedure which may serve for       
models2 these1 when duly tested by      
experience1 should be ratified and made 
permanent by us4  ,let the judge be     
accomplished in the laws4 ,he should    
possess writings about them1 and make a 
study of them2 for laws are the highest 
instrument of mental improvement1 and   
derive their name from mind 7nous1      
nomos74 ,they afford a measure of all   
censure and praise1 whether in verse or 
prose1 in conversation or in books1 and 
are an antidote to the vain disputes of 
men and their equally vain acquiescence 
in each other's opinions4 ,the just     
judge1 who imbibes their spirit1 makes  
the city and himself to stand upright4  
,he establishes justice for the good1   
and cures the tempers of the bad1 if    
they can be cured2 but denounces death1 
which is the only remedy1 to the        
incurable1 the threads of whose life    
cannot be reversed4  ,when the suits of 
the year are completed1 execution is to 
follow4 ,the court is to award to the   

plaintiff the property of the defendant1
 if he is cast1 reserving to him only   
his lot of land4 ,if the plaintiff is   
not satisfied within a month1 the court 
shall put into his hands the property of
 the defendant4 ,if the defendant fails 
in payment to the amount of a drachma1  
he shall lose the use and protection of 
the court2 or if he rebel against the   
authority of the court1 he shall be     
brought before the guardians of the law1
 and if found guilty he shall be put to 
death4  ,man having been born1 educated1
 having begotten and brought up         
children1 and gone to law1 fulfils the  
debt of nature4 ,the rites which are to 
be celebrated after death in honour of  
the ,gods above and below shall be      
determined by the ,interpreters4 ,the   
dead shall be buried in uncultivated    
places1 where they will be out of the   
way and do least injury to the living4  
,for no one either in life or after     
death has any right to deprive other men
 of the sustenance which mother earth   

provides for them4 ,no sepulchral mound 
is to be piled higher than five men can 
raise it in five days1 and the          
grave-stone shall not be larger than is 
sufficient to contain an inscription of 
four heroic verses4 ,the dead are only  
to be exposed for three days1 which is  
long enough to test the reality of      
death4 ,the legislator will instruct the
 people that the body is a mere shadow  
or image1 and that the soul1 which is   
our true being1 is gone to give an      
account of herself before the ,gods     
below4 ,when they hear this1 the good   
are full of hope1 and the evil are      
terrified4 ,it is also said that not    
much can be done for any one after      
death4 ,and therefore while in life all 
man should be helped by their kindred to
 pass their days justly and holily1 that
 they may depart in peace4 ,when a man  
loses a son or a brother1 he should     
consider that the beloved one has gone  
away to fulfil his destiny in another   
place1 and should not waste money over  

his lifeless remains4 ,let the law then 
order a moderate funeral of five minae  
for the first class1 of three for the   
second1 of two for the third1 of one for
 the fourth4 ,one of the guardians of   
the law1 to be selected by the          
relatives1 shall assist them in         
arranging the affairs of the deceased4  
,there would be a want of delicacy in   
prescribing that there should or should 
not be mourning for the dead4 ,but1 at  
any rate1 such mourning is to be        
confined to the house2 there must be no 
processions in the streets1 and the dead
 body shall be taken out of the city    
before daybreak4 ,regulations about     
other forms of burial and about the     
non-burial of parricides and other      
sacrilegious persons have already been  
laid down4 ,the work of legislation is  
therefore nearly completed2 its end will
 be finally accomplished when we have   
provided for the continuance of the     
state4  ,do you remember the names of   
the ,fates8 ,lachesis1 the giver of the 

lots1 is the first of them2 ,clotho1 the
 spinster1 the second2 ,atropos1 the    
unchanging one1 is the third and last1  
who makes the threads of the web        
irreversible4 ,and we too want to make  
our laws irreversible1 for the          
unchangeable quality in them will be the
 salvation of the state1 and the source 
of health and order in the bodies and   
souls of our citizens4 ',but can such a 
quality be implanted8' ,i think that it 
may2 and at any rate we must try2 for1  
after all our labour1 to have been      
piling up a fabric which has no         
foundation would be too ridiculous4     
',what foundation would you lay8' ,we   
have already instituted an assembly     
which was composed of the ten oldest    
guardians of the law1 and secondly1 of  
those who had received prizes of virtue1
 and thirdly1 of the travellers who had 
gone abroad to enquire into the laws of 
other countries4 ,moreover1 each of the 
members was to choose a young man1 of   
not less than thirty years of age1 to be

 approved by the rest2 and they were to 
meet at dawn1 when all the world is at  
leisure4 ,this assembly will be an      
anchor to the vessel of state1 and      
provide the means of permanence2 for the
 constitutions of states1 like all other
 things1 have their proper saviours1    
which are to them what the head and soul
 are to the living being4 ',how do you  
mean8' ,mind in the soul1 and sight and 
hearing in the head1 or rather1 the     
perfect union of mind and sense1 may be 
justly called every man's salvation4    
',certainly4' ,yes2 but of what nature  
is this union8 ,in the case of a ship1  
for example1 the senses of the sailors  
are added to the intelligence of the    
pilot1 and the two together save the    
ship and the men in the ship4 ,again1   
the physician and the general have their
 objects2 and the object of the one is  
health1 of the other victory4 ,states1  
too1 have their objects1 and the ruler  
must understand1 first1 their nature1   
and secondly1 the means of attaining    

them1 whether in laws or men4 ,the state
 which is wanting in this knowledge     
cannot be expected to be wise when the  
time for action arrives4 ,now what class
 or institution is there in our state   
which has such a saving power8 ',i      
suspect that you are referring to the   
,nocturnal ,council4' ,yes1 to that     
council which is to have all virtue1 and
 which should aim directly at the mark4 
',very true4' ,the inconsistency of     
legislation in most states is not       
surprising1 when the variety of their   
objects is considered4 ,one of them     
makes their rule of justice the         
government of a class2 another aims at  
wealth2 another at freedom1 or at       
freedom and power2 and some who call    
themselves philosophers maintain that   
you should seek for all of them at once4
 ,but our object is unmistakeably       
virtue1 and virtue is of four kinds4    
',yes2 and we said that mind is the     
chief and ruler of the three other kinds
 of virtue and of all else4' ,true1     

,cleinias2 and now1 having already      
declared the object which is present to 
the mind of the pilot1 the general1 the 
physician1 we will interrogate the mind 
of the statesman4 ,tell me1 ,i say1 as  
the physician and general have told us  
their object1 what is the object of the 
statesman4 ,can you tell me8 ',we       
cannot4' ,did we not say that there are 
four virtues--courage1 wisdom1 and two  
others1 all of which are called by the  
common name of virtue1 and are in a     
sense one8 ',certainly we did4' ,the    
difficulty is1 not in understanding the 
differences of the virtues1 but in      
apprehending their unity4 ,why do we    
call virtue1 which is a single thing1 by
 the two names of wisdom and courage8   
,the reason is that courage is concerned
 with fear1 and is found both in        
children and in brutes2 for the soul may
 be courageous without reason1 but no   
soul was1 or ever will be1 wise without 
reason4 ',that is true4' ,i have        
explained to you the difference1 and do 

you in return explain to me the unity4  
,but first let us consider whether any  
one who knows the name of a thing       
without the definition has any real     
knowledge of it4 ,is not such knowledge 
a disgrace to a man of sense1 especially
 where great and glorious truths are    
concerned8 and can any subject be more  
worthy of the attention of our          
legislators than the four virtues of    
which we are speaking--courage1         
temperance1 justice1 wisdom8 ,ought not 
the magistrates and officers of the     
state to instruct the citizens in the   
nature of virtue and vice1 instead of   
leaving them to be taught by some chance
 poet or sophist8 ,a city which is      
without instruction suffers the usual   
fate of cities in our day4 ,what then   
shall we do8 ,how shall we perfect the  
ideas of our guardians about virtue8 how
 shall we give our state a head and     
eyes8 ',yes1 but how do you apply the   
figure8' ,the city will be the body or  
trunk2 the best of our young men will   

mount into the head or acropolis and be 
our eyes2 they will look about them1 and
 inform the elders1 who are the mind and
 use the younger men as their           
instruments3 together they will save the
 state4 ,shall this be our constitution1
 or shall all be educated alike1 and the
 special training be given up8 ',that is
 impossible4' ,let us then endeavour to 
attain to some more exact idea of       
education4 ,did we not say that the true
 artist or guardian ought to have an    
eye1 not only to the many1 but to the   
one1 and to order all things with a view
 to the one8 ,can there be any more     
philosophical speculation than how to   
reduce many things which are unlike to  
one idea8 ',perhaps not4' ,say rather1  
',certainly not4' ,and the rulers of our
 divine state ought to have an exact    
knowledge of the common principle in    
courage1 temperance1 justice1 wisdom1   
which is called by the name of virtue2  
and unless we know whether virtue is one
 or many1 we shall hardly know what     

virtue is4 ,shall we contrive some means
 of engrafting this knowledge on our    
state1 or give the matter up8 ',anything
 rather than that4' ,let us begin by    
making an agreement4 ',by all means1 if 
we can4' ,well1 are we not agreed that  
our guardians ought to know1 not only   
how the good and the honourable are     
many1 but also how they are one8 ',yes1 
certainly4' ,the true guardian of the   
laws ought to know their truth1 and     
should also be able to interpret and    
execute them8 ',he should4' ,and is     
there any higher knowledge than the     
knowledge of the existence and power of 
the ,gods8 ,the people may be excused   
for following tradition2 but the        
guardian must be able to give a reason  
of the faith which is in him4 ,and there
 are two great evidences of             
religion--the priority of the soul and  
the order of the heavens4 ,for no man of
 sense1 when he contemplates the        
universe1 will be likely to substitute  
necessity for reason and will4 ,those   

who maintain that the sun and the stars 
are inanimate beings are utterly wrong  
in their opinions4 ,the men of a former 
generation had a suspicion1 which has   
been confirmed by later thinkers1 that  
things inanimate could never without    
mind have attained such scientific      
accuracy2 and some 7,anaxagoras7 even in
 those days ventured to assert that mind
 had ordered all things in heaven2 but  
they had no idea of the priority of     
mind1 and they turned the world1 or more
 properly themselves1 upside down1 and  
filled the universe with stones1 and    
earth1 and other inanimate bodies4 ,this
 led to great impiety1 and the poets    
said many foolish things against the    
philosophers1 whom they compared to     
'yelping she-dogs1' besides making other
 abusive remarks4 ,no man can now truly 
worship the ,gods who does not believe  
that the soul is eternal1 and prior to  
the body1 and the ruler of all bodies1  
and does not perceive also that there is
 mind in the stars2 or who has not heard

 the connexion of these things with     
music1 and has not harmonized them with 
manners and laws1 giving a reason of    
things which are matters of reason4 ,he 
who is unable to acquire this knowledge1
 as well as the ordinary virtues of a   
citizen1 can only be a servant1 and not 
a ruler in the state4  ,let us then add 
another law to the effect that the      
,nocturnal ,council shall be a guard set
 for the salvation of the state4 ',very 
good4' ,to establish this will be our   
aim1 and ,i hope that others besides    
myself will assist4 ',let us proceed    
along the road in which ,god seems to   
guide us4' ,we cannot1 ,megillus and    
,cleinias1 anticipate the details which 
will hereafter be needed2 they must be  
supplied by experience4 ',what do you   
mean8' ,first of all a register will    
have to be made of all those whose age1 
character1 or education would qualify   
them to be guardians4 ,the subjects     
which they are to learn1 and the order  
in which they are to be learnt1 are     

mysteries which cannot be explained     
beforehand1 but not mysteries in any    
other sense4 ',if that is the case1 what
 is to be done8' ,we must stake our all 
on a lucky throw1 and ,i will share the 
risk by stating my views on education4  
,and ,i would have you1 ,cleinias1 who  
are the founder of the ,magnesian state1
 and will obtain the greatest glory if  
you succeed1 and will at least be       
praised for your courage1 if you fail1  
take especial heed of this matter4 ,if  
we can only establish the ,nocturnal    
,council1 we will hand over the city to 
its keeping2 none of the present company
 will hesitate about that4 ,our dream   
will then become a reality2 and our     
citizens1 if they are carefully chosen  
and well educated1 will be saviours and 
guardians such as the world hitherto has
 never seen4  ,the want of completeness 
in the ,laws becomes more apparent in   
the later books4 ,there is less         
arrangement in them1 and the transitions
 are more abrupt from one subject to    

another4 ,yet they contain several noble
 passages1 such as the 'prelude to the  
discourse concerning the honour and     
dishonour of parents1' or the picture of
 the dangers attending the 'friendly    
intercourse of young men and maidens    
with one another1' or the soothing      
remonstrance which is addressed to the  
dying man respecting his right to do    
what he will with his own1 or the fine  
description of the burial of the dead4  
,the subject of religion in ,book ,x is 
introduced as a prelude to offences     
against the ,gods1 and this portion of  
the work appears to be executed in      
,plato's best manner4  ,in the last four
 books1 several questions occur for     
consideration3 among them are 7,i7 the  
detection and punishment of offences2   
7,,ii7 the nature of the voluntary and  
involuntary2 7,,iii7 the arguments      
against atheism1 and against the opinion
 that the ,gods have no care of human   
affairs2 7,,iv7 the remarks upon retail 
trade2 7,v7 the institution of the      

,nocturnal ,council4  ,i4 ,a weak point 
in the ,laws of ,plato is the amount of 
inquisition into private life which is  
to be made by the rulers4 ,the          
magistrate is always watching and       
waylaying the citizens4 ,he is          
constantly to receive information       
against improprieties of life4 ,plato   
does not seem to be aware that espionage
 can only have a negative effect4 ,he   
has not yet discovered the boundary line
 which parts the domain of law from that
 of morality or social life4 ,men will  
not tell of one another2 nor will he    
ever be the most honoured citizen1 who  
gives the most frequent information     
about offenders to the magistrates4  ,as
 in some writers of fiction1 so also in 
philosophers1 we may observe the effect 
of age4 ,plato becomes more conservative
 as he grows older1 and he would govern 
the world entirely by men like himself1 
who are above fifty years of age2 for in
 them he hopes to find a principle of   
stability4 ,he does not remark that1 in 

destroying the freedom he is destroying 
also the life of the ,state4 ,in        
reducing all the citizens to rule and   
measure1 he would have been depriving   
the ,magnesian colony of those great men
 'whose acquaintance is beyond all      
price2' and he would have found that in 
the worst-governed ,hellenic ,state1    
there was more of a carriere ouverte for
 extraordinary genius and virtue than in
 his own4  ,plato has an evident dislike
 of the ,athenian dicasteries2 he       
prefers a few judges who take a leading 
part in the conduct of trials to a great
 number who only listen in silence4 ,he 
allows of two appeals--in each case     
however with an increase of the penalty4
 ,modern jurists would disapprove of the
 redress of injustice being purchased   
only at an increasing risk2 though      
indirectly the burden of legal expenses1
 which seems to have been little felt   
among the ,athenians1 has a similar     
effect4 ,the love of litigation1 which  
is a remnant of barbarism quite as much 

as a corruption of civilization1 and was
 innate in the ,athenian people1 is     
diminished in the new state by the      
imposition of severe penalties4 ,if     
persevered in1 it is to be punished with
 death4  ,in the ,laws murder and       
homicide besides being crimes1 are also 
pollutions4 ,regarded from this point of
 view1 the estimate of such offences is 
apt to depend on accidental             
circumstances1 such as the shedding of  
blood1 and not on the real guilt of the 
offender or the injury done to society4 
,they are measured by the horror which  
they arouse in a barbarous age4 ,for    
there is a superstition in law as well  
as in religion1 and the feelings of a   
primitive age have a traditional hold on
 the mass of the people4 ,on the other  
hand1 ,plato is innocent of the         
barbarity which would visit the sins of 
the fathers upon the children1 and he is
 quite aware that punishment has an eye 
to the future1 and not to the past4     
,compared with that of most ,european   

nations in the last century his penal   
code1 though sometimes capricious1 is   
reasonable and humane4  ,a defect in    
,plato's criminal jurisprudence is his  
remission of the punishment when the    
homicide has obtained the forgiveness of
 the murdered person2 as if crime were a
 personal affair between individuals1   
and not an offence against the ,state4  
,there is a ridiculous disproportion in 
his punishments4 ,because a slave may   
fairly receive a blow for stealing one  
fig or one bunch of grapes1 or a        
tradesman for selling adulterated goods 
to the value of one drachma1 it is      
rather hard upon the slave that he      
should receive as many blows as he has  
taken grapes or figs1 or upon the       
tradesman who has sold adulterated goods
 to the value of a thousand drachmas    
that he should receive a thousand blows4
  ,,ii4 ,but before punishment can be   
inflicted at all1 the legislator must   
determine the nature of the voluntary   
and involuntary4 ,the great question of 

the freedom of the will1 which in modern
 times has been worn threadbare with    
purely abstract discussion1 was         
approached both by ,plato and           
,aristotle--first1 from the judicial2   
secondly1 from the sophistical point of 
view4 ,they were puzzled by the degrees 
and kinds of crime2 they observed also  
that the law only punished hurts which  
are inflicted by a voluntary agent on an
 involuntary patient4  ,in attempting to
 distinguish between hurt and injury1   
,plato says that mere hurt is not       
injury2 but that a benefit when done in 
a wrong spirit may sometimes injure1    
e4g4 when conferred without regard to   
right and wrong1 or to the good or evil 
consequences which may follow4 ,he means
 to say that the good or evil           
disposition of the agent is the         
principle which characterizes actions2  
and this is not sufficiently described  
by the terms voluntary and involuntary4 
,you may hurt another involuntarily1 and
 no one would suppose that you had      

injured him2 and you may hurt him       
voluntarily1 as in inflicting           
punishment--neither is this injury2 but 
if you hurt him from motives of avarice1
 ambition1 or cowardly fear1 this is    
injury4 ,injustice is also described as 
the victory of desire or passion or     
self-conceit over reason1 as justice is 
the subordination of them to reason4 ,in
 some paradoxical sense ,plato is       
disposed to affirm all injustice to be  
involuntary2 because no man would do    
injustice who knew that it never paid   
and could calculate the consequences of 
what he was doing4 ,yet1 on the other   
hand1 he admits that the distinction of 
voluntary and involuntary1 taken in     
another and more obvious sense1 is the  
basis of legislation4 ,his conception of
 justice and injustice is complicated   
7#a7 by the want of a distinction       
between justice and virtue1 that is to  
say1 between the quality which primarily
 regards others1 and the quality in     
which self and others are equally       

regarded2 7#b7 by the confusion of doing
 and suffering justice2 7#c7 by the     
unwillingness to renounce the old       
,socratic paradox1 that evil is         
involuntary4  ,,iii4 ,the ,laws rest on 
a religious foundation2 in this respect 
they bear the stamp of primitive        
legislation4 ,they do not escape the    
almost inevitable consequence of making 
irreligion penal4 ,if laws are based    
upon religion1 the greatest offence     
against them must be irreligion4 ,hence 
the necessity for what in modern        
language1 and according to a distinction
 which ,plato would scarcely have       
understood1 might be termed persecution4
 ,but the spirit of persecution in      
,plato1 unlike that of modern religious 
bodies1 arises out of the desire to     
enforce a true and simple form of       
religion1 and is directed against the   
superstitions which tend to degrade     
mankind4 ,sir ,thomas ,more1 in his     
,utopia1 is in favour of tolerating all 
except the intolerant1 though he would  

not promote to high offices those who   
disbelieved in the immortality of the   
soul4 ,plato has not advanced quite so  
far as this in the path of toleration4  
,but in judging of his enlightenment1 we
 must remember that the evils of        
necromancy and divination were far      
greater than those of intolerance in the
 ancient world4 ,human nature is always 
having recourse to the first2 but only  
when organized into some form of        
priesthood falls into the other2        
although in primitive as in later ages  
the institution of a priesthood may     
claim probably to be an advance on some 
form of religion which preceded4 ,the   
,laws would have rested on a sounder    
foundation1 if ,plato had ever          
distinctly realized to his mind the     
difference between crime and sin or     
vice4 ,of this1 as of many other        
controversies1 a clear definition might 
have been the end4 ,but such a          
definition belongs to a later age of    
philosophy4  ,the arguments which ,plato

 uses for the being of a ,god1 have an  
extremely modern character3 first1 the  
consensus gentium2 secondly1 the        
argument which has already been adduced 
in the ,phaedrus1 of the priority of the
 self-moved4 ,the answer to those who   
say that ,god 'cares not1' is1 that ,he 
governs by general laws2 and that he who
 takes care of the great will assuredly 
take care of the small4 ,plato did not  
feel1 and has not attempted to consider1
 the difficulty of reconciling the      
special with the general providence of  
,god4 ,yet he is on the road to a       
solution1 when he regards the world as a
 whole1 of which all the parts work     
together towards the final end4  ,we are
 surprised to find that the scepticism1 
which we attribute to young men in our  
own day1 existed then 7compare          
,republic72 that the ,epicureanism      
expressed in the line of ,horace        
7borrowed from ,lucretius7--  ',namque  
,deos didici securum agere aevum1'  was 
already prevalent in the age of ,plato2 

and that the terrors of another world   
were freely used in order to gain       
advantages over other men in this4 ,the 
same objection which struck the         
,psalmist--'when ,i saw the prosperity  
of the wicked'--is supposed to lie at   
the root of the better sort of unbelief4
 ,and the answer is substantially the   
same which the modern theologian would  
offer3--that the ways of ,god in this   
world cannot be justified unless there  
be a future state of rewards and        
punishments4 ,yet this future state of  
rewards and punishments is in ,plato's  
view not any addition of happiness or   
suffering imposed from without1 but the 
permanence of good and evil in the soul3
 here he is in advance of many modern   
theologians4 ,the ,greek1 too1 had his  
difficulty about the existence of evil1 
which in one solitary passage1          
remarkable for being inconsistent with  
his general system1 ,plato explains1    
after the ,magian fashion1 by a good and
 evil spirit 7compare ,theaet41         

,statesman74 ,this passage is also      
remarkable for being at variance with   
the general optimism of the ,tenth      
,book--not 'all things are ordered by   
,god for the best1' but some things by a
 good1 others by an evil spirit4  ,the  
,tenth ,book of the ,laws presents a    
picture of the state of belief among the
 ,greeks singularly like that of the    
world in which we live4 ,plato is       
disposed to attribute the incredulity of
 his own age to several causes4 ,first1 
to the bad effect of mythological tales1
 of which he retains his disapproval2   
but he has a weak side for antiquity1   
and is unwilling1 as in the ,republic1  
wholly to proscribe them4 ,secondly1 he 
remarks the self-conceit of a           
newly-fledged generation of             
philosophers1 who declare that the sun1 
moon1 and stars1 are earth and stones   
only2 and who also maintain that the    
,gods are made by the laws of the state4
 ,thirdly1 he notes a confusion in the  
minds of men arising out of their       

misinterpretation of the appearances of 
the world around them3 they do not      
always see the righteous rewarded and   
the wicked punished4 ,so in modern times
 there are some whose infidelity has    
arisen from doubts about the inspiration
 of ancient writings2 others who have   
been made unbelievers by physical       
science1 or again by the seemingly      
political character of religion2 while  
there is a third class to whose minds   
the difficulty of 'justifying the ways  
of ,god to man' has been the chief      
stumblingblock4 ,plato is very much out 
of temper at the impiety of some of his 
contemporaries2 yet he is determined to 
reason with the victims1 as he regards  
them1 of these illusions before he      
punishes them4 ,his answer to the       
unbelievers is twofold3 first1 that the 
soul is prior to the body2 secondly1    
that the ruler of the universe being    
perfect has made all things with a view 
to their perfection4 ,the difficulties  
arising out of ancient sacred writings  

were far less serious in the age of     
,plato than in our own4  ,we too have   
our popular ,epicureanism1 which would  
allow the world to go on as if there    
were no ,god4 ,when the belief in ,him1 
whether of ancient or modern times1     
begins to fade away1 men relegate ,him1 
either in theory or practice1 into a    
distant heaven4 ,they do not like       
expressly to deny ,god when it is more  
convenient to forget ,him2 and so the   
theory of the ,epicurean becomes the    
practice of mankind in general4 ,nor can
 we be said to be free from that which  
,plato justly considers to be the worst 
unbelief--of those who put superstition 
in the place of true religion4 ,for the 
larger half of ,christians continue to  
assert that the justice of ,god may be  
turned aside by gifts1 and1 if not by   
the 'odour of fat1 and the sacrifice    
steaming to heaven1' still by another   
kind of sacrifice placed upon the       
altar--by masses for the quick and dead1
 by dispensations1 by building churches1

 by rites and ceremonies--by the same   
means which the heathen used1 taking    
other names and shapes4 ,and the        
indifference of ,epicureanism and       
unbelief is in two ways the parent of   
superstition1 partly because it permits1
 and also because it creates1 a         
necessity for its development in        
religious and enthusiastic temperaments4
 ,if men cannot have a rational belief1 
they will have an irrational4 ,and hence
 the most superstitious countries are   
also at a certain point of civilization 
the most unbelieving1 and the revolution
 which takes one direction is quickly   
followed by a reaction in the other4 ,so
 we may read 'between the lines' ancient
 history and philosophy into modern1 and
 modern into ancient4 ,whether we       
compare the theory of ,greek philosophy 
with the ,christian religion1 or the    
practice of the ,gentile world with the 
practice of the ,christian world1 they  
will be found to differ more in words   
and less in reality than we might have  

supposed4 ,the greater opposition which 
is sometimes made between them seems to 
arise chiefly out of a comparison of the
 ideal of the one with the practice of  
the other4  ,to the errors of           
superstition and unbelief ,plato opposes
 the simple and natural truth of        
religion2 the best and highest1 whether 
conceived in the form of a person or a  
principle--as the divine mind or as the 
idea of good--is believed by him to be  
the basis of human life4 ,that all      
things are working together for good to 
the good and evil to the evil in this or
 in some other world to which human     
actions are transferred1 is the sum of  
his faith or theology4 ,unlike          
,socrates1 he is absolutely free from   
superstition4 ,religion and morality are
 one and indivisible to him4 ,he        
dislikes the 'heathen mythology1' which1
 as he significantly remarks1 was not   
tolerated in ,crete1 and perhaps 7for   
the meaning of his words is not quite   
clear7 at ,sparta4 ,he gives no         

encouragement to individual enthusiasm2 
'the establishment of religion could    
only be the work of a mighty intellect4'
 ,like the ,hebrews1 he prohibits       
private rites2 for the avoidance of     
superstition1 he would transfer all     
worship of the ,gods to the public      
temples4 ,he would not have men and     
women consecrating the accidents of     
their lives4 ,he trusts to human        
punishments and not to divine judgments2
 though he is not unwilling to repeat   
the old tradition that certain kinds of 
dishonesty 'prevent a man from having a 
family4' ,he considers that the 'ages of
 faith' have passed away and cannot now 
be recalled4 ,yet he is far from wishing
 to extirpate the sentiment of religion1
 which he sees to be common to all      
mankind--,barbarians as well as         
,hellenes4 ,he remarks that no one      
passes through life without1 sooner or  
later1 experiencing its power4 ,to which
 we may add the further remark that the 
greater the irreligion1 the more violent

 has often been the religious reaction4 
,it is remarkable that ,plato's account 
of mind at the end of the ,laws goes    
beyond ,anaxagoras1 and beyond himself  
in any of his previous writings4        
,aristotle1 in a well-known passage     
7,met47 which is an echo of the ,phaedo1
 remarks on the inconsistency of        
,anaxagoras in introducing the agency of
 mind1 and yet having recourse to other 
and inferior1 probably material causes4 
,but ,plato makes the further criticism1
 that the error of ,anaxagoras          
consisted1 not in denying the universal 
agency of mind1 but in denying the      
priority1 or1 as we should say1 the     
eternity of it4 ,yet in the ,timaeus he 
had himself allowed that ,god made the  
world out of pre-existing materials3 in 
the ,statesman he says that there were  
seeds of evil in the world arising out  
of the remains of a former chaos which  
could not be got rid of2 and even in the
 ,tenth ,book of the ,laws he has       
admitted that there are two souls1 a    

good and evil4 ,in the ,meno1 the       
,phaedrus1 and the ,phaedo1 he had      
spoken of the recovery of ideas from a  
former state of existence4 ,but now he  
has attained to a clearer point of view3
 he has discarded these fancies4 ,from  
meditating on the priority of the human 
soul to the body1 he has learnt the     
nature of soul absolutely4 ,the power of
 the best1 of which he gave an          
intimation in the ,phaedo and in the    
,republic1 now1 as in the ,philebus1    
takes the form of an intelligence or    
person4 ,he no longer1 like ,anaxagoras1
 supposes mind to be introduced at a    
certain time into the world and to give 
order to a pre-existing chaos1 but to be
 prior to the chaos1 everlasting and    
evermoving1 and the source of order and 
intelligence in all things4 ,this       
appears to be the last form of ,plato's 
religious philosophy1 which might almost
 be summed up in the words of ,kant1    
'the starry heaven above and the moral  
law within4' ,or rather1 perhaps1 'the  

starry heaven above and mind prior to   
the world4'  ,,iv4 ,the remarks about   
retail trade1 about adulteration1 and   
about mendicity1 have a very modern     
character4 ,greek social life was more  
like our own than we are apt to suppose4
 ,there was the same division of ranks1 
the same aristocratic and democratic    
feeling1 and1 even in a democracy1 the  
same preference for land and for        
agricultural pursuits4 ,plato may be    
claimed as the first free trader1 when  
he prohibits the imposition of customs  
on imports and exports1 though he was   
clearly not aware of the importance of  
the principle which he enunciated4 ,the 
discredit of retail trade he attributes 
to the rogueries of traders1 and is     
inclined to believe that if a nobleman  
would keep a shop1 which heaven forbid6 
retail trade might become honourable4   
,he has hardly lighted upon the true    
reason1 which appears to be the         
essential distinction between buyers and
 sellers1 the one class being           

necessarily in some degree dependent on 
the other4 ,when he proposes to fix     
prices 'which would allow a moderate    
gain1' and to regulate trade in several 
minute particulars1 we must remember    
that this is by no means so absurd in a 
city consisting of #ejdj citizens1 in   
which almost every one would know and   
become known to everybody else1 as in   
our own vast population4 ,among         
ourselves we are very far from allowing 
every man to charge what he pleases4 ,of
 many things the prices are fixed by    
law4 ,do we not often hear of wages     
being adjusted in proportion to the     
profits of employers8 ,the objection to 
regulating them by law and thus avoiding
 the conflicts which continually arise  
between the buyers and sellers of       
labour1 is not so much the              
undesirableness as the impossibility of 
doing so4 ,wherever free competition is 
not reconcileable either with the order 
of society1 or1 as in the case of       
adulteration1 with common honesty1 the  

government may lawfully interfere4 ,the 
only question is1--,whether the         
interference will be effectual1 and     
whether the evil of interference may not
 be greater than the evil which is      
prevented by it4  ,he would prohibit    
beggars1 because in a well-ordered state
 no good man would be left to starve4   
,this again is a prohibition which might
 have been easily enforced1 for there is
 no difficulty in maintaining the poor  
when the population is small4 ,in our   
own times the difficulty of pauperism is
 rendered far greater1 7#a7 by the      
enormous numbers1 7#b7 by the facility  
of locomotion1 7#c7 by the increasing   
tenderness for human life and suffering4
 ,and the only way of meeting the       
difficulty seems to be by modern nations
 subdividing themselves into small      
bodies having local knowledge and acting
 together in the spirit of ancient      
communities 7compare ,arist4 ,pol47  ,v4
 ,regarded as the framework of a polity 
the ,laws are deemed by ,plato to be a  

decline from the ,republic1 which is the
 dream of his earlier years4 ,he nowhere
 imagines that he has reached a higher  
point of speculation4 ,he is only       
descending to the level of human things1
 and he often returns to his original   
idea4 ,for the guardians of the         
,republic1 who were the elder citizens1 
and were all supposed to be             
philosophers1 is now substituted a      
special body1 who are to review and     
amend the laws1 preserving the spirit of
 the legislator4 ,these are the         
,nocturnal ,council1 who1 although they 
are not specially trained in dialectic1 
are not wholly destitute of it2 for they
 must know the relation of particular   
virtues to the general principle of     
virtue4 ,plato has been arguing         
throughout the ,laws that temperance is 
higher than courage1 peace than war1    
that the love of both must enter into   
the character of the good citizen4 ,and 
at the end the same thought is summed up
 by him in an abstract form4 ,the true  

artist or guardian must be able to      
reduce the many to the one1 than which1 
as he says with an enthusiasm worthy of 
the ,phaedrus or ,philebus1 'no more    
philosophical method was ever devised by
 the wit of man4' ,but the sense of     
unity in difference can only be acquired
 by study2 and ,plato does not explain  
to us the nature of this study1 which we
 may reasonably infer1 though there is a
 remarkable omission of the word1 to be 
akin to the dialectic of the ,republic4 
,the ,nocturnal ,council is to consist  
of the priests who have obtained the    
rewards of virtue1 of the ten eldest    
guardians of the law1 and of the        
director and ex-directors of education2 
each of whom is to select for approval a
 younger coadjutor4 ,to this council the
 ',spectator1' who is sent to visit     
foreign countries1 has to make his      
report4 ,it is not an administrative    
body1 but an assembly of sages who are  
to make legislation their study4 ,plato 
is not altogether disinclined to changes

 in the law where experience shows them 
to be necessary2 but he is also anxious 
that the original spirit of the         
constitution should never be lost sight 
of4  ,the ,laws of ,plato contain the   
latest phase of his philosophy1 showing 
in many respects an advance1 and in     
others a decline1 in his views of life  
and the world4 ,his ,theory of ,ideas in
 the next generation passed into one of 
,numbers1 the nature of which we gather 
chiefly from the ,metaphysics of        
,aristotle4 ,of the speculative side of 
this theory there are no traces in the  
,laws1 but doubtless ,plato found the   
practical value which he attributed to  
arithmetic greatly confirmed by the     
possibility of applying number and      
measure to the revolution of the        
heavens1 and to the regulation of human 
life4 ,in the return to a doctrine of   
numbers there is a retrogression rather 
than an advance2 for the most barren    
logical abstraction is of a higher      
nature than number and figure4          

,philosophy fades away into the         
distance2 in the ,laws it is confined to
 the members of the ,nocturnal ,council4
 ,the speculative truth which was the   
food of the guardians in the ,republic1 
is for the majority of the citizens to  
be superseded by practical virtues4 ,the
 law1 which is the expression of mind   
written down1 takes the place of the    
living word of the philosopher4         
7,compare the contrast of ,phaedrus1 and
 ,laws2 also the plays on the words     
nous1 nomos1 nou dianome2 and the       
discussion in the ,statesman of the     
difference between the personal rule of 
a king and the impersonal reign of law47
 ,the ,state is based on virtue and     
religion rather than on knowledge2 and  
virtue is no longer identified with     
knowledge1 being of the commoner sort1  
and spoken of in the sense generally    
understood4 ,yet there are many traces  
of advance as well as retrogression in  
the ,laws of ,plato4 ,the attempt to    
reconcile the ideal with actual life is 

an advance2 to 'have brought philosophy 
down from heaven to earth1' is a praise 
which may be claimed for him as well as 
for his master ,socrates4 ,and the      
members of the ,nocturnal ,council are  
to continue students of the 'one in     
many' and of the nature of ,god4        
,education is the last word with which  
,plato supposes the theory of the ,laws 
to end and the reality to begin4        
,plato's increasing appreciation of the 
difficulties of human affairs1 and of   
the element of chance which so largely  
influences them1 is an indication not of
 a narrower1 but of a maturer mind1     
which had become more conversant with   
realities4 ,nor can we fairly attribute 
any want of originality to him1 because 
he has borrowed many of his provisions  
from ,sparta and ,athens4 ,laws and     
institutions grow out of habits and     
customs2 and they have 'better opinion1 
better confirmation1' if they have come 
down from antiquity and are not mere    
literary inventions4 ,plato would have  

been the first to acknowledge that the  
,book of ,laws was not the creation of  
his fancy1 but a collection of          
enactments which had been devised by    
inspired legislators1 like ,minos1      
,lycurgus1 and ,solon1 to meet the      
actual needs of men1 and had been       
approved by time and experience4  ,in   
order to do justice therefore to the    
design of the work1 it is necessary to  
examine how far it rests on an          
historical foundation and coincides with
 the actual laws of ,sparta and ,athens4
 ,the consideration of the historical   
aspect of the ,laws has been reserved   
for this place4 ,in working out the     
comparison the writer has been greatly  
assisted by the excellent essays of     
,c4,f4 ,hermann 7',de vestigiis         
institutorum veterum1 imprimis          
,atticorum1 per ,platonis de ,legibus   
libros indagandis1' and ',juris         
domestici et familiaris apud ,platonem  
in ,legibus cum veteris ,graeciae inque 
primis ,athenarum institutis            

comparatio'3 ,marburg1 #ahcf71 and by   
,j4,b4 ,telfy's ',corpus ,juris ,attici'
 7,leipzig1 #ahfh74     ,,excursus ,,on 
,,the ,,relation ,,of ,,the ,,laws ,,of 
,,plato ,,to ,,the ,,institutions ,,of  
,,crete ,,and ,,lacedaemon ,,and ,,to   
,,the ,,laws ,,and ,,constitution ,,of  
,,athens4  ,the ,laws of ,plato are     
essentially ,greek3 unlike ,xenophon's  
,cyropaedia1 they contain nothing       
foreign or oriental4 ,their aim is to   
reconstruct the work of the great       
lawgivers of ,hellas in a literary form4
 ,they partake both of an ,athenian and 
a ,spartan character4 ,some of them too 
are derived from ,crete1 and are        
appropriately transferred to a ,cretan  
colony4 ,but of ,crete so little is     
known to us1 that although1 as          
,montesquieu 7,esprit des ,lois7        
remarks1 'the ,laws of ,crete are the   
original of those of ,sparta and the    
,laws of ,plato the correction of these 
latter1' there is only one point1 viz4  
the common meals1 in which they can be  

compared4 ,most of ,plato's provisions  
resemble the laws and customs which     
prevailed in these three states         
7especially in the two former71 and     
which the personifying instinct of the  
,greeks attributed to ,minos1 ,lycurgus1
 and ,solon4 ,a very few particulars may
 have been borrowed from ,zaleucus      
7,cic4 de ,legibus71 and ,charondas1 who
 is said to have first made laws against
 perjury 7,arist4 ,pol47 and to have    
forbidden credit 7,stob4 ,florileg41    
,gaisford74 ,some enactments are        
,plato's own1 and were suggested by his 
experience of defects in the ,athenian  
and other ,greek states4 ,the ,laws also
 contain many lesser provisions1 which  
are not found in the ordinary codes of  
nations1 because they cannot be properly
 defined1 and are therefore better left 
to custom and common sense4 ',the       
greater part of the work1' as ,aristotle
 remarks 7,pol471 'is taken up with     
laws'3 yet this is not wholly true1 and 
applies to the latter rather than to the

 first half of it4 ,the book rests on an
 ethical and religious foundation3 the  
actual laws begin with a hymn of praise 
in honour of the soul4 ,and the same    
lofty aspiration after the good is      
perpetually recurring1 especially in    
,books ,x1 ,,xi1 ,,xii1 and whenever    
,plato's mind is filled with his highest
 themes4 ,in prefixing to most of his   
laws a prooemium he has two ends in     
view1 to persuade and also to threaten4 
,they are to have the sanction of laws  
and the effect of sermons4 ,and ,plato's
 ',book of ,laws1' if described in the  
language of modern philosophy1 may be   
said to be as much an ethical and       
educational1 as a political or legal    
treatise4  ,but although the ,laws      
partake both of an ,athenian and a      
,spartan character1 the elements which  
are borrowed from either state are      
necessarily very different1 because the 
character and origin of the two         
governments themselves differed so      
widely4 ,sparta was the more ancient and

 primitive3 ,athens was suited to the   
wants of a later stage of society4 ,the 
relation of the two states to the ,laws 
may be conceived in this manner3--,the  
foundation and ground-plan of the work  
are more ,spartan1 while the            
superstructure and details are more     
,athenian4 ,at ,athens the laws were    
written down and were voluminous2 more  
than a thousand fragments of them have  
been collected by ,telfy4 ,like the     
,roman or ,english law1 they contained  
innumerable particulars4 ,those of them 
which regulated daily life were         
familiarly known to the ,athenians2 for 
every citizen was his own lawyer1 and   
also a judge1 who decided the rights of 
his fellow-citizens according to the    
laws1 often after hearing speeches from 
the parties interested or from their    
advocates4 ,it is to ,rome and not to   
,athens that the invention of law1 in   
the modern sense of the term1 is        
commonly ascribed4 ,but it must be      
remembered that long before the times of

 the ,twelve ,tables 7,b4,c4 #dea71     
regular courts and forms of law had     
existed at ,athens and probably in the  
,greek colonies4 ,and we may reasonably 
suppose1 though without any express     
proof of the fact1 that many ,roman     
institutions and customs1 like ,latin   
literature and mythology1 were partly   
derived from ,hellas and had            
imperceptibly drifted from one shore of 
the ,ionian ,sea to the other 7compare  
especially the constitutions of ,servius
 ,tullius and of ,solon74  ,it is not   
proved that the laws of ,sparta were in 
ancient times either written down in    
books or engraved on tablets of marble  
or brass4 ,nor is it certain that1 if   
they had been1 the ,spartans could have 
read them4 ,they were ancient customs1  
some of them older probably than the    
settlement in ,laconia1 of which the    
origin is unknown2 they occasionally    
received the sanction of the ,delphic   
oracle1 but there was a still stronger  
obligation by which they were           

enforced1--the necessity of             
self-defence3 the ,spartans were always 
living in the presence of their enemies4
 ,they belonged to an age when written  
law had not yet taken the place of      
custom and tradition4 ,the old          
constitution was very rarely affected by
 new enactments1 and these only related 
to the duties of the ,kings or ,ephors1 
or the new relations of classes which   
arose as time went on4 ,hence there was 
as great a difference as could well be  
conceived between the ,laws of ,athens  
and ,sparta3 the one was the creation of
 a civilized state1 and did not differ  
in principle from our modern            
legislation1 the other of an age in     
which the people were held together and 
also kept down by force of arms1 and    
which afterwards retained many traces of
 its barbaric origin 'surviving in      
culture4'  ,nevertheless the            
,lacedaemonian was the ideal of a       
primitive ,greek state4 ,according to   
,thucydides it was the first which      

emerged out of confusion and became a   
regular government4 ,it was also an army
 devoted to military exercises1 but     
organized with a view to self-defence   
and not to conquest4 ,it was not quick  
to move or easily excited2 but stolid1  
cautious1 unambitious1 procrastinating4 
,for many centuries it retained the same
 character which was impressed upon it  
by the hand of the legislator4 ,this    
singular fabric was partly the result of
 circumstances1 partly the invention of 
some unknown individual in prehistoric  
times1 whose ideal of education was     
military discipline1 and who1 by the    
ascendency of his genius1 made a small  
tribe into a nation which became famous 
in the world's history4 ,the other      
,hellenes wondered at the strength and  
stability of his work4 ,the rest of     
,hellas1 says ,thucydides1 undertook the
 colonisation of ,heraclea the more     
readily1 having a feeling of security   
now that they saw the ,lacedaemonians   
taking part in it4 ,the ,spartan state  

appears to us in the dawn of history as 
a vision of armed men1 irresistible by  
any other power then existing in the    
world4 ,it can hardly be said to have   
understood at all the rights or duties  
of nations to one another1 or indeed to 
have had any moral principle except     
patriotism and obedience to commanders4 
,men were so trained to act together    
that they lost the freedom and          
spontaneity of human life in cultivating
 the qualities of the soldier and ruler4
 ,the ,spartan state was a composite    
body in which kings1 nobles1 citizens1  
perioeci1 artisans1 slaves1 had to find 
a 'modus vivendi' with one another4 ,all
 of them were taught some use of arms4  
,the strength of the family tie was     
diminished among them by an enforced    
absence from home and by common meals4  
,sparta had no life or growth2 no poetry
 or tradition of the past2 no art1 no   
thought4 ,the ,athenians started on     
their great career some centuries later1
 but the ,spartans would have been      

easily conquered by them1 if ,athens had
 not been deficient in the qualities    
which constituted the strength 7and also
 the weakness7 of her rival4  ,the ideal
 of ,athens has been pictured for all   
time in the speech which ,thucydides    
puts into the mouth of ,pericles1 called
 the ,funeral ,oration4 ,he contrasts   
the activity and freedom and            
pleasantness of ,athenian life with the 
immobility and severe looks and         
incessant drill of the ,spartans4 ,the  
citizens of no city were more versatile1
 or more readily changed from land to   
sea or more quickly moved about from    
place to place4 ,they 'took their       
pleasures' merrily1 and yet1 when the   
time for fighting arrived1 were not a   
whit behind the ,spartans1 who were like
 men living in a camp1 and1 though      
always keeping guard1 were often too    
late for the fray4 ,any foreigner might 
visit ,athens2 her ships found a way to 
the most distant shores2 the riches of  
the whole earth poured in upon her4 ,her

 citizens had their theatres and        
festivals2 they 'provided their souls   
with many relaxations'2 yet they were   
not less manly than the ,spartans or    
less willing to sacrifice this enjoyable
 existence for their country's good4    
,the ,athenian was a nobler form of life
 than that of their rivals1 a life of   
music as well as of gymnastic1 the life 
of a citizen as well as of a soldier4   
,such is the picture which ,thucydides  
has drawn of the ,athenians in their    
glory4 ,it is the spirit of this life   
which ,plato would infuse into the      
,magnesian state and which he seeks to  
combine with the common meals and       
gymnastic discipline of ,sparta4  ,the  
two great types of ,athens and ,sparta  
had deeply entered into his mind4 ,he   
had heard of ,sparta at a distance and  
from common ,hellenic fame3 he was a    
citizen of ,athens and an ,athenian of  
noble birth4 ,he must often have sat in 
the law-courts1 and may have had        
personal experience of the duties of    

offices such as he is establishing4     
,there is no need to ask the question1  
whence he derived his knowledge of the  
,laws of ,athens3 they were a part of   
his daily life4 ,many of his enactments 
are recognized to be ,athenian laws from
 the fragments preserved in the ,orators
 and elsewhere3 many more would be found
 to be so if we had better information4 
,probably also still more of them would 
have been incorporated in the ,magnesian
 code1 if the work had ever been finally
 completed4 ,but it seems to have come  
down to us in a form which is partly    
finished and partly unfinished1 having a
 beginning and end1 but wanting         
arrangement in the middle4 ,the ,laws   
answer to ,plato's own description of   
them1 in the comparison which he makes  
of himself and his two friends to       
gatherers of stones or the beginners of 
some composite work1 'who are providing 
materials and partly putting them       
together3--having some of their laws1   
like stones1 already fixed in their     

places1 while others lie about4'        
,plato's own life coincided with the    
period at which ,athens rose to her     
greatest heights and sank to her lowest 
depths4 ,it was impossible that he      
should regard the blessings of democracy
 in the same light as the men of a      
former generation1 whose view was not   
intercepted by the evil shadow of the   
taking of ,athens1 and who had only the 
glories of ,marathon and ,salamis and   
the administration of ,pericles to look 
back upon4 ,on the other hand the fame  
and prestige of ,sparta1 which had      
outlived so many crimes and blunders1   
was not altogether lost at the end of   
the life of ,plato4 ,hers was the only  
great ,hellenic government which        
preserved something of its ancient form2
 and although the ,spartan citizens were
 reduced to almost one-tenth of their   
original number 7,arist4 ,pol471 she    
still retained1 until the rise of       
,thebes and ,macedon1 a certain         
authority and predominance due to her   

final success in the struggle with      
,athens and to the victories which      
,agesilaus won in ,asia ,minor4  ,plato1
 like ,aristotle1 had in his mind some  
form of a mean state which should escape
 the evils and secure the advantages of 
both aristocracy and democracy4 ,it may 
however be doubted whether the creation 
of such a state is not beyond the       
legislator's art1 although there have   
been examples in history of forms of    
government1 which through some community
 of interest or of origin1 through a    
balance of parties in the state itself1 
or through the fear of a common enemy1  
have for a while preserved such a       
character of moderation4 ,but in general
 there arises a time in the history of a
 state when the struggle between the few
 and the many has to be fought out4 ,no 
system of checks and balances1 such as  
,plato has devised in the ,laws1 could  
have given equipoise and stability to an
 ancient state1 any more than the skill 
of the legislator could have withstood  

the tide of democracy in ,england or    
,france during the last hundred years1  
or have given life to ,china or ,india4 
,the basis of the ,magnesian            
constitution is the equal division of   
land4 ,in the new state1 as in the      
,republic1 there was to be neither      
poverty nor riches4 ,every citizen under
 all circumstances retained his lot1 and
 as much money as was necessary for the 
cultivation of it1 and no one was       
allowed to accumulate property to the   
amount of more than five times the value
 of the lot1 inclusive of it4 ,the equal
 division of land was a ,spartan        
institution1 not known to have existed  
elsewhere in ,hellas4 ,the mention of it
 in the ,laws of ,plato affords         
considerable presumption that it was of 
ancient origin1 and not first           
introduced1 as ,mr4 ,grote and others   
have imagined1 in the reformation of    
,cleomenes ,,iii4 ,but at ,sparta1 if we
 may judge from the frequent complaints 
of the accumulation of property in the  

hands of a few persons 7,arist4 ,pol471 
no provision could have been made for   
the maintenance of the lot4 ,plutarch   
indeed speaks of a law introduced by the
 ,ephor ,epitadeus soon after the       
,peloponnesian ,war1 which first allowed
 the ,spartans to sell their land       
7,agis73 but from the manner in which   
,aristotle refers to the subject1 we    
should imagine this evil in the state to
 be of a much older standing4 ,like some
 other countries in which small         
proprietors have been numerous1 the     
original equality passed into           
inequality1 and1 instead of a large     
middle class1 there was probably at     
,sparta greater disproportion in the    
property of the citizens than in any    
other state of ,hellas4 ,plato was aware
 of the danger1 and has improved on the 
,spartan custom4 ,the land1 as at       
,sparta1 must have been tilled by       
slaves1 since other occupations were    
found for the citizens4 ,bodies of young
 men between the ages of twenty-five and

 thirty were engaged in making biennial 
peregrinations of the country4 ,they and
 their officers are to be the           
magistrates1 police1 engineers1 aediles1
 of the twelve districts into which the 
colony was divided4 ,their way of life  
may be compared with that of the        
,spartan secret police or ,crypteia1 a  
name which ,plato freely applies to them
 without apparently any consciousness of
 the odium which has attached to the    
word in history4  ,another great        
institution which ,plato borrowed from  
,sparta 7or ,crete7 is the ,syssitia or 
common meals4 ,these were established in
 both states1 and in some respects were 
considered by ,aristotle to be better   
managed in ,crete than at ,lacedaemon   
7,pol474 ,in the ,laws the ,cretan      
custom appears to be adopted 7,this is  
not proved1 as ,hermann supposes 7',de  
,vestigiis1' etc4773 that is to say1 if 
we may interpret ,plato by ,aristotle1  
the cost of them was defrayed by the    
state and not by the individuals        

7,arist4 ,pol72 so that the members of  
the mess1 who could not pay their quota1
 still retained their rights of         
citizenship4 ,but this explanation is   
hardly consistent with the ,laws1 where 
contributions to the ,syssitia from     
private estates are expressly mentioned4
 ,plato goes further than the           
legislators of ,sparta and ,crete1 and  
would extend the common meals to women  
as well as men3 he desires to curb the  
disorders1 which existed among the      
female sex in both states1 by the       
application to women of the same        
military discipline to which the men    
were already subject4 ,it was an        
extension of the custom of ,syssitia    
from which the ancient legislators      
shrank1 and which ,plato himself        
believed to be very difficult of        
enforcement4  ,like ,sparta1 the new    
colony was not to be surrounded by      
walls1--a state should learn to depend  
upon the bravery of its citizens only--a
 fallacy or paradox1 if it is not to be 

regarded as a poetical fancy1 which is  
fairly enough ridiculed by ,aristotle   
7,pol474 ,women1 too1 must be ready to  
assist in the defence of their country3 
they are not to rush to the temples and 
altars1 but to arm themselves with      
shield and spear4 ,in the regulation of 
the ,syssitia1 in at least one of his   
enactments respecting property1 and in  
the attempt to correct the licence of   
women1 ,plato shows1 that while he      
borrowed from the institutions of       
,sparta and favoured the ,spartan mode  
of life1 he also sought to improve upon 
them4  ,the enmity to the sea is another
 ,spartan feature which is transferred  
by ,plato to the ,magnesian state4 ,he  
did not reflect that a non-maritime     
power would always be at the mercy of   
one which had a command of the great    
highway4 ,their many island homes1 the  
vast extent of coast which had to be    
protected by them1 their struggles first
 of all with the ,phoenicians and       
,carthaginians1 and secondly with the   

,persian fleets1 forced the ,greeks1    
mostly against their will1 to devote    
themselves to the sea4 ,the islanders   
before the inhabitants of the continent1
 the maritime cities before the inland1 
the ,corinthians and ,athenians before  
the ,spartans1 were compelled to fit out
 ships3 last of all the ,spartans1 by   
the pressure of the ,peloponnesian ,war1
 were driven to establish a naval force1
 which1 after the battle of             
,aegospotami1 for more than a generation
 commanded the ,aegean4 ,plato1 like the
 ,spartans1 had a prejudice against a   
navy1 because he regarded it as the     
nursery of democracy4 ,but he either    
never considered1 or did not care to    
explain1 how a city1 set upon an island 
and 'distant not more than ten miles    
from the sea1 having a seaboard provided
 with excellent harbours1' could have   
safely subsisted without one4  ,neither 
the ,spartans nor the ,magnesian        
colonists were permitted to engage in   
trade or commerce4 ,in order to limit   

their dealings as far as possible to    
their own country1 they had a separate  
coinage2 the ,magnesians were only      
allowed to use the common currency of   
,hellas when they travelled abroad1     
which they were forbidden to do unless  
they received permission from the       
government4 ,like the ,spartans1 ,plato 
was afraid of the evils which might be  
introduced into his state by intercourse
 with foreigners2 but he also shrinks   
from the utter exclusiveness of ,sparta1
 and is not unwilling to allow visitors 
of a suitable age and rank to come from 
other states to his own1 as he also     
allows citizens of his own state to go  
to foreign countries and bring back a   
report of them4 ,such international     
communication seemed to him both        
honourable and useful4  ,we may now     
notice some points in which the         
commonwealth of the ,laws approximates  
to the ,athenian model4 ,these are much 
more numerous than the previous class of
 resemblances2 we are better able to    

compare the laws of ,plato with those of
 ,athens1 because a good deal more is   
known to us of ,athens than of ,sparta4 
,the information which we possess about 
,athenian law1 though comparatively     
fuller1 is still fragmentary4 ,the      
sources from which our knowledge is     
derived are chiefly the following3--    
7#a7 ,the ,orators1--,antiphon1         
,andocides1 ,lysias1 ,isocrates1        
,demosthenes1 ,aeschines1 ,lycurgus1 and
 others4  7#b7 ,herodotus1 ,thucydides1 
,xenophon1 ,plato1 ,aristotle1 as well  
as later writers1 such as ,cicero de    
,legibus1 ,plutarch1 ,aelian1           
,pausanias4  7#c7 ,lexicographers1 such 
as ,harpocration1 ,pollux1 ,hesychius1  
,suidas1 and the compiler of the        
,etymologicum ,magnum1 many of whom are 
of uncertain date1 and to a great extent
 based upon one another4 ,their writings
 extend altogether over more than eight 
hundred years1 from the second to the   
tenth century4  7#d7 ,the ,scholia on   
,aristophanes1 ,plato1 ,demosthenes4    

7#e7 ,a few inscriptions4  ,our         
knowledge of a subject derived from such
 various sources and for the most part  
of uncertain date and origin1 is        
necessarily precarious4 ,no critic can  
separate the actual laws of ,solon from 
those which passed under his name in    
later ages4 ,nor do the ,scholiasts and 
,lexicographers attempt to distinguish  
how many of these laws were still in    
force at the time when they wrote1 or   
when they fell into disuse and were to  
be found in books only4 ,nor can we     
hastily assume that enactments which    
occur in the ,laws of ,plato were also a
 part of ,athenian law1 however probable
 this may appear4  ,there are two       
classes of similarities between ,plato's
 ,laws and those of ,athens3 7i7 of     
institutions 7ii7 of minor enactments4  
7i7 ,the constitution of the ,laws in   
its general character resembles much    
more nearly the ,athenian constitution  
of ,solon's time than that which        
succeeded it1 or the extreme democracy  

which prevailed in ,plato's own day4 ,it
 was a mean state which he hoped to     
create1 equally unlike a ,syracusan     
tyranny or the mob-government of the    
,athenian assembly4 ,there are various  
expedients by which he sought to impart 
to it the quality of moderation4 7#a7   
,the whole people were to be educated3  
they could not be all trained in        
philosophy1 but they were to acquire the
 simple elements of music1 arithmetic1  
geometry1 astronomy2 they were also to  
be subject to military discipline1      
archontes kai archomenoi4 7#b7 ,the     
majority of them were1 or had been at   
some time in their lives1 magistrates1  
and had the experience which is given by
 office4 7#c7 ,the persons who held the 
highest offices were to have a further  
education1 not much inferior to that    
provided for the guardians in the       
,republic1 though the range of their    
studies is narrowed to the nature and   
divisions of virtue3 here their         
philosophy comes to an end4 7#d7 ,the   

entire number of the citizens 7#ejdj7   
rarely1 if ever1 assembled1 except for  
purposes of elections4 ,the whole people
 were divided into four classes1 each   
having the right to be represented by   
the same number of members in the       
,council4 ,the result of such an        
arrangement would be1 as in the         
constitution of ,servius ,tullius1 to   
give a disproportionate share of power  
to the wealthier classes1 who may be    
supposed to be always much fewer in     
number than the poorer4 ,this tendency  
was qualified by the complicated system 
of selection by vote1 previous to the   
final election by lot1 of which the     
object seems to be to hand over to the  
wealthy few the power of selecting from 
the many poor1 and vice versa4 7#e7 ,the
 most important body in the state was   
the ,nocturnal ,council1 which is       
borrowed from the ,areopagus at ,athens1
 as it existed1 or was supposed to have 
existed1 in the days before ,ephialtes  
and the ,eumenides of ,aeschylus1 when  

its power was undiminished4 ,in some    
particulars ,plato appears to have      
copied exactly the customs and procedure
 of the ,areopagus3 both assemblies sat 
at night 7,telfy74 ,there was a         
resemblance also in more important      
matters4 ,like the ,areopagus1 the      
,nocturnal ,council was partly composed 
of magistrates and other state          
officials1 whose term of office had     
expired4 7#g7 ,the constitution included
 several diverse and even opposing      
elements1 such as the ,assembly and the 
,nocturnal ,council4 7#h7 ,there was    
much less exclusiveness than at ,sparta2
 the citizens were to have an interest  
in the government of neighbouring       
states1 and to know what was going on in
 the rest of the world4--,all these were
 moderating influences4  ,a striking    
similarity between ,athens and the      
constitution of the ,magnesian colony is
 the use of the lot in the election of  
judges and other magistrates4 ,that such
 a mode of election should have been    

resorted to in any civilized state1 or  
that it should have been transferred by 
,plato to an ideal or imaginary one1 is 
very singular to us4 ,the most extreme  
democracy of modern times has never     
thought of leaving government wholly to 
chance4 ,it was natural that ,socrates  
should scoff at it1 and ask1 ',who would
 choose a pilot or carpenter or         
flute-player by lot' 7,xen4 ,mem478 ,yet
 there were many considerations which   
made this mode of choice attractive both
 to the oligarch and to the             
democrat3--7#a7 ,it seemed to recognize 
that one man was as good as another1 and
 that all the members of the governing  
body1 whether few or many1 were on a    
perfect equality in every sense of the  
word4 7#b7 ,to the pious mind it        
appeared to be a choice made1 not by    
man1 but by heaven 7compare ,laws74 7#c7
 ,it afforded a protection against      
corruption and intrigue444,it must also 
be remembered that1 although elected by 
lot1 the persons so elected were subject

 to a scrutiny before they entered on   
their office1 and were therefore liable1
 after election1 if disqualified1 to be 
rejected 7,laws74 ,they were1 moreover1 
liable to be called to account after the
 expiration of their office4 ,in the    
election of councillors ,plato          
introduces a further check3 they are not
 to be chosen directly by lot from all  
the citizens1 but from a select body    
previously elected by vote4 ,in ,plato's
 state at least1 as we may infer from   
his silence on this point1 judges and   
magistrates performed their duties      
without pay1 which was a guarantee both 
of their disinterestedness and of their 
belonging probably to the higher class  
of citizens 7compare ,arist4 ,pol474    
,hence we are not surprised that the use
 of the lot prevailed1 not only in the  
election of the ,athenian ,council1 but 
also in many oligarchies1 and even in   
,plato's colony4 ,the evil consequences 
of the lot are to a great extent        
avoided1 if the magistrates so elected  

do not1 like the dicasts at ,athens1    
receive pay from the state4  ,another   
parallel is that of the ,popular        
,assembly1 which at ,athens was         
omnipotent1 but in the ,laws has only a 
faded and secondary existence4 ,in      
,plato it was chiefly an elective body1 
having apparently no judicial and little
 political power entrusted to it4 ,at   
,athens it was the mainspring of the    
democracy2 it had the decision of war or
 peace1 of life and death2 the acts of  
generals or statesmen were authorized or
 condemned by it2 no office or person   
was above its control4 ,plato was far   
from allowing such a despotic power to  
exist in his model community1 and       
therefore he minimizes the importance of
 the ,assembly and narrows its          
functions4 ,he probably never asked     
himself a question1 which naturally     
occurs to the modern reader1 where was  
to be the central authority in this new 
community1 and by what supreme power    
would the differences of inferior powers

 be decided4 ,at the same time he       
magnifies and brings into prominence the
 ,nocturnal ,council 7which is in many  
respects a reflection of the            
,areopagus71 but does not make it the   
governing body of the state4  ,between  
the judicial system of the ,laws and    
that of ,athens there was very great    
similarity1 and a difference almost     
equally great4 ,plato not unfrequently  
adopts the details when he rejects the  
principle4 ,at ,athens any citizen might
 be a judge and member of the great     
court of the ,heliaea4 ,this was        
ordinarily subdivided into a number of  
inferior courts1 but an occasion is     
recorded on which the whole body1 in    
number six thousand1 met in a single    
court 7,andoc4 de ,myst474 ,plato       
significantly remarks that a few judges1
 if they are good1 are better than a    
great number4 ,he also1 at least in     
capital cases1 confines the plaintiff   
and defendant to a single speech each1  
instead of allowing two apiece1 as was  

the common practice at ,athens4 ,on the 
other hand1 in all private suits he     
gives two appeals1 from the arbiters to 
the courts of the tribes1 and from the  
courts of the tribes to the final or    
supreme court4 ,there was nothing       
answering to this at ,athens4 ,the three
 courts were appointed in the following 
manner3--the arbiters were to be agreed 
upon by the parties to the cause2 the   
judges of the tribes to be elected by   
lot2 the highest tribunal to be chosen  
at the end of each year by the great    
officers of state out of their own      
number--they were to serve for a year1  
to undergo a scrutiny1 and1 unlike the  
,athenian judges1 to vote openly4 ,plato
 does not dwell upon methods of         
procedure3 these are the lesser matters 
which he leaves to the younger          
legislators4 ,in cases of murder and    
some other capital offences1 the cause  
was to be tried by a special tribunal1  
as was the custom at ,athens3 military  
offences1 too1 as at ,athens1 were      

decided by the soldiers4 ,public causes 
in the ,laws1 as sometimes at ,athens1  
were voted upon by the whole people3    
because1 as ,plato remarks1 they are all
 equally concerned in them4 ,they were  
to be previously investigated by three  
of the principal magistrates4 ,he       
believes also that in private suits all 
should take part2 'for he who has no    
share in the administration of justice  
is apt to imagine that he has no share  
in the state at all4' ,the wardens of   
the country1 like the ,forty at ,athens1
 also exercised judicial power in small 
matters1 as well as the wardens of the  
agora and city4 ,the department of      
justice is better organized in ,plato   
than in an ordinary ,greek state1       
proceeding more by regular methods1 and 
being more restricted to distinct       
duties4  ,the executive of ,plato's     
,laws1 like the ,athenian1 was different
 from that of a modern civilized state4 
,the difference chiefly consists in     
this1 that whereas among ourselves there

 are certain persons or classes of      
persons set apart for the execution of  
the duties of government1 in ancient    
,greece1 as in all other communities in 
the earlier stages of their development1
 they were not equally distinguished    
from the rest of the citizens4 ,the     
machinery of government was never so    
well organized as in the best modern    
states4 ,the judicial department was not
 so completely separated from the       
legislative1 nor the executive from the 
judicial1 nor the people at large from  
the professional soldier1 lawyer1 or    
priest4 ,to ,aristotle 7,pol47 it was a 
question requiring serious              
consideration--,who should execute a    
sentence8 ,there was probably no body of
 police to whom were entrusted the lives
 and properties of the citizens in any  
,hellenic state4 ,hence it might be     
reasonably expected that every man      
should be the watchman of every other1  
and in turn be watched by him4 ,the     
ancients do not seem to have remembered 

the homely adage that1 ',what is every  
man's business is no man's business1' or
 always to have thought of applying the 
principle of a division of labour to the
 administration of law and to           
government4 ,every ,athenian was at some
 time or on some occasion in his life a 
magistrate1 judge1 advocate1 soldier1   
sailor1 policeman4 ,he had not          
necessarily any private business2 a good
 deal of his time was taken up with the 
duties of office and other public       
occupations4 ,so1 too1 in ,plato's      
,laws4 ,a citizen was to interfere in a 
quarrel1 if older than the combatants1  
or to defend the outraged party1 if his 
junior4 ,he was especially bound to come
 to the rescue of a parent who was      
ill-treated by his children4 ,he was    
also required to prosecute the murderer 
of a kinsman4 ,in certain cases he was  
allowed to arrest an offender4 ,he might
 even use violence to an abusive person4
 ,any citizen who was not less than     
thirty years of age at times exercised a

 magisterial authority1 to be enforced  
even by blows4 ,both in the ,magnesian  
state and at ,athens many thousand      
persons must have shared in the highest 
duties of government1 if a section only 
of the ,council1 consisting of thirty or
 of fifty persons1 as in the ,laws1 or  
at ,athens after the days of            
,cleisthenes1 held office for a month1  
or for thirty-five days only4 ,it was   
almost as if1 in our own country1 the   
,ministry or the ,houses of ,parliament 
were to change every month4 ,the average
 ability of the ,athenian and ,magnesian
 councillors could not have been very   
high1 considering there were so many of 
them4 ,and yet they were entrusted with 
the performance of the most important   
executive duties4 ,in these respects the
 constitution of the ,laws resembles    
,athens far more than ,sparta4 ,all the 
citizens were to be1 not merely         
soldiers1 but politicians and           
administrators4  7ii7 ,there are        
numerous minor particulars in which the 

,laws of ,plato resemble those of       
,athens4 ,these are less interesting    
than the preceding1 but they show even  
more strikingly how closely in the      
composition of his work ,plato has      
followed the laws and customs of his own
 country4  7#a7 ,evidence4 7a7 ,at      
,athens a child was not allowed to give 
evidence 7,telfy74 ,plato has a similar 
law3 ',a child shall be allowed to give 
evidence only in cases of murder4' 7b7  
,at ,athens an unwilling witness might  
be summoned2 but he was not required to 
appear if he was ready to declare on    
oath that he knew nothing about the     
matter in question 7,telfy74 ,so in the 
,laws4 7c7 ,athenian law enacted that   
when more than half the witnesses in a  
case had been convicted of perjury1     
there was to be a new trial 7anadikos   
krisis--,telfy74 ,there is a similar    
provision in the ,laws4 7d7             
,false-witness was punished at ,athens  
by atimia and a fine 7,telfy74 ,plato is
 at once more lenient and more severe3  

',if a man be twice convicted of        
false-witness1 he shall not be required1
 and if thrice1 he shall not be allowed 
to bear witness2 and if he dare to      
witness after he has been convicted     
three times1444he shall be punished with
 death4'  7#b7 ,murder4 7a7 ,wilful     
murder was punished in ,athenian law by 
death1 perpetual exile1 and confiscation
 of property 7,telfy74 ,plato1 too1 has 
the alternative of death or exile1 but  
he does not confiscate the murderer's   
property4 7b7 ,the ,parricide was not   
allowed to escape by going into exile at
 ,athens 7,telfy71 nor1 apparently1 in  
the ,laws4 7c7 ,a homicide1 if forgiven 
by his victim before death1 received no 
punishment1 either at ,athens 7,telfy71 
or in the ,magnesian state4 ,in both    
7,telfy7 the contriver of a murder is   
punished as severely as the doer2 and   
persons accused of the crime are        
forbidden to enter temples or the agora 
until they have been tried 7,telfy74 7d7
 ,at ,athens slaves who killed their    

masters and were caught red-handed1 were
 not to be put to death by the relations
 of the murdered man1 but to be handed  
over to the magistrates 7,telfy74 ,so in
 the ,laws1 the slave who is guilty of  
wilful murder has a public execution3   
but if the murder is committed in anger1
 it is punished by the kinsmen of the   
victim4  7#c7 ,involuntary homicide4 7a7
 ,the guilty person1 according to the   
,athenian law1 had to go into exile1 and
 might not return1 until the family of  
the man slain were conciliated4 ,then he
 must be purified 7,telfy74 ,if he is   
caught before he has obtained           
forgiveness1 he may be put to death4    
,these enactments reappear in the ,laws4
 7b7 ,the curious provision of ,plato1  
that a stranger who has been banished   
for involuntary homicide and is         
subsequently wrecked upon the coast1    
must 'take up his abode on the          
sea-shore1 wetting his feet in the sea1 
and watching for an opportunity of      
sailing1' recalls the procedure of the  

,judicium ,phreatteum at ,athens1       
according to which an involuntary       
homicide1 who1 having gone into exile1  
is accused of a wilful murder1 was tried
 at ,phreatto for this offence in a boat
 by magistrates on the shore4 7c7 ,a    
still more singular law1 occurring both 
in the ,athenian and ,magnesian code1   
enacts that a stone or other inanimate  
object which kills a man is to be tried1
 and cast over the border 7,telfy74     
7#d7 ,justifiable or excusable homicide4
 ,plato and ,athenian law agree in      
making homicide justifiable or excusable
 in the following cases3--7#a7 at the   
games 7,telfy72 7#b7 in war 7,telfy72   
7#c7 if the person slain was found doing
 violence to a free woman 7,telfy72 7#d7
 if a doctor's patient dies2 7#e7 in the
 case of a robber 7,telfy72 7#f7 in     
self-defence 7,telfy74  7#e7 ,impiety4  
,death or expulsion was the ,athenian   
penalty for impiety 7,telfy74 ,in the   
,laws it is punished in various cases by
 imprisonment for five years1 for life1 

and by death4  7#f7 ,sacrilege4 ,robbery
 of temples at ,athens was punished by  
death1 refusal of burial in the land1   
and confiscation of property 7,telfy74  
,in the ,laws the citizen who is guilty 
of such a crime is to 'perish           
ingloriously and be cast beyond the     
borders of the land1' but his property  
is not confiscated4  7#g7 ,sorcery4 ,the
 sorcerer at ,athens was to be executed 
7,telfy73 compare ,laws1 where it is    
enacted that the physician who poisons  
and the professional sorcerer shall be  
punished with death4  7#h7 ,treason4    
,both at ,athens and in the ,laws the   
penalty for treason was death 7,telfy71 
and refusal of burial in the country    
7,telfy74  7#i7 ,sheltering exiles4 ',if
 a man receives an exile1 he shall be   
punished with death4' ,so1 too1 in      
,athenian law 7,telfy474  7#aj7         
,wounding4 ,athenian law compelled a man
 who had wounded another to go into     
exile2 if he returned1 he was to be put 
to death 7,telfy74 ,plato only punishes 

the offence with death when children    
wound their parents or one another1 or a
 slave wounds his master4  7#aa7        
,bribery4 ,death was the punishment for 
taking a bribe1 both at ,athens 7,telfy7
 and in the ,laws2 but ,athenian law    
offered an alternative--the payment of a
 fine of ten times the amount of the    
bribe4  7#ab7 ,theft4 ,plato1 like      
,athenian law 7,telfy71 punishes the    
theft of public property by death2 the  
theft of private property in both       
involves a fine of double the value of  
the stolen goods 7,telfy74  7#ac7       
,suicide4 ,he 'who slays him who of all 
men1 as they say1 is his own best       
friend1' is regarded in the same spirit 
by ,plato and by ,athenian law4 ,plato  
would have him 'buried ingloriously on  
the borders of the twelve portions of   
the land1 in such places as are         
uncultivated and nameless1' and 'no     
column or inscription is to mark the    
place of his interment4' ,athenian law  
enacted that the hand which did the deed

 should be separated from the body and  
be buried apart 7,telfy74  7#ad7        
,injury4 ,in cases of wilful injury1    
,athenian law compelled the guilty      
person to pay double the damage2 in     
cases of involuntary injury1 simple     
damages 7,telfy74 ,plato enacts that if 
a man wounds another in passion1 and the
 wound is curable1 he shall pay double  
the damage1 if incurable or disfiguring1
 fourfold damages4 ,if1 however1 the    
wounding is accidental1 he shall simply 
pay for the harm done4  7#ae7 ,treatment
 of parents4 ,athenian law allowed any  
one to indict another for neglect or    
illtreatment of parents 7,telfy74 ,so   
,plato bids bystanders assist a father  
who is assaulted by his son1 and allows 
any one to give information against     
children who neglect their parents4     
7#af7 ,execution of sentences4 ,both    
,plato and ,athenian law give to the    
winner of a suit power to seize the     
goods of the loser1 if he does not pay  
within the appointed time 7,telfy74 ,at 

,athens the penalty was also doubled    
7,telfy72 not so in ,plato4 ,plato      
however punishes contempt of court by   
death1 which at ,athens seems only to   
have been visited with a further fine   
7,telfy74  7#ag7 ,property4 7a7 ,both at
 ,athens and in the ,laws a man who has 
disputed property in his possession must
 give the name of the person from whom  
he received it 7,telfy72 and any one    
searching for lost property must enter a
 house naked 7,telfy71 or1 as ,plato    
says1 'naked1 or wearing only a short   
tunic and without a girdle4 7b7         
,athenian law1 as well as ,plato1 did   
not allow a father to disinherit his son
 without good reason and the consent of 
impartial persons 7,telfy74 ,neither    
grants to the eldest son any special    
claim on the paternal estate 7,telfy74  
,in the law of inheritance both prefer  
males to females 7,telfy74 7c7 ,plato   
and ,athenian law enacted that a tree   
should be planted at a fair distance    
from a neighbour's property 7,telfy71   

and that when a man could not get water1
 his neighbour must supply him 7,telfy74
 ,both at ,athens and in ,plato there is
 a law about bees1 the former providing 
that a beehive must be set up at not    
less a distance than #cjj feet from a   
neighbour's 7,telfy71 and the latter    
forbidding the decoying of bees4  7#ah7 
,orphans4 ,a ward must proceed against a
 guardian whom he suspects of fraud     
within five years of the expiration of  
the guardianship4 ,this provision is    
common to ,plato and to ,athenian law   
7,telfy74 ,further1 the latter enacted  
that the nearest male relation should   
marry or provide a husband for an       
heiress 7,telfy71--a point in which     
,plato follows it closely4  7#ai7       
,contracts4 ,plato's law that 'when a   
man makes an agreement which he does not
 fulfil1 unless the agreement be of a   
nature which the law or a vote of the   
assembly does not allow1 or which he has
 made under the influence of some unjust
 compulsion1 or which he is prevented   

from fulfilling against his will by some
 unexpected chance1--the other party may
 go to law with him1' according to      
,pollux 7quoted in ,telfy's note7       
prevailed also at ,athens4  7#bj7 ,trade
 regulations4 7a7 ,lying was forbidden  
in the agora both by ,plato and at      
,athens 7,telfy74 7b7 ,athenian law     
allowed an action of recovery against a 
man who sold an unsound slave as sound  
7,telfy74 ,plato's enactment is more    
explicit3 he allows only an unskilled   
person 7i4e4 one who is not a trainer or
 physician7 to take proceedings in such 
a case4 7c7 ,plato diverges from        
,athenian practice in the disapproval of
 credit1 and does not even allow the    
supply of goods on the deposit of a     
percentage of their value 7,telfy74 ,he 
enacts that 'when goods are exchanged by
 buying and selling1 a man shall deliver
 them and receive the price of them at a
 fixed place in the agora1 and have done
 with the matter1' and that 'he who     
gives credit must be satisfied whether  

he obtain his money or not1 for in such 
exchanges he will not be protected by   
law4 7d7 ,athenian law forbad an        
extortionate rate of interest 7,telfy72 
,plato allows interest in one case      
only--if a contractor does not receive  
the price of his work within a year of  
the time agreed--and at the rate of #bjj
 per cent4 per annum for every drachma a
 monthly interest of an obol4 7e7 ,both 
at ,athens and in the ,laws sales were  
to be registered 7,telfy71 as well as   
births 7,telfy74  7#ba7 ,sumptuary laws4
 ,extravagance at weddings 7,telfy71 and
 at funerals 7,telfy7 was forbidden at  
,athens and also in the ,magnesian      
state4  ,there remains the subject of   
family life1 which in ,plato's ,laws    
partakes both of an ,athenian and       
,spartan character4 ,under this head may
 conveniently be included the condition 
of women and of slaves4 ,to family life 
may be added citizenship4  ,as at       
,sparta1 marriages are to be contracted 
for the good of the state2 and they may 

be dissolved on the same ground1 where  
there is a failure of issue1--the       
interest of the state requiring that    
every one of the #ejdj lots should have 
an heir4 ,divorces are likewise         
permitted by ,plato where there is an   
incompatibility of temper1 as at ,athens
 by mutual consent4 ,the duty of having 
children is also enforced by a still    
higher motive1 expressed by ,plato in   
the noble words3--',a man should cling  
to immortality1 and leave behind him    
children's children to be the servants  
of ,god in his place4' ,again1 as at    
,athens1 the father is allowed to put   
away his undutiful son1 but only with   
the consent of impartial persons        
7,telfy71 and the only suit which may be
 brought by a son against a father is   
for imbecility4 ,the class of elder and 
younger men and women are still to      
regard one another1 as in the ,republic1
 as standing in the relation of parents 
and children4 ,this is a trait of       
,spartan character rather than of       

,athenian4 ,a peculiar sanctity and     
tenderness was to be shown towards the  
aged2 the parent or grandparent stricken
 with years was to be loved and         
worshipped like the image of a ,god1 and
 was to be deemed far more able than any
 lifeless statue to bring good or ill to
 his descendants4 ,great care is to be  
taken of orphans3 they are entrusted to 
the fifteen eldest ,guardians of the    
,law1 who are to be 'lawgivers and      
fathers to them not inferior to their   
natural fathers1' as at ,athens they    
were entrusted to the ,archons4 ,plato  
wishes to make the misfortune of        
orphanhood as little sad to them as     
possible4  ,plato1 seeing the disorder  
into which half the human race had      
fallen at ,athens and ,sparta1 is minded
 to frame for them a new rule of life4  
,he renounces his fanciful theory of    
communism1 but still desires to place   
women as far as possible on an equality 
with men4 ,they were to be trained in   
the use of arms1 they are to live in    

public4 ,their time was partly taken up 
with gymnastic exercises2 there could   
have been little family or private life 
among them4 ,their lot was to be neither
 like that of ,spartan women1 who were  
made hard and common by excessive       
practice of gymnastic and the want of   
all other education1--nor yet like that 
of ,athenian women1 who1 at least among 
the upper classes1 retired into a sort  
of oriental seclusion1--but something   
better than either4 ,they were to be the
 perfect mothers of perfect children1   
yet not wholly taken up with the duties 
of motherhood1 which were to be made    
easy to them as far as possible 7compare
 ,republic71 but able to share in the   
perils of war and to be the companions  
of their husbands4 ,here1 more than     
anywhere else1 the spirit of the ,laws  
reverts to the ,republic4 ,in speaking  
of them as the companions of their      
husbands we must remember that it is an 
,athenian and not a ,spartan way of life
 which they are invited to share1 a life

 of gaiety and brightness1 not of       
austerity and abstinence1 which often by
 a reaction degenerated into licence and
 grossness4  ,in ,plato's age the       
subject of slavery greatly interested   
the minds of thoughtful men2 and how    
best to manage this 'troublesome piece  
of goods' exercised his own mind a good 
deal4 ,he admits that they have often   
been found better than brethren or sons 
in the hour of danger1 and are capable  
of rendering important public services  
by informing against offenders--for this
 they are to be rewarded2 and the master
 who puts a slave to death for the sake 
of concealing some crime which he has   
committed1 is held guilty of murder4    
,but they are not always treated with   
equal consideration4 ,the punishments   
inflicted on them bear no proportion to 
their crimes4 ,they are to be addressed 
only in the language of command4 ,their 
masters are not to jest with them1 lest 
they should increase the hardship of    
their lot4 ,some privileges were granted

 to them by ,athenian law of which there
 is no mention in ,plato2 they were     
allowed to purchase their freedom from  
their master1 and if they despaired of  
being liberated by him they could demand
 to be sold1 on the chance of falling   
into better hands4 ,but there is no     
suggestion in the ,laws that a slave who
 tried to escape should be branded with 
the words--kateche me1 pheugo1 or that  
evidence should be extracted from him by
 torture1 that the whole household was  
to be executed if the master was        
murdered and the perpetrator remained   
undetected3 all these were provisions of
 ,athenian law4 ,plato is more          
consistent than either the ,athenians or
 the ,spartans2 for at ,sparta too the  
,helots were treated in a manner almost 
unintelligible to us4 ,on the one hand1 
they had arms put into their hands1 and 
served in the army1 not only1 as at     
,plataea1 in attendance on their        
masters1 but1 after they had been       
manumitted1 as a separate body of troops

 called ,neodamodes3 on the other hand1 
they were the victims of one of the     
greatest crimes recorded in ,greek      
history 7,thucyd474 ,the two great      
philosophers of ,hellas sought to       
extricate themselves from this cruel    
condition of human life1 but acquiesced 
in the necessity of it4 ,a noble and    
pathetic sentiment of ,plato1 suggested 
by the thought of their misery1 may be  
quoted in this place3--',the right      
treatment of slaves is to behave        
properly to them1 and to do to them1 if 
possible1 even more justice than to     
those who are our equals2 for he who    
naturally and genuinely reverences      
justice1 and hates injustice1 is        
discovered in his dealings with any     
class of men to whom he can easily be   
unjust4 ,and he who in regard to the    
natures and actions of his slaves is    
undefiled by impiety and injustice1 will
 best sow the seeds of virtue in them2  
and this may be truly said of every     
master1 and tyrant1 and of every other  

having authority in relation to his     
inferiors4'  ,all the citizens of the   
,magnesian state were free and equal2   
there was no distinction of rank among  
them1 such as is believed to have       
prevailed at ,sparta4 ,their number was 
a fixed one1 corresponding to the #ejdj 
lots4 ,one of the results of this is the
 requirement that younger sons or those 
who have been disinherited shall go out 
to a colony4 ,at ,athens1 where there   
was not the same religious feeling      
against increasing the size of the city1
 the number of citizens must have been  
liable to considerable fluctuations4    
,several classes of persons1 who were   
not citizens by birth1 were admitted to 
the privilege4 ,perpetual exiles from   
other countries1 people who settled     
there to practise a trade 7,telfy71 any 
one who had shown distinguished valour  
in the cause of ,athens1 the ,plataeans 
who escaped from the siege1 metics and  
strangers who offered to serve in the   
army1 the slaves who fought at          

,arginusae1--all these could or did     
become citizens4 ,even those who were   
only on one side of ,athenian parentage 
were at more than one period accounted  
citizens4 ,but at times there seems to  
have arisen a feeling against this      
promiscuous extension of the citizen    
body1 an expression of which is to be   
found in the law of ,pericles--monous   
,athenaious einai tous ek duoin         
,athenaion gegonotas 7,plutarch1        
,pericles72 and at no time did the      
adopted citizen enjoy the full rights of
 citizenship--e4g4 he might not be      
elected archon or to the office of      
priest 7,telfy71 although this          
prohibition did not extend to his       
children1 if born of a citizen wife4    
,plato never thinks of making the metic1
 much less the slave1 a citizen4 ,his   
treatment of the former class is at once
 more gentle and more severe than that  
which prevailed at ,athens4 ,he imposes 
upon them no tax but good behaviour1    
whereas at ,athens they were required to

 pay twelve drachmae per annum1 and to  
have a patron3 on the other hand1 he    
only allows them to reside in the       
,magnesian state on condition of        
following a trade2 they were required to
 depart when their property exceeded    
that of the third class1 and in any case
 after a residence of twenty years1     
unless they could show that they had    
conferred some great benefit on the     
state4 ,this privileged position        
reflects that of the isoteleis at       
,athens1 who were excused from the      
metoikion4 ,it is ,plato's greatest     
concession to the metic1 as the bestowal
 of freedom is his greatest concession  
to the slave4  ,lastly1 there is a more 
general point of view under which the   
,laws of ,plato may be considered1--the 
principles of ,jurisprudence which are  
contained in them4 ,these are not       
formally announced1 but are scattered up
 and down1 to be observed by the        
reflective reader for himself4 ,some of 
them are only the common principles     

which all courts of justice have        
gathered from experience2 others are    
peculiar and characteristic4 ,that      
judges should sit at fixed times and    
hear causes in a regular order1 that    
evidence should be laid before them1    
that false witnesses should be          
disallowed1 and corruption punished1    
that defendants should be heard before  
they are convicted1--these are the      
rules1 not only of the ,hellenic courts1
 but of courts of law in all ages and   
countries4 ,but there are also points   
which are peculiar1 and in which ancient
 jurisprudence differs considerably from
 modern2 some of them are of great      
importance444,it could not be said at   
,athens1 nor was it ever contemplated by
 ,plato1 that all men1 including metics 
and slaves1 should be equal 'in the eye 
of the law4' ,there was some law for the
 slave1 but not much2 no adequate       
protection was given him against the    
cruelty of his master444,it was a       
singular privilege granted1 both by the 

,athenian and ,magnesian law1 to a      
murdered man1 that he might1 before he  
died1 pardon his murderer1 in which case
 no legal steps were afterwards to be   
taken against him4 ,this law is the     
remnant of an age in which the          
punishment of offences against the      
person was the concern rather of the    
individual and his kinsmen than of the  
state444,plato's division of crimes into
 voluntary and involuntary and those    
done from passion1 only partially agrees
 with the distinction which modern law  
has drawn between murder and            
manslaughter2 his attempt to analyze    
them is confused by the ,socratic       
paradox1 that ',all vice is             
involuntary'444,it is singular that both
 in the ,laws and at ,athens theft is   
commonly punished by a twofold          
restitution of the article stolen4 ,the 
distinction between civil and criminal  
courts or suits was not yet             
recognized444,possession gives a right  
of property after a certain time444,the 

religious aspect under which certain    
offences were regarded greatly          
interfered with a just and natural      
estimate of their guilt444,as among     
ourselves1 the intent to murder was     
distinguished by ,plato from actual     
murder444,we note that both in ,plato   
and the laws of ,athens1 libel in the   
market-place and personality in the     
theatre were forbidden444,both in ,plato
 and ,athenian law1 as in modern times1 
the accomplice of a crime is to be      
punished as well as the                 
principal444,plato does not allow a     
witness in a cause to act as a judge of 
it444,oaths are not to be taken by the  
parties to a suit444,both at ,athens and
 in ,plato's ,laws capital punishment   
for murder was not to be inflicted1 if  
the offender was willing to go into     
exile444,respect for the dead1 duty     
towards parents1 are to be enforced by  
the law as well as by public            
opinion444,plato proclaims the noble    
sentiment that the object of all        

punishment is the improvement of the    
offender444 ,finally1 he repeats twice  
over1 as with the voice of a prophet1   
that the crimes of the fathers are not  
to be visited upon the children4 ,in    
this respect he is nobly distinguished  
from the ,oriental1 and indeed from the 
spirit of ,athenian law 7compare        
,telfy1--dei kai autous kai tous ek     
touton atimous einai71 as the ,hebrew in
 the age of ,ezekial is from the ,jewish
 people of former ages4  ,of all        
,plato's provisions the object is to    
bring the practice of the law more into 
harmony with reason and philosophy2 to  
secure impartiality1 and while          
acknowledging that every citizen has a  
right to share in the administration of 
justice1 to counteract the tendency of  
the courts to become mere popular       
assemblies4  444  ,thus we have arrived 
at the end of the writings of ,plato1   
and at the last stage of philosophy     
which was really his4 ,for in what      
followed1 which we chiefly gather from  

the uncertain intimations of ,aristotle1
 the spirit of the master no longer     
survived4 ,the doctrine of ,ideas passed
 into one of numbers2 instead of        
advancing from the abstract to the      
concrete1 the theories of ,plato were   
taken out of their context1 and either  
asserted or refuted with a provoking    
literalism2 the ,socratic or ,platonic  
element in his teaching was absorbed    
into the ,pythagorean or ,megarian4 ,his
 poetry was converted into mysticism2   
his unsubstantial visions were assailed 
secundum artem by the rules of logic4   
,his political speculations lost their  
interest when the freedom of ,hellas had
 passed away4 ,of all his writings the  
,laws were the furthest removed from the
 traditions of the ,platonic school in  
the next generation4 ,both his political
 and his metaphysical philosophy are for
 the most part misinterpreted by        
,aristotle4 ,the best of him--his love  
of truth1 and his 'contemplation of all 
time and all existence1' was soonest    

lost2 and some of his greatest thoughts 
have slept in the ear of mankind almost 
ever since they were first uttered4  ,we
 have followed him during his forty or  
fifty years of authorship1 from the     
beginning when he first attempted to    
depict the teaching of ,socrates in a   
dramatic form1 down to the time at which
 the character of ,socrates had         
disappeared1 and we have the latest     
reflections of ,plato's own mind upon   
,hellas and upon philosophy4 ,he1 who   
was 'the last of the poets1' in his book
 of ,laws writes prose only2 he has     
himself partly fallen under the         
rhetorical influences which in his      
earlier dialogues he was combating4 ,the
 progress of his writings is also the   
history of his life2 we have no other   
authentic life of him4 ,they are the    
true self of the philosopher1 stripped  
of the accidents of time and place4 ,the
 great effort which he makes is1 first1 
to realize abstractions1 secondly1 to   
connect them4 ,in the attempt to realize

 them1 he was carried into a            
transcendental region in which he       
isolated them from experience1 and we   
pass out of the range of science into   
poetry or fiction4 ,the fancies of      
mythology for a time cast a veil over   
the gulf which divides phenomena from   
onta 7,meno1 ,phaedrus1 ,symposium1     
,phaedo74 ,in his return to earth ,plato
 meets with a difficulty which has long 
ceased to be a difficulty to us4 ,he    
cannot understand how these obstinate1  
unmanageable ideas1 residing alone in   
their heaven of abstraction1 can be     
either combined with one another1 or    
adapted to phenomena 7,parmenides1      
,philebus1 ,sophist74 ,that which is the
 most familiar process of our own minds1
 to him appeared to be the crowning     
achievement of the dialectical art4 ,the
 difficulty which in his own generation 
threatened to be the destruction of     
philosophy1 he has rendered unmeaning   
and ridiculous4 ,for by his conquests in
 the world of mind our thoughts are     

widened1 and he has furnished us with   
new dialectical instruments which are of
 greater compass and power4 ,we have    
endeavoured to see him as he truly was1 
a great original genius struggling with 
unequal conditions of knowledge1 not    
prepared with a system nor evolving in a
 series of dialogues ideas which he had 
long conceived1 but contradictory1      
enquiring as he goes along1 following   
the argument1 first from one point of   
view and then from another1 and         
therefore arriving at opposite          
conclusions1 hovering around the light1 
and sometimes dazzled with excess of    
light1 but always moving in the same    
element of ideal truth4 ,we have seen   
him also in his decline1 when the wings 
of his imagination have begun to droop1 
but his experience of life remains1 and 
he turns away from the contemplation of 
the eternal to take a last sad look at  
human affairs4  444  ,and so having     
brought into the world 'noble children' 
7,phaedr471 he rests from the labours of

 authorship4 ,more than two thousand two
 hundred years have passed away since he
 returned to the place of ,apollo and   
the ,muses4 ,yet the echo of his words  
continues to be heard among men1 because
 of all philosophers he has the most    
melodious voice4 ,he is the inspired    
prophet or teacher who can never die1   
the only one in whom the outward form   
adequately represents the fair soul     
within2 in whom the thoughts of all who 
went before him are reflected and of all
 who come after him are partly          
anticipated4 ,other teachers of         
philosophy are dried up and             
withered1--after a few centuries they   
have become dust2 but he is fresh and   
blooming1 and is always begetting new   
ideas in the minds of men4 ,they are    
one-sided and abstract2 but he has many 
sides of wisdom4 ,nor is he always      
consistent with himself1 because he is  
always moving onward1 and knows that    
there are many more things in philosophy
 than can be expressed in words1 and    

that truth is greater than consistency4 
,he who approaches him in the most      
reverent spirit shall reap most of the  
fruit of his wisdom2 he who reads him by
 the light of ancient commentators will 
have the least understanding of him4    
,we may see him with the eye of the mind
 in the groves of the ,academy1 or on   
the banks of the ,ilissus1 or in the    
streets of ,athens1 alone or walking    
with ,socrates1 full of those thoughts  
which have since become the common      
possession of mankind4 ,or we may       
compare him to a statue hid away in some
 temple of ,zeus or ,apollo1 no longer  
existing on earth1 a statue which has a 
look as of the ,god himself4 ,or we may 
once more imagine him following in      
another state of being the great company
 of heaven which he beheld of old in a  
vision 7,phaedr474 ,so1 'partly         
trifling1 but with a certain degree of  
seriousness' 7,symp471 we linger around 
the memory of a world which has passed  
away 7,phaedr474      ,,laws     ,,book 

,i4  ,,persons ,,of ,,the ,,dialogue3   
,an ,athenian ,stranger1 ,cleinias 7a   
,cretan71 ,megillus 7a ,lacedaemonian74 
,,athenian3 ,tell me1 ,strangers1 is a  
,god or some man supposed to be the     
author of your laws8  ,,cleinias3 ,a    
,god1 ,stranger2 in very truth a ,god3  
among us ,cretans he is said to have    
been ,zeus1 but in ,lacedaemon1 whence  
our friend here comes1 ,i believe they  
would say that ,apollo is their         
lawgiver3 would they not1 ,megillus8    
,,megillus3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and do you1 ,cleinias1 believe1 as     
,homer tells1 that every ninth year     
,minos went to converse with his        
,olympian sire1 and was inspired by him 
to make laws for your cities8           
,,cleinias3 ,yes1 that is our tradition2
 and there was ,rhadamanthus1 a brother 
of his1 with whose name you are         
familiar2 he is reputed to have been the
 justest of men1 and we ,cretans are of 
opinion that he earned this reputation  
from his righteous administration of    

justice when he was alive4  ,,athenian3 
,yes1 and a noble reputation it was1    
worthy of a son of ,zeus4 ,as you and   
,megillus have been trained in these    
institutions1 ,i dare say that you will 
not be unwilling to give an account of  
your government and laws2 on our way we 
can pass the time pleasantly in talking 
about them1 for ,i am told that the     
distance from ,cnosus to the cave and   
temple of ,zeus is considerable2 and    
doubtless there are shady places under  
the lofty trees1 which will protect us  
from this scorching sun4 ,being no      
longer young1 we may often stop to rest 
beneath them1 and get over the whole    
journey without difficulty1 beguiling   
the time by conversation4  ,,cleinias3  
,yes1 ,stranger1 and if we proceed      
onward we shall come to groves of       
cypresses1 which are of rare height and 
beauty1 and there are green meadows1 in 
which we may repose and converse4       
,,athenian3 ,very good4  ,,cleinias3    
,very good1 indeed2 and still better    

when we see them2 let us move on        
cheerily4  ,,athenian3 ,i am            
willing--,and first1 ,i want to know why
 the law has ordained that you shall    
have common meals and gymnastic         
exercises1 and wear arms4  ,,cleinias3  
,i think1 ,stranger1 that the aim of our
 institutions is easily intelligible to 
any one4 ,look at the character of our  
country3 ,crete is not like ,thessaly1 a
 large plain2 and for this reason they  
have horsemen in ,thessaly1 and we have 
runners--the inequality of the ground in
 our country is more adapted to         
locomotion on foot2 but then1 if you    
have runners you must have light        
arms--no one can carry a heavy weight   
when running1 and bows and arrows are   
convenient because they are light4 ,now 
all these regulations have been made    
with a view to war1 and the legislator  
appears to me to have looked to this in 
all his arrangements3--the common meals1
 if ,i am not mistaken1 were instituted 
by him for a similar reason1 because he 

saw that while they are in the field the
 citizens are by the nature of the case 
compelled to take their meals together  
for the sake of mutual protection4 ,he  
seems to me to have thought the world   
foolish in not understanding that all   
men are always at war with one another2 
and if in war there ought to be common  
meals and certain persons regularly     
appointed under others to protect an    
army1 they should be continued in peace4
 ,for what men in general term peace    
would be said by him to be only a name2 
in reality every city is in a natural   
state of war with every other1 not      
indeed proclaimed by heralds1 but       
everlasting4 ,and if you look closely1  
you will find that this was the         
intention of the ,cretan legislator2 all
 institutions1 private as well as       
public1 were arranged by him with a view
 to war2 in giving them he was under the
 impression that no possessions or      
institutions are of any value to him who
 is defeated in battle2 for all the good

 things of the conquered pass into the  
hands of the conquerors4  ,,athenian3   
,you appear to me1 ,stranger1 to have   
been thoroughly trained in the ,cretan  
institutions1 and to be well informed   
about them2 will you tell me a little   
more explicitly what is the principle of
 government which you would lay down8   
,you seem to imagine that a             
well-governed state ought to be so      
ordered as to conquer all other states  
in war3 am ,i right in supposing this to
 be your meaning8  ,,cleinias3          
,certainly2 and our ,lacedaemonian      
friend1 if ,i am not mistaken1 will     
agree with me4  ,,megillus3 ,why1 my    
good friend1 how could any              
,lacedaemonian say anything else8       
,,athenian3 ,and is what you say        
applicable only to states1 or also to   
villages8  ,,cleinias3 ,to both alike4  
,,athenian3 ,the case is the same8      
,,cleinias3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,and in  
the village will there be the same war  
of family against family1 and of        

individual against individual8          
,,cleinias3 ,the same4  ,,athenian3 ,and
 should each man conceive himself to be 
his own enemy3--what shall we say8      
,,cleinias3 ,o ,athenian                
,stranger--inhabitant of ,attica ,i will
 not call you1 for you seem to deserve  
rather to be named after the goddess    
herself1 because you go back to first   
principles1--you have thrown a light    
upon the argument1 and will now be      
better able to understand what ,i was   
just saying1--that all men are publicly 
one another's enemies1 and each man     
privately his own4  7,,athenian3 ,my    
good sir1 what do you mean87--          
,,cleinias3444,moreover1 there is a     
victory and defeat--the first and best  
of victories1 the lowest and worst of   
defeats--which each man gains or        
sustains at the hands1 not of another1  
but of himself2 this shows that there is
 a war against ourselves going on within
 every one of us4  ,,athenian3 ,let us  
now reverse the order of the argument3  

,seeing that every individual is either 
his own superior or his own inferior1   
may we say that there is the same       
principle in the house1 the village1 and
 the state8  ,,cleinias3 ,you mean that 
in each of them there is a principle of 
superiority or inferiority to self8     
,,athenian3 ,yes4  ,,cleinias3 ,you are 
quite right in asking the question1 for 
there certainly is such a principle1 and
 above all in states2 and the state in  
which the better citizens win a victory 
over the mob and over the inferior      
classes may be truly said to be better  
than itself1 and may be justly praised1 
where such a victory is gained1 or      
censured in the opposite case4          
,,athenian3 ,whether the better is ever 
really conquered by the worse1 is a     
question which requires more discussion1
 and may be therefore left for the      
present4 ,but ,i now quite understand   
your meaning when you say that citizens 
who are of the same race and live in the
 same cities may unjustly conspire1 and 

having the superiority in numbers may   
overcome and enslave the few just2 and  
when they prevail1 the state may be     
truly called its own inferior and       
therefore bad2 and when they are        
defeated1 its own superior and therefore
 good4  ,,cleinias3 ,your remark1       
,stranger1 is a paradox1 and yet we     
cannot possibly deny it4  ,,athenian3   
,here is another case for               
consideration2--in a family there may be
 several brothers1 who are the offspring
 of a single pair2 very possibly the    
majority of them may be unjust1 and the 
just may be in a minority4  ,,cleinias3 
,very possibly4  ,,athenian3 ,and you   
and ,i ought not to raise a question of 
words as to whether this family and     
household are rightly said to be        
superior when they conquer1 and inferior
 when they are conquered2 for we are not
 now considering what may or may not be 
the proper or customary way of speaking1
 but we are considering the natural     
principles of right and wrong in laws4  

,,cleinias3 ,what you say1 ,stranger1 is
 most true4  ,,megillus3 ,quite         
excellent1 in my opinion1 as far as we  
have gone4  ,,athenian3 ,again2 might   
there not be a judge over these         
brethren1 of whom we were speaking8     
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,now1 which would be the better         
judge--one who destroyed the bad and    
appointed the good to govern themselves2
 or one who1 while allowing the good to 
govern1 let the bad live1 and made them 
voluntarily submit8 ,or third1 ,i       
suppose1 in the scale of excellence     
might be placed a judge1 who1 finding   
the family distracted1 not only did not 
destroy any one1 but reconciled them to 
one another for ever after1 and gave    
them laws which they mutually observed1 
and was able to keep them friends4      
,,cleinias3 ,the last would be by far   
the best sort of judge and legislator4  
,,athenian3 ,and yet the aim of all the 
laws which he gave would be the reverse 
of war4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4        

,,athenian3 ,and will he who constitutes
 the state and orders the life of man   
have in view external war1 or that kind 
of intestine war called civil1 which no 
one1 if he could prevent1 would like to 
have occurring in his own state2 and    
when occurring1 every one would wish to 
be quit of as soon as possible8         
,,cleinias3 ,he would have the latter   
chiefly in view4  ,,athenian3 ,and would
 he prefer that this civil war should be
 terminated by the destruction of one of
 the parties1 and by the victory of the 
other1 or that peace and friendship     
should be re-established1 and that1     
being reconciled1 they should give their
 attention to foreign enemies8          
,,cleinias3 ,every one would desire the 
latter in the case of his own state4    
,,athenian3 ,and would not that also be 
the desire of the legislator8           
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and would not every one always make    
laws for the sake of the best8          
,,cleinias3 ,to be sure4  ,,athenian3   

,but war1 whether external or civil1 is 
not the best1 and the need of either is 
to be deprecated2 but peace with one    
another1 and good will1 are best4 ,nor  
is the victory of the state over itself 
to be regarded as a really good thing1  
but as a necessity2 a man might as well 
say that the body was in the best state 
when sick and purged by medicine1       
forgetting that there is also a state of
 the body which needs no purge4 ,and in 
like manner no one can be a true        
statesman1 whether he aims at the       
happiness of the individual or state1   
who looks only1 or first of all1 to     
external warfare2 nor will he ever be a 
sound legislator who orders peace for   
the sake of war1 and not war for the    
sake of peace4  ,,cleinias3 ,i suppose  
that there is truth1 ,stranger1 in that 
remark of yours2 and yet ,i am greatly  
mistaken if war is not the entire aim   
and object of our own institutions1 and 
also of the ,lacedaemonian4  ,,athenian3
 ,i dare say2 but there is no reason why

 we should rudely quarrel with one      
another about your legislators1 instead 
of gently questioning them1 seeing that 
both we and they are equally in earnest4
 ,please follow me and the argument     
closely3--,and first ,i will put forward
 ,tyrtaeus1 an ,athenian by birth1 but  
also a ,spartan citizen1 who of all men 
was most eager about war3 ,well1 he     
says1       ',i sing not1 ,i care not1  
about any man1  even if he were the     
richest of men1 and possessed every good
 7and then he gives a whole list of     
them71 if he be not at all times a brave
 warrior4' ,i imagine that you1 too1    
must have heard his poems2 our          
,lacedaemonian friend has probably heard
 more than enough of them4  ,,megillus3 
,very true4  ,,cleinias3 ,and they have 
found their way from ,lacedaemon to     
,crete4  ,,athenian3 ,come now and let  
us all join in asking this question of  
,tyrtaeus3 ,o most divine poet1 we will 
say to him1 the excellent praise which  
you have bestowed on those who excel in 

war sufficiently proves that you are    
wise and good1 and ,i and ,megillus and 
,cleinias of ,cnosus do1 as ,i believe1 
entirely agree with you4 ,but we should 
like to be quite sure that we are       
speaking of the same men2 tell us1 then1
 do you agree with us in thinking that  
there are two kinds of war2 or what     
would you say8 ,a far inferior man to   
,tyrtaeus would have no difficulty in   
replying quite truly1 that war is of two
 kinds1--one which is universally called
 civil war1 and is1 as we were just now 
saying1 of all wars the worst2 the      
other1 as we should all admit1 in which 
we fall out with other nations who are  
of a different race1 is a far milder    
form of warfare4  ,,cleinias3           
,certainly1 far milder4  ,,athenian3    
,well1 now1 when you praise and blame   
war in this high-flown strain1 whom are 
you praising or blaming1 and to which   
kind of war are you referring8 ,i       
suppose that you must mean foreign war1 
if ,i am to judge from expressions of   

yours in which you say that you         
abominate those  ',who refuse to look   
upon fields of blood1 and will not draw 
near and strike at their enemies4'  ,and
 we shall naturally go on to say to     
him1--,you1 ,tyrtaeus1 as it seems1     
praise those who distinguish themselves 
in external and foreign war2 and he must
 admit this4  ,,cleinias3 ,evidently4   
,,athenian3 ,they are good2 but we say  
that there are still better men whose   
virtue is displayed in the greatest of  
all battles4 ,and we too have a poet    
whom we summon as a witness1 ,theognis1 
citizen of ,megara in ,sicily3          
',cyrnus1' he says1 'he who is faithful 
in a civil broil is worth his weight in 
gold and silver4'  ,and such an one is  
far better1 as we affirm1 than the other
 in a more difficult kind of war1 much  
in the same degree as justice and       
temperance and wisdom1 when united with 
courage1 are better than courage only2  
for a man cannot be faithful and good in
 civil strife without having all virtue4

 ,but in the war of which ,tyrtaeus     
speaks1 many a mercenary soldier will   
take his stand and be ready to die at   
his post1 and yet they are generally and
 almost without exception insolent1     
unjust1 violent men1 and the most       
senseless of human beings4 ,you will ask
 what the conclusion is1 and what ,i am 
seeking to prove3 ,i maintain that the  
divine legislator of ,crete1 like any   
other who is worthy of consideration1   
will always and above all things in     
making laws have regard to the greatest 
virtue2 which1 according to ,theognis1  
is loyalty in the hour of danger1 and   
may be truly called perfect justice4    
,whereas1 that virtue which ,tyrtaeus   
highly praises is well enough1 and was  
praised by the poet at the right time1  
yet in place and dignity may be said to 
be only fourth rate 7i4e41 it ranks     
after justice1 temperance1 and wisdom474
  ,,cleinias3 ,stranger1 we are         
degrading our inspired lawgiver to a    
rank which is far beneath him4          

,,athenian3 ,nay1 ,i think that we      
degrade not him but ourselves1 if we    
imagine that ,lycurgus and ,minos laid  
down laws both in ,lacedaemon and ,crete
 mainly with a view to war4  ,,cleinias3
 ,what ought we to say then8            
,,athenian3 ,what truth and what justice
 require of us1 if ,i am not mistaken1  
when speaking in behalf of divine       
excellence2--that the legislator when   
making his laws had in view not a part  
only1 and this the lowest part of       
virtue1 but all virtue1 and that he     
devised classes of laws answering to the
 kinds of virtue2 not in the way in     
which modern inventors of laws make the 
classes1 for they only investigate and  
offer laws whenever a want is felt1 and 
one man has a class of laws about       
allotments and heiresses1 another about 
assaults2 others about ten thousand     
other such matters4 ,but we maintain    
that the right way of examining into    
laws is to proceed as we have now done1 
and ,i admired the spirit of your       

exposition2 for you were quite right in 
beginning with virtue1 and saying that  
this was the aim of the giver of the    
law1 but ,i thought that you went wrong 
when you added that all his legislation 
had a view only to a part1 and the least
 part of virtue1 and this called forth  
my subsequent remarks4 ,will you allow  
me then to explain how ,i should have   
liked to have heard you expound the     
matter8  ,,cleinias3 ,by all means4     
,,athenian3 ,you ought to have said1    
,stranger--,the ,cretan laws are with   
reason famous among the ,hellenes2 for  
they fulfil the object of laws1 which is
 to make those who use them happy2 and  
they confer every sort of good4 ,now    
goods are of two kinds3 there are human 
and there are divine goods1 and the     
human hang upon the divine2 and the     
state which attains the greater1 at the 
same time acquires the less1 or1 not    
having the greater1 has neither4 ,of the
 lesser goods the first is health1 the  
second beauty1 the third strength1      

including swiftness in running and      
bodily agility generally1 and the fourth
 is wealth1 not the blind god 7,pluto71 
but one who is keen of sight1 if only he
 has wisdom for his companion4 ,for     
wisdom is chief and leader of the divine
 class of goods1 and next follows       
temperance2 and from the union of these 
two with courage springs justice1 and   
fourth in the scale of virtue is        
courage4 ,all these naturally take      
precedence of the other goods1 and this 
is the order in which the legislator    
must place them1 and after them he will 
enjoin the rest of his ordinances on the
 citizens with a view to these1 the     
human looking to the divine1 and the    
divine looking to their leader mind4    
,some of his ordinances will relate to  
contracts of marriage which they make   
one with another1 and then to the       
procreation and education of children1  
both male and female2 the duty of the   
lawgiver will be to take charge of his  
citizens1 in youth and age1 and at every

 time of life1 and to give them         
punishments and rewards2 and in         
reference to all their intercourse with 
one another1 he ought to consider their 
pains and pleasures and desires1 and the
 vehemence of all their passions2 he    
should keep a watch over them1 and blame
 and praise them rightly by the mouth of
 the laws themselves4 ,also with regard 
to anger and terror1 and the other      
perturbations of the soul1 which arise  
out of misfortune1 and the deliverances 
from them which prosperity brings1 and  
the experiences which come to men in    
diseases1 or in war1 or poverty1 or the 
opposite of these2 in all these states  
he should determine and teach what is   
the good and evil of the condition of   
each4 ,in the next place1 the legislator
 has to be careful how the citizens make
 their money and in what way they spend 
it1 and to have an eye to their mutual  
contracts and dissolutions of contracts1
 whether voluntary or involuntary3 he   
should see how they order all this1 and 

consider where justice as well as       
injustice is found or is wanting in     
their several dealings with one another2
 and honour those who obey the law1 and 
impose fixed penalties on those who     
disobey1 until the round of civil life  
is ended1 and the time has come for the 
consideration of the proper funeral     
rites and honours of the dead4 ,and the 
lawgiver reviewing his work1 will       
appoint guardians to preside over these 
things1--some who walk by intelligence1 
others by true opinion only1 and then   
mind will bind together all his         
ordinances and show them to be in       
harmony with temperance and justice1 and
 not with wealth or ambition4 ,this is  
the spirit1 ,stranger1 in which ,i was  
and am desirous that you should pursue  
the subject4 ,and ,i want to know the   
nature of all these things1 and how they
 are arranged in the laws of ,zeus1 as  
they are termed1 and in those of the    
,pythian ,apollo1 which ,minos and      
,lycurgus gave2 and how the order of    

them is discovered to his eyes1 who has 
experience in laws gained either by     
study or habit1 although they are far   
from being self-evident to the rest of  
mankind like ourselves4  ,,cleinias3    
,how shall we proceed1 ,stranger8       
,,athenian3 ,i think that we must begin 
again as before1 and first consider the 
habit of courage2 and then we will go on
 and discuss another and then another   
form of virtue1 if you please4 ,in this 
way we shall have a model of the whole2 
and with these and similar discourses we
 will beguile the way4 ,and when we have
 gone through all the virtues1 we will  
show1 by the grace of ,god1 that the    
institutions of which ,i was speaking   
look to virtue4  ,,megillus3 ,very good2
 and suppose that you first criticize   
this praiser of ,zeus and the laws of   
,crete4  ,,athenian3 ,i will try to     
criticize you and myself1 as well as    
him1 for the argument is a common       
concern4 ,tell me1--were not first the  
syssitia1 and secondly the gymnasia1    

invented by your legislator with a view 
to war8  ,,megillus3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3 
,and what comes third1 and what fourth8 
,for that1 ,i think1 is the sort of     
enumeration which ought to be made of   
the remaining parts of virtue1 no matter
 whether you call them parts or what    
their name is1 provided the meaning is  
clear4  ,,megillus3 ,then ,i1 or any    
other ,lacedaemonian1 would reply that  
hunting is third in order4  ,,athenian3 
,let us see if we can discover what     
comes fourth and fifth4  ,,megillus3 ,i 
think that ,i can get as far as the     
fourth head1 which is the frequent      
endurance of pain1 exhibited among us   
,spartans in certain hand-to-hand       
fights2 also in stealing with the       
prospect of getting a good beating2     
there is1 too1 the so-called ,crypteia1 
or secret service1 in which wonderful   
endurance is shown1--our people wander  
over the whole country by day and by    
night1 and even in winter have not a    
shoe to their foot1 and are without beds

 to lie upon1 and have to attend upon   
themselves4 ,marvellous1 too1 is the    
endurance which our citizens show in    
their naked exercises1 contending       
against the violent summer heat2 and    
there are many similar practices1 to    
speak of which in detail would be       
endless4  ,,athenian3 ,excellent1 ,o    
,lacedaemonian ,stranger4 ,but how ought
 we to define courage8 ,is it to be     
regarded only as a combat against fears 
and pains1 or also against desires and  
pleasures1 and against flatteries2 which
 exercise such a tremendous power1 that 
they make the hearts even of respectable
 citizens to melt like wax8  ,,megillus3
 ,i should say the latter4  ,,athenian3 
,in what preceded1 as you will remember1
 our ,cnosian friend was speaking of a  
man or a city being inferior to         
themselves3--,were you not1 ,cleinias8  
,,cleinias3 ,i was4  ,,athenian3 ,now1  
which is in the truest sense inferior1  
the man who is overcome by pleasure or  
by pain8  ,,cleinias3 ,i should say the 

man who is overcome by pleasure2 for all
 men deem him to be inferior in a more  
disgraceful sense1 than the other who is
 overcome by pain4  ,,athenian3 ,but    
surely the lawgivers of ,crete and      
,lacedaemon have not legislated for a   
courage which is lame of one leg1 able  
only to meet attacks which come from the
 left1 but impotent against the         
insidious flatteries which come from the
 right8  ,,cleinias3 ,able to meet both1
 ,i should say4  ,,athenian3 ,then let  
me once more ask1 what institutions have
 you in either of your states which give
 a taste of pleasures1 and do not avoid 
them any more than they avoid pains2 but
 which set a person in the midst of     
them1 and compel or induce him by the   
prospect of reward to get the better of 
them8 ,where is an ordinance about      
pleasure similar to that about pain to  
be found in your laws8 ,tell me what    
there is of this nature among           
you3--,what is there which makes your   
citizen equally brave against pleasure  

and pain1 conquering what they ought to 
conquer1 and superior to the enemies who
 are most dangerous and nearest home8   
,,megillus3 ,i was able to tell you1    
,stranger1 many laws which were directed
 against pain2 but ,i do not know that  
,i can point out any great or obvious   
examples of similar institutions which  
are concerned with pleasure2 there are  
some lesser provisions1 however1 which  
,i might mention4  ,,cleinias3 ,neither 
can ,i show anything of that sort which 
is at all equally prominent in the      
,cretan laws4  ,,athenian3 ,no wonder1  
my dear friends2 and if1 as is very     
likely1 in our search after the true and
 good1 one of us may have to censure the
 laws of the others1 we must not be     
offended1 but take kindly what another  
says4  ,,cleinias3 ,you are quite right1
 ,athenian ,stranger1 and we will do as 
you say4  ,,athenian3 ,at our time of   
life1 ,cleinias1 there should be no     
feeling of irritation4  ,,cleinias3     
,certainly not4  ,,athenian3 ,i will not

 at present determine whether he who    
censures the ,cretan or ,lacedaemonian  
polities is right or wrong4 ,but ,i     
believe that ,i can tell better than    
either of you what the many say about   
them4 ,for assuming that you have       
reasonably good laws1 one of the best of
 them will be the law forbidding any    
young men to enquire which of them are  
right or wrong2 but with one mouth and  
one voice they must all agree that the  
laws are all good1 for they came from   
,god2 and any one who says the contrary 
is not to be listened to4 ,but an old   
man who remarks any defect in your laws 
may communicate his observation to a    
ruler or to an equal in years when no   
young man is present4  ,,cleinias3      
,exactly so1 ,stranger2 and like a      
diviner1 although not there at the time1
 you seem to me quite to have hit the   
meaning of the legislator1 and to say   
what is most true4  ,,athenian3 ,as     
there are no young men present1 and the 
legislator has given old men free       

licence1 there will be no impropriety in
 our discussing these very matters now  
that we are alone4  ,,cleinias3 ,true4  
,and therefore you may be as free as you
 like in your censure of our laws1 for  
there is no discredit in knowing what is
 wrong2 he who receives what is said in 
a generous and friendly spirit will be  
all the better for it4  ,,athenian3     
,very good2 however1 ,i am not going to 
say anything against your laws until to 
the best of my ability ,i have examined 
them1 but ,i am going to raise doubts   
about them4 ,for you are the only people
 known to us1 whether ,greek or         
barbarian1 whom the legislator commanded
 to eschew all great pleasures and      
amusements and never to touch them2     
whereas in the matter of pains or fears 
which we have just been discussing1 he  
thought that they who from infancy had  
always avoided pains and fears and      
sorrows1 when they were compelled to    
face them would run away from those who 
were hardened in them1 and would become 

their subjects4 ,now the legislator     
ought to have considered that this was  
equally true of pleasure2 he should have
 said to himself1 that if our citizens  
are from their youth upward unacquainted
 with the greatest pleasures1 and unused
 to endure amid the temptations of      
pleasure1 and are not disciplined to    
refrain from all things evil1 the sweet 
feeling of pleasure will overcome them  
just as fear would overcome the former  
class2 and in another1 and even a worse 
manner1 they will be the slaves of those
 who are able to endure amid pleasures1 
and have had the opportunity of enjoying
 them1 they being often the worst of    
mankind4 ,one half of their souls will  
be a slave1 the other half free2 and    
they will not be worthy to be called in 
the true sense men and freemen4 ,tell me
 whether you assent to my words8        
,,cleinias3 ,on first hearing1 what you 
say appears to be the truth2 but to be  
hasty in coming to a conclusion about   
such important matters would be very    

childish and simple4  ,,athenian3       
,suppose1 ,cleinias and ,megillus1 that 
we consider the virtue which follows    
next of those which we intended to      
discuss 7for after courage comes        
temperance71 what institutions shall we 
find relating to temperance1 either in  
,crete or ,lacedaemon1 which1 like your 
military institutions1 differ from those
 of any ordinary state4  ,,megillus3    
,that is not an easy question to answer2
 still ,i should say that the common    
meals and gymnastic exercises have been 
excellently devised for the promotion   
both of temperance and courage4         
,,athenian3 ,there seems to be a        
difficulty1 ,stranger1 with regard to   
states1 in making words and facts       
coincide so that there can be no dispute
 about them4 ,as in the human body1 the 
regimen which does good in one way does 
harm in another2 and we can hardly say  
that any one course of treatment is     
adapted to a particular constitution4   
,now the gymnasia and common meals do a 

great deal of good1 and yet they are a  
source of evil in civil troubles2 as is 
shown in the case of the ,milesian1 and 
,boeotian1 and ,thurian youth1 among    
whom these institutions seem always to  
have had a tendency to degrade the      
ancient and natural custom of love below
 the level1 not only of man1 but of the 
beasts4 ,the charge may be fairly       
brought against your cities above all   
others1 and is true also of most other  
states which especially cultivate       
gymnastics4 ,whether such matters are to
 be regarded jestingly or seriously1 ,i 
think that the pleasure is to be deemed 
natural which arises out of the         
intercourse between men and women2 but  
that the intercourse of men with men1 or
 of women with women1 is contrary to    
nature1 and that the bold attempt was   
originally due to unbridled lust4 ,the  
,cretans are always accused of having   
invented the story of ,ganymede and     
,zeus because they wanted to justify    
themselves in the enjoyment of unnatural

 pleasures by the practice of the god   
whom they believe to have been their    
lawgiver4 ,leaving the story1 we may    
observe that any speculation about laws 
turns almost entirely on pleasure and   
pain1 both in states and in individuals3
 these are two fountains which nature   
lets flow1 and he who draws from them   
where and when1 and as much as he ought1
 is happy2 and this holds of men and    
animals--of individuals as well as      
states2 and he who indulges in them     
ignorantly and at the wrong time1 is the
 reverse of happy4  ,,megillus3 ,i      
admit1 ,stranger1 that your words are   
well spoken1 and ,i hardly know what to 
say in answer to you2 but still ,i think
 that the ,spartan lawgiver was quite   
right in forbidding pleasure4 ,of the   
,cretan laws1 ,i shall leave the defence
 to my ,cnosian friend4 ,but the laws of
 ,sparta1 in as far as they relate to   
pleasure1 appear to me to be the best in
 the world2 for that which leads mankind
 in general into the wildest pleasure   

and licence1 and every other folly1 the 
law has clean driven out2 and neither in
 the country nor in towns which are     
under the control of ,sparta1 will you  
find revelries and the many incitements 
of every kind of pleasure which         
accompany them2 and any one who meets a 
drunken and disorderly person1 will     
immediately have him most severely      
punished1 and will not let him off on   
any pretence1 not even at the time of a 
,dionysiac festival2 although ,i have   
remarked that this may happen at your   
performances 'on the cart1' as they are 
called2 and among our ,tarentine        
colonists ,i have seen the whole city   
drunk at a ,dionysiac festival2 but     
nothing of the sort happens among us4   
,,athenian3 ,o ,lacedaemonian ,stranger1
 these festivities are praiseworthy     
where there is a spirit of endurance1   
but are very senseless when they are    
under no regulations4 ,in order to      
retaliate1 an ,athenian has only to     
point out the licence which exists among

 your women4 ,to all such accusations1  
whether they are brought against the    
,tarentines1 or us1 or you1 there is one
 answer which exonerates the practice in
 question from impropriety4 ,when a     
stranger expresses wonder at the        
singularity of what he sees1 any        
inhabitant will naturally answer        
him3--,wonder not1 ,o stranger2 this is 
our custom1 and you may very likely have
 some other custom about the same       
things4 ,now we are speaking1 my        
friends1 not about men in general1 but  
about the merits and defects of the     
lawgivers themselves4 ,let us then      
discourse a little more at length about 
intoxication1 which is a very important 
subject1 and will seriously task the    
discrimination of the legislator4 ,i am 
not speaking of drinking1 or not        
drinking1 wine at all1 but of           
intoxication4 ,are we to follow the     
custom of the ,scythians1 and ,persians1
 and ,carthaginians1 and ,celts1 and    
,iberians1 and ,thracians1 who are all  

warlike nations1 or that of your        
countrymen1 for they1 as you say1       
altogether abstain8 ,but the ,scythians 
and ,thracians1 both men and women1     
drink unmixed wine1 which they pour on  
their garments1 and this they think a   
happy and glorious institution4 ,the    
,persians1 again1 are much given to     
other practices of luxury which you     
reject1 but they have more moderation in
 them than the ,thracians and           
,scythians4  ,,megillus3 ,o best of men1
 we have only to take arms into our     
hands1 and we send all these nations    
flying before us4  ,,athenian3 ,nay1 my 
good friend1 do not say that2 there have
 been1 as there always will be1 flights 
and pursuits of which no account can be 
given1 and therefore we cannot say that 
victory or defeat in battle affords more
 than a doubtful proof of the goodness  
or badness of institutions4 ,for when   
the greater states conquer and enslave  
the lesser1 as the ,syracusans have done
 the ,locrians1 who appear to be the    

best-governed people in their part of   
the world1 or as the ,athenians have    
done the ,ceans 7and there are ten      
thousand other instances of the same    
sort of thing71 all this is not to the  
point2 let us endeavour rather to form a
 conclusion about each institution in   
itself and say nothing1 at present1 of  
victories and defeats4 ,let us only say 
that such and such a custom is          
honourable1 and another not4 ,and first 
permit me to tell you how good and bad  
are to be estimated in reference to     
these very matters4  ,,megillus3 ,how do
 you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,all those who  
are ready at a moment's notice to praise
 or censure any practice which is matter
 of discussion1 seem to me to proceed in
 a wrong way4 ,let me give you an       
illustration of what ,i mean3--,you may 
suppose a person to be praising wheat as
 a good kind of food1 whereupon another 
person instantly blames wheat1 without  
ever enquiring into its effect or use1  
or in what way1 or to whom1 or with     

what1 or in what state and how1 wheat is
 to be given4 ,and that is just what we 
are doing in this discussion4 ,at the   
very mention of the word intoxication1  
one side is ready with their praises and
 the other with their censures2 which is
 absurd4 ,for either side adduce their  
witnesses and approvers1 and some of us 
think that we speak with authority      
because we have many witnesses2 and     
others because they see those who       
abstain conquering in battle1 and this  
again is disputed by us4 ,now ,i cannot 
say that ,i shall be satisfied1 if we go
 on discussing each of the remaining    
laws in the same way4 ,and about this   
very point of intoxication ,i should    
like to speak in another way1 which ,i  
hold to be the right one2 for if number 
is to be the criterion1 are there not   
myriads upon myriads of nations ready to
 dispute the point with you1 who are    
only two cities8  ,,megillus3 ,i shall  
gladly welcome any method of enquiry    
which is right4  ,,athenian3 ,let me put

 the matter thus3--,suppose a person to 
praise the keeping of goats1 and the    
creatures themselves as capital things  
to have1 and then some one who had seen 
goats feeding without a goatherd in     
cultivated spots1 and doing mischief1   
were to censure a goat or any other     
animal who has no keeper1 or a bad      
keeper1 would there be any sense or     
justice in such censure8  ,,megillus3   
,certainly not4  ,,athenian3 ,does a    
captain require only to have nautical   
knowledge in order to be a good captain1
 whether he is sea-sick or not8 ,what do
 you say8  ,,megillus3 ,i say that he is
 not a good captain if1 although he have
 nautical skill1 he is liable to        
sea-sickness4  ,,athenian3 ,and what    
would you say of the commander of an    
army8 ,will he be able to command merely
 because he has military skill if he be 
a coward1 who1 when danger comes1 is    
sick and drunk with fear8  ,,megillus3  
,impossible4  ,,athenian3 ,and what if  
besides being a coward he has no skill8 

,,megillus3 ,he is a miserable fellow1  
not fit to be a commander of men1 but   
only of old women4  ,,athenian3 ,and    
what would you say of some one who      
blames or praises any sort of meeting   
which is intended by nature to have a   
ruler1 and is well enough when under his
 presidency8 ,the critic1 however1 has  
never seen the society meeting together 
at an orderly feast under the control of
 a president1 but always without a ruler
 or with a bad one3--when observers of  
this class praise or blame such         
meetings1 are we to suppose that what   
they say is of any value8  ,,megillus3  
,certainly not1 if they have never seen 
or been present at such a meeting when  
rightly ordered4  ,,athenian3 ,reflect2 
may not banqueters and banquets be said 
to constitute a kind of meeting8        
,,megillus3 ,of course4  ,,athenian3    
,and did any one ever see this sort of  
convivial meeting rightly ordered8 ,of  
course you two will answer that you have
 never seen them at all1 because they   

are not customary or lawful in your     
country2 but ,i have come across many of
 them in many different places1 and     
moreover ,i have made enquiries about   
them wherever ,i went1 as ,i may say1   
and never did ,i see or hear of anything
 of the kind which was carried on       
altogether rightly2 in some few         
particulars they might be right1 but in 
general they were utterly wrong4        
,,cleinias3 ,what do you mean1          
,stranger1 by this remark8 ,explain4    
,for we1 as you say1 from our           
inexperience in such matters1 might very
 likely not know1 even if they came in  
our way1 what was right or wrong in such
 societies4  ,,athenian3 ,likely enough2
 then let me try to be your instructor3 
,you would acknowledge1 would you not1  
that in all gatherings of mankind1 of   
whatever sort1 there ought to be a      
leader8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly ,i      
should4  ,,athenian3 ,and we were saying
 just now1 that when men are at war the 
leader ought to be a brave man8         

,,cleinias3 ,we were4  ,,athenian3 ,the 
brave man is less likely than the coward
 to be disturbed by fears8  ,,cleinias3 
,that again is true4  ,,athenian3 ,and  
if there were a possibility of having a 
general of an army who was absolutely   
fearless and imperturbable1 should we   
not by all means appoint him8           
,,cleinias3 ,assuredly4  ,,athenian3    
,now1 however1 we are speaking not of a 
general who is to command an army1 when 
foe meets foe in time of war1 but of one
 who is to regulate meetings of another 
sort1 when friend meets friend in time  
of peace4  ,,cleinias3 ,true4           
,,athenian3 ,and that sort of meeting1  
if attended with drunkenness1 is apt to 
be unquiet4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly2 the
 reverse of quiet4  ,,athenian3 ,in the 
first place1 then1 the revellers as well
 as the soldiers will require a ruler8  
,,cleinias3 ,to be sure2 no men more so4
  ,,athenian3 ,and we ought1 if         
possible1 to provide them with a quiet  
ruler8  ,,cleinias3 ,of course4         

,,athenian3 ,and he should be a man who 
understands society2 for his duty is to 
preserve the friendly feelings which    
exist among the company at the time1 and
 to increase them for the future by his 
use of the occasion4  ,,cleinias3 ,very 
true4  ,,athenian3 ,must we not appoint 
a sober man and a wise to be our master 
of the revels8 ,for if the ruler of     
drinkers be himself young and drunken1  
and not over-wise1 only by some special 
good fortune will he be saved from doing
 some great evil4  ,,cleinias3 ,it will 
be by a singular good fortune that he is
 saved4  ,,athenian3 ,now suppose such  
associations to be framed in the best   
way possible in states1 and that some   
one blames the very fact of their       
existence--he may very likely be right4 
,but if he blames a practice which he   
only sees very much mismanaged1 he shows
 in the first place that he is not aware
 of the mismanagement1 and also not     
aware that everything done in this way  
will turn out to be wrong1 because done 

without the superintendence of a sober  
ruler4 ,do you not see that a drunken   
pilot or a drunken ruler of any sort    
will ruin ship1 chariot1 army--anything1
 in short1 of which he has the          
direction8  ,,cleinias3 ,the last remark
 is very true1 ,stranger2 and ,i see    
quite clearly the advantage of an army  
having a good leader--he will give      
victory in war to his followers1 which  
is a very great advantage2 and so of    
other things4 ,but ,i do not see any    
similar advantage which either          
individuals or states gain from the good
 management of a feast2 and ,i want you 
to tell me what great good will be      
effected1 supposing that this drinking  
ordinance is duly established4          
,,athenian3 ,if you mean to ask what    
great good accrues to the state from the
 right training of a single youth1 or of
 a single chorus--when the question is  
put in that form1 we cannot deny that   
the good is not very great in any       
particular instance4 ,but if you ask    

what is the good of education in        
general1 the answer is easy--that       
education makes good men1 and that good 
men act nobly1 and conquer their enemies
 in battle1 because they are good4      
,education certainly gives victory1     
although victory sometimes produces     
forgetfulness of education2 for many    
have grown insolent from victory in war1
 and this insolence has engendered in   
them innumerable evils2 and many a      
victory has been and will be suicidal to
 the victors2 but education is never    
suicidal4  ,,cleinias3 ,you seem to     
imply1 my friend1 that convivial        
meetings1 when rightly ordered1 are an  
important element of education4         
,,athenian3 ,certainly ,i do4           
,,cleinias3 ,and can you show that what 
you have been saying is true8           
,,athenian3 ,to be absolutely sure of   
the truth of matters concerning which   
there are many opinions1 is an attribute
 of the ,gods not given to man1         
,stranger2 but ,i shall be very happy to

 tell you what ,i think1 especially as  
we are now proposing to enter on a      
discussion concerning laws and          
constitutions4  ,,cleinias3 ,your       
opinion1 ,stranger1 about the questions 
which are now being raised1 is precisely
 what we want to hear4  ,,athenian3     
,very good2 ,i will try to find a way of
 explaining my meaning1 and you shall   
try to have the gift of understanding   
me4 ,but first let me make an apology4  
,the ,athenian citizen is reputed among 
all the ,hellenes to be a great talker1 
whereas ,sparta is renowned for brevity1
 and the ,cretans have more wit than    
words4 ,now ,i am afraid of appearing to
 elicit a very long discourse out of    
very small materials4 ,for drinking     
indeed may appear to be a slight matter1
 and yet is one which cannot be rightly 
ordered according to nature1 without    
correct principles of music2 these are  
necessary to any clear or satisfactory  
treatment of the subject1 and music     
again runs up into education generally1 

and there is much to be said about all  
this4 ,what would you say then to       
leaving these matters for the present1  
and passing on to some other question of
 law8  ,,megillus3 ,o ,athenian         
,stranger1 let me tell you what perhaps 
you do not know1 that our family is the 
proxenus of your state4 ,i imagine that 
from their earliest youth all boys1 when
 they are told that they are the proxeni
 of a particular state1 feel kindly     
towards their second country2 and this  
has certainly been my own feeling4 ,i   
can well remember from the days of my   
boyhood1 how1 when any ,lacedaemonians  
praised or blamed the ,athenians1 they  
used to say to me1--',see1 ,megillus1   
how ill or how well1' as the case might 
be1 'has your state treated us'2 and    
having always had to fight your battles 
against detractors when ,i heard you    
assailed1 ,i became warmly attached to  
you4 ,and ,i always like to hear the    
,athenian tongue spoken2 the common     
saying is quite true1 that a good       

,athenian is more than ordinarily good1 
for he is the only man who is freely and
 genuinely good by the divine           
inspiration of his own nature1 and is   
not manufactured4 ,therefore be assured 
that ,i shall like to hear you say      
whatever you have to say4  ,,cleinias3  
,yes1 ,stranger2 and when you have heard
 me speak1 say boldly what is in your   
thoughts4 ,let me remind you of a tie   
which unites you to ,crete4 ,you must   
have heard here the story of the prophet
 ,epimenides1 who was of my family1 and 
came to ,athens ten years before the    
,persian war1 in accordance with the    
response of the ,oracle1 and offered    
certain sacrifices which the ,god       
commanded4 ,the ,athenians were at that 
time in dread of the ,persian invasion2 
and he said that for ten years they     
would not come1 and that when they came1
 they would go away again without       
accomplishing any of their objects1 and 
would suffer more evil than they        
inflicted4 ,at that time my forefathers 

formed ties of hospitality with you2    
thus ancient is the friendship which ,i 
and my parents have had for you4        
,,athenian3 ,you seem to be quite ready 
to listen2 and ,i am also ready to      
perform as much as ,i can of an almost  
impossible task1 which ,i will          
nevertheless attempt4 ,at the outset of 
the discussion1 let me define the nature
 and power of education2 for this is the
 way by which our argument must travel  
onwards to the ,god ,dionysus4          
,,cleinias3 ,let us proceed1 if you     
please4  ,,athenian3 ,well1 then1 if ,i 
tell you what are my notions of         
education1 will you consider whether    
they satisfy you8  ,,cleinias3 ,let us  
hear4  ,,athenian3 ,according to my     
view1 any one who would be good at      
anything must practise that thing from  
his youth upwards1 both in sport and    
earnest1 in its several branches3 for   
example1 he who is to be a good builder1
 should play at building children's     
houses2 he who is to be a good          

husbandman1 at tilling the ground2 and  
those who have the care of their        
education should provide them when young
 with mimic tools4 ,they should learn   
beforehand the knowledge which they will
 afterwards require for their art4 ,for 
example1 the future carpenter should    
learn to measure or apply the line in   
play2 and the future warrior should     
learn riding1 or some other exercise1   
for amusement1 and the teacher should   
endeavour to direct the children's      
inclinations and pleasures1 by the help 
of amusements1 to their final aim in    
life4 ,the most important part of       
education is right training in the      
nursery4 ,the soul of the child in his  
play should be guided to the love of    
that sort of excellence in which when he
 grows up to manhood he will have to be 
perfected4 ,do you agree with me thus   
far8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4           
,,athenian3 ,then let us not leave the  
meaning of education ambiguous or       
ill-defined4 ,at present1 when we speak 

in terms of praise or blame about the   
bringing-up of each person1 we call one 
man educated and another uneducated1    
although the uneducated man may be      
sometimes very well educated for the    
calling of a retail trader1 or of a     
captain of a ship1 and the like4 ,for we
 are not speaking of education in this  
narrower sense1 but of that other       
education in virtue from youth upwards1 
which makes a man eagerly pursue the    
ideal perfection of citizenship1 and    
teaches him how rightly to rule and how 
to obey4 ,this is the only education    
which1 upon our view1 deserves the name2
 that other sort of training1 which aims
 at the acquisition of wealth or bodily 
strength1 or mere cleverness apart from 
intelligence and justice1 is mean and   
illiberal1 and is not worthy to be      
called education at all4 ,but let us not
 quarrel with one another about a word1 
provided that the proposition which has 
just been granted hold good3 to wit1    
that those who are rightly educated     

generally become good men4 ,neither must
 we cast a slight upon education1 which 
is the first and fairest thing that the 
best of men can ever have1 and which1   
though liable to take a wrong direction1
 is capable of reformation4 ,and this   
work of reformation is the great        
business of every man while he lives4   
,,cleinias3 ,very true2 and we entirely 
agree with you4  ,,athenian3 ,and we    
agreed before that they are good men who
 are able to rule themselves1 and bad   
men who are not4  ,,cleinias3 ,you are  
quite right4  ,,athenian3 ,let me now   
proceed1 if ,i can1 to clear up the     
subject a little further by an          
illustration which ,i will offer you4   
,,cleinias3 ,proceed4  ,,athenian3 ,do  
we not consider each of ourselves to be 
one8  ,,cleinias3 ,we do4  ,,athenian3  
,and each one of us has in his bosom two
 counsellors1 both foolish and also     
antagonistic2 of which we call the one  
pleasure1 and the other pain4           
,,cleinias3 ,exactly4  ,,athenian3 ,also

 there are opinions about the future1   
which have the general name of          
expectations2 and the specific name of  
fear1 when the expectation is of pain2  
and of hope1 when of pleasure2 and      
further1 there is reflection about the  
good or evil of them1 and this1 when    
embodied in a decree by the ,state1 is  
called ,law4  ,,cleinias3 ,i am hardly  
able to follow you2 proceed1 however1 as
 if ,i were4  ,,megillus3 ,i am in the  
like case4  ,,athenian3 ,let us look at 
the matter thus3 ,may we not conceive   
each of us living beings to be a puppet 
of the ,gods1 either their plaything    
only1 or created with a purpose--which  
of the two we cannot certainly know8    
,but we do know1 that these affections  
in us are like cords and strings1 which 
pull us different and opposite ways1 and
 to opposite actions2 and herein lies   
the difference between virtue and vice4 
,according to the argument there is one 
among these cords which every man ought 
to grasp and never let go1 but to pull  

with it against all the rest2 and this  
is the sacred and golden cord of reason1
 called by us the common law of the     
,state2 there are others which are hard 
and of iron1 but this one is soft       
because golden2 and there are several   
other kinds4 ,now we ought always to    
cooperate with the lead of the best1    
which is law4 ,for inasmuch as reason is
 beautiful and gentle1 and not violent1 
her rule must needs have ministers in   
order to help the golden principle in   
vanquishing the other principles4 ,and  
thus the moral of the tale about our    
being puppets will not have been lost1  
and the meaning of the expression       
'superior or inferior to a man's self'  
will become clearer2 and the individual1
 attaining to right reason in this      
matter of pulling the strings of the    
puppet1 should live according to its    
rule2 while the city1 receiving the same
 from some god or from one who has      
knowledge of these things1 should embody
 it in a law1 to be her guide in her    

dealings with herself and with other    
states4 ,in this way virtue and vice    
will be more clearly distinguished by   
us4 ,and when they have become clearer1 
education and other institutions will in
 like manner become clearer2 and in     
particular that question of convivial   
entertainment1 which may seem1 perhaps1 
to have been a very trifling matter1 and
 to have taken a great many more words  
than were necessary4  ,,cleinias3       
,perhaps1 however1 the theme may turn   
out not to be unworthy of the length of 
discourse4  ,,athenian3 ,very good2 let 
us proceed with any enquiry which really
 bears on our present object4           
,,cleinias3 ,proceed4  ,,athenian3      
,suppose that we give this puppet of    
ours drink1--what will be the effect on 
him8  ,,cleinias3 ,having what in view  
do you ask that question8  ,,athenian3  
,nothing as yet2 but ,i ask generally1  
when the puppet is brought to the drink1
 what sort of result is likely to       
follow4 ,i will endeavour to explain my 

meaning more clearly3 what ,i am now    
asking is this--,does the drinking of   
wine heighten and increase pleasures and
 pains1 and passions and loves8         
,,cleinias3 ,very greatly4  ,,athenian3 
,and are perception and memory1 and     
opinion and prudence1 heightened and    
increased8 ,do not these qualities      
entirely desert a man if he becomes     
saturated with drink8  ,,cleinias3 ,yes1
 they entirely desert him4  ,,athenian3 
,does he not return to the state of soul
 in which he was when a young child8    
,,cleinias3 ,he does4  ,,athenian3 ,then
 at that time he will have the least    
control over himself8  ,,cleinias3 ,the 
least4  ,,athenian3 ,and will he not be 
in a most wretched plight8  ,,cleinias3 
,most wretched4  ,,athenian3 ,then not  
only an old man but also a drunkard     
becomes a second time a child8          
,,cleinias3 ,well said1 ,stranger4      
,,athenian3 ,is there any argument which
 will prove to us that we ought to      
encourage the taste for drinking instead

 of doing all we can to avoid it8       
,,cleinias3 ,i suppose that there is2   
you at any rate1 were just now saying   
that you were ready to maintain such a  
doctrine4  ,,athenian3 ,true1 ,i was2   
and ,i am ready still1 seeing that you  
have both declared that you are anxious 
to hear me4  ,,cleinias3 ,to be sure we 
are1 if only for the strangeness of the 
paradox1 which asserts that a man ought 
of his own accord to plunge into utter  
degradation4  ,,athenian3 ,are you      
speaking of the soul8  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4
  ,,athenian3 ,and what would you say   
about the body1 my friend8 ,are you not 
surprised at any one of his own accord  
bringing upon himself deformity1        
leanness1 ugliness1 decrepitude8        
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,yet when a man goes of his own accord  
to a doctor's shop1 and takes medicine1 
is he not aware that soon1 and for many 
days afterwards1 he will be in a state  
of body which he would die rather than  
accept as the permanent condition of his

 life8 ,are not those who train in      
gymnasia1 at first beginning reduced to 
a state of weakness8  ,,cleinias3 ,yes1 
all that is well known4  ,,athenian3    
,also that they go of their own accord  
for the sake of the subsequent benefit8 
,,cleinias3 ,very good4  ,,athenian3    
,and we may conceive this to be true in 
the same way of other practices8        
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and the same view may be taken of the  
pastime of drinking wine1 if we are     
right in supposing that the same good   
effect follows8  ,,cleinias3 ,to be     
sure4  ,,athenian3 ,if such             
convivialities should turn out to have  
any advantage equal in importance to    
that of gymnastic1 they are in their    
very nature to be preferred to mere     
bodily exercise1 inasmuch as they have  
no accompaniment of pain4  ,,cleinias3  
,true2 but ,i hardly think that we shall
 be able to discover any such benefits  
to be derived from them4  ,,athenian3   
,that is just what we must endeavour to 

show4 ,and let me ask you a             
question3--,do we not distinguish two   
kinds of fear1 which are very different8
  ,,cleinias3 ,what are they8           
,,athenian3 ,there is the fear of       
expected evil4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4       
,,athenian3 ,and there is the fear of an
 evil reputation2 we are afraid of being
 thought evil1 because we do or say some
 dishonourable thing1 which fear we and 
all men term shame4  ,,cleinias3        
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,these are the 
two fears1 as ,i called them2 one of    
which is the opposite of pain and other 
fears1 and the opposite also of the     
greatest and most numerous sort of      
pleasures4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4     
,,athenian3 ,and does not the legislator
 and every one who is good for anything1
 hold this fear in the greatest honour8 
,this is what he terms reverence1 and   
the confidence which is the reverse of  
this he terms insolence2 and the latter 
he always deems to be a very great evil 
both to individuals and to states4      

,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,does   
not this kind of fear preserve us in    
many important ways8 ,what is there     
which so surely gives victory and safety
 in war8 ,for there are two things which
 give victory--confidence before        
enemies1 and fear of disgrace before    
friends4  ,,cleinias3 ,there are4       
,,athenian3 ,then each of us should be  
fearless and also fearful2 and why we   
should be either has now been           
determined4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4    
,,athenian3 ,and when we want to make   
any one fearless1 we and the law bring  
him face to face with many fears4       
,,cleinias3 ,clearly4  ,,athenian3 ,and 
when we want to make him rightly        
fearful1 must we not introduce him to   
shameless pleasures1 and train him to   
take up arms against them1 and to       
overcome them8 ,or does this principle  
apply to courage only1 and must he who  
would be perfect in valour fight against
 and overcome his own natural           
character1--since if he be unpractised  

and inexperienced in such conflicts1 he 
will not be half the man which he might 
have been1--and are we to suppose1 that 
with temperance it is otherwise1 and    
that he who has never fought with the   
shameless and unrighteous temptations of
 his pleasures and lusts1 and conquered 
them1 in earnest and in play1 by word1  
deed1 and act1 will still be perfectly  
temperate8  ,,cleinias3 ,a most unlikely
 supposition4  ,,athenian3 ,suppose that
 some ,god had given a fear-potion to   
men1 and that the more a man drank of   
this the more he regarded himself at    
every draught as a child of misfortune1 
and that he feared everything happening 
or about to happen to him2 and that at  
last the most courageous of men utterly 
lost his presence of mind for a time1   
and only came to himself again when he  
had slept off the influence of the      
draught4  ,,cleinias3 ,but has such a   
draught1 ,stranger1 ever really been    
known among men8  ,,athenian3 ,no2 but1 
if there had been1 might not such a     

draught have been of use to the         
legislator as a test of courage8 ,might 
we not go and say to him1 ',o           
legislator1 whether you are legislating 
for the ,cretan1 or for any other state1
 would you not like to have a touchstone
 of the courage and cowardice of your   
citizens8'  ,,cleinias3 ',i should1'    
will be the answer of every one4        
,,athenian3 ',and you would rather have 
a touchstone in which there is no risk  
and no great danger than the reverse8'  
,,cleinias3 ,in that proposition every  
one may safely agree4  ,,athenian3 ',and
 in order to make use of the draught1   
you would lead them amid these imaginary
 terrors1 and prove them1 when the      
affection of fear was working upon them1
 and compel them to be fearless1        
exhorting and admonishing them2 and also
 honouring them1 but dishonouring any   
one who will not be persuaded by you to 
be in all respects such as you command  
him2 and if he underwent the trial well 
and manfully1 you would let him go      

unscathed2 but if ill1 you would inflict
 a punishment upon him8 ,or would you   
abstain from using the potion           
altogether1 although you have no reason 
for abstaining8'  ,,cleinias3 ,he would 
be certain1 ,stranger1 to use the       
potion4  ,,athenian3 ,this would be a   
mode of testing and training which would
 be wonderfully easy in comparison with 
those now in use1 and might be applied  
to a single person1 or to a few1 or     
indeed to any number2 and he would do   
well who provided himself with the      
potion only1 rather than with any number
 of other things1 whether he preferred  
to be by himself in solitude1 and there 
contend with his fears1 because he was  
ashamed to be seen by the eye of man    
until he was perfect2 or trusting to the
 force of his own nature and habits1 and
 believing that he had been already     
disciplined sufficiently1 he did not    
hesitate to train himself in company    
with any number of others1 and display  
his power in conquering the irresistible

 change effected by the draught--his    
virtue being such1 that he never in any 
instance fell into any great            
unseemliness1 but was always himself1   
and left off before he arrived at the   
last cup1 fearing that he1 like all     
other men1 might be overcome by the     
potion4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes1 ,stranger1 in
 that last case1 too1 he might equally  
show his self-control4  ,,athenian3 ,let
 us return to the lawgiver1 and say to  
him3--',well1 lawgiver1 there is        
certainly no such fear-potion which man 
has either received from the ,gods or   
himself discovered2 for witchcraft has  
no place at our board4 ,but is there any
 potion which might serve as a test of  
overboldness and excessive and          
indiscreet boasting8  ,,cleinias3 ,i    
suppose that he will say1 ,yes1--meaning
 that wine is such a potion4            
,,athenian3 ,is not the effect of this  
quite the opposite of the effect of the 
other8 ,when a man drinks wine he begins
 to be better pleased with himself1 and 

the more he drinks the more he is filled
 full of brave hopes1 and conceit of his
 power1 and at last the string of his   
tongue is loosened1 and fancying himself
 wise1 he is brimming over with         
lawlessness1 and has no more fear or    
respect1 and is ready to do or say      
anything4  ,,cleinias3 ,i think that    
every one will admit the truth of your  
description4  ,,megillus3 ,certainly4   
,,athenian3 ,now1 let us remember1 as we
 were saying1 that there are two things 
which should be cultivated in the soul3 
first1 the greatest courage2 secondly1  
the greatest fear--  ,,cleinias3 ,which 
you said to be characteristic of        
reverence1 if ,i am not mistaken4       
,,athenian3 ,thank you for reminding me4
 ,but now1 as the habit of courage and  
fearlessness is to be trained amid      
fears1 let us consider whether the      
opposite quality is not also to be      
trained among opposites4  ,,cleinias3   
,that is probably the case4  ,,athenian3
 ,there are times and seasons at which  

we are by nature more than commonly     
valiant and bold2 now we ought to train 
ourselves on these occasions to be as   
free from impudence and shamelessness as
 possible1 and to be afraid to say or   
suffer or do anything that is base4     
,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,are not
 the moments in which we are apt to be  
bold and shameless such as these8--when 
we are under the influence of anger1    
love1 pride1 ignorance1 avarice1        
cowardice8 or when wealth1 beauty1      
strength1 and all the intoxicating      
workings of pleasure madden us8 ,what is
 better adapted than the festive use of 
wine1 in the first place to test1 and in
 the second place to train the character
 of a man1 if care be taken in the use  
of it8 ,what is there cheaper1 or more  
innocent8 ,for do but consider which is 
the greater risk3--,would you rather    
test a man of a morose and savage       
nature1 which is the source of ten      
thousand acts of injustice1 by making   
bargains with him at a risk to yourself1

 or by having him as a companion at the 
festival of ,dionysus8 ,or would you1 if
 you wanted to apply a touchstone to a  
man who is prone to love1 entrust your  
wife1 or your sons1 or daughters to him1
 perilling your dearest interests in    
order to have a view of the condition of
 his soul8 ,i might mention numberless  
cases1 in which the advantage would be  
manifest of getting to know a character 
in sport1 and without paying dearly for 
experience4 ,and ,i do not believe that 
either a ,cretan1 or any other man1 will
 doubt that such a test is a fair test1 
and safer1 cheaper1 and speedier than   
any other4  ,,cleinias3 ,that is        
certainly true4  ,,athenian3 ,and this  
knowledge of the natures and habits of  
men's souls will be of the greatest use 
in that art which has the management of 
them2 and that art1 if ,i am not        
mistaken1 is politics4  ,,cleinias3     
,exactly so4     ,,book ,,ii4           
,,athenian3 ,and now we have to consider
 whether the insight into human nature  

is the only benefit derived from        
well-ordered potations1 or whether there
 are not other advantages great and much
 to be desired4 ,the argument seems to  
imply that there are4 ,but how and in   
what way these are to be attained1 will 
have to be considered attentively1 or we
 may be entangled in error4  ,,cleinias3
 ,proceed4  ,,athenian3 ,let me once    
more recall our doctrine of right       
education2 which1 if ,i am not mistaken1
 depends on the due regulation of       
convivial intercourse4  ,,cleinias3 ,you
 talk rather grandly4  ,,athenian3      
,pleasure and pain ,i maintain to be the
 first perceptions of children1 and ,i  
say that they are the forms under which 
virtue and vice are originally present  
to them4 ,as to wisdom and true and     
fixed opinions1 happy is the man who    
acquires them1 even when declining in   
years2 and we may say that he who       
possesses them1 and the blessings which 
are contained in them1 is a perfect man4
 ,now ,i mean by education that training

 which is given by suitable habits to   
the first instincts of virtue in        
children2--when pleasure1 and           
friendship1 and pain1 and hatred1 are   
rightly implanted in souls not yet      
capable of understanding the nature of  
them1 and who find them1 after they have
 attained reason1 to be in harmony with 
her4 ,this harmony of the soul1 taken as
 a whole1 is virtue2 but the particular 
training in respect of pleasure and     
pain1 which leads you always to hate    
what you ought to hate1 and love what   
you ought to love from the beginning of 
life to the end1 may be separated off2  
and1 in my view1 will be rightly called 
education4  ,,cleinias3 ,i think1       
,stranger1 that you are quite right in  
all that you have said and are saying   
about education4  ,,athenian3 ,i am glad
 to hear that you agree with me2 for1   
indeed1 the discipline of pleasure and  
pain which1 when rightly ordered1 is a  
principle of education1 has been often  
relaxed and corrupted in human life4    

,and the ,gods1 pitying the toils which 
our race is born to undergo1 have       
appointed holy festivals1 wherein men   
alternate rest with labour2 and have    
given them the ,muses and ,apollo1 the  
leader of the ,muses1 and ,dionysus1 to 
be companions in their revels1 that they
 may improve their education by taking  
part in the festivals of the ,gods1 and 
with their help4 ,i should like to know 
whether a common saying is in our       
opinion true to nature or not4 ,for men 
say that the young of all creatures     
cannot be quiet in their bodies or in   
their voices2 they are always wanting to
 move and cry out2 some leaping and     
skipping1 and overflowing with          
sportiveness and delight at something1  
others uttering all sorts of cries4     
,but1 whereas the animals have no       
perception of order or disorder in their
 movements1 that is1 of rhythm or       
harmony1 as they are called1 to us1 the 
,gods1 who1 as we say1 have been        
appointed to be our companions in the   

dance1 have given the pleasurable sense 
of harmony and rhythm2 and so they stir 
us into life1 and we follow them1       
joining hands together in dances and    
songs2 and these they call choruses1    
which is a term naturally expressive of 
cheerfulness4 ,shall we begin1 then1    
with the acknowledgment that education  
is first given through ,apollo and the  
,muses8 ,what do you say8  ,,cleinias3  
,i assent4  ,,athenian3 ,and the        
uneducated is he who has not been       
trained in the chorus1 and the educated 
is he who has been well trained8        
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and the chorus is made up of two parts1
 dance and song8  ,,cleinias3 ,true4    
,,athenian3 ,then he who is well        
educated will be able to sing and dance 
well8  ,,cleinias3 ,i suppose that he   
will4  ,,athenian3 ,let us see2 what are
 we saying8  ,,cleinias3 ,what8         
,,athenian3 ,he sings well and dances   
well2 now must we add that he sings what
 is good and dances what is good8       

,,cleinias3 ,let us make the addition4  
,,athenian3 ,we will suppose that he    
knows the good to be good1 and the bad  
to be bad1 and makes use of them        
accordingly3 which now is the better    
trained in dancing and music--he who is 
able to move his body and to use his    
voice in what is understood to be the   
right manner1 but has no delight in good
 or hatred of evil2 or he who is        
incorrect in gesture and voice1 but is  
right in his sense of pleasure and pain1
 and welcomes what is good1 and is      
offended at what is evil8  ,,cleinias3  
,there is a great difference1 ,stranger1
 in the two kinds of education4         
,,athenian3 ,if we three know what is   
good in song and dance1 then we truly   
know also who is educated and who is    
uneducated2 but if not1 then we         
certainly shall not know wherein lies   
the safeguard of education1 and whether 
there is any or not4  ,,cleinias3 ,true4
  ,,athenian3 ,let us follow the scent  
like hounds1 and go in pursuit of beauty

 of figure1 and melody1 and song1 and   
dance2 if these escape us1 there will be
 no use in talking about true education1
 whether ,hellenic or barbarian4        
,,cleinias3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,and what
 is beauty of figure1 or beautiful      
melody8 ,when a manly soul is in        
trouble1 and when a cowardly soul is in 
similar case1 are they likely to use the
 same figures and gestures1 or to give  
utterance to the same sounds8           
,,cleinias3 ,how can they1 when the very
 colours of their faces differ8         
,,athenian3 ,good1 my friend2 ,i may    
observe1 however1 in passing1 that in   
music there certainly are figures and   
there are melodies3 and music is        
concerned with harmony and rhythm1 so   
that you may speak of a melody or figure
 having good rhythm or good harmony--the
 term is correct enough2 but to speak   
metaphorically of a melody or figure    
having a 'good colour1' as the masters  
of choruses do1 is not allowable1       
although you can speak of the melodies  

or figures of the brave and the coward1 
praising the one and censuring the      
other4 ,and not to be tedious1 let us   
say that the figures and melodies which 
are expressive of virtue of soul or     
body1 or of images of virtue1 are       
without exception good1 and those which 
are expressive of vice are the reverse  
of good4  ,,cleinias3 ,your suggestion  
is excellent2 and let us answer that    
these things are so4  ,,athenian3 ,once 
more1 are all of us equally delighted   
with every sort of dance8  ,,cleinias3  
,far otherwise4  ,,athenian3 ,what1     
then1 leads us astray8 ,are beautiful   
things not the same to us all1 or are   
they the same in themselves1 but not in 
our opinion of them8 ,for no one will   
admit that forms of vice in the dance   
are more beautiful than forms of virtue1
 or that he himself delights in the     
forms of vice1 and others in a muse of  
another character4 ,and yet most persons
 say1 that the excellence of music is to
 give pleasure to our souls4 ,but this  

is intolerable and blasphemous2 there   
is1 however1 a much more plausible      
account of the delusion4  ,,cleinias3   
,what8  ,,athenian3 ,the adaptation of  
art to the characters of men4 ,choric   
movements are imitations of manners     
occurring in various actions1 fortunes1 
dispositions1--each particular is       
imitated1 and those to whom the words1  
or songs1 or dances are suited1 either  
by nature or habit or both1 cannot help 
feeling pleasure in them and applauding 
them1 and calling them beautiful4 ,but  
those whose natures1 or ways1 or habits 
are unsuited to them1 cannot delight in 
them or applaud them1 and they call them
 base4 ,there are others1 again1 whose  
natures are right and their habits      
wrong1 or whose habits are right and    
their natures wrong1 and they praise one
 thing1 but are pleased at another4 ,for
 they say that all these imitations are 
pleasant1 but not good4 ,and in the     
presence of those whom they think wise1 
they are ashamed of dancing and singing 

in the baser manner1 or of deliberately 
lending any countenance to such         
proceedings2 and yet1 they have a secret
 pleasure in them4  ,,cleinias3 ,very   
true4  ,,athenian3 ,and is any harm done
 to the lover of vicious dances or      
songs1 or any good done to the approver 
of the opposite sort of pleasure8       
,,cleinias3 ,i think that there is4     
,,athenian3 ',i think' is not the word1 
but ,i would say1 rather1 ',i am        
certain4' ,for must they not have the   
same effect as when a man associates    
with bad characters1 whom he likes and  
approves rather than dislikes1 and only 
censures playfully because he has a     
suspicion of his own badness8 ,in that  
case1 he who takes pleasure in them will
 surely become like those in whom he    
takes pleasure1 even though he be       
ashamed to praise them4 ,and what       
greater good or evil can any destiny    
ever make us undergo8  ,,cleinias3 ,i   
know of none4  ,,athenian3 ,then in a   
city which has good laws1 or in future  

ages is to have them1 bearing in mind   
the instruction and amusement which are 
given by music1 can we suppose that the 
poets are to be allowed to teach in the 
dance anything which they themselves    
like1 in the way of rhythm1 or melody1  
or words1 to the young children of any  
well-conditioned parents8 ,is the poet  
to train his choruses as he pleases1    
without reference to virtue or vice8    
,,cleinias3 ,that is surely quite       
unreasonable1 and is not to be thought  
of4  ,,athenian3 ,and yet he may do this
 in almost any state with the exception 
of ,egypt4  ,,cleinias3 ,and what are   
the laws about music and dancing in     
,egypt8  ,,athenian3 ,you will wonder   
when ,i tell you3 ,long ago they appear 
to have recognized the very principle of
 which we are now speaking--that their  
young citizens must be habituated to    
forms and strains of virtue4 ,these they
 fixed1 and exhibited the patterns of   
them in their temples2 and no painter or
 artist is allowed to innovate upon     

them1 or to leave the traditional forms 
and invent new ones4 ,to this day1 no   
alteration is allowed either in these   
arts1 or in music at all4 ,and you will 
find that their works of art are painted
 or moulded in the same forms which they
 had ten thousand years ago2--this is   
literally true and no                   
exaggeration1--their ancient paintings  
and sculptures are not a whit better or 
worse than the work of to-day1 but are  
made with just the same skill4          
,,cleinias3 ,how extraordinary6         
,,athenian3 ,i should rather say1 ,how  
statesmanlike1 how worthy of a          
legislator6 ,i know that other things in
 ,egypt are not so well4 ,but what ,i am
 telling you about music is true and    
deserving of consideration1 because     
showing that a lawgiver may institute   
melodies which have a natural truth and 
correctness without any fear of failure4
 ,to do this1 however1 must be the work 
of ,god1 or of a divine person2 in      
,egypt they have a tradition that their 

ancient chants which have been preserved
 for so many ages are the composition of
 the ,goddess ,isis4 ,and therefore1 as 
,i was saying1 if a person can only find
 in any way the natural melodies1 he may
 confidently embody them in a fixed and 
legal form4 ,for the love of novelty    
which arises out of pleasure in the new 
and weariness of the old1 has not       
strength enough to corrupt the          
consecrated song and dance1 under the   
plea that they have become antiquated4  
,at any rate1 they are far from being   
corrupted in ,egypt4  ,,cleinias3 ,your 
arguments seem to prove your point4     
,,athenian3 ,may we not confidently say 
that the true use of music and of choral
 festivities is as follows3 ,we rejoice 
when we think that we prosper1 and again
 we think that we prosper when we       
rejoice8  ,,cleinias3 ,exactly4         
,,athenian3 ,and when rejoicing in our  
good fortune1 we are unable to be still8
  ,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,our  
young men break forth into dancing and  

singing1 and we who are their elders    
deem that we are fulfilling our part in 
life when we look on at them4 ,having   
lost our agility1 we delight in their   
sports and merry-making1 because we love
 to think of our former selves2 and     
gladly institute contests for those who 
are able to awaken in us the memory of  
our youth4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4     
,,athenian3 ,is it altogether unmeaning 
to say1 as the common people do about   
festivals1 that he should be adjudged   
the wisest of men1 and the winner of the
 palm1 who gives us the greatest amount 
of pleasure and mirth8 ,for on such     
occasions1 and when mirth is the order  
of the day1 ought not he to be honoured 
most1 and1 as ,i was saying1 bear the   
palm1 who gives most mirth to the       
greatest number8 ,now is this a true way
 of speaking or of acting8  ,,cleinias3 
,possibly4  ,,athenian3 ,but1 my dear   
friend1 let us distinguish between      
different cases1 and not be hasty in    
forming a judgment3 ,one way of         

considering the question will be to     
imagine a festival at which there are   
entertainments of all sorts1 including  
gymnastic1 musical1 and equestrian      
contests3 the citizens are assembled2   
prizes are offered1 and proclamation is 
made that any one who likes may enter   
the lists1 and that he is to bear the   
palm who gives the most pleasure to the 
spectators--there is to be no regulation
 about the manner how2 but he who is    
most successful in giving pleasure is to
 be crowned victor1 and deemed to be the
 pleasantest of the candidates3 ,what is
 likely to be the result of such a      
proclamation8  ,,cleinias3 ,in what     
respect8  ,,athenian3 ,there would be   
various exhibitions3 one man1 like      
,homer1 will exhibit a rhapsody1 another
 a performance on the lute2 one will    
have a tragedy1 and another a comedy4   
,nor would there be anything astonishing
 in some one imagining that he could    
gain the prize by exhibiting a          
puppet-show4 ,suppose these competitors 

to meet1 and not these only1 but        
innumerable others as well--can you tell
 me who ought to be the victor8         
,,cleinias3 ,i do not see how any one   
can answer you1 or pretend to know1     
unless he has heard with his own ears   
the several competitors2 the question is
 absurd4  ,,athenian3 ,well1 then1 if   
neither of you can answer1 shall ,i     
answer this question which you deem so  
absurd8  ,,cleinias3 ,by all means4     
,,athenian3 ,if very small children are 
to determine the question1 they will    
decide for the puppet show4  ,,cleinias3
 ,of course4  ,,athenian3 ,the older    
children will be advocates of comedy2   
educated women1 and young men1 and      
people in general1 will favour tragedy4 
,,cleinias3 ,very likely4  ,,athenian3  
,and ,i believe that we old men would   
have the greatest pleasure in hearing a 
rhapsodist recite well the ,iliad and   
,odyssey1 or one of the ,hesiodic poems1
 and would award the victory to him4    
,but1 who would really be the           

victor8--that is the question4          
,,cleinias3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,clearly 
you and ,i will have to declare that    
those whom we old men adjudge victors   
ought to win2 for our ways are far and  
away better than any which at present   
exist anywhere in the world4            
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,thus far ,i too should agree with the  
many1 that the excellence of music is to
 be measured by pleasure4 ,but the      
pleasure must not be that of chance     
persons2 the fairest music is that which
 delights the best and best educated1   
and especially that which delights the  
one man who is pre-eminent in virtue and
 education4 ,and therefore the judges   
must be men of character1 for they will 
require both wisdom and courage2 the    
true judge must not draw his inspiration
 from the theatre1 nor ought he to be   
unnerved by the clamour of the many and 
his own incapacity2 nor again1 knowing  
the truth1 ought he through cowardice   
and unmanliness carelessly to deliver a 

lying judgment1 with the very same lips 
which have just appealed to the ,gods   
before he judged4 ,he is sitting not as 
the disciple of the theatre1 but1 in his
 proper place1 as their instructor1 and 
he ought to be the enemy of all         
pandering to the pleasure of the        
spectators4 ,the ancient and common     
custom of ,hellas1 which still prevails 
in ,italy and ,sicily1 did certainly    
leave the judgment to the body of       
spectators1 who determined the victor by
 show of hands4 ,but this custom has    
been the destruction of the poets2 for  
they are now in the habit of composing  
with a view to please the bad taste of  
their judges1 and the result is that the
 spectators instruct themselves2--and   
also it has been the ruin of the        
theatre2 they ought to be having        
characters put before them better than  
their own1 and so receiving a higher    
pleasure1 but now by their own act the  
opposite result follows4 ,what inference
 is to be drawn from all this8 ,shall ,i

 tell you8  ,,cleinias3 ,what8          
,,athenian3 ,the inference at which we  
arrive for the third or fourth time is1 
that education is the constraining and  
directing of youth towards that right   
reason1 which the law affirms1 and which
 the experience of the eldest and best  
has agreed to be truly right4 ,in order1
 then1 that the soul of the child may   
not be habituated to feel joy and sorrow
 in a manner at variance with the law1  
and those who obey the law1 but may     
rather follow the law and rejoice and   
sorrow at the same things as the        
aged--in order1 ,i say1 to produce this 
effect1 chants appear to have been      
invented1 which really enchant1 and are 
designed to implant that harmony of     
which we speak4 ,and1 because the mind  
of the child is incapable of enduring   
serious training1 they are called plays 
and songs1 and are performed in play2   
just as when men are sick and ailing in 
their bodies1 their attendants give them
 wholesome diet in pleasant meats and   

drinks1 but unwholesome diet in         
disagreeable things1 in order that they 
may learn1 as they ought1 to like the   
one1 and to dislike the other4 ,and     
similarly the true legislator will      
persuade1 and1 if he cannot persuade1   
will compel the poet to express1 as he  
ought1 by fair and noble words1 in his  
rhythms1 the figures1 and in his        
melodies1 the music of temperate and    
brave and in every way good men4        
,,cleinias3 ,but do you really imagine1 
,stranger1 that this is the way in which
 poets generally compose in ,states at  
the present day8 ,as far as ,i can      
observe1 except among us and among the  
,lacedaemonians1 there are no           
regulations like those of which you     
speak2 in other places novelties are    
always being introduced in dancing and  
in music1 generally not under the       
authority of any law1 but at the        
instigation of lawless pleasures2 and   
these pleasures are so far from being   
the same1 as you describe the ,egyptian 

to be1 or having the same principles1   
that they are never the same4           
,,athenian3 ,most true1 ,cleinias2 and  
,i daresay that ,i may have expressed   
myself obscurely1 and so led you to     
imagine that ,i was speaking of some    
really existing state of things1 whereas
 ,i was only saying what regulations ,i 
would like to have about music2 and     
hence there occurred a misapprehension  
on your part4 ,for when evils are far   
gone and irremediable1 the task of      
censuring them is never pleasant1       
although at times necessary4 ,but as we 
do not really differ1 will you let me   
ask you whether you consider such       
institutions to be more prevalent among 
the ,cretans and ,lacedaemonians than   
among the other ,hellenes8  ,,cleinias3 
,certainly they are4  ,,athenian3 ,and  
if they were extended to the other      
,hellenes1 would it be an improvement on
 the present state of things8           
,,cleinias3 ,a very great improvement1  
if the customs which prevail among them 

were such as prevail among us and the   
,lacedaemonians1 and such as you were   
just now saying ought to prevail4       
,,athenian3 ,let us see whether we      
understand one another3--,are not the   
principles of education and music which 
prevail among you as follows3 you compel
 your poets to say that the good man1 if
 he be temperate and just1 is fortunate 
and happy2 and this whether he be great 
and strong or small and weak1 and       
whether he be rich or poor2 and1 on the 
other hand1 if he have a wealth passing 
that of ,cinyras or ,midas1 and be      
unjust1 he is wretched and lives in     
misery8 ,as the poet says1 and with     
truth3 ,i sing not1 ,i care not about   
him who accomplishes all noble things1  
not having justice2 let him who 'draws  
near and stretches out his hand against 
his enemies be a just man4' ,but if he  
be unjust1 ,i would not have him 'look  
calmly upon bloody death1' nor 'surpass 
in swiftness the ,thracian ,boreas2' and
 let no other thing that is called good 

ever be his4 ,for the goods of which the
 many speak are not really good3 first  
in the catalogue is placed health1      
beauty next1 wealth third2 and then     
innumerable others1 as for example to   
have a keen eye or a quick ear1 and in  
general to have all the senses perfect2 
or1 again1 to be a tyrant and do as you 
like2 and the final consummation of     
happiness is to have acquired all these 
things1 and when you have acquired them 
to become at once immortal4 ,but you and
 ,i say1 that while to the just and holy
 all these things are the best of       
possessions1 to the unjust they are all1
 including even health1 the greatest of 
evils4 ,for in truth1 to have sight1 and
 hearing1 and the use of the senses1 or 
to live at all without justice and      
virtue1 even though a man be rich in all
 the so-called goods of fortune1 is the 
greatest of evils1 if life be immortal2 
but not so great1 if the bad man lives  
only a very short time4 ,these are the  
truths which1 if ,i am not mistaken1 you

 will persuade or compel your poets to  
utter with suitable accompaniments of   
harmony and rhythm1 and in these they   
must train up your youth4 ,am ,i not    
right8 ,for ,i plainly declare that     
evils as they are termed are goods to   
the unjust1 and only evils to the just1 
and that goods are truly good to the    
good1 but evil to the evil4 ,let me ask 
again1 ,are you and ,i agreed about     
this8  ,,cleinias3 ,i think that we     
partly agree and partly do not4         
,,athenian3 ,when a man has health and  
wealth and a tyranny which lasts1 and   
when he is pre-eminent in strength and  
courage1 and has the gift of            
immortality1 and none of the so-called  
evils which counter-balance these goods1
 but only the injustice and insolence of
 his own nature--of such an one you are1
 ,i suspect1 unwilling to believe that  
he is miserable rather than happy4      
,,cleinias3 ,that is quite true4        
,,athenian3 ,once more3 ,suppose that he
 be valiant and strong1 and handsome and

 rich1 and does throughout his whole    
life whatever he likes1 still1 if he be 
unrighteous and insolent1 would not both
 of you agree that he will of necessity 
live basely8 ,you will surely grant so  
much8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4          
,,athenian3 ,and an evil life too8      
,,cleinias3 ,i am not equally disposed  
to grant that4  ,,athenian3 ,will he not
 live painfully and to his own          
disadvantage8  ,,cleinias3 ,how can ,i  
possibly say so8  ,,athenian3 ,how6     
,then may ,heaven make us to be of one  
mind1 for now we are of two4 ,to me1    
dear ,cleinias1 the truth of what ,i am 
saying is as plain as the fact that     
,crete is an island4 ,and1 if ,i were a 
lawgiver1 ,i would try to make the poets
 and all the citizens speak in this     
strain1 and ,i would inflict the        
heaviest penalties on any one in all the
 land who should dare to say that there 
are bad men who lead pleasant lives1 or 
that the profitable and gainful is one  
thing1 and the just another2 and there  

are many other matters about which ,i   
should make my citizens speak in a      
manner different from the ,cretans and  
,lacedaemonians of this age1 and ,i may 
say1 indeed1 from the world in general4 
,for tell me1 my good friends1 by ,zeus 
and ,apollo tell me1 if ,i were to ask  
these same ,gods who were your          
legislators1--,is not the most just life
 also the pleasantest8 or are there two 
lives1 one of which is the justest and  
the other the pleasantest8--and they    
were to reply that there are two2 and   
thereupon ,i proceeded to ask1 7that    
would be the right way of pursuing the  
enquiry71 ,which are the happier--those 
who lead the justest1 or those who lead 
the pleasantest life8 and they replied1 
,those who lead the pleasantest--that   
would be a very strange answer1 which ,i
 should not like to put into the mouth  
of the ,gods4 ,the words will come with 
more propriety from the lips of fathers 
and legislators1 and therefore ,i will  
repeat my former questions to one of    

them1 and suppose him to say again that 
he who leads the pleasantest life is the
 happiest4 ,and to that ,i rejoin3--,o  
my father1 did you not wish me to live  
as happily as possible8 ,and yet you    
also never ceased telling me that ,i    
should live as justly as possible4 ,now1
 here the giver of the rule1 whether he 
be legislator or father1 will be in a   
dilemma1 and will in vain endeavour to  
be consistent with himself4 ,but if he  
were to declare that the justest life is
 also the happiest1 every one hearing   
him would enquire1 if ,i am not         
mistaken1 what is that good and noble   
principle in life which the law         
approves1 and which is superior to      
pleasure4 ,for what good can the just   
man have which is separated from        
pleasure8 ,shall we say that glory and  
fame1 coming from ,gods and men1 though 
good and noble1 are nevertheless        
unpleasant1 and infamy pleasant8        
,certainly not1 sweet legislator4 ,or   
shall we say that the not-doing of wrong

 and there being no wrong done is good  
and honourable1 although there is no    
pleasure in it1 and that the doing wrong
 is pleasant1 but evil and base8        
,,cleinias3 ,impossible4  ,,athenian3   
,the view which identifies the pleasant 
and the pleasant and the just and the   
good and the noble has an excellent     
moral and religious tendency4 ,and the  
opposite view is most at variance with  
the designs of the legislator1 and is1  
in his opinion1 infamous2 for no one1 if
 he can help1 will be persuaded to do   
that which gives him more pain than     
pleasure4 ,but as distant prospects are 
apt to make us dizzy1 especially in     
childhood1 the legislator will try to   
purge away the darkness and exhibit the 
truth2 he will persuade the citizens1 in
 some way or other1 by customs and      
praises and words1 that just and unjust 
are shadows only1 and that injustice1   
which seems opposed to justice1 when    
contemplated by the unjust and evil man 
appears pleasant and the just most      

unpleasant2 but that from the just man's
 point of view1 the very opposite is the
 appearance of both of them4            
,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,and    
which may be supposed to be the truer   
judgment--that of the inferior or of the
 better soul8  ,,cleinias3 ,surely1 that
 of the better soul4  ,,athenian3 ,then 
the unjust life must not only be more   
base and depraved1 but also more        
unpleasant than the just and holy life8 
,,cleinias3 ,that seems to be implied in
 the present argument4  ,,athenian3 ,and
 even supposing this were otherwise1 and
 not as the argument has proven1 still  
the lawgiver1 who is worth anything1 if 
he ever ventures to tell a lie to the   
young for their good1 could not invent a
 more useful lie than this1 or one which
 will have a better effect in making    
them do what is right1 not on compulsion
 but voluntarily4  ,,cleinias3 ,truth1  
,stranger1 is a noble thing and a       
lasting1 but a thing of which men are   
hard to be persuaded4  ,,athenian3 ,and 

yet the story of the ,sidonian ,cadmus1 
which is so improbable1 has been readily
 believed1 and also innumerable other   
tales4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is that story8
  ,,athenian3 ,the story of armed men   
springing up after the sowing of teeth1 
which the legislator may take as a proof
 that he can persuade the minds of the  
young of anything2 so that he has only  
to reflect and find out what belief will
 be of the greatest public advantage1   
and then use all his efforts to make the
 whole community utter one and the same 
word in their songs and tales and       
discourses all their life long4 ,but if 
you do not agree with me1 there is no   
reason why you should not argue on the  
other side4  ,,cleinias3 ,i do not see  
that any argument can fairly be raised  
by either of us against what you are now
 saying4  ,,athenian3 ,the next         
suggestion which ,i have to offer is1   
that all our three choruses shall sing  
to the young and tender souls of        
children1 reciting in their strains all 

the noble thoughts of which we have     
already spoken1 or are about to speak2  
and the sum of them shall be1 that the  
life which is by the ,gods deemed to be 
the happiest is also the best2--we shall
 affirm this to be a most certain truth2
 and the minds of our young disciples   
will be more likely to receive these    
words of ours than any others which we  
might address to them4  ,,cleinias3 ,i  
assent to what you say4  ,,athenian3    
,first will enter in their natural order
 the sacred choir composed of children1 
which is to sing lustily the            
heaven-taught lay to the whole city4    
,next will follow the choir of young men
 under the age of thirty1 who will call 
upon the ,god ,paean to testify to the  
truth of their words1 and will pray him 
to be gracious to the youth and to turn 
their hearts4 ,thirdly1 the choir of    
elder men1 who are from thirty to sixty 
years of age1 will also sing4 ,there    
remain those who are too old to sing1   
and they will tell stories1 illustrating

 the same virtues1 as with the voice of 
an oracle4  ,,cleinias3 ,who are those  
who compose the third choir1 ,stranger8 
for ,i do not clearly understand what   
you mean to say about them4  ,,athenian3
 ,and yet almost all that ,i have been  
saying has been said with a view to     
them4  ,,cleinias3 ,will you try to be a
 little plainer8  ,,athenian3 ,i was    
speaking at the commencement of our     
discourse1 as you will remember1 of the 
fiery nature of young creatures3 ,i said
 that they were unable to keep quiet    
either in limb or voice1 and that they  
called out and jumped about in a        
disorderly manner2 and that no other    
animal attained to any perception of    
order1 but man only4 ,now the order of  
motion is called rhythm1 and the order  
of the voice1 in which high and low are 
duly mingled1 is called harmony2 and    
both together are termed choric song4   
,and ,i said that the ,gods had pity on 
us1 and gave us ,apollo and the ,muses  
to be our playfellows and leaders in the

 dance2 and ,dionysus1 as ,i dare say   
that you will remember1 was the third4  
,,cleinias3 ,i quite remember4          
,,athenian3 ,thus far ,i have spoken of 
the chorus of ,apollo and the ,muses1   
and ,i have still to speak of the       
remaining chorus1 which is that of      
,dionysus4  ,,cleinias3 ,how is that    
arranged8 ,there is something strange1  
at any rate on first hearing1 in a      
,dionysiac chorus of old men1 if you    
really mean that those who are above    
thirty1 and may be fifty1 or from fifty 
to sixty years of age1 are to dance in  
his honour4  ,,athenian3 ,very true2 and
 therefore it must be shown that there  
is good reason for the proposal4        
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,are we agreed thus far8  ,,cleinias3   
,about what8  ,,athenian3 ,that every   
man and boy1 slave and free1 both sexes1
 and the whole city1 should never cease 
charming themselves with the strains of 
which we have spoken2 and that there    
should be every sort of change and      

variation of them in order to take away 
the effect of sameness1 so that the     
singers may always receive pleasure from
 their hymns1 and may never weary of    
them8  ,,cleinias3 ,every one will      
agree4  ,,athenian3 ,where1 then1 will  
that best part of our city which1 by    
reason of age and intelligence1 has the 
greatest influence1 sing these fairest  
of strains1 which are to do so much     
good8 ,shall we be so foolish as to let 
them off who would give us the most     
beautiful and also the most useful of   
songs8  ,,cleinias3 ,but1 says the      
argument1 we cannot let them off4       
,,athenian3 ,then how can we carry out  
our purpose with decorum8 ,will this be 
the way8  ,,cleinias3 ,what8            
,,athenian3 ,when a man is advancing in 
years1 he is afraid and reluctant to    
sing2--he has no pleasure in his own    
performances2 and if compulsion is used1
 he will be more and more ashamed1 the  
older and more discreet he grows2--is   
not this true8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4 

,,athenian3 ,well1 and will he not be   
yet more ashamed if he has to stand up  
and sing in the theatre to a mixed      
audience8--and if moreover when he is   
required to do so1 like the other choirs
 who contend for prizes1 and have been  
trained under a singing master1 he is   
pinched and hungry1 he will certainly   
have a feeling of shame and discomfort  
which will make him very unwilling to   
exhibit4  ,,cleinias3 ,no doubt4        
,,athenian3 ,how1 then1 shall we        
reassure him1 and get him to sing8      
,shall we begin by enacting that boys   
shall not taste wine at all until they  
are eighteen years of age2 we will tell 
them that fire must not be poured upon  
fire1 whether in the body or in the     
soul1 until they begin to go to         
work--this is a precaution which has to 
be taken against the excitableness of   
youth2--afterwards they may taste wine  
in moderation up to the age of thirty1  
but while a man is young he should      
abstain altogether from intoxication and

 from excess of wine2 when1 at length1  
he has reached forty years1 after dinner
 at a public mess1 he may invite not    
only the other ,gods1 but ,dionysus     
above all1 to the mystery and festivity 
of the elder men1 making use of the wine
 which he has given men to lighten the  
sourness of old age2 that in age we may 
renew our youth1 and forget our sorrows2
 and also in order that the nature of   
the soul1 like iron melted in the fire1 
may become softer and so more           
impressible4 ,in the first place1 will  
not any one who is thus mellowed be more
 ready and less ashamed to sing--,i do  
not say before a large audience1 but    
before a moderate company2 nor yet among
 strangers1 but among his familiars1    
and1 as we have often said1 to chant1   
and to enchant8  ,,cleinias3 ,he will be
 far more ready4  ,,athenian3 ,there    
will be no impropriety in our using such
 a method of persuading them to join    
with us in song4  ,,cleinias3 ,none at  
all4  ,,athenian3 ,and what strain will 

they sing1 and what muse will they hymn8
 ,the strain should clearly be one      
suitable to them4  ,,cleinias3          
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,and what      
strain is suitable for heroes8 ,shall   
they sing a choric strain8  ,,cleinias3 
,truly1 ,stranger1 we of ,crete and     
,lacedaemon know no strain other than   
that which we have learnt and been      
accustomed to sing in our chorus4       
,,athenian3 ,i dare say2 for you have   
never acquired the knowledge of the most
 beautiful kind of song1 in your        
military way of life1 which is modelled 
after the camp1 and is not like that of 
dwellers in cities2 and you have your   
young men herding and feeding together  
like young colts4 ,no one takes his own 
individual colt and drags him away from 
his fellows against his will1 raging and
 foaming1 and gives him a groom to      
attend to him alone1 and trains and rubs
 him down privately1 and gives him the  
qualities in education which will make  
him not only a good soldier1 but also a 

governor of a state and of cities4 ,such
 an one1 as we said at first1 would be a
 greater warrior than he of whom        
,tyrtaeus sings2 and he would honour    
courage everywhere1 but always as the   
fourth1 and not as the first part of    
virtue1 either in individuals or states4
  ,,cleinias3 ,once more1 ,stranger1 ,i 
must complain that you depreciate our   
lawgivers4  ,,athenian3 ,not            
intentionally1 if at all1 my good       
friend2 but whither the argument leads1 
thither let us follow2 for if there be  
indeed some strain of song more         
beautiful than that of the choruses or  
the public theatres1 ,i should like to  
impart it to those who1 as we say1 are  
ashamed of these1 and want to have the  
best4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4          
,,athenian3 ,when things have an        
accompanying charm1 either the best     
thing in them is this very charm1 or    
there is some rightness or utility      
possessed by them2--for example1 ,i     
should say that eating and drinking1 and

 the use of food in general1 have an    
accompanying charm which we call        
pleasure2 but that this rightness and   
utility is just the healthfulness of the
 things served up to us1 which is their 
true rightness4  ,,cleinias3 ,just so4  
,,athenian3 ,thus1 too1 ,i should say   
that learning has a certain accompanying
 charm which is the pleasure2 but that  
the right and the profitable1 the good  
and the noble1 are qualities which the  
truth gives to it4  ,,cleinias3         
,exactly4  ,,athenian3 ,and so in the   
imitative arts--if they succeed in      
making likenesses1 and are accompanied  
by pleasure1 may not their works be said
 to have a charm8  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4    
,,athenian3 ,but equal proportions1     
whether of quality or quantity1 and not 
pleasure1 speaking generally1 would give
 them truth or rightness4  ,,cleinias3  
,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,then that only can  
be rightly judged by the standard of    
pleasure1 which makes or furnishes no   
utility or truth or likeness1 nor on the

 other hand is productive of any hurtful
 quality1 but exists solely for the sake
 of the accompanying charm2 and the term
 'pleasure' is most appropriately       
applied to it when these other qualities
 are absent4  ,,cleinias3 ,you are      
speaking of harmless pleasure1 are you  
not8  ,,athenian3 ,yes2 and this ,i term
 amusement1 when doing neither harm nor 
good in any degree worth speaking of4   
,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3    
,then1 if such be our principles1 we    
must assert that imitation is not to be 
judged of by pleasure and false opinion2
 and this is true of all equality1 for  
the equal is not equal or the           
symmetrical symmetrical1 because        
somebody thinks or likes something1 but 
they are to be judged of by the standard
 of truth1 and by no other whatever4    
,,cleinias3 ,quite true4  ,,athenian3   
,do we not regard all music as          
representative and imitative8           
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,then1 when any one says that music is  

to be judged of by pleasure1 his        
doctrine cannot be admitted2 and if     
there be any music of which pleasure is 
the criterion1 such music is not to be  
sought out or deemed to have any real   
excellence1 but only that other kind of 
music which is an imitation of the good4
  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3  
,and those who seek for the best kind of
 song and music ought not to seek for   
that which is pleasant1 but for that    
which is true2 and the truth of         
imitation consists1 as we were saying1  
in rendering the thing imitated         
according to quantity and quality4      
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and every one will admit that musical  
compositions are all imitative and      
representative4 ,will not poets and     
spectators and actors all agree in this8
  ,,cleinias3 ,they will4  ,,athenian3  
,surely then he who would judge         
correctly must know what each           
composition is2 for if he does not know 
what is the character and meaning of the

 piece1 and what it represents1 he will 
never discern whether the intention is  
true or false4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly  
not4  ,,athenian3 ,and will he who does 
not know what is true be able to        
distinguish what is good and bad8 ,my   
statement is not very clear2 but perhaps
 you will understand me better if ,i put
 the matter in another way4  ,,cleinias3
 ,how8  ,,athenian3 ,there are ten      
thousand likenesses of objects of sight8
  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,and   
can he who does not know what the exact 
object is which is imitated1 ever know  
whether the resemblance is truthfully   
executed8 ,i mean1 for example1 whether 
a statue has the proportions of a body1 
and the true situation of the parts2    
what those proportions are1 and how the 
parts fit into one another in due order2
 also their colours and conformations1  
or whether this is all confused in the  
execution3 do you think that any one can
 know about this1 who does not know what
 the animal is which has been imitated8 

,,cleinias3 ,impossible4  ,,athenian3   
,but even if we know that the thing     
pictured or sculptured is a man1 who has
 received at the hand of the artist all 
his proper parts and colours and shapes1
 must we not also know whether the work 
is beautiful or in any respect deficient
 in beauty8  ,,cleinias3 ,if this were  
not required1 ,stranger1 we should all  
of us be judges of beauty4  ,,athenian3 
,very true2 and may we not say that in  
everything imitated1 whether in drawing1
 music1 or any other art1 he who is to  
be a competent judge must possess three 
things2--he must know1 in the first     
place1 of what the imitation is2        
secondly1 he must know that it is true2 
and thirdly1 that it has been well      
executed in words and melodies and      
rhythms8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4       
,,athenian3 ,then let us not faint in   
discussing the peculiar difficulty of   
music4 ,music is more celebrated than   
any other kind of imitation1 and        
therefore requires the greatest care of 

them all4 ,for if a man makes a mistake 
here1 he may do himself the greatest    
injury by welcoming evil dispositions1  
and the mistake may be very difficult to
 discern1 because the poets are artists 
very inferior in character to the ,muses
 themselves1 who would never fall into  
the monstrous error of assigning to the 
words of men the gestures and songs of  
women2 nor after combining the melodies 
with the gestures of freemen would they 
add on the rhythms of slaves and men of 
the baser sort2 nor1 beginning with the 
rhythms and gestures of freemen1 would  
they assign to them a melody or words   
which are of an opposite character2 nor 
would they mix up the voices and sounds 
of animals and of men and instruments1  
and every other sort of noise1 as if    
they were all one4 ,but human poets are 
fond of introducing this sort of        
inconsistent mixture1 and so make       
themselves ridiculous in the eyes of    
those who1 as ,orpheus says1 'are ripe  
for true pleasure4' ,the experienced see

 all this confusion1 and yet the poets  
go on and make still further havoc by   
separating the rhythm and the figure of 
the dance from the melody1 setting bare 
words to metre1 and also separating the 
melody and the rhythm from the words1   
using the lyre or the flute alone4 ,for 
when there are no words1 it is very     
difficult to recognize the meaning of   
the harmony and rhythm1 or to see that  
any worthy object is imitated by them4  
,and we must acknowledge that all this  
sort of thing1 which aims only at       
swiftness and smoothness and a brutish  
noise1 and uses the flute and the lyre  
not as the mere accompaniments of the   
dance and song1 is exceedingly coarse   
and tasteless4 ,the use of either       
instrument1 when unaccompanied1 leads to
 every sort of irregularity and         
trickery4 ,this is all rational enough4 
,but we are considering not how our     
choristers1 who are from thirty to fifty
 years of age1 and may be over fifty1   
are not to use the ,muses1 but how they 

are to use them4 ,and the considerations
 which we have urged seem to show in    
what way these fifty years' old         
choristers who are to sing1 may be      
expected to be better trained4 ,for they
 need to have a quick perception and    
knowledge of harmonies and rhythms2     
otherwise1 how can they ever know       
whether a melody would be rightly sung  
to the ,dorian mode1 or to the rhythm   
which the poet has assigned to it8      
,,cleinias3 ,clearly they cannot4       
,,athenian3 ,the many are ridiculous in 
imagining that they know what is in     
proper harmony and rhythm1 and what is  
not1 when they can only be made to sing 
and step in rhythm by force2 it never   
occurs to them that they are ignorant of
 what they are doing4 ,now every melody 
is right when it has suitable harmony   
and rhythm1 and wrong when unsuitable4  
,,cleinias3 ,that is most certain4      
,,athenian3 ,but can a man who does not 
know a thing1 as we were saying1 know   
that the thing is right8  ,,cleinias3   

,impossible4  ,,athenian3 ,then now1 as 
would appear1 we are making the         
discovery that our newly-appointed      
choristers1 whom we hereby invite and1  
although they are their own masters1    
compel to sing1 must be educated to such
 an extent as to be able to follow the  
steps of the rhythm and the notes of the
 song1 that they may know the harmonies 
and rhythms1 and be able to select what 
are suitable for men of their age and   
character to sing2 and may sing them1   
and have innocent pleasure from their   
own performance1 and also lead younger  
men to welcome with dutiful delight good
 dispositions4 ,having such training1   
they will attain a more accurate        
knowledge than falls to the lot of the  
common people1 or even of the poets     
themselves4 ,for the poet need not know 
the third point1 viz41 whether the      
imitation is good or not1 though he can 
hardly help knowing the laws of melody  
and rhythm4 ,but the aged chorus must   
know all the three1 that they may choose

 the best1 and that which is nearest to 
the best2 for otherwise they will never 
be able to charm the souls of young men 
in the way of virtue4 ,and now the      
original design of the argument which   
was intended to bring eloquent aid to   
the ,chorus of ,dionysus1 has been      
accomplished to the best of our ability1
 and let us see whether we were         
right3--,i should imagine that a        
drinking assembly is likely to become   
more and more tumultuous as the drinking
 goes on3 this1 as we were saying at    
first1 will certainly be the case4      
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,every man has a more than natural      
elevation2 his heart is glad within him1
 and he will say anything and will be   
restrained by nobody at such a time2 he 
fancies that he is able to rule over    
himself and all mankind4  ,,cleinias3   
,quite true4  ,,athenian3 ,were we not  
saying that on such occasions the souls 
of the drinkers become like iron heated 
in the fire1 and grow softer and        

younger1 and are easily moulded by him  
who knows how to educate and fashion    
them1 just as when they were young1 and 
that this fashioner of them is the same 
who prescribed for them in the days of  
their youth1 viz41 the good legislator2 
and that he ought to enact laws of the  
banquet1 which1 when a man is confident1
 bold1 and impudent1 and unwilling to   
wait his turn and have his share of     
silence and speech1 and drinking and    
music1 will change his character into   
the opposite--such laws as will infuse  
into him a just and noble fear1 which   
will take up arms at the approach of    
insolence1 being that divine fear which 
we have called reverence and shame8     
,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,and the
 guardians of these laws and            
fellow-workers with them are the calm   
and sober generals of the drinkers2 and 
without their help there is greater     
difficulty in fighting against drink    
than in fighting against enemies when   
the commander of an army is not himself 

calm2 and he who is unwilling to obey   
them and the commanders of ,dionysiac   
feasts who are more than sixty years of 
age1 shall suffer a disgrace as great as
 he who disobeys military leaders1 or   
even greater4  ,,cleinias3 ,right4      
,,athenian3 ,if1 then1 drinking and     
amusement were regulated in this way1   
would not the companions of our revels  
be improved8 they would part better     
friends than they were1 and not1 as now1
 enemies4 ,their whole intercourse would
 be regulated by law and observant of   
it1 and the sober would be the leaders  
of the drunken4  ,,cleinias3 ,i think so
 too1 if drinking were regulated as you 
propose4  ,,athenian3 ,let us not then  
simply censure the gift of ,dionysus as 
bad and unfit to be received into the   
,state4 ,for wine has many excellences1 
and one pre-eminent one1 about which    
there is a difficulty in speaking to the
 many1 from a fear of their             
misconceiving and misunderstanding what 
is said4  ,,cleinias3 ,to what do you   

refer8  ,,athenian3 ,there is a         
tradition or story1 which has somehow   
crept about the world1 that ,dionysus   
was robbed of his wits by his stepmother
 ,here1 and that out of revenge he      
inspires ,bacchic furies and dancing    
madnesses in others2 for which reason he
 gave men wine4 ,such traditions        
concerning the ,gods ,i leave to those  
who think that they may be safely       
uttered 7compare ,euthyph42 ,republic72 
,i only know that no animal at birth is 
mature or perfect in intelligence2 and  
in the intermediate period1 in which he 
has not yet acquired his own proper     
sense1 he rages and roars without rhyme 
or reason2 and when he has once got on  
his legs he jumps about without rhyme or
 reason2 and this1 as you will remember1
 has been already said by us to be the  
origin of music and gymnastic4          
,,cleinias3 ,to be sure1 ,i remember4   
,,athenian3 ,and did we not say that the
 sense of harmony and rhythm sprang from
 this beginning among men1 and that     

,apollo and the ,muses and ,dionysus    
were the ,gods whom we had to thank for 
them8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4          
,,athenian3 ,the other story implied    
that wine was given man out of revenge1 
and in order to make him mad2 but our   
present doctrine1 on the contrary1 is1  
that wine was given him as a balm1 and  
in order to implant modesty in the soul1
 and health and strength in the body4   
,,cleinias3 ,that1 ,stranger1 is        
precisely what was said4  ,,athenian3   
,then half the subject may now be       
considered to have been discussed2 shall
 we proceed to the consideration of the 
other half8  ,,cleinias3 ,what is the   
other half1 and how do you divide the   
subject8  ,,athenian3 ,the whole choral 
art is also in our view the whole of    
education2 and of this art1 rhythms and 
harmonies form the part which has to do 
with the voice4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4      
,,athenian3 ,the movement of the body   
has rhythm in common with the movement  
of the voice1 but gesture is peculiar to

 it1 whereas song is simply the movement
 of the voice4  ,,cleinias3 ,most true4 
,,athenian3 ,and the sound of the voice 
which reaches and educates the soul1 we 
have ventured to term music4            
,,cleinias3 ,we were right4  ,,athenian3
 ,and the movement of the body1 when    
regarded as an amusement1 we termed     
dancing2 but when extended and pursued  
with a view to the excellence of the    
body1 this scientific training may be   
called gymnastic4  ,,cleinias3 ,exactly4
  ,,athenian3 ,music1 which was one half
 of the choral art1 may be said to have 
been completely discussed4 ,shall we    
proceed to the other half or not8 ,what 
would you like8  ,,cleinias3 ,my good   
friend1 when you are talking with a     
,cretan and ,lacedaemonian1 and we have 
discussed music and not gymnastic1 what 
answer are either of us likely to make  
to such an enquiry8  ,,athenian3 ,an    
answer is contained in your question2   
and ,i understand and accept what you   
say not only as an answer1 but also as a

 command to proceed with gymnastic4     
,,cleinias3 ,you quite understand me2 do
 as you say4  ,,athenian3 ,i will2 and  
there will not be any difficulty in     
speaking intelligibly to you about a    
subject with which both of you are far  
more familiar than with music4          
,,cleinias3 ,there will not4            
,,athenian3 ,is not the origin of       
gymnastics1 too1 to be sought in the    
tendency to rapid motion which exists in
 all animals2 man1 as we were saying1   
having attained the sense of rhythm1    
created and invented dancing2 and melody
 arousing and awakening rhythm1 both    
united formed the choral art8           
,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3    
,and one part of this subject has been  
already discussed by us1 and there still
 remains another to be discussed8       
,,cleinias3 ,exactly4  ,,athenian3 ,i   
have first a final word to add to my    
discourse about drink1 if you will allow
 me to do so4  ,,cleinias3 ,what more   
have you to say8  ,,athenian3 ,i should 

say that if a city seriously means to   
adopt the practice of drinking under due
 regulation and with a view to the      
enforcement of temperance1 and in like  
manner1 and on the same principle1 will 
allow of other pleasures1 designing to  
gain the victory over them--in this way 
all of them may be used4 ,but if the    
,state makes drinking an amusement only1
 and whoever likes may drink whenever he
 likes1 and with whom he likes1 and add 
to this any other indulgences1 ,i shall 
never agree or allow that this city or  
this man should practise drinking4 ,i   
would go further than the ,cretans and  
,lacedaemonians1 and am disposed rather 
to the law of the ,carthaginians1 that  
no one while he is on a campaign should 
be allowed to taste wine at all1 but    
that he should drink water during all   
that time1 and that in the city no      
slave1 male or female1 should ever drink
 wine2 and that no magistrates should   
drink during their year of office1 nor  
should pilots of vessels or judges while

 on duty taste wine at all1 nor any one 
who is going to hold a consultation     
about any matter of importance2 nor in  
the day-time at all1 unless in          
consequence of exercise or as medicine2 
nor again at night1 when any one1 either
 man or woman1 is minded to get         
children4 ,there are numberless other   
cases also in which those who have good 
sense and good laws ought not to drink  
wine1 so that if what ,i say is true1 no
 city will need many vineyards4 ,their  
husbandry and their way of life in      
general will follow an appointed order1 
and their cultivation of the vine will  
be the most limited and the least common
 of their employments4 ,and this1       
,stranger1 shall be the crown of my     
discourse about wine1 if you agree4     
,,cleinias3 ,excellent3 we agree4       
,,book ,,iii4  ,,athenian3 ,enough of   
this4 ,and what1 then1 is to be regarded
 as the origin of government8 ,will not 
a man be able to judge of it best from a
 point of view in which he may behold   

the progress of states and their        
transitions to good or evil8            
,,cleinias3 ,what do you mean8          
,,athenian3 ,i mean that he might watch 
them from the point of view of time1 and
 observe the changes which take place in
 them during infinite ages4  ,,cleinias3
 ,how so8  ,,athenian3 ,why1 do you     
think that you can reckon the time which
 has elapsed since cities first existed 
and men were citizens of them8          
,,cleinias3 ,hardly4  ,,athenian3 ,but  
are sure that it must be vast and       
incalculable8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  
,,athenian3 ,and have not thousands and 
thousands of cities come into being     
during this period and as many perished8
 ,and has not each of them had every    
form of government many times over1 now 
growing larger1 now smaller1 and again  
improving or declining8  ,,cleinias3 ,to
 be sure4  ,,athenian3 ,let us endeavour
 to ascertain the cause of these        
changes2 for that will probably explain 
the first origin and development of     

forms of government4  ,,cleinias3 ,very 
good4 ,you shall endeavour to impart    
your thoughts to us1 and we will make an
 effort to understand you4  ,,athenian3 
,do you believe that there is any truth 
in ancient traditions8  ,,cleinias3     
,what traditions8  ,,athenian3 ,the     
traditions about the many destructions  
of mankind which have been occasioned by
 deluges and pestilences1 and in many   
other ways1 and of the survival of a    
remnant8  ,,cleinias3 ,every one is     
disposed to believe them4  ,,athenian3  
,let us consider one of them1 that which
 was caused by the famous deluge4       
,,cleinias3 ,what are we to observe     
about it8  ,,athenian3 ,i mean to say   
that those who then escaped would only  
be hill shepherds1--small sparks of the 
human race preserved on the tops of     
mountains4  ,,cleinias3 ,clearly4       
,,athenian3 ,such survivors would       
necessarily be unacquainted with the    
arts and the various devices which are  
suggested to the dwellers in cities by  

interest or ambition1 and with all the  
wrongs which they contrive against one  
another4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4       
,,athenian3 ,let us suppose1 then1 that 
the cities in the plain and on the      
sea-coast were utterly destroyed at that
 time4  ,,cleinias3 ,very good4         
,,athenian3 ,would not all implements   
have then perished and every other      
excellent invention of political or any 
other sort of wisdom have utterly       
disappeared8  ,,cleinias3 ,why1 yes1 my 
friend2 and if things had always        
continued as they are at present        
ordered1 how could any discovery have   
ever been made even in the least        
particular8 ,for it is evident that the 
arts were unknown during ten thousand   
times ten thousand years4 ,and no more  
than a thousand or two thousand years   
have elapsed since the discoveries of   
,daedalus1 ,orpheus and                 
,palamedes1--since ,marsyas and ,olympus
 invented music1 and ,amphion the       
lyre--not to speak of numberless other  

inventions which are but of yesterday4  
,,athenian3 ,have you forgotten1        
,cleinias1 the name of a friend who is  
really of yesterday8  ,,cleinias3 ,i    
suppose that you mean ,epimenides4      
,,athenian3 ,the same1 my friend2 he    
does indeed far overleap the heads of   
all mankind by his invention2 for he    
carried out in practice1 as you declare1
 what of old ,hesiod 7,works and ,days7 
only preached4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes1       
according to our tradition4  ,,athenian3
 ,after the great destruction1 may we   
not suppose that the state of man was   
something of this sort3--,in the        
beginning of things there was a fearful 
illimitable desert and a vast expanse of
 land2 a herd or two of oxen would be   
the only survivors of the animal world2 
and there might be a few goats1 these   
too hardly enough to maintain the       
shepherds who tended them8  ,,cleinias3 
,true4  ,,athenian3 ,and of cities or   
governments or legislation1 about which 
we are now talking1 do you suppose that 

they could have any recollection at all8
  ,,cleinias3 ,none whatever4           
,,athenian3 ,and out of this state of   
things has there not sprung all that we 
now are and have3 cities and            
governments1 and arts and laws1 and a   
great deal of vice and a great deal of  
virtue8  ,,cleinias3 ,what do you mean8 
,,athenian3 ,why1 my good friend1 how   
can we possibly suppose that those who  
knew nothing of all the good and evil of
 cities could have attained their full  
development1 whether of virtue or of    
vice8  ,,cleinias3 ,i understand your   
meaning1 and you are quite right4       
,,athenian3 ,but1 as time advanced and  
the race multiplied1 the world came to  
be what the world is4  ,,cleinias3 ,very
 true4  ,,athenian3 ,doubtless the      
change was not made all in a moment1 but
 little by little1 during a very long   
period of time4  ,,cleinias3 ,a highly  
probable supposition4  ,,athenian3 ,at  
first1 they would have a natural fear   
ringing in their ears which would       

prevent their descending from the       
heights into the plain4  ,,cleinias3 ,of
 course4  ,,athenian3 ,the fewness of   
the survivors at that time would have   
made them all the more desirous of      
seeing one another2 but then the means  
of travelling either by land or sea had 
been almost entirely lost1 as ,i may    
say1 with the loss of the arts1 and     
there was great difficulty in getting at
 one another2 for iron and brass and all
 metals were jumbled together and had   
disappeared in the chaos2 nor was there 
any possibility of extracting ore from  
them2 and they had scarcely any means of
 felling timber4 ,even if you suppose   
that some implements might have been    
preserved in the mountains1 they must   
quickly have worn out and vanished1 and 
there would be no more of them until the
 art of metallurgy had again revived4   
,,cleinias3 ,there could not have been4 
,,athenian3 ,in how many generations    
would this be attained8  ,,cleinias3    
,clearly1 not for many generations4     

,,athenian3 ,during this period1 and for
 some time afterwards1 all the arts     
which require iron and brass and the    
like would disappear4  ,,cleinias3      
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,faction and   
war would also have died out in those   
days1 and for many reasons4  ,,cleinias3
 ,how would that be8  ,,athenian3 ,in   
the first place1 the desolation of these
 primitive men would create in them a   
feeling of affection and goodwill       
towards one another2 and1 secondly1 they
 would have no occasion to quarrel about
 their subsistence1 for they would have 
pasture in abundance1 except just at    
first1 and in some particular cases2 and
 from their pasture-land they would     
obtain the greater part of their food in
 a primitive age1 having plenty of milk 
and flesh2 moreover they would procure  
other food by the chase1 not to be      
despised either in quantity or quality4 
,they would also have abundance of      
clothing1 and bedding1 and dwellings1   
and utensils either capable of standing 

on the fire or not2 for the plastic and 
weaving arts do not require any use of  
iron3 and ,god has given these two arts 
to man in order to provide him with all 
such things1 that1 when reduced to the  
last extremity1 the human race may still
 grow and increase4 ,hence in those days
 mankind were not very poor2 nor was    
poverty a cause of difference among     
them2 and rich they could not have been1
 having neither gold nor silver3--such  
at that time was their condition4 ,and  
the community which has neither poverty 
nor riches will always have the noblest 
principles2 in it there is no insolence 
or injustice1 nor1 again1 are there any 
contentions or envyings4 ,and therefore 
they were good1 and also because they   
were what is called simple-minded2 and  
when they were told about good and evil1
 they in their simplicity believed what 
they heard to be very truth and         
practised it4 ,no one had the wit to    
suspect another of a falsehood1 as men  
do now2 but what they heard about ,gods 

and men they believed to be true1 and   
lived accordingly2 and therefore they   
were in all respects such as we have    
described them4  ,,cleinias3 ,that quite
 accords with my views1 and with those  
of my friend here4  ,,athenian3 ,would  
not many generations living on in a     
simple manner1 although ruder1 perhaps1 
and more ignorant of the arts generally1
 and in particular of those of land or  
naval warfare1 and likewise of other    
arts1 termed in cities legal practices  
and party conflicts1 and including all  
conceivable ways of hurting one another 
in word and deed2--although inferior to 
those who lived before the deluge1 or to
 the men of our day in these respects1  
would they not1 ,i say1 be simpler and  
more manly1 and also more temperate and 
altogether more just8 ,the reason has   
been already explained4  ,,cleinias3    
,very true4  ,,athenian3 ,i should wish 
you to understand that what has preceded
 and what is about to follow1 has been1 
and will be said1 with the intention of 

explaining what need the men of that    
time had of laws1 and who was their     
lawgiver4  ,,cleinias3 ,and thus far    
what you have said has been very well   
said4  ,,athenian3 ,they could hardly   
have wanted lawgivers as yet2 nothing of
 that sort was likely to have existed in
 their days1 for they had no letters at 
this early period2 they lived by habit  
and the customs of their ancestors1 as  
they are called4  ,,cleinias3 ,probably4
  ,,athenian3 ,but there was already    
existing a form of government which1 if 
,i am not mistaken1 is generally termed 
a lordship1 and this still remains in   
many places1 both among ,hellenes and   
barbarians 7compare ,arist4 ,pol471 and 
is the government which is declared by  
,homer to have prevailed among the      
,cyclopes3--  ',they have neither       
councils nor judgments1 but they dwell  
in hollow caves on the tops of high     
mountains1 and every one gives law to   
his wife and children1 and they do not  
busy themselves about one another4'     

7,odyss47  ,,cleinias3 ,that seems to be
 a charming poet of yours2 ,i have read 
some other verses of his1 which are very
 clever2 but ,i do not know much of him1
 for foreign poets are very little read 
among the ,cretans4  ,,megillus3 ,but   
they are in ,lacedaemon1 and he appears 
to be the prince of them all2 the manner
 of life1 however1 which he describes is
 not ,spartan1 but rather ,ionian1 and  
he seems quite to confirm what you are  
saying1 when he traces up the ancient   
state of mankind by the help of         
tradition to barbarism4  ,,athenian3    
,yes1 he does confirm it2 and we may    
accept his witness to the fact that such
 forms of government sometimes arise4   
,,cleinias3 ,we may4  ,,athenian3 ,and  
were not such states composed of men who
 had been dispersed in single           
habitations and families by the poverty 
which attended the devastations2 and did
 not the eldest then rule among them1   
because with them government originated 
in the authority of a father and a      

mother1 whom1 like a flock of birds1    
they followed1 forming one troop under  
the patriarchal rule and sovereignty of 
their parents1 which of all             
sovereignties is the most just8         
,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3    
,after this they came together in       
greater numbers1 and increased the size 
of their cities1 and betook themselves  
to husbandry1 first of all at the foot  
of the mountains1 and made enclosures of
 loose walls and works of defence1 in   
order to keep off wild beasts2 thus     
creating a single large and common      
habitation4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes2 at least 
we may suppose so4  ,,athenian3 ,there  
is another thing which would probably   
happen4  ,,cleinias3 ,what8  ,,athenian3
 ,when these larger habitations grew up 
out of the lesser original ones1 each of
 the lesser ones would survive in the   
larger2 every family would be under the 
rule of the eldest1 and1 owing to their 
separation from one another1 would have 
peculiar customs in things divine and   

human1 which they would have received   
from their several parents who had      
educated them2 and these customs would  
incline them to order1 when the parents 
had the element of order in their       
nature1 and to courage1 when they had   
the element of courage4 ,and they would 
naturally stamp upon their children1 and
 upon their children's children1 their  
own likings2 and1 as we are saying1 they
 would find their way into the larger   
society1 having already their own       
peculiar laws4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4 
,,athenian3 ,and every man surely likes 
his own laws best1 and the laws of      
others not so well4  ,,cleinias3 ,true4 
,,athenian3 ,then now we seem to have   
stumbled upon the beginnings of         
legislation4  ,,cleinias3 ,exactly4     
,,athenian3 ,the next step will be that 
these persons who have met together1    
will select some arbiters1 who will     
review the laws of all of them1 and will
 publicly present such as they approve  
to the chiefs who lead the tribes1 and  

who are in a manner their kings1        
allowing them to choose those which they
 think best4 ,these persons will        
themselves be called legislators1 and   
will appoint the magistrates1 framing   
some sort of aristocracy1 or perhaps    
monarchy1 out of the dynasties or       
lordships1 and in this altered state of 
the government they will live4          
,,cleinias3 ,yes1 that would be the     
natural order of things4  ,,athenian3   
,then1 now let us speak of a third form 
of government1 in which all other forms 
and conditions of polities and cities   
concur4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is that8     
,,athenian3 ,the form which in fact     
,homer indicates as following the       
second4 ,this third form arose when1 as 
he says1 ,dardanus founded ,dardania3-- 
',for not as yet had the holy ,ilium    
been built on the plain to be a city of 
speaking men2 but they were still       
dwelling at the foot of many-fountained 
,ida4'  ,for indeed1 in these verses1   
and in what he said of the ,cyclopes1 he

 speaks the words of ,god and nature2   
for poets are a divine race1 and often  
in their strains1 by the aid of the     
,muses and the ,graces1 they attain     
truth4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3  
,then now let us proceed with the rest  
of our tale1 which will probably be     
found to illustrate in some degree our  
proposed design3--,shall we do so8      
,,cleinias3 ,by all means4  ,,athenian3 
,ilium was built1 when they descended   
from the mountain1 in a large and fair  
plain1 on a sort of low hill1 watered by
 many rivers descending from ,ida4      
,,cleinias3 ,such is the tradition4     
,,athenian3 ,and we must suppose this   
event to have taken place many ages     
after the deluge8  ,,athenian3 ,a       
marvellous forgetfulness of the former  
destruction would appear to have come   
over them1 when they placed their town  
right under numerous streams flowing    
from the heights1 trusting for their    
security to not very high hills1 either4
  ,,cleinias3 ,there must have been a   

long interval1 clearly4  ,,athenian3    
,and1 as population increased1 many     
other cities would begin to be          
inhabited4  ,,cleinias3 ,doubtless4     
,,athenian3 ,those cities made war      
against ,troy--by sea as well as        
land--for at that time men were ceasing 
to be afraid of the sea4  ,,cleinias3   
,clearly4  ,,athenian3 ,the ,achaeans   
remained ten years1 and overthrew ,troy4
  ,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,and  
during the ten years in which the       
,achaeans were besieging ,ilium1 the    
homes of the besiegers were falling into
 an evil plight4 ,their youth revolted2 
and when the soldiers returned to their 
own cities and families1 they did not   
receive them properly1 and as they ought
 to have done1 and numerous deaths1     
murders1 exiles1 were the consequence4  
,the exiles came again1 under a new     
name1 no longer ,achaeans1 but          
,dorians1--a name which they derived    
from ,dorieus2 for it was he who        
gathered them together4 ,the rest of the

 story is told by you ,lacedaemonians as
 part of the history of ,sparta4        
,,megillus3 ,to be sure4  ,,athenian3   
,thus1 after digressing from the        
original subject of laws into music and 
drinking-bouts1 the argument has1       
providentially1 come back to the same   
point1 and presents to us another       
handle4 ,for we have reached the        
settlement of ,lacedaemon2 which1 as you
 truly say1 is in laws and in           
institutions the sister of ,crete4 ,and 
we are all the better for the           
digression1 because we have gone through
 various governments and settlements1   
and have been present at the foundation 
of a first1 second1 and third state1    
succeeding one another in infinite time4
 ,and now there appears on the horizon a
 fourth state or nation which was once  
in process of settlement and has        
continued settled to this day4 ,if1 out 
of all this1 we are able to discern what
 is well or ill settled1 and what laws  
are the salvation and what are the      

destruction of cities1 and what changes 
would make a state happy1 ,o ,megillus  
and ,cleinias1 we may now begin again1  
unless we have some fault to find with  
the previous discussion4  ,,megillus3   
,if some ,god1 ,stranger1 would promise 
us that our new enquiry about           
legislation would be as good and full as
 the present1 ,i would go a great way to
 hear such another1 and would think that
 a day as long as this--and we are now  
approaching the longest day of the      
year--was too short for the discussion4 
,,athenian3 ,then ,i suppose that we    
must consider this subject8  ,,megillus3
 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,let us place 
ourselves in thought at the moment when 
,lacedaemon and ,argos and ,messene and 
the rest of the ,peloponnesus were all  
in complete subjection1 ,megillus1 to   
your ancestors2 for afterwards1 as the  
legend informs us1 they divided their   
army into three portions1 and settled   
three cities1 ,argos1 ,messene1         
,lacedaemon4  ,,megillus3 ,true4        

,,athenian3 ,temenus was the king of    
,argos1 ,cresphontes of ,messene1       
,procles and ,eurysthenes of            
,lacedaemon4  ,,megillus3 ,certainly4   
,,athenian3 ,to these kings all the men 
of that day made oath that they would   
assist them1 if any one subverted their 
kingdom4  ,,megillus3 ,true4            
,,athenian3 ,but can a kingship be      
destroyed1 or was any other form of     
government ever destroyed1 by any but   
the rulers themselves8 ,no indeed1 by   
,zeus4 ,have we already forgotten what  
was said a little while ago8            
,,megillus3 ,no4  ,,athenian3 ,and may  
we not now further confirm what was then
 mentioned8 ,for we have come upon facts
 which have brought us back again to the
 same principle2 so that1 in resuming   
the discussion1 we shall not be         
enquiring about an empty theory1 but    
about events which actually happened4   
,the case was as follows3--,three royal 
heroes made oath to three cities which  
were under a kingly government1 and the 

cities to the kings1 that both rulers   
and subjects should govern and be       
governed according to the laws which    
were common to all of them3 the rulers  
promised that as time and the race went 
forward they would not make their rule  
more arbitrary2 and the subjects said   
that1 if the rulers observed these      
conditions1 they would never subvert or 
permit others to subvert those kingdoms2
 the kings were to assist kings and     
peoples when injured1 and the peoples   
were to assist peoples and kings in like
 manner4 ,is not this the fact8         
,,megillus3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,and the 
three states to whom these laws were    
given1 whether their kings or any others
 were the authors of them1 had therefore
 the greatest security for the          
maintenance of their constitutions8     
,,megillus3 ,what security8  ,,athenian3
 ,that the other two states were always 
to come to the rescue against a         
rebellious third4  ,,megillus3 ,true4   
,,athenian3 ,many persons say that      

legislators ought to impose such laws as
 the mass of the people will be ready to
 receive2 but this is just as if one    
were to command gymnastic masters or    
physicians to treat or cure their pupils
 or patients in an agreeable manner4    
,,megillus3 ,exactly4  ,,athenian3      
,whereas the physician may often be too 
happy if he can restore health1 and make
 the body whole1 without any very great 
infliction of pain4  ,,megillus3        
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,there was also
 another advantage possessed by the men 
of that day1 which greatly lightened the
 task of passing laws4  ,,megillus3     
,what advantage8  ,,athenian3 ,the      
legislators of that day1 when they      
equalized property1 escaped the great   
accusation which generally arises in    
legislation1 if a person attempts to    
disturb the possession of land1 or to   
abolish debts1 because he sees that     
without this reform there can never be  
any real equality4 ,now1 in general1    
when the legislator attempts to make a  

new settlement of such matters1 every   
one meets him with the cry1 that 'he is 
not to disturb vested                   
interests1'--declaring with imprecations
 that he is introducing agrarian laws   
and cancelling of debts1 until a man is 
at his wits' end2 whereas no one could  
quarrel with the ,dorians for           
distributing the land1--there was       
nothing to hinder them2 and as for      
debts1 they had none which were         
considerable or of old standing4        
,,megillus3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3    
,but then1 my good friends1 why did the 
settlement and legislation of their     
country turn out so badly8  ,,megillus3 
,how do you mean2 and why do you blame  
them8  ,,athenian3 ,there were three    
kingdoms1 and of these1 two quickly     
corrupted their original constitution   
and laws1 and the only one which        
remained was the ,spartan4  ,,megillus3 
,the question which you ask is not      
easily answered4  ,,athenian3 ,and yet  
must be answered when we are enquiring  

about laws1 this being our old man's    
sober game of play1 whereby we beguile  
the way1 as ,i was saying when we first 
set out on our journey4  ,,megillus3    
,certainly2 and we must find out why    
this was4  ,,athenian3 ,what laws are   
more worthy of our attention than those 
which have regulated such cities8 or    
what settlements of states are greater  
or more famous8  ,,megillus3 ,i know of 
none4  ,,athenian3 ,can we doubt that   
your ancestors intended these           
institutions not only for the protection
 of ,peloponnesus1 but of all the       
,hellenes1 in case they were attacked by
 the barbarian8 ,for the inhabitants of 
the region about ,ilium1 when they      
provoked by their insolence the ,trojan 
war1 relied upon the power of the       
,assyrians and the ,empire of ,ninus1   
which still existed and had a great     
prestige2 the people of those days      
fearing the united ,assyrian ,empire    
just as we now fear the ,great ,king4   
,and the second capture of ,troy was a  

serious offence against them1 because   
,troy was a portion of the ,assyrian    
,empire4 ,to meet the danger the single 
army was distributed between three      
cities by the royal brothers1 sons of   
,heracles1--a fair device1 as it seemed1
 and a far better arrangement than the  
expedition against ,troy4 ,for1 firstly1
 the people of that day had1 as they    
thought1 in the ,heraclidae better      
leaders than the ,pelopidae2 in the next
 place1 they considered that their army 
was superior in valour to that which    
went against ,troy2 for1 although the   
latter conquered the ,trojans1 they were
 themselves conquered by the            
,heraclidae--,achaeans by ,dorians4 ,may
 we not suppose that this was the       
intention with which the men of those   
days framed the constitutions of their  
states8  ,,megillus3 ,quite true4       
,,athenian3 ,and would not men who had  
shared with one another many dangers1   
and were governed by a single race of   
royal brothers1 and had taken the advice

 of oracles1 and in particular of the   
,delphian ,apollo1 be likely to think   
that such states would be firmly and    
lastingly established8  ,,megillus3 ,of 
course they would4  ,,athenian3 ,yet    
these institutions1 of which such great 
expectations were entertained1 seem to  
have all rapidly vanished away2 with the
 exception1 as ,i was saying1 of that   
small part of them which existed in your
 land4 ,and this third part has never to
 this day ceased warring against the two
 others2 whereas1 if the original idea  
had been carried out1 and they had      
agreed to be one1 their power would have
 been invincible in war4  ,,megillus3   
,no doubt4  ,,athenian3 ,but what was   
the ruin of this glorious confederacy8  
,here is a subject well worthy of       
consideration4  ,,megillus3 ,certainly1 
no one will ever find more striking     
instances of laws or governments being  
the salvation or destruction of great   
and noble interests1 than are here      
presented to his view4  ,,athenian3     

,then now we seem to have happily       
arrived at a real and important         
question4  ,,megillus3 ,very true4      
,,athenian3 ,did you never remark1 sage 
friend1 that all men1 and we ourselves  
at this moment1 often fancy that they   
see some beautiful thing which might    
have effected wonders if any one had    
only known how to make a right use of it
 in some way2 and yet this mode of      
looking at things may turn out after all
 to be a mistake1 and not according to  
nature1 either in our own case or in any
 other8  ,,megillus3 ,to what are you   
referring1 and what do you mean8        
,,athenian3 ,i was thinking of my own   
admiration of the aforesaid ,heracleid  
expedition1 which was so noble1 and     
might have had such wonderful results   
for the ,hellenes1 if only rightly used2
 and ,i was just laughing at myself4    
,,megillus3 ,but were you not right and 
wise in speaking as you did1 and we in  
assenting to you8  ,,athenian3 ,perhaps2
 and yet ,i cannot help observing that  

any one who sees anything great or      
powerful1 immediately has the feeling   
that--',if the owner only knew how to   
use his great and noble possession1 how 
happy would he be1 and what great       
results would he achieve6'  ,,megillus3 
,and would he not be justified8         
,,athenian3 ,reflect2 in what point of  
view does this sort of praise appear    
just3 ,first1 in reference to the       
question in hand3--,if the then         
commanders had known how to arrange     
their army properly1 how would they have
 attained success8 ,would not this have 
been the way8 ,they would have bound    
them all firmly together and preserved  
them for ever1 giving them freedom and  
dominion at pleasure1 combined with the 
power of doing in the whole world1      
,hellenic and barbarian1 whatever they  
and their descendants desired4 ,what    
other aim would they have had8          
,,megillus3 ,very good4  ,,athenian3    
,suppose any one were in the same way to
 express his admiration at the sight of 

great wealth or family honour1 or the   
like1 he would praise them under the    
idea that through them he would attain  
either all or the greater and chief part
 of what he desires4  ,,megillus3 ,he   
would4  ,,athenian3 ,well1 now1 and does
 not the argument show that there is one
 common desire of all mankind8          
,,megillus3 ,what is it8  ,,athenian3   
,the desire which a man has1 that all   
things1 if possible1--at any rate1      
things human1--may come to pass in      
accordance with his soul's desire4      
,,megillus3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and having this desire always1 and at  
every time of life1 in youth1 in        
manhood1 in age1 he cannot help always  
praying for the fulfilment of it4       
,,megillus3 ,no doubt4  ,,athenian3 ,and
 we join in the prayers of our friends1 
and ask for them what they ask for      
themselves4  ,,megillus3 ,we do4        
,,athenian3 ,dear is the son to the     
father--the younger to the elder4       
,,megillus3 ,of course4  ,,athenian3    

,and yet the son often prays to obtain  
things which the father prays that he   
may not obtain4  ,,megillus3 ,when the  
son is young and foolish1 you mean8     
,,athenian3 ,yes2 or when the father1 in
 the dotage of age or the heat of youth1
 having no sense of right and justice1  
prays with fervour1 under the influence 
of feelings akin to those of ,theseus   
when he cursed the unfortunate          
,hippolytus1 do you imagine that the    
son1 having a sense of right and        
justice1 will join in his father's      
prayers8  ,,megillus3 ,i understand you 
to mean that a man should not desire or 
be in a hurry to have all things        
according to his wish1 for his wish may 
be at variance with his reason4 ,but    
every state and every individual ought  
to pray and strive for wisdom4          
,,athenian3 ,yes2 and ,i remember1 and  
you will remember1 what ,i said at      
first1 that a statesman and legislator  
ought to ordain laws with a view to     
wisdom2 while you were arguing that the 

good lawgiver ought to order all with a 
view to war4 ,and to this ,i replied    
that there were four virtues1 but that  
upon your view one of them only was the 
aim of legislation2 whereas you ought to
 regard all virtue1 and especially that 
which comes first1 and is the leader of 
all the rest--,i mean wisdom and mind   
and opinion1 having affection and desire
 in their train4 ,and now the argument  
returns to the same point1 and ,i say   
once more1 in jest if you like1 or in   
earnest if you like1 that the prayer of 
a fool is full of danger1 being likely  
to end in the opposite of what he       
desires4 ,and if you would rather       
receive my words in earnest1 ,i am      
willing that you should2 and you will   
find1 ,i suspect1 as ,i have said       
already1 that not cowardice was the     
cause of the ruin of the ,dorian kings  
and of their whole design1 nor ignorance
 of military matters1 either on the part
 of the rulers or of their subjects2 but
 their misfortunes were due to their    

general degeneracy1 and especially to   
their ignorance of the most important   
human affairs4 ,that was then1 and is   
still1 and always will be the case1 as  
,i will endeavour1 if you will allow me1
 to make out and demonstrate as well as 
,i am able to you who are my friends1 in
 the course of the argument4            
,,cleinias3 ,pray go on1                
,stranger2--compliments are troublesome1
 but we will show1 not in word but in   
deed1 how greatly we prize your words1  
for we will give them our best          
attention2 and that is the way in which 
a freeman best shows his approval or    
disapproval4  ,,megillus3 ,excellent1   
,cleinias2 let us do as you say4        
,,cleinias3 ,by all means1 if ,heaven   
wills4 ,go on4  ,,athenian3 ,well1 then1
 proceeding in the same train of        
thought1 ,i say that the greatest       
ignorance was the ruin of the ,dorian   
power1 and that now1 as then1 ignorance 
is ruin4 ,and if this be true1 the      
legislator must endeavour to implant    

wisdom in states1 and banish ignorance  
to the utmost of his power4  ,,cleinias3
 ,that is evident4  ,,athenian3 ,then   
now consider what is really the greatest
 ignorance4 ,i should like to know      
whether you and ,megillus would agree   
with me in what ,i am about to say2 for 
my opinion is--  ,,cleinias3 ,what8     
,,athenian3 ,that the greatest ignorance
 is when a man hates that which he      
nevertheless thinks to be good and      
noble1 and loves and embraces that which
 he knows to be unrighteous and evil4   
,this disagreement between the sense of 
pleasure and the judgment of reason in  
the soul is1 in my opinion1 the worst   
ignorance2 and also the greatest1       
because affecting the great mass of the 
human soul2 for the principle which     
feels pleasure and pain in the          
individual is like the mass or populace 
in a state4 ,and when the soul is       
opposed to knowledge1 or opinion1 or    
reason1 which are her natural lords1    
that ,i call folly1 just as in the      

state1 when the multitude refuses to    
obey their rulers and the laws2 or1     
again1 in the individual1 when fair     
reasonings have their habitation in the 
soul and yet do no good1 but rather the 
reverse of good4 ,all these cases ,i    
term the worst ignorance1 whether in    
individuals or in states4 ,you will     
understand1 ,stranger1 that ,i am       
speaking of something which is very     
different from the ignorance of         
handicraftsmen4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes1 my   
friend1 we understand and agree4        
,,athenian3 ,let us1 then1 in the first 
place declare and affirm that the       
citizen who does not know these things  
ought never to have any kind of         
authority entrusted to him3 he must be  
stigmatized as ignorant1 even though he 
be versed in calculation and skilled in 
all sorts of accomplishments1 and feats 
of mental dexterity2 and the opposite   
are to be called wise1 even although1 in
 the words of the proverb1 they know    
neither how to read nor how to swim2 and

 to them1 as to men of sense1 authority 
is to be committed4 ,for1 ,o my friends1
 how can there be the least shadow of   
wisdom when there is no harmony8 ,there 
is none2 but the noblest and greatest of
 harmonies may be truly said to be the  
greatest wisdom2 and of this he is a    
partaker who lives according to reason2 
whereas he who is devoid of reason is   
the destroyer of his house and the very 
opposite of a saviour of the state3 he  
is utterly ignorant of political wisdom4
 ,let this1 then1 as ,i was saying1 be  
laid down by us4  ,,cleinias3 ,let it be
 so laid down4  ,,athenian3 ,i suppose  
that there must be rulers and subjects  
in states8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4     
,,athenian3 ,and what are the principles
 on which men rule and obey in cities1  
whether great or small2 and similarly in
 families8 ,what are they1 and how many 
in number8 ,is there not one claim of   
authority which is always just1--that of
 fathers and mothers and in general of  
progenitors to rule over their          

offspring8  ,,cleinias3 ,there is4      
,,athenian3 ,next follows the principle 
that the noble should rule over the     
ignoble2 and1 thirdly1 that the elder   
should rule and the younger obey8       
,,cleinias3 ,to be sure4  ,,athenian3   
,and1 fourthly1 that slaves should be   
ruled1 and their masters rule8          
,,cleinias3 ,of course4  ,,athenian3    
,fifthly1 if ,i am not mistaken1 comes  
the principle that the stronger shall   
rule1 and the weaker be ruled8          
,,cleinias3 ,that is a rule not to be   
disobeyed4  ,,athenian3 ,yes1 and a rule
 which prevails very widely among all   
creatures1 and is according to nature1  
as the ,theban poet ,pindar once said2  
and the sixth principle1 and the        
greatest of all1 is1 that the wise      
should lead and command1 and the        
ignorant follow and obey2 and yet1 ,o   
thou most wise ,pindar1 as ,i should    
reply him1 this surely is not contrary  
to nature1 but according to nature1     
being the rule of law over willing      

subjects1 and not a rule of compulsion4 
,,cleinias3 ,most true4  ,,athenian3    
,there is a seventh kind of rule which  
is awarded by lot1 and is dear to the   
,gods and a token of good fortune3 he on
 whom the lot falls is a ruler1 and he  
who fails in obtaining the lot goes away
 and is the subject2 and this we affirm 
to be quite just4  ,,cleinias3          
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ',then now1' as
 we say playfully to any of those who   
lightly undertake the making of laws1   
'you see1 legislator1 the principles of 
government1 how many they are1 and that 
they are naturally opposed to each      
other4 ,there we have discovered a      
fountain-head of seditions1 to which you
 must attend4 ,and1 first1 we will ask  
you to consider with us1 how and in what
 respect the kings of ,argos and        
,messene violated these our maxims1 and 
ruined themselves and the great and     
famous ,hellenic power of the olden     
time4 ,was it because they did not know 
how wisely ,hesiod spoke when he said   

that the half is often more than the    
whole8 ,his meaning was1 that when to   
take the whole would be dangerous1 and  
to take the half would be the safe and  
moderate course1 then the moderate or   
better was more than the immoderate or  
worse4'  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4        
,,athenian3 ,and may we suppose this    
immoderate spirit to be more fatal when 
found among kings than when among       
peoples8  ,,cleinias3 ,the probability  
is that ignorance will be a disorder    
especially prevalent among kings1       
because they lead a proud and luxurious 
life4  ,,athenian3 ,is it not palpable  
that the chief aim of the kings of that 
time was to get the better of the       
established laws1 and that they were not
 in harmony with the principles which   
they had agreed to observe by word and  
oath8 ,this want of harmony may have had
 the appearance of wisdom1 but was      
really1 as we assert1 the greatest      
ignorance1 and utterly overthrew the    
whole empire by dissonance and harsh    

discord4  ,,cleinias3 ,very likely4     
,,athenian3 ,good2 and what measures    
ought the legislator to have then taken 
in order to avert this calamity8 ,truly 
there is no great wisdom in knowing1 and
 no great difficulty in telling1 after  
the evil has happened2 but to have      
foreseen the remedy at the time would   
have taken a much wiser head than ours4 
,,megillus3 ,what do you mean8          
,,athenian3 ,any one who looks at what  
has occurred with you ,lacedaemonians1  
,megillus1 may easily know and may      
easily say what ought to have been done 
at that time4  ,,megillus3 ,speak a     
little more clearly4  ,,athenian3       
,nothing can be clearer than the        
observation which ,i am about to make4  
,,megillus3 ,what is it8  ,,athenian3   
,that if any one gives too great a power
 to anything1 too large a sail to a     
vessel1 too much food to the body1 too  
much authority to the mind1 and does not
 observe the mean1 everything is        
overthrown1 and1 in the wantonness of   

excess1 runs in the one case to         
disorders1 and in the other to          
injustice1 which is the child of excess4
 ,i mean to say1 my dear friends1 that  
there is no soul of man1 young and      
irresponsible1 who will be able to      
sustain the temptation of arbitrary     
power--no one who will not1 under such  
circumstances1 become filled with folly1
 that worst of diseases1 and be hated by
 his nearest and dearest friends3 when  
this happens his kingdom is undermined1 
and all his power vanishes from him4    
,and great legislators who know the mean
 should take heed of the danger4 ,as far
 as we can guess at this distance of    
time1 what happened was as follows3--   
,,megillus3 ,what8  ,,athenian3 ,a ,god1
 who watched over ,sparta1 seeing into  
the future1 gave you two families of    
kings instead of one2 and thus brought  
you more within the limits of           
moderation4 ,in the next place1 some    
human wisdom mingled with divine power1 
observing that the constitution of your 

government was still feverish and       
excited1 tempered your inborn strength  
and pride of birth with the moderation  
which comes of age1 making the power of 
your twenty-eight elders equal with that
 of the kings in the most important     
matters4 ,but your third saviour1       
perceiving that your government was     
still swelling and foaming1 and desirous
 to impose a curb upon it1 instituted   
the ,ephors1 whose power he made to     
resemble that of magistrates elected by 
lot2 and by this arrangement the kingly 
office1 being compounded of the right   
elements and duly moderated1 was        
preserved1 and was the means of         
preserving all the rest4 ,since1 if     
there had been only the original        
legislators1 ,temenus1 ,cresphontes1 and
 their contemporaries1 as far as they   
were concerned not even the portion of  
,aristodemus would have been preserved2 
for they had no proper experience in    
legislation1 or they would surely not   
have imagined that oaths would moderate 

a youthful spirit invested with a power 
which might be converted into a tyranny4
 ,now that ,god has instructed us what  
sort of government would have been or   
will be lasting1 there is no wisdom1 as 
,i have already said1 in judging after  
the event2 there is no difficulty in    
learning from an example which has      
already occurred4 ,but if any one could 
have foreseen all this at the time1 and 
had been able to moderate the government
 of the three kingdoms and unite them   
into one1 he might have saved all the   
excellent institutions which were then  
conceived2 and no ,persian or any other 
armament would have dared to attack us1 
or would have regarded ,hellas as a     
power to be despised4  ,,cleinias3      
,true4  ,,athenian3 ,there was small    
credit to us1 ,cleinias1 in defeating   
them2 and the discredit was1 not that   
the conquerors did not win glorious     
victories both by land and sea1 but     
what1 in my opinion1 brought discredit  
was1 first of all1 the circumstance that

 of the three cities one only fought on 
behalf of ,hellas1 and the two others   
were so utterly good for nothing that   
the one was waging a mighty war against 
,lacedaemon1 and was thus preventing her
 from rendering assistance1 while the   
city of ,argos1 which had the precedence
 at the time of the distribution1 when  
asked to aid in repelling the barbarian1
 would not answer to the call1 or give  
aid4 ,many things might be told about   
,hellas in connexion with that war which
 are far from honourable2 nor1 indeed1  
can we rightly say that ,hellas repelled
 the invader2 for the truth is1 that    
unless the ,athenians and               
,lacedaemonians1 acting in concert1 had 
warded off the impending yoke1 all the  
tribes of ,hellas would have been fused 
in a chaos of ,hellenes mingling with   
one another1 of barbarians mingling with
 ,hellenes1 and ,hellenes with          
barbarians2 just as nations who are now 
subject to the ,persian power1 owing to 
unnatural separations and combinations  

of them1 are dispersed and scattered1   
and live miserably4 ,these1 ,cleinias   
and ,megillus1 are the reproaches which 
we have to make against statesmen and   
legislators1 as they are called1 past   
and present1 if we would analyse the    
causes of their failure1 and find out   
what else might have been done4 ,we     
said1 for instance1 just now1 that there
 ought to be no great and unmixed       
powers2 and this was under the idea that
 a state ought to be free and wise and  
harmonious1 and that a legislator ought 
to legislate with a view to this end4   
,nor is there any reason to be surprised
 at our continually proposing aims for  
the legislator which appear not to be   
always the same2 but we should consider 
when we say that temperance is to be the
 aim1 or wisdom is to be the aim1 or    
friendship is to be the aim1 that all   
these aims are really the same2 and if  
so1 a variety in the modes of expression
 ought not to disturb us4  ,,cleinias3  
,let us resume the argument in that     

spirit4 ,and now1 speaking of friendship
 and wisdom and freedom1 ,i wish that   
you would tell me at what1 in your      
opinion1 the legislator should aim4     
,,athenian3 ,hear me1 then3 there are   
two mother forms of states from which   
the rest may be truly said to be        
derived2 and one of them may be called  
monarchy and the other democracy3 the   
,persians have the highest form of the  
one1 and we of the other2 almost all the
 rest1 as ,i was saying1 are variations 
of these4 ,now1 if you are to have      
liberty and the combination of          
friendship with wisdom1 you must have   
both these forms of government in a     
measure2 the argument emphatically      
declares that no city can be well       
governed which is not made up of both4  
,,cleinias3 ,impossible4  ,,athenian3   
,neither the one1 if it be exclusively  
and excessively attached to monarchy1   
nor the other1 if it be similarly       
attached to freedom1 observes           
moderation2 but your states1 the        

,laconian and ,cretan1 have more of it2 
and the same was the case with the      
,athenians and ,persians of old time1   
but now they have less4 ,shall ,i tell  
you why8  ,,cleinias3 ,by all means1 if 
it will tend to elucidate our subject4  
,,athenian3 ,hear1 then3--,there was a  
time when the ,persians had more of the 
state which is a mean between slavery   
and freedom4 ,in the reign of ,cyrus    
they were freemen and also lords of many
 others3 the rulers gave a share of     
freedom to the subjects1 and being      
treated as equals1 the soldiers were on 
better terms with their generals1 and   
showed themselves more ready in the hour
 of danger4 ,and if there was any wise  
man among them1 who was able to give    
good counsel1 he imparted his wisdom to 
the public2 for the king was not        
jealous1 but allowed him full liberty of
 speech1 and gave honour to those who   
could advise him in any matter4 ,and the
 nation waxed in all respects1 because  
there was freedom and friendship and    

communion of mind among them4           
,,cleinias3 ,that certainly appears to  
have been the case4  ,,athenian3 ,how1  
then1 was this advantage lost under     
,cambyses1 and again recovered under    
,darius8 ,shall ,i try to divine8       
,,cleinias3 ,the enquiry1 no doubt1 has 
a bearing upon our subject4  ,,athenian3
 ,i imagine that ,cyrus1 though a great 
and patriotic general1 had never given  
his mind to education1 and never        
attended to the order of his household4 
,,cleinias3 ,what makes you say so8     
,,athenian3 ,i think that from his youth
 upwards he was a soldier1 and entrusted
 the education of his children to the   
women2 and they brought them up from    
their childhood as the favourites of    
fortune1 who were blessed already1 and  
needed no more blessings4 ,they thought 
that they were happy enough1 and that no
 one should be allowed to oppose them in
 any way1 and they compelled every one  
to praise all that they said or did4    
,this was how they brought them up4     

,,cleinias3 ,a splendid education truly6
  ,,athenian3 ,such an one as women were
 likely to give them1 and especially    
princesses who had recently grown rich1 
and in the absence of the men1 too1 who 
were occupied in wars and dangers1 and  
had no time to look after them4         
,,cleinias3 ,what would you expect8     
,,athenian3 ,their father had           
possessions of cattle and sheep1 and    
many herds of men and other animals1 but
 he did not consider that those to whom 
he was about to make them over were not 
trained in his own calling1 which was   
,persian2 for the ,persians are         
shepherds--sons of a rugged land1 which 
is a stern mother1 and well fitted to   
produce a sturdy race able to live in   
the open air and go without sleep1 and  
also to fight1 if fighting is required  
7compare ,arist4 ,pol474 ,he did not    
observe that his sons were trained      
differently2 through the so-called      
blessing of being royal they were       
educated in the ,median fashion by women

 and eunuchs1 which led to their        
becoming such as people do become when  
they are brought up unreproved4 ,and so1
 after the death of ,cyrus1 his sons1 in
 the fulness of luxury and licence1 took
 the kingdom1 and first one slew the    
other because he could not endure a     
rival2 and1 afterwards1 the slayer      
himself1 mad with wine and brutality1   
lost his kingdom through the ,medes and 
the ,eunuch1 as they called him1 who    
despised the folly of ,cambyses4        
,,cleinias3 ,so runs the tale1 and such 
probably were the facts4  ,,athenian3   
,yes2 and the tradition says1 that the  
empire came back to the ,persians1      
through ,darius and the seven chiefs4   
,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,let us 
note the rest of the story4 ,observe1   
that ,darius was not the son of a king1 
and had not received a luxurious        
education4 ,when he came to the throne1 
being one of the seven1 he divided the  
country into seven portions1 and of this
 arrangement there are some shadowy     

traces still remaining2 he made laws    
upon the principle of introducing       
universal equality in the order of the  
state1 and he embodied in his laws the  
settlement of the tribute which ,cyrus  
promised1--thus creating a feeling of   
friendship and community among all the  
,persians1 and attaching the people to  
him with money and gifts4 ,hence his    
armies cheerfully acquired for him      
countries as large as those which ,cyrus
 had left behind him4 ,darius was       
succeeded by his son ,xerxes2 and he    
again was brought up in the royal and   
luxurious fashion4 ,might we not most   
justly say3 ',o ,darius1 how came you to
 bring up ,xerxes in the same way in    
which ,cyrus brought up ,cambyses1 and  
not to see his fatal mistake8' ,for     
,xerxes1 being the creation of the same 
education1 met with much the same       
fortune as ,cambyses2 and from that time
 until now there has never been a really
 great king among the ,persians1        
although they are all called ,great4    

,and their degeneracy is not to be      
attributed to chance1 as ,i maintain2   
the reason is rather the evil life which
 is generally led by the sons of very   
rich and royal persons2 for never will  
boy or man1 young or old1 excel in      
virtue1 who has been thus educated4 ,and
 this1 ,i say1 is what the legislator   
has to consider1 and what at the present
 moment has to be considered by us4     
,justly may you1 ,o ,lacedaemonians1 be 
praised1 in that you do not give special
 honour or a special education to wealth
 rather than to poverty1 or to a royal  
rather than to a private station1 where 
the divine and inspired lawgiver has not
 originally commanded them to be given4 
,for no man ought to have pre-eminent   
honour in a state because he surpasses  
others in wealth1 any more than because 
he is swift of foot or fair or strong1  
unless he have some virtue in him2 nor  
even if he have virtue1 unless he have  
this particular virtue of temperance4   
,,megillus3 ,what do you mean1          

,stranger8  ,,athenian3 ,i suppose that 
courage is a part of virtue8            
,,megillus3 ,to be sure4  ,,athenian3   
,then1 now hear and judge for           
yourself3--,would you like to have for a
 fellow-lodger or neighbour a very      
courageous man1 who had no control over 
himself8  ,,megillus3 ,heaven forbid6   
,,athenian3 ,or an artist1 who was      
clever in his profession1 but a rogue8  
,,megillus3 ,certainly not4  ,,athenian3
 ,and surely justice does not grow apart
 from temperance8  ,,megillus3          
,impossible4  ,,athenian3 ,any more than
 our pattern wise man1 whom we exhibited
 as having his pleasures and pains in   
accordance with and corresponding to    
true reason1 can be intemperate8        
,,megillus3 ,no4  ,,athenian3 ,there is 
a further consideration relating to the 
due and undue award of honours in       
states4  ,,megillus3 ,what is it8       
,,athenian3 ,i should like to know      
whether temperance without the other    
virtues1 existing alone in the soul of  

man1 is rightly to be praised or blamed8
  ,,megillus3 ,i cannot tell4           
,,athenian3 ,and that is the best       
answer2 for whichever alternative you   
had chosen1 ,i think that you would have
 gone wrong4  ,,megillus3 ,i am         
fortunate4  ,,athenian3 ,very good2 a   
quality1 which is a mere appendage of   
things which can be praised or blamed1  
does not deserve an expression of       
opinion1 but is best passed over in     
silence4  ,,megillus3 ,you are speaking 
of temperance8  ,,athenian3 ,yes2 but of
 the other virtues1 that which having   
this appendage is also most beneficial1 
will be most deserving of honour1 and   
next that which is beneficial in the    
next degree2 and so each of them will be
 rightly honoured according to a regular
 order4  ,,megillus3 ,true4  ,,athenian3
 ,and ought not the legislator to       
determine these classes8  ,,megillus3   
,certainly he should4  ,,athenian3      
,suppose that we leave to him the       
arrangement of details4 ,but the general

 division of laws according to their    
importance into a first and second and  
third class1 we who are lovers of law   
may make ourselves4  ,,megillus3 ,very  
good4  ,,athenian3 ,we maintain1 then1  
that a ,state which would be safe and   
happy1 as far as the nature of man      
allows1 must and ought to distribute    
honour and dishonour in the right way4  
,and the right way is to place the goods
 of the soul first and highest in the   
scale1 always assuming temperance to be 
the condition of them2 and to assign the
 second place to the goods of the body2 
and the third place to money and        
property4 ,and if any legislator or     
state departs from this rule by giving  
money the place of honour1 or in any way
 preferring that which is really last1  
may we not say1 that he or the state is 
doing an unholy and unpatriotic thing8  
,,megillus3 ,yes2 let that be plainly   
declared4  ,,athenian3 ,the             
consideration of the ,persian           
governments led us thus far to enlarge4 

,we remarked that the ,persians grew    
worse and worse4 ,and we affirm the     
reason of this to have been1 that they  
too much diminished the freedom of the  
people1 and introduced too much of      
despotism1 and so destroyed friendship  
and community of feeling4 ,and when     
there is an end of these1 no longer do  
the governors govern on behalf of their 
subjects or of the people1 but on behalf
 of themselves2 and if they think that  
they can gain ever so small an advantage
 for themselves1 they devastate cities1 
and send fire and desolation among      
friendly races4 ,and as they hate       
ruthlessly and horribly1 so are they    
hated2 and when they want the people to 
fight for them1 they find no community  
of feeling or willingness to risk their 
lives on their behalf2 their untold     
myriads are useless to them on the field
 of battle1 and they think that their   
salvation depends on the employment of  
mercenaries and strangers whom they     
hire1 as if they were in want of more   

men4 ,and they cannot help being stupid1
 since they proclaim by their actions   
that the ordinary distinctions of right 
and wrong which are made in a state are 
a trifle1 when compared with gold and   
silver4  ,,megillus3 ,quite true4       
,,athenian3 ,and now enough of the      
,persians1 and their present            
mal-administration of their government1 
which is owing to the excess of slavery 
and despotism among them4  ,,megillus3  
,good4  ,,athenian3 ,next1 we must pass 
in review the government of ,attica in  
like manner1 and from this show that    
entire freedom and the absence of all   
superior authority is not by any means  
so good as government by others when    
properly limited1 which was our ancient 
,athenian constitution at the time when 
the ,persians made their attack on      
,hellas1 or1 speaking more correctly1 on
 the whole continent of ,europe4 ,there 
were four classes1 arranged according to
 a property census1 and reverence was   
our queen and mistress1 and made us     

willing to live in obedience to the laws
 which then prevailed4 ,also the        
vastness of the ,persian armament1 both 
by sea and on land1 caused a helpless   
terror1 which made us more and more the 
servants of our rulers and of the laws2 
and for all these reasons an exceeding  
harmony prevailed among us4 ,about ten  
years before the naval engagement at    
,salamis1 ,datis came1 leading a        
,persian host by command of ,darius1    
which was expressly directed against the
 ,athenians and ,eretrians1 having      
orders to carry them away captive2 and  
these orders he was to execute under    
pain of death4 ,now ,datis and his      
myriads soon became complete masters of 
,eretria1 and he sent a fearful report  
to ,athens that no ,eretrian had escaped
 him2 for the soldiers of ,datis had    
joined hands and netted the whole of    
,eretria4 ,and this report1 whether well
 or ill founded1 was terrible to all the
 ,hellenes1 and above all to the        
,athenians1 and they dispatched         

embassies in all directions1 but no one 
was willing to come to their relief1    
with the exception of the               
,lacedaemonians2 and they1 either       
because they were detained by the       
,messenian war1 which was then going on1
 or for some other reason of which we   
are not told1 came a day too late for   
the battle of ,marathon4 ,after a while1
 the news arrived of mighty preparations
 being made1 and innumerable threats    
came from the king4 ,then1 as time went 
on1 a rumour reached us that ,darius had
 died1 and that his son1 who was young  
and hot-headed1 had come to the throne  
and was persisting in his design4 ,the  
,athenians were under the impression    
that the whole expedition was directed  
against them1 in consequence of the     
battle of ,marathon2 and hearing of the 
bridge over the ,hellespont1 and the    
canal of ,athos1 and the host of ships1 
considering that there was no salvation 
for them either by land or by sea1 for  
there was no one to help them1 and      

remembering that in the first           
expedition1 when the ,persians destroyed
 ,eretria1 no one came to their help1 or
 would risk the danger of an alliance   
with them1 they thought that this would 
happen again1 at least on land2 nor1    
when they looked to the sea1 could they 
descry any hope of salvation2 for they  
were attacked by a thousand vessels and 
more4 ,one chance of safety remained1   
slight indeed and desperate1 but their  
only one4 ,they saw that on the former  
occasion they had gained a seemingly    
impossible victory1 and borne up by this
 hope1 they found that their only refuge
 was in themselves and in the ,gods4    
,all these things created in them the   
spirit of friendship2 there was the fear
 of the moment1 and there was that      
higher fear1 which they had acquired by 
obedience to their ancient laws1 and    
which ,i have several times in the      
preceding discourse called reverence1 of
 which the good man ought to be a       
willing servant1 and of which the coward

 is independent and fearless4 ,if this  
fear had not possessed them1 they would 
never have met the enemy1 or defended   
their temples and sepulchres and their  
country1 and everything that was near   
and dear to them1 as they did2 but      
little by little they would have been   
all scattered and dispersed4            
,,megillus3 ,your words1 ,athenian1 are 
quite true1 and worthy of yourself and  
of your country4  ,,athenian3 ,they are 
true1 ,megillus2 and to you1 who have   
inherited the virtues of your ancestors1
 ,i may properly speak of the actions of
 that day4 ,and ,i would wish you and   
,cleinias to consider whether my words  
have not also a bearing on legislation2 
for ,i am not discoursing only for the  
pleasure of talking1 but for the        
argument's sake4 ,please to remark that 
the experience both of ourselves and the
 ,persians was1 in a certain sense1 the 
same2 for as they led their people into 
utter servitude1 so we too led ours into
 all freedom4 ,and now1 how shall we    

proceed8 for ,i would like you to       
observe that our previous arguments have
 good deal to say for themselves4       
,,megillus3 ,true2 but ,i wish that you 
would give us a fuller explanation4     
,,athenian3 ,i will4 ,under the ancient 
laws1 my friends1 the people was not as 
now the master1 but rather the willing  
servant of the laws4  ,,megillus3 ,what 
laws do you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,in the  
first place1 let us speak of the laws   
about music1--that is to say1 such music
 as then existed--in order that we may  
trace the growth of the excess of       
freedom from the beginning4 ,now music  
was early divided among us into certain 
kinds and manners4 ,one sort consisted  
of prayers to the ,gods1 which were     
called hymns2 and there was another and 
opposite sort called lamentations1 and  
another termed paeans1 and another1     
celebrating the birth of ,dionysus1     
called1 ,i believe1 'dithyrambs4' ,and  
they used the actual word 'laws1' or    
nomoi1 for another kind of song2 and to 

this they added the term 'citharoedic4' 
,all these and others were duly         
distinguished1 nor were the performers  
allowed to confuse one style of music   
with another4 ,and the authority which  
determined and gave judgment1 and       
punished the disobedient1 was not       
expressed in a hiss1 nor in the most    
unmusical shouts of the multitude1 as in
 our days1 nor in applause and clapping 
of hands4 ,but the directors of public  
instruction insisted that the spectators
 should listen in silence to the end2   
and boys and their tutors1 and the      
multitude in general1 were kept quiet by
 a hint from a stick4 ,such was the good
 order which the multitude were willing 
to observe2 they would never have dared 
to give judgment by noisy cries4 ,and   
then1 as time went on1 the poets        
themselves introduced the reign of      
vulgar and lawless innovation4 ,they    
were men of genius1 but they had no     
perception of what is just and lawful in
 music2 raging like ,bacchanals and     

possessed with inordinate               
delights--mingling lamentations with    
hymns1 and paeans with dithyrambs2      
imitating the sounds of the flute on the
 lyre1 and making one general confusion2
 ignorantly affirming that music has no 
truth1 and1 whether good or bad1 can    
only be judged of rightly by the        
pleasure of the hearer 7compare         
,republic74 ,and by composing such      
licentious works1 and adding to them    
words as licentious1 they have inspired 
the multitude with lawlessness and      
boldness1 and made them fancy that they 
can judge for themselves about melody   
and song4 ,and in this way the theatres 
from being mute have become vocal1 as   
though they had understanding of good   
and bad in music and poetry2 and instead
 of an aristocracy1 an evil sort of     
theatrocracy has grown up 7compare      
,arist4 ,pol474 ,for if the democracy   
which judged had only consisted of      
educated persons1 no fatal harm would   
have been done2 but in music there first

 arose the universal conceit of         
omniscience and general                 
lawlessness2--freedom came following    
afterwards1 and men1 fancying that they 
knew what they did not know1 had no     
longer any fear1 and the absence of fear
 begets shamelessness4 ,for what is this
 shamelessness1 which is so evil a      
thing1 but the insolent refusal to      
regard the opinion of the better by     
reason of an over-daring sort of        
liberty8  ,,megillus3 ,very true4       
,,athenian3 ,consequent upon this       
freedom comes the other freedom1 of     
disobedience to rulers 7compare         
,republic72 and then the attempt to     
escape the control and exhortation of   
father1 mother1 elders1 and when near   
the end1 the control of the laws also2  
and at the very end there is the        
contempt of oaths and pledges1 and no   
regard at all for the ,gods1--herein    
they exhibit and imitate the old        
so-called ,titanic nature1 and come to  
the same point as the ,titans when they 

rebelled against ,god1 leading a life of
 endless evils4 ,but why have ,i said   
all this8 ,i ask1 because the argument  
ought to be pulled up from time to time1
 and not be allowed to run away1 but    
held with bit and bridle1 and then we   
shall not1 as the proverb says1 fall off
 our ass4 ,let us then once more ask the
 question1 ,to what end has all this    
been said8  ,,megillus3 ,very good4     
,,athenian3 ,this1 then1 has been said  
for the sake--  ,,megillus3 ,of what8   
,,athenian3 ,we were maintaining that   
the lawgiver ought to have three things 
in view3 first1 that the city for which 
he legislates should be free2 and       
secondly1 be at unity with herself2 and 
thirdly1 should have                    
understanding2--these were our          
principles1 were they not8  ,,megillus3 
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,with a view to
 this we selected two kinds of          
government1 the one the most despotic1  
and the other the most free2 and now we 
are considering which of them is the    

right form3 we took a mean in both      
cases1 of despotism in the one1 and of  
liberty in the other1 and we saw that in
 a mean they attained their perfection2 
but that when they were carried to the  
extreme of either1 slavery or licence1  
neither party were the gainers4         
,,megillus3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3    
,and that was our reason for considering
 the settlement of the ,dorian army1 and
 of the city built by ,dardanus at the  
foot of the mountains1 and the removal  
of cities to the seashore1 and of our   
mention of the first men1 who were the  
survivors of the deluge4 ,and all that  
was previously said about music and     
drinking1 and what preceded1 was said   
with the view of seeing how a state     
might be best administered1 and how an  
individual might best order his own     
life4 ,and now1 ,megillus and ,cleinias1
 how can we put to the proof the value  
of our words8  ,,cleinias3 ,stranger1 ,i
 think that ,i see how a proof of their 
value may be obtained4 ,this discussion 

of ours appears to me to have been      
singularly fortunate1 and just what ,i  
at this moment want2 most auspiciously  
have you and my friend ,megillus come in
 my way4 ,for ,i will tell you what has 
happened to me2 and ,i regard the       
coincidence as a sort of omen4 ,the     
greater part of ,crete is going to send 
out a colony1 and they have entrusted   
the management of the affair to the     
,cnosians2 and the ,cnosian government  
to me and nine others4 ,and they desire 
us to give them any laws which we       
please1 whether taken from the ,cretan  
model or from any other2 and they do not
 mind about their being foreign if they 
are better4 ,grant me then this favour1 
which will also be a gain to            
yourselves3--,let us make a selection   
from what has been said1 and then let us
 imagine a ,state of which we will      
suppose ourselves to be the original    
founders4 ,thus we shall proceed with   
our enquiry1 and1 at the same time1 ,i  
may have the use of the framework which 

you are constructing1 for the city which
 is in contemplation4  ,,athenian3 ,good
 news1 ,cleinias2 if ,megillus has no   
objection1 you may be sure that ,i will 
do all in my power to please you4       
,,cleinias3 ,thank you4  ,,megillus3    
,and so will ,i4  ,,cleinias3           
,excellent2 and now let us begin to     
frame the ,state4     ,,book ,,iv4      
,,athenian3 ,and now1 what will this    
city be8 ,i do not mean to ask what is  
or will hereafter be the name of the    
place2 that may be determined by the    
accident of locality or of the original 
settlement--a river or fountain1 or some
 local deity may give the sanction of a 
name to the newly-founded city2 but ,i  
do want to know what the situation is1  
whether maritime or inland4  ,,cleinias3
 ,i should imagine1 ,stranger1 that the 
city of which we are speaking is about  
eighty stadia distant from the sea4     
,,athenian3 ,and are there harbours on  
the seaboard8  ,,cleinias3 ,excellent   
harbours1 ,stranger2 there could not be 

better4  ,,athenian3 ,alas6 what a      
prospect6 ,and is the surrounding       
country productive1 or in need of       
importations8  ,,cleinias3 ,hardly in   
need of anything4  ,,athenian3 ,and is  
there any neighbouring ,state8          
,,cleinias3 ,none whatever1 and that is 
the reason for selecting the place2 in  
days of old1 there was a migration of   
the inhabitants1 and the region has been
 deserted from time immemorial4         
,,athenian3 ,and has the place a fair   
proportion of hill1 and plain1 and wood8
  ,,cleinias3 ,like the rest of ,crete  
in that4  ,,athenian3 ,you mean to say  
that there is more rock than plain8     
,,cleinias3 ,exactly4  ,,athenian3 ,then
 there is some hope that your citizens  
may be virtuous3 had you been on the    
sea1 and well provided with harbours1   
and an importing rather than a producing
 country1 some mighty saviour would have
 been needed1 and lawgivers more than   
mortal1 if you were ever to have a      
chance of preserving your state from    

degeneracy and discordance of manners   
7compare ,ar4 ,pol474 ,but there is     
comfort in the eighty stadia2 although  
the sea is too near1 especially if1 as  
you say1 the harbours are so good4      
,still we may be content4 ,the sea is   
pleasant enough as a daily companion1   
but has indeed also a bitter and        
brackish quality2 filling the streets   
with merchants and shopkeepers1 and     
begetting in the souls of men uncertain 
and unfaithful ways--making the state   
unfriendly and unfaithful both to her   
own citizens1 and also to other nations4
 ,there is a consolation1 therefore1 in 
the country producing all things at     
home2 and yet1 owing to the ruggedness  
of the soil1 not providing anything in  
great abundance4 ,had there been        
abundance1 there might have been a great
 export trade1 and a great return of    
gold and silver2 which1 as we may safely
 affirm1 has the most fatal results on a
 ,state whose aim is the attainment of  
just and noble sentiments3 this was said

 by us1 if you remember1 in the previous
 discussion4  ,,cleinias3 ,i remember1  
and am of opinion that we both were and 
are in the right4  ,,athenian3 ,well1   
but let me ask1 how is the country      
supplied with timber for ship-building8 
,,cleinias3 ,there is no fir of any     
consequence1 nor pine1 and not much     
cypress2 and you will find very little  
stone-pine or plane-wood1 which         
shipwrights always require for the      
interior of ships4  ,,athenian3 ,these  
are also natural advantages4            
,,cleinias3 ,why so8  ,,athenian3       
,because no city ought to be easily able
 to imitate its enemies in what is      
mischievous4  ,,cleinias3 ,how does that
 bear upon any of the matters of which  
we have been speaking8  ,,athenian3     
,remember1 my good friend1 what ,i said 
at first about the ,cretan laws1 that   
they looked to one thing only1 and this1
 as you both agreed1 was war2 and ,i    
replied that such laws1 in so far as    
they tended to promote virtue1 were     

good2 but in that they regarded a part  
only1 and not the whole of virtue1 ,i   
disapproved of them4 ,and now ,i hope   
that you in your turn will follow and   
watch me if ,i legislate with a view to 
anything but virtue1 or with a view to a
 part of virtue only4 ,for ,i consider  
that the true lawgiver1 like an archer1 
aims only at that on which some eternal 
beauty is always attending1 and         
dismisses everything else1 whether      
wealth or any other benefit1 when       
separated from virtue4 ,i was saying    
that the imitation of enemies was a bad 
thing2 and ,i was thinking of a case in 
which a maritime people are harassed by 
enemies1 as the ,athenians were by      
,minos 7,i do not speak from any desire 
to recall past grievances72 but he1 as  
we know1 was a great naval potentate1   
who compelled the inhabitants of ,attica
 to pay him a cruel tribute2 and in     
those days they had no ships of war as  
they now have1 nor was the country      
filled with ship-timber1 and therefore  

they could not readily build them4      
,hence they could not learn how to      
imitate their enemy at sea1 and in this 
way1 becoming sailors themselves1       
directly repel their enemies4 ,better   
for them to have lost many times over   
the seven youths1 than that heavy-armed 
and stationary troops should have been  
turned into sailors1 and accustomed to  
be often leaping on shore1 and again to 
come running back to their ships2 or    
should have fancied that there was no   
disgrace in not awaiting the attack of  
an enemy and dying boldly2 and that     
there were good reasons1 and plenty of  
them1 for a man throwing away his arms1 
and betaking himself to flight1--which  
is not dishonourable1 as people say1 at 
certain times4 ,this is the language of 
naval warfare1 and is anything but      
worthy of extraordinary praise4 ,for we 
should not teach bad habits1 least of   
all to the best part of the citizens4   
,you may learn the evil of such a       
practice from ,homer1 by whom ,odysseus 

is introduced1 rebuking ,agamemnon1     
because he desires to draw down the     
ships to the sea at a time when the     
,achaeans are hard pressed by the       
,trojans1--he gets angry with him1 and  
says3  ',who1 at a time when the battle 
is in full cry1 biddest to drag the     
well-benched ships into the sea1 that   
the prayers of the ,trojans may be      
accomplished yet more1 and high ruin    
fall upon us4 ,for the ,achaeans will   
not maintain the battle1 when the ships 
are drawn into the sea1 but they will   
look behind and will cease from strife2 
in that the counsel which you give will 
prove injurious4'  ,you see that he     
quite knew triremes on the sea1 in the  
neighbourhood of fighting men1 to be an 
evil2--lions might be trained in that   
way to fly from a herd of deer4         
,moreover1 naval powers which owe their 
safety to ships1 do not give honour to  
that sort of warlike excellence which is
 most deserving of it4 ,for he who owes 
his safety to the pilot and the captain1

 and the oarsman1 and all sorts of      
rather inferior persons1 cannot rightly 
give honour to whom honour is due4 ,but 
how can a state be in a right condition 
which cannot justly award honour8       
,,cleinias3 ,it is hardly possible1 ,i  
admit2 and yet1 ,stranger1 we ,cretans  
are in the habit of saying that the     
battle of ,salamis was the salvation of 
,hellas4  ,,athenian3 ,why1 yes2 and    
that is an opinion which is widely      
spread both among ,hellenes and         
barbarians4 ,but ,megillus and ,i say   
rather1 that the battle of ,marathon was
 the beginning1 and the battle of       
,plataea the completion1 of the great   
deliverance1 and that these battles by  
land made the ,hellenes better2 whereas 
the sea-fights of ,salamis and          
,artemisium--for ,i may as well put them
 both together--made them no better1 if 
,i may say so without offence about the 
battles which helped to save us4 ,and in
 estimating the goodness of a state1 we 
regard both the situation of the country

 and the order of the laws1 considering 
that the mere preservation and          
continuance of life is not the most     
honourable thing for men1 as the vulgar 
think1 but the continuance of the best  
life1 while we live2 and that again1 if 
,i am not mistaken1 is a remark which   
has been made already4  ,,cleinias3     
,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,then we have only to
 ask1 whether we are taking the course  
which we acknowledge to be the best for 
the settlement and legislation of       
states4  ,,cleinias3 ,the best by far4  
,,athenian3 ,and now let me proceed to  
another question3 ,who are to be the    
colonists8 ,may any one come out of all 
,crete2 and is the idea that the        
population in the several states is too 
numerous for the means of subsistence8  
,for ,i suppose that you are not going  
to send out a general invitation to any 
,hellene who likes to come4 ,and yet ,i 
observe that to your country settlers   
have come from ,argos and ,aegina and   
other parts of ,hellas4 ,tell me1 then1 

whence do you draw your recruits in the 
present enterprise8  ,,cleinias3 ,they  
will come from all ,crete2 and of other 
,hellenes1 ,peloponnesians will be most 
acceptable4 ,for1 as you truly observe1 
there are ,cretans of ,argive descent2  
and the race of ,cretans which has the  
highest character at the present day is 
the ,gortynian1 and this has come from  
,gortys in the ,peloponnesus4           
,,athenian3 ,cities find colonization in
 some respects easier if the colonists  
are one race1 which like a swarm of bees
 is sent out from a single country1     
either when friends leave friends1 owing
 to some pressure of population or other
 similar necessity1 or when a portion of
 a state is driven by factions to       
emigrate4 ,and there have been whole    
cities which have taken flight when     
utterly conquered by a superior power in
 war4 ,this1 however1 which is in one   
way an advantage to the colonist or     
legislator1 in another point of view    
creates a difficulty4 ,there is an      

element of friendship in the community  
of race1 and language1 and laws1 and in 
common temples and rites of worship2 but
 colonies which are of this homogeneous 
sort are apt to kick against any laws or
 any form of constitution differing from
 that which they had at home2 and       
although the badness of their own laws  
may have been the cause of the factions 
which prevailed among them1 yet from the
 force of habit they would fain preserve
 the very customs which were their ruin1
 and the leader of the colony1 who is   
their legislator1 finds them troublesome
 and rebellious4 ,on the other hand1 the
 conflux of several populations might be
 more disposed to listen to new laws2   
but then1 to make them combine and pull 
together1 as they say of horses1 is a   
most difficult task1 and the work of    
years4 ,and yet there is nothing which  
tends more to the improvement of mankind
 than legislation and colonization4     
,,cleinias3 ,no doubt2 but ,i should    
like to know why you say so4            

,,athenian3 ,my good friend1 ,i am      
afraid that the course of my            
speculations is leading me to say       
something depreciatory of legislators2  
but if the word be to the purpose1 there
 can be no harm4 ,and yet1 why am ,i    
disquieted1 for ,i believe that the same
 principle applies equally to all human 
things8  ,,cleinias3 ,to what are you   
referring8  ,,athenian3 ,i was going to 
say that man never legislates1 but      
accidents of all sorts1 which legislate 
for us in all sorts of ways4 ,the       
violence of war and the hard necessity  
of poverty are constantly overturning   
governments and changing laws4 ,and the 
power of disease has often caused       
innovations in the state1 when there    
have been pestilences1 or when there has
 been a succession of bad seasons       
continuing during many years4 ,any one  
who sees all this1 naturally rushes to  
the conclusion of which ,i was speaking1
 that no mortal legislates in anything1 
but that in human affairs chance is     

almost everything4 ,and this may be said
 of the arts of the sailor1 and the     
pilot1 and the physician1 and the       
general1 and may seem to be well said2  
and yet there is another thing which may
 be said with equal truth of all of     
them4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is it8         
,,athenian3 ,that ,god governs all      
things1 and that chance and opportunity 
co-operate with ,him in the government  
of human affairs4 ,there is1 however1 a 
third and less extreme view1 that art   
should be there also2 for ,i should say 
that in a storm there must surely be a  
great advantage in having the aid of the
 pilot's art4 ,you would agree8         
,,cleinias3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,and does
 not a like principle apply to          
legislation as well as to other things3 
even supposing all the conditions to be 
favourable which are needed for the     
happiness of the state1 yet the true    
legislator must from time to time appear
 on the scene8  ,,cleinias3 ,most true4 
,,athenian3 ,in each case the artist    

would be able to pray rightly for       
certain conditions1 and if these were   
granted by fortune1 he would then only  
require to exercise his art8            
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and all the other artists just now     
mentioned1 if they were bidden to offer 
up each their special prayer1 would do  
so8  ,,cleinias3 ,of course4            
,,athenian3 ,and the legislator would do
 likewise8  ,,cleinias3 ,i believe that 
he would4  ,,athenian3 ',come1          
legislator1' we will say to him2 'what  
are the conditions which you require in 
a state before you can organize it8'    
,how ought he to answer this question8  
,shall ,i give his answer8  ,,cleinias3 
,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,he will say--',give 
me a state which is governed by a       
tyrant1 and let the tyrant be young and 
have a good memory2 let him be quick at 
learning1 and of a courageous and noble 
nature2 let him have that quality which1
 as ,i said before1 is the inseparable  
companion of all the other parts of     

virtue1 if there is to be any good in   
them4'  ,,cleinias3 ,i suppose1         
,megillus1 that this companion virtue of
 which the ,stranger speaks1 must be    
temperance8  ,,athenian3 ,yes1          
,cleinias1 temperance in the vulgar     
sense2 not that which in the forced and 
exaggerated language of some            
philosophers is called prudence1 but    
that which is the natural gift of       
children and animals1 of whom some live 
continently and others incontinently1   
but when isolated1 was1 as we said1     
hardly worth reckoning in the catalogue 
of goods4 ,i think that you must        
understand my meaning4  ,,cleinias3     
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,then our      
tyrant must have this as well as the    
other qualities1 if the state is to     
acquire in the best manner and in the   
shortest time the form of government    
which is most conducive to happiness2   
for there neither is nor ever will be a 
better or speedier way of establishing a
 polity than by a tyranny4  ,,cleinias3 

,by what possible arguments1 ,stranger1 
can any man persuade himself of such a  
monstrous doctrine8  ,,athenian3 ,there 
is surely no difficulty in seeing1      
,cleinias1 what is in accordance with   
the order of nature8  ,,cleinias3 ,you  
would assume1 as you say1 a tyrant who  
was young1 temperate1 quick at learning1
 having a good memory1 courageous1 of a 
noble nature8  ,,athenian3 ,yes2 and you
 must add fortunate2 and his good       
fortune must be that he is the          
contemporary of a great legislator1 and 
that some happy chance brings them      
together4 ,when this has been           
accomplished1 ,god has done all that he 
ever does for a state which he desires  
to be eminently prosperous2 ,he has done
 second best for a state in which there 
are two such rulers1 and third best for 
a state in which there are three4 ,the  
difficulty increases with the increase1 
and diminishes with the diminution of   
the number4  ,,cleinias3 ,you mean to   
say1 ,i suppose1 that the best          

government is produced from a tyranny1  
and originates in a good lawgiver and an
 orderly tyrant1 and that the change    
from such a tyranny into a perfect form 
of government takes place most easily2  
less easily when from an oligarchy2 and1
 in the third degree1 from a democracy3 
is not that your meaning8  ,,athenian3  
,not so2 ,i mean rather to say that the 
change is best made out of a tyranny2   
and secondly1 out of a monarchy2 and    
thirdly1 out of some sort of democracy3 
fourth1 in the capacity for improvement1
 comes oligarchy1 which has the greatest
 difficulty in admitting of such a      
change1 because the government is in the
 hands of a number of potentates4 ,i am 
supposing that the legislator is by     
nature of the true sort1 and that his   
strength is united with that of the     
chief men of the state2 and when the    
ruling element is numerically small1 and
 at the same time very strong1 as in a  
tyranny1 there the change is likely to  
be easiest and most rapid4  ,,cleinias3 

,how8 ,i do not understand4  ,,athenian3
 ,and yet ,i have repeated what ,i am   
saying a good many times2 but ,i suppose
 that you have never seen a city which  
is under a tyranny8  ,,cleinias3 ,no1   
and ,i cannot say that ,i have any great
 desire to see one4  ,,athenian3 ,and   
yet1 where there is a tyranny1 you might
 certainly see that of which ,i am now  
speaking4  ,,cleinias3 ,what do you     
mean8  ,,athenian3 ,i mean that you     
might see how1 without trouble and in no
 very long period of time1 the tyrant1  
if he wishes1 can change the manners of 
a state3 he has only to go in the       
direction of virtue or of vice1         
whichever he prefers1 he himself        
indicating by his example the lines of  
conduct1 praising and rewarding some    
actions and reproving others1 and       
degrading those who disobey4            
,,cleinias3 ,but how can we imagine that
 the citizens in general will at once   
follow the example set to them2 and how 
can he have this power both of          

persuading and of compelling them8      
,,athenian3 ,let no one1 my friends1    
persuade us that there is any quicker   
and easier way in which states change   
their laws than when the rulers lead3   
such changes never have1 nor ever will1 
come to pass in any other way4 ,the real
 impossibility or difficulty is of      
another sort1 and is rarely surmounted  
in the course of ages2 but when once it 
is surmounted1 ten thousand or rather   
all blessings follow4  ,,cleinias3 ,of  
what are you speaking8  ,,athenian3 ,the
 difficulty is to find the divine love  
of temperate and just institutions      
existing in any powerful forms of       
government1 whether in a monarchy or    
oligarchy of wealth or of birth4 ,you   
might as well hope to reproduce the     
character of ,nestor1 who is said to    
have excelled all men in the power of   
speech1 and yet more in his temperance4 
,this1 however1 according to the        
tradition1 was in the times of ,troy2 in
 our own days there is nothing of the   

sort2 but if such an one either has or  
ever shall come into being1 or is now   
among us1 blessed is he and blessed are 
they who hear the wise words that flow  
from his lips4 ,and this may be said of 
power in general3 ,when the supreme     
power in man coincides with the greatest
 wisdom and temperance1 then the best   
laws and the best constitution come into
 being2 but in no other way4 ,and let   
what ,i have been saying be regarded as 
a kind of sacred legend or oracle1 and  
let this be our proof that1 in one point
 of view1 there may be a difficulty for 
a city to have good laws1 but that there
 is another point of view in which      
nothing can be easier or sooner         
effected1 granting our supposition4     
,,cleinias3 ,how do you mean8           
,,athenian3 ,let us try to amuse        
ourselves1 old boys as we are1 by       
moulding in words the laws which are    
suitable to your state4  ,,cleinias3    
,let us proceed without delay4          
,,athenian3 ,then let us invoke ,god at 

the settlement of our state2 may ,he    
hear and be propitious to us1 and come  
and set in order the ,state and the     
laws6  ,,cleinias3 ,may ,he come6       
,,athenian3 ,but what form of polity are
 we going to give the city8  ,,cleinias3
 ,tell us what you mean a little more   
clearly4 ,do you mean some form of      
democracy1 or oligarchy1 or aristocracy1
 or monarchy8 ,for we cannot suppose    
that you would include tyranny4         
,,athenian3 ,which of you will first    
tell me to which of these classes his   
own government is to be referred8       
,,megillus3 ,ought ,i to answer first1  
since ,i am the elder8  ,,cleinias3     
,perhaps you should4  ,,megillus3 ,and  
yet1 ,stranger1 ,i perceive that ,i     
cannot say1 without more thought1 what  
,i should call the government of        
,lacedaemon1 for it seems to me to be   
like a tyranny1--the power of our       
,ephors is marvellously tyrannical2 and 
sometimes it appears to me to be of all 
cities the most democratical2 and who   

can reasonably deny that it is an       
aristocracy 7compare ,ar4 ,pol478 ,we   
have also a monarchy which is held for  
life1 and is said by all mankind1 and   
not by ourselves only1 to be the most   
ancient of all monarchies2 and1         
therefore1 when asked on a sudden1 ,i   
cannot precisely say which form of      
government the ,spartan is4  ,,cleinias3
 ,i am in the same difficulty1          
,megillus2 for ,i do not feel confident 
that the polity of ,cnosus is any of    
these4  ,,athenian3 ,the reason is1 my  
excellent friends1 that you really have 
polities1 but the states of which we    
were just now speaking are merely       
aggregations of men dwelling in cities  
who are the subjects and servants of a  
part of their own state1 and each of    
them is named after the dominant power2 
they are not polities at all4 ,but if   
states are to be named after their      
rulers1 the true state ought to be      
called by the name of the ,god who rules
 over wise men4  ,,cleinias3 ,and who is

 this ,god8  ,,athenian3 ,may ,i still  
make use of fable to some extent1 in the
 hope that ,i may be better able to     
answer your question3 shall ,i8         
,,cleinias3 ,by all means4  ,,athenian3 
,in the primeval world1 and a long while
 before the cities came into being whose
 settlements we have described1 there is
 said to have been in the time of       
,cronos a blessed rule and life1 of     
which the best-ordered of existing      
states is a copy 7compare ,statesman74  
,,cleinias3 ,it will be very necessary  
to hear about that4  ,,athenian3 ,i     
quite agree with you2 and therefore ,i  
have introduced the subject4            
,,cleinias3 ,most appropriately2 and    
since the tale is to the point1 you will
 do well in giving us the whole story4  
,,athenian3 ,i will do as you suggest4  
,there is a tradition of the happy life 
of mankind in days when all things were 
spontaneous and abundant4 ,and of this  
the reason is said to have been as      
follows3--,cronos knew what we ourselves

 were declaring1 that no human nature   
invested with supreme power is able to  
order human affairs and not overflow    
with insolence and wrong4 ,which        
reflection led him to appoint not men   
but demigods1 who are of a higher and   
more divine race1 to be the kings and   
rulers of our cities2 he did as we do   
with flocks of sheep and other tame     
animals4 ,for we do not appoint oxen to 
be the lords of oxen1 or goats of goats2
 but we ourselves are a superior race1  
and rule over them4 ,in like manner     
,god1 in ,his love of mankind1 placed   
over us the demons1 who are a superior  
race1 and they with great ease and      
pleasure to themselves1 and no less to  
us1 taking care of us and giving us     
peace and reverence and order and       
justice never failing1 made the tribes  
of men happy and united4 ,and this      
tradition1 which is true1 declares that 
cities of which some mortal man and not 
,god is the ruler1 have no escape from  
evils and toils4 ,still we must do all  

that we can to imitate the life which is
 said to have existed in the days of    
,cronos1 and1 as far as the principle of
 immortality dwells in us1 to that we   
must hearken1 both in private and public
 life1 and regulate our cities and      
houses according to law1 meaning by the 
very term 'law1' the distribution of    
mind4 ,but if either a single person or 
an oligarchy or a democracy has a soul  
eager after pleasures and               
desires--wanting to be filled with them1
 yet retaining none of them1 and        
perpetually afflicted with an endless   
and insatiable disorder2 and this evil  
spirit1 having first trampled the laws  
under foot1 becomes the master either of
 a state or of an individual1--then1 as 
,i was saying1 salvation is hopeless4   
,and now1 ,cleinias1 we have to consider
 whether you will or will not accept    
this tale of mine4  ,,cleinias3         
,certainly we will4  ,,athenian3 ,you   
are aware1--are you not8--that there are
 often said to be as many forms of laws 

as there are of governments1 and of the 
latter we have already mentioned all    
those which are commonly recognized4    
,now you must regard this as a matter of
 first-rate importance4 ,for what is to 
be the standard of just and unjust1 is  
once more the point at issue4 ,men say  
that the law ought not to regard either 
military virtue1 or virtue in general1  
but only the interests and power and    
preservation of the established form of 
government2 this is thought by them to  
be the best way of expressing the       
natural definition of justice4          
,,cleinias3 ,how8  ,,athenian3 ,justice 
is said by them to be the interest of   
the stronger 7,republic74  ,,cleinias3  
,speak plainer4  ,,athenian3 ,i         
will3--',surely1' they say1 'the        
governing power makes whatever laws have
 authority in any state'8  ,,cleinias3  
,true4  ,,athenian3 ',well1' they would 
add1 'and do you suppose that tyranny or
 democracy1 or any other conquering     
power1 does not make the continuance of 

the power which is possessed by them the
 first or principal object of their     
laws'8  ,,cleinias3 ,how can they have  
any other8  ,,athenian3 ',and whoever   
transgresses these laws is punished as  
an evil-doer by the legislator1 who     
calls the laws just'8  ,,cleinias3      
,naturally4  ,,athenian3 ',this1 then1  
is always the mode and fashion in which 
justice exists4'  ,,cleinias3           
,certainly1 if they are correct in their
 view4  ,,athenian3 ,why1 yes1 this is  
one of those false principles of        
government to which we were referring4  
,,cleinias3 ,which do you mean8         
,,athenian3 ,those which we were        
examining when we spoke of who ought to 
govern whom4 ,did we not arrive at the  
conclusion that parents ought to govern 
their children1 and the elder the       
younger1 and the noble the ignoble8 ,and
 there were many other principles1 if   
you remember1 and they were not always  
consistent4 ,one principle was this very
 principle of might1 and we said that   

,pindar considered violence natural and 
justified it4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes2 ,i     
remember4  ,,athenian3 ,consider1 then1 
to whom our state is to be entrusted4   
,for there is a thing which has occurred
 times without number in states--       
,,cleinias3 ,what thing8  ,,athenian3   
,that when there has been a contest for 
power1 those who gain the upper hand so 
entirely monopolize the government1 as  
to refuse all share to the defeated     
party and their descendants--they live  
watching one another1 the ruling class  
being in perpetual fear that some one   
who has a recollection of former wrongs 
will come into power and rise up against
 them4 ,now1 according to our view1 such
 governments are not polities at all1   
nor are laws right which are passed for 
the good of particular classes and not  
for the good of the whole state4 ,states
 which have such laws are not polities  
but parties1 and their notions of       
justice are simply unmeaning4 ,i say    
this1 because ,i am going to assert that

 we must not entrust the government in  
your state to any one because he is     
rich1 or because he possesses any other 
advantage1 such as strength1 or stature1
 or again birth3 but he who is most     
obedient to the laws of the state1 he   
shall win the palm2 and to him who is   
victorious in the first degree shall be 
given the highest office and chief      
ministry of the gods2 and the second to 
him who bears the second palm2 and on a 
similar principle shall all the other   
offices be assigned to those who come   
next in order4 ,and when ,i call the    
rulers servants or ministers of the law1
 ,i give them this name not for the sake
 of novelty1 but because ,i certainly   
believe that upon such service or       
ministry depends the well- or ill-being 
of the state4 ,for that state in which  
the law is subject and has no authority1
 ,i perceive to be on the highway to    
ruin2 but ,i see that the state in which
 the law is above the rulers1 and the   
rulers are the inferiors of the law1 has

 salvation1 and every blessing which the
 ,gods can confer4  ,,cleinias3 ,truly1 
,stranger1 you see with the keen vision 
of age4  ,,athenian3 ,why1 yes2 every   
man when he is young has that sort of   
vision dullest1 and when he is old      
keenest4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4       
,,athenian3 ,and now1 what is to be the 
next step8 ,may we not suppose the      
colonists to have arrived1 and proceed  
to make our speech to them8  ,,cleinias3
 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ',friends1' we
 say to them1--',god1 as the old        
tradition declares1 holding in his hand 
the beginning1 middle1 and end of all   
that is1 travels according to ,his      
nature in a straight line towards the   
accomplishment of ,his end4 ,justice    
always accompanies ,him1 and is the     
punisher of those who fall short of the 
divine law4 ,to justice1 he who would be
 happy holds fast1 and follows in her   
company with all humility and order2 but
 he who is lifted up with pride1 or     
elated by wealth or rank1 or beauty1 who

 is young and foolish1 and has a soul   
hot with insolence1 and thinks that he  
has no need of any guide or ruler1 but  
is able himself to be the guide of      
others1 he1 ,i say1 is left deserted of 
,god2 and being thus deserted1 he takes 
to him others who are like himself1 and 
dances about1 throwing all things into  
confusion1 and many think that he is a  
great man1 but in a short time he pays a
 penalty which justice cannot but       
approve1 and is utterly destroyed1 and  
his family and city with him4           
,wherefore1 seeing that human things are
 thus ordered1 what should a wise man do
 or think1 or not do or think'8         
,,cleinias3 ,every man ought to make up 
his mind that he will be one of the     
followers of ,god2 there can be no doubt
 of that4  ,,athenian3 ,then what life  
is agreeable to ,god1 and becoming in   
,his followers8 ,one only1 expressed    
once for all in the old saying that     
'like agrees with like1 with measure    
measure1' but things which have no      

measure agree neither with themselves   
nor with the things which have4 ,now    
,god ought to be to us the measure of   
all things1 and not man 7compare ,crat42
 ,theaet471 as men commonly say         
7,protagoras73 the words are far more   
true of ,him4 ,and he who would be dear 
to ,god must1 as far as is possible1 be 
like ,him and such as ,he is4 ,wherefore
 the temperate man is the friend of     
,god1 for he is like ,him2 and the      
intemperate man is unlike ,him1 and     
different from ,him1 and unjust4 ,and   
the same applies to other things2 and   
this is the conclusion1 which is also   
the noblest and truest of all           
sayings1--that for the good man to offer
 sacrifice to the ,gods1 and hold       
converse with them by means of prayers  
and offerings and every kind of service1
 is the noblest and best of all things1 
and also the most conducive to a happy  
life1 and very fit and meet4 ,but with  
the bad man1 the opposite of this is    
true3 for the bad man has an impure     

soul1 whereas the good is pure2 and from
 one who is polluted1 neither a good man
 nor ,god can without impropriety       
receive gifts4 ,wherefore the unholy do 
only waste their much service upon the  
,gods1 but when offered by any holy man1
 such service is most acceptable to     
them4 ,this is the mark at which we     
ought to aim4 ,but what weapons shall we
 use1 and how shall we direct them8 ,in 
the first place1 we affirm that next    
after the ,olympian ,gods and the ,gods 
of the ,state1 honour should be given to
 the ,gods below2 they should receive   
everything in even numbers1 and of the  
second choice1 and ill omen1 while the  
odd numbers1 and the first choice1 and  
the things of lucky omen1 are given to  
the ,gods above1 by him who would       
rightly hit the mark of piety4 ,next to 
these ,gods1 a wise man will do service 
to the demons or spirits1 and then to   
the heroes1 and after them will follow  
the private and ancestral ,gods1 who are
 worshipped as the law prescribes in the

 places which are sacred to them4 ,next 
comes the honour of living parents1 to  
whom1 as is meet1 we have to pay the    
first and greatest and oldest of all    
debts1 considering that all which a man 
has belongs to those who gave him birth 
and brought him up1 and that he must do 
all that he can to minister to them1    
first1 in his property1 secondly1 in his
 person1 and thirdly1 in his soul1 in   
return for the endless care and travail 
which they bestowed upon him of old1 in 
the days of his infancy1 and which he is
 now to pay back to them when they are  
old and in the extremity of their need4 
,and all his life long he ought never to
 utter1 or to have uttered1 an          
unbecoming word to them2 for of light   
and fleeting words the penalty is most  
severe2 ,nemesis1 the messenger of      
justice1 is appointed to watch over all 
such matters4 ,when they are angry and  
want to satisfy their feelings in word  
or deed1 he should give way to them2 for
 a father who thinks that he has been   

wronged by his son may be reasonably    
expected to be very angry4 ,at their    
death1 the most moderate funeral is     
best1 neither exceeding the customary   
expense1 nor yet falling short of the   
honour which has been usually shown by  
the former generation to their parents4 
,and let a man not forget to pay the    
yearly tribute of respect to the dead1  
honouring them chiefly by omitting      
nothing that conduces to a perpetual    
remembrance of them1 and giving a       
reasonable portion of his fortune to the
 dead4 ,doing this1 and living after    
this manner1 we shall receive our reward
 from the ,gods and those who are above 
us 7i4e4 the demons72 and we shall spend
 our days for the most part in good     
hope4 ,and how a man ought to order what
 relates to his descendants and his     
kindred and friends and fellow-citizens1
 and the rites of hospitality taught by 
,heaven1 and the intercourse which      
arises out of all these duties1 with a  
view to the embellishment and orderly   

regulation of his own life--these       
things1 ,i say1 the laws1 as we proceed 
with them1 will accomplish1 partly      
persuading1 and partly when natures do  
not yield to the persuasion of custom1  
chastising them by might and right1 and 
will thus render our state1 if the ,gods
 co-operate with us1 prosperous and     
happy4 ,but of what has to be said1 and 
must be said by the legislator who is of
 my way of thinking1 and yet1 if said in
 the form of law1 would be out of       
place--of this ,i think that he may give
 a sample for the instruction of himself
 and of those for whom he is            
legislating2 and then when1 as far as he
 is able1 he has gone through all the   
preliminaries1 he may proceed to the    
work of legislation4 ,now1 what will be 
the form of such prefaces8 ,there may be
 a difficulty in including or describing
 them all under a single form1 but ,i   
think that we may get some notion of    
them if we can guarantee one thing4     
,,cleinias3 ,what is that8  ,,athenian3 

,i should wish the citizens to be as    
readily persuaded to virtue as possible2
 this will surely be the aim of the     
legislator in all his laws4  ,,cleinias3
 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,the proposal 
appears to me to be of some value2 and  
,i think that a person will listen with 
more gentleness and good-will to the    
precepts addressed to him by the        
legislator1 when his soul is not        
altogether unprepared to receive them4  
,even a little done in the way of       
conciliation gains his ear1 and is      
always worth having4 ,for there is no   
great inclination or readiness on the   
part of mankind to be made as good1 or  
as quickly good1 as possible4 ,the case 
of the many proves the wisdom of        
,hesiod1 who says that the road to      
wickedness is smooth and can be         
travelled without perspiring1 because it
 is so very short3  ',but before virtue 
the immortal ,gods have placed the sweat
 of labour1 and long and steep is the   
way thither1 and rugged at first2 but   

when you have reached the top1 although 
difficult before1 it is then easy4'     
7,works and ,days47  ,,cleinias3 ,yes2  
and he certainly speaks well4           
,,athenian3 ,very true3 and now let me  
tell you the effect which the preceding 
discourse has had upon me4  ,,cleinias3 
,proceed4  ,,athenian3 ,suppose that we 
have a little conversation with the     
legislator1 and say to him--',o1        
legislator1 speak2 if you know what we  
ought to say and do1 you can surely     
tell4'  ,,cleinias3 ,of course he can4  
,,athenian3 ',did we not hear you just  
now saying1 that the legislator ought   
not to allow the poets to do what they  
liked8 ,for that they would not know in 
which of their words they went against  
the laws1 to the hurt of the state4'    
,,cleinias3 ,that is true4  ,,athenian3 
,may we not fairly make answer to him on
 behalf of the poets8  ,,cleinias3 ,what
 answer shall we make to him8           
,,athenian3 ,that the poet1 according to
 the tradition which has ever prevailed 

among us1 and is accepted of all men1   
when he sits down on the tripod of the  
muse1 is not in his right mind2 like a  
fountain1 he allows to flow out freely  
whatever comes in1 and his art being    
imitative1 he is often compelled to     
represent men of opposite dispositions1 
and thus to contradict himself2 neither 
can he tell whether there is more truth 
in one thing that he has said than in   
another4 ,this is not the case in a law2
 the legislator must give not two rules 
about the same thing1 but one only4     
,take an example from what you have just
 been saying4 ,of three kinds of        
funerals1 there is one which is too     
extravagant1 another is too niggardly1  
the third in a mean2 and you choose and 
approve and order the last without      
qualification4 ,but if ,i had an        
extremely rich wife1 and she bade me    
bury her and describe her burial in a   
poem1 ,i should praise the extravagant  
sort2 and a poor miserly man1 who had   
not much money to spend1 would approve  

of the niggardly2 and the man of        
moderate means1 who was himself         
moderate1 would praise a moderate       
funeral4 ,now you in the capacity of    
legislator must not barely say 'a       
moderate funeral1' but you must define  
what moderation is1 and how much2 unless
 you are definite1 you must not suppose 
that you are speaking a language that   
can become law4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly 
not4  ,,athenian3 ,and is our legislator
 to have no preface to his laws1 but to 
say at once ,do this1 avoid that--and   
then holding the penalty in terrorem1 to
 go on to another law2 offering never a 
word of advice or exhortation to those  
for whom he is legislating1 after the   
manner of some doctors8 ,for of doctors1
 as ,i may remind you1 some have a      
gentler1 others a ruder method of cure2 
and as children ask the doctor to be    
gentle with them1 so we will ask the    
legislator to cure our disorders with   
the gentlest remedies4 ,what ,i mean to 
say is1 that besides doctors there are  

doctors' servants1 who are also styled  
doctors4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4       
,,athenian3 ,and whether they are slaves
 or freemen makes no difference2 they   
acquire their knowledge of medicine by  
obeying and observing their masters2    
empirically and not according to the    
natural way of learning1 as the manner  
of freemen is1 who have learned         
scientifically themselves the art which 
they impart scientifically to their     
pupils4 ,you are aware that there are   
these two classes of doctors8           
,,cleinias3 ,to be sure4  ,,athenian3   
,and did you ever observe that there are
 two classes of patients in states1     
slaves and freemen2 and the slave       
doctors run about and cure the slaves1  
or wait for them in the                 
dispensaries--practitioners of this sort
 never talk to their patients           
individually1 or let them talk about    
their own individual complaints8 ,the   
slave doctor prescribes what mere       
experience suggests1 as if he had exact 

knowledge2 and when he has given his    
orders1 like a tyrant1 he rushes off    
with equal assurance to some other      
servant who is ill2 and so he relieves  
the master of the house of the care of  
his invalid slaves4 ,but the other      
doctor1 who is a freeman1 attends and   
practices upon freemen2 and he carries  
his enquiries far back1 and goes into   
the nature of the disorder2 he enters   
into discourse with the patient and with
 his friends1 and is at once getting    
information from the sick man1 and also 
instructing him as far as he is able1   
and he will not prescribe for him until 
he has first convinced him2 at last1    
when he has brought the patient more and
 more under his persuasive influences   
and set him on the road to health1 he   
attempts to effect a cure4 ,now which is
 the better way of proceeding in a      
physician and in a trainer8 ,is he the  
better who accomplishes his ends in a   
double way1 or he who works in one way1 
and that the ruder and inferior8        

,,cleinias3 ,i should say1 ,stranger1   
that the double way is far better4      
,,athenian3 ,should you like to see an  
example of the double and single method 
in legislation8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly 
,i should4  ,,athenian3 ,what will be   
our first law8 ,will not the legislator1
 observing the order of nature1 begin by
 making regulations for states about    
births8  ,,cleinias3 ,he will4          
,,athenian3 ,in all states the birth of 
children goes back to the connexion of  
marriage8  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4      
,,athenian3 ,and1 according to the true 
order1 the laws relating to marriage    
should be those which are first         
determined in every state8  ,,cleinias3 
,quite so4  ,,athenian3 ,then let me    
first give the law of marriage in a     
simple form2 it may run as follows3--,a 
man shall marry between the ages of     
thirty and thirty-five1 or1 if he does  
not1 he shall pay such and such a fine1 
or shall suffer the loss of such and    
such privileges4 ,this would be the     

simple law about marriage4 ,the double  
law would run thus3--,a man shall marry 
between the ages of thirty and          
thirty-five1 considering that in a      
manner the human race naturally partakes
 of immortality1 which every man is by  
nature inclined to desire to the utmost2
 for the desire of every man that he may
 become famous1 and not lie in the grave
 without a name1 is only the love of    
continuance4 ,now mankind are coeval    
with all time1 and are ever following1  
and will ever follow1 the course of     
time2 and so they are immortal1 because 
they leave children's children behind   
them1 and partake of immortality in the 
unity of generation4 ,and for a man     
voluntarily to deprive himself of this  
gift1 as he deliberately does who will  
not have a wife or children1 is impiety4
 ,he who obeys the law shall be free1   
and shall pay no fine2 but he who is    
disobedient1 and does not marry1 when he
 has arrived at the age of thirty-five1 
shall pay a yearly fine of a certain    

amount1 in order that he may not imagine
 his celibacy to bring ease and profit  
to him2 and he shall not share in the   
honours which the young men in the state
 give to the aged4 ,comparing now the   
two forms of the law1 you will be able  
to arrive at a judgment about any other 
laws--whether they should be double in  
length even when shortest1 because they 
have to persuade as well as threaten1 or
 whether they shall only threaten and be
 of half the length4  ,,megillus3 ,the  
shorter form1 ,stranger1 would be more  
in accordance with ,lacedaemonian       
custom2 although1 for my own part1 if   
any one were to ask me which ,i myself  
prefer in the state1 ,i should certainly
 determine in favour of the longer2 and 
,i would have every law made after the  
same pattern1 if ,i had to choose4 ,but 
,i think that ,cleinias is the person to
 be consulted1 for his is the state     
which is going to use these laws4       
,,cleinias3 ,thank you1 ,megillus4      
,,athenian3 ,whether1 in the abstract1  

words are to be many or few1 is a very  
foolish question2 the best form1 and not
 the shortest1 is to be approved2 nor is
 length at all to be regarded4 ,of the  
two forms of law which have been        
recited1 the one is not only twice as   
good in practical usefulness as the     
other1 but the case is like that of the 
two kinds of doctors1 which ,i was just 
now mentioning4 ,and yet legislators    
never appear to have considered that    
they have two instruments which they    
might use in legislation--persuasion and
 force2 for in dealing with the rude and
 uneducated multitude1 they use the one 
only as far as they can2 they do not    
mingle persuasion with coercion1 but    
employ force pure and simple4 ,moreover1
 there is a third point1 sweet friends1 
which ought to be1 and never is1        
regarded in our existing laws4          
,,cleinias3 ,what is it8  ,,athenian3 ,a
 point arising out of our previous      
discussion1 which comes into my mind in 
some mysterious way4 ,all this time1    

from early dawn until noon1 have we been
 talking about laws in this charming    
retreat3 now we are going to promulgate 
our laws1 and what has preceded was only
 the prelude of them4 ,why do ,i mention
 this8 ,for this reason3--,because all  
discourses and vocal exercises have     
preludes and overtures1 which are a sort
 of artistic beginnings intended to help
 the strain which is to be performed2   
lyric measures and music of every other 
kind have preludes framed with wonderful
 care4 ,but of the truer and higher     
strain of law and politics1 no one has  
ever yet uttered any prelude1 or        
composed or published any1 as though    
there was no such thing in nature4      
,whereas our present discussion seems to
 me to imply that there is2--these      
double laws1 of which we were speaking1 
are not exactly double1 but they are in 
two parts1 the law and the prelude of   
the law4 ,the arbitrary command1 which  
was compared to the commands of doctors1
 whom we described as of the meaner     

sort1 was the law pure and simple2 and  
that which preceded1 and was described  
by our friend here as being hortatory   
only1 was1 although in fact1 an         
exhortation1 likewise analogous to the  
preamble of a discourse4 ,for ,i imagine
 that all this language of conciliation1
 which the legislator has been uttering 
in the preface of the law1 was intended 
to create good-will in the person whom  
he addressed1 in order that1 by reason  
of this good-will1 he might more        
intelligently receive his command1 that 
is to say1 the law4 ,and therefore1 in  
my way of speaking1 this is more rightly
 described as the preamble than as the  
matter of the law4 ,and ,i must further 
proceed to observe1 that to all his     
laws1 and to each separately1 the       
legislator should prefix a preamble2 he 
should remember how great will be the   
difference between them1 according as   
they have1 or have not1 such preambles1 
as in the case already given4           
,,cleinias3 ,the lawgiver1 if he asks my

 opinion1 will certainly legislate in   
the form which you advise4  ,,athenian3 
,i think that you are right1 ,cleinias1 
in affirming that all laws have         
preambles1 and that throughout the whole
 of this work of legislation every      
single law should have a suitable       
preamble at the beginning2 for that     
which is to follow is most important1   
and it makes all the difference whether 
we clearly remember the preambles or    
not4 ,yet we should be wrong in         
requiring that all laws1 small and great
 alike1 should have preambles of the    
same kind1 any more than all songs or   
speeches2 although they may be natural  
to all1 they are not always necessary1  
and whether they are to be employed or  
not has in each case to be left to the  
judgment of the speaker or the musician1
 or1 in the present instance1 of the    
lawgiver4  ,,cleinias3 ,that ,i think is
 most true4 ,and now1 ,stranger1 without
 delay let us return to the argument1   
and1 as people say in play1 make a      

second and better beginning1 if you     
please1 with the principles which we    
have been laying down1 which we never   
thought of regarding as a preamble      
before1 but of which we may now make a  
preamble1 and not merely consider them  
to be chance topics of discourse4 ,let  
us acknowledge1 then1 that we have a    
preamble4 ,about the honour of the ,gods
 and the respect of parents1 enough has 
been already said2 and we may proceed to
 the topics which follow next in order1 
until the preamble is deemed by you to  
be complete2 and after that you shall go
 through the laws themselves4           
,,athenian3 ,i understand you to mean   
that we have made a sufficient preamble 
about ,gods and demigods1 and about     
parents living or dead2 and now you     
would have us bring the rest of the     
subject into the light of day8          
,,cleinias3 ,exactly4  ,,athenian3      
,after this1 as is meet and for the     
interest of us all1 ,i the speaker1 and 
you the listeners1 will try to estimate 

all that relates to the souls and bodies
 and properties of the citizens1 as     
regards both their occupations and      
amusements1 and thus arrive1 as far as  
in us lies1 at the nature of education4 
,these then are the topics which follow 
next in order4  ,,cleinias3 ,very good4 
,,book ,v4  ,,athenian3 ,listen1 all ye 
who have just now heard the laws about  
,gods1 and about our dear               
forefathers3--,of all the things which a
 man has1 next to the ,gods1 his soul is
 the most divine and most truly his own4
 ,now in every man there are two parts3 
the better and superior1 which rules1   
and the worse and inferior1 which       
serves2 and the ruling part of him is   
always to be preferred to the subject4  
,wherefore ,i am right in bidding every 
one next to the ,gods1 who are our      
masters1 and those who in order follow  
them 7i4e4 the demons71 to honour his   
own soul1 which every one seems to      
honour1 but no one honours as he ought2 
for honour is a divine good1 and no evil

 thing is honourable2 and he who thinks 
that he can honour the soul by word or  
gift1 or any sort of compliance1 without
 making her in any way better1 seems to 
honour her1 but honours her not at all4 
,for example1 every man1 from his very  
boyhood1 fancies that he is able to know
 everything1 and thinks that he honours 
his soul by praising her1 and he is very
 ready to let her do whatever she may   
like4 ,but ,i mean to say that in acting
 thus he injures his soul1 and is far   
from honouring her2 whereas1 in our     
opinion1 he ought to honour her as      
second only to the ,gods4 ,again1 when a
 man thinks that others are to be       
blamed1 and not himself1 for the errors 
which he has committed from time to     
time1 and the many and great evils which
 befell him in consequence1 and is      
always fancying himself to be exempt and
 innocent1 he is under the idea that he 
is honouring his soul2 whereas the very 
reverse is the fact1 for he is really   
injuring her4 ,and when1 disregarding   

the word and approval of the legislator1
 he indulges in pleasure1 then again he 
is far from honouring her2 he only      
dishonours her1 and fills her full of   
evil and remorse2 or when he does not   
endure to the end the labours and fears 
and sorrows and pains which the         
legislator approves1 but gives way      
before them1 then1 by yielding1 he does 
not honour the soul1 but by all such    
conduct he makes her to be              
dishonourable2 nor when he thinks that  
life at any price is a good1 does he    
honour her1 but yet once more he        
dishonours her2 for the soul having a   
notion that the world below is all evil1
 he yields to her1 and does not resist  
and teach or convince her that1 for     
aught she knows1 the world of the ,gods 
below1 instead of being evil1 may be the
 greatest of all goods4 ,again1 when any
 one prefers beauty to virtue1 what is  
this but the real and utter dishonour of
 the soul8 ,for such a preference       
implies that the body is more honourable

 than the soul2 and this is false1 for  
there is nothing of earthly birth which 
is more honourable than the heavenly1   
and he who thinks otherwise of the soul 
has no idea how greatly he undervalues  
this wonderful possession2 nor1 again1  
when a person is willing1 or not        
unwilling1 to acquire dishonest gains1  
does he then honour his soul with       
gifts--far otherwise2 he sells her glory
 and honour for a small piece of gold2  
but all the gold which is under or upon 
the earth is not enough to give in      
exchange for virtue4 ,in a word1 ,i may 
say that he who does not estimate the   
base and evil1 the good and noble1      
according to the standard of the        
legislator1 and abstain in every        
possible way from the one and practise  
the other to the utmost of his power1   
does not know that in all these respects
 he is most foully and disgracefully    
abusing his soul1 which is the divinest 
part of man2 for no one1 as ,i may say1 
ever considers that which is declared to

 be the greatest penalty of             
evil-doing--namely1 to grow into the    
likeness of bad men1 and growing like   
them to fly from the conversation of the
 good1 and be cut off from them1 and    
cleave to and follow after the company  
of the bad4 ,and he who is joined to    
them must do and suffer what such men by
 nature do and say to one another1--a   
suffering which is not justice but      
retribution2 for justice and the just   
are noble1 whereas retribution is the   
suffering which waits upon injustice2   
and whether a man escape or endure this1
 he is miserable1--in the former case1  
because he is not cured2 while in the   
latter1 he perishes in order that the   
rest of mankind may be saved4  ,speaking
 generally1 our glory is to follow the  
better and improve the inferior1 which  
is susceptible of improvement1 as far as
 this is possible4 ,and of all human    
possessions1 the soul is by nature most 
inclined to avoid the evil1 and track   
out and find the chief good2 which when 

a man has found1 he should take up his  
abode with it during the remainder of   
his life4 ,wherefore the soul also is   
second 7or next to ,god7 in honour2 and 
third1 as every one will perceive1 comes
 the honour of the body in natural      
order4 ,having determined this1 we have 
next to consider that there is a natural
 honour of the body1 and that of honours
 some are true and some are counterfeit4
 ,to decide which are which is the      
business of the legislator2 and he1 ,i  
suspect1 would intimate that they are as
 follows3--,honour is not to be given to
 the fair body1 or to the strong or the 
swift or the tall1 or to the healthy    
body 7although many may think           
otherwise71 any more than to their      
opposites2 but the mean states of all   
these habits are by far the safest and  
most moderate2 for the one extreme makes
 the soul braggart and insolent1 and the
 other1 illiberal and base2 and money1  
and property1 and distinction all go to 
the same tune4 ,the excess of any of    

these things is apt to be a source of   
hatreds and divisions among states and  
individuals2 and the defect of them is  
commonly a cause of slavery4 ,and1      
therefore1 ,i would not have any one    
fond of heaping up riches for the sake  
of his children1 in order that he may   
leave them as rich as possible4 ,for the
 possession of great wealth is of no    
use1 either to them or to the state4    
,the condition of youth which is free   
from flattery1 and at the same time not 
in need of the necessaries of life1 is  
the best and most harmonious of all1    
being in accord and agreement with our  
nature1 and making life to be most      
entirely free from sorrow4 ,let parents1
 then1 bequeath to their children not a 
heap of riches1 but the spirit of       
reverence4 ,we1 indeed1 fancy that they 
will inherit reverence from us1 if we   
rebuke them when they show a want of    
reverence4 ,but this quality is not     
really imparted to them by the present  
style of admonition1 which only tells   

them that the young ought always to be  
reverential4 ,a sensible legislator will
 rather exhort the elders to reverence  
the younger1 and above all to take heed 
that no young man sees or hears one of  
themselves doing or saying anything     
disgraceful2 for where old men have no  
shame1 there young men will most        
certainly be devoid of reverence4 ,the  
best way of training the young is to    
train yourself at the same time2 not to 
admonish them1 but to be always carrying
 out your own admonitions in practice4  
,he who honours his kindred1 and reveres
 those who share in the same ,gods and  
are of the same blood and family1 may   
fairly expect that the ,gods who preside
 over generation will be propitious to  
him1 and will quicken his seed4 ,and he 
who deems the services which his friends
 and acquaintances do for him1 greater  
and more important than they themselves 
deem them1 and his own favours to them  
less than theirs to him1 will have their
 good-will in the intercourse of life4  

,and surely in his relations to the     
state and his fellow citizens1 he is by 
far the best1 who rather than the       
,olympic or any other victory of peace  
or war1 desires to win the palm of      
obedience to the laws of his country1   
and who1 of all mankind1 is the person  
reputed to have obeyed them best through
 life4 ,in his relations to strangers1 a
 man should consider that a contract is 
a most holy thing1 and that all concerns
 and wrongs of strangers are more       
directly dependent on the protection of 
,god1 than wrongs done to citizens2 for 
the stranger1 having no kindred and     
friends1 is more to be pitied by ,gods  
and men4 ,wherefore1 also1 he who is    
most able to avenge him is most zealous 
in his cause2 and he who is most able is
 the genius and the god of the stranger1
 who follow in the train of ,zeus1 the  
god of strangers4 ,and for this reason1 
he who has a spark of caution in him1   
will do his best to pass through life   
without sinning against the stranger4   

,and of offences committed1 whether     
against strangers or fellow-countrymen1 
that against suppliants is the greatest4
 ,for the ,god who witnessed to the     
agreement made with the suppliant1      
becomes in a special manner the guardian
 of the sufferer2 and he will certainly 
not suffer unavenged4  ,thus we have    
fairly described the manner in which a  
man is to act about his parents1 and    
himself1 and his own affairs2 and in    
relation to the state1 and his friends1 
and kindred1 both in what concerns his  
own countrymen1 and in what concerns the
 stranger4 ,we will now consider what   
manner of man he must be who would best 
pass through life in respect of those   
other things which are not matters of   
law1 but of praise and blame only2 in   
which praise and blame educate a man1   
and make him more tractable and amenable
 to the laws which are about to be      
imposed4  ,truth is the beginning of    
every good thing1 both to ,gods and men2
 and he who would be blessed and happy1 

should be from the first a partaker of  
the truth1 that he may live a true man  
as long as possible1 for then he can be 
trusted2 but he is not to be trusted who
 loves voluntary falsehood1 and he who  
loves involuntary falsehood is a fool4  
,neither condition is enviable1 for the 
untrustworthy and ignorant has no       
friend1 and as time advances he becomes 
known1 and lays up in store for himself 
isolation in crabbed age when life is on
 the wane3 so that1 whether his children
 or friends are alive or not1 he is     
equally solitary4--,worthy of honour is 
he who does no injustice1 and of more   
than twofold honour1 if he not only does
 no injustice himself1 but hinders      
others from doing any2 the first may    
count as one man1 the second is worth   
many men1 because he informs the rulers 
of the injustice of others4 ,and yet    
more highly to be esteemed is he who    
co-operates with the rulers in          
correcting the citizens as far as he    
can--he shall be proclaimed the great   

and perfect citizen1 and bear away the  
palm of virtue4 ,the same praise may be 
given about temperance and wisdom1 and  
all other goods which may be imparted to
 others1 as well as acquired by a man   
for himself2 he who imparts them shall  
be honoured as the man of men1 and he   
who is willing1 yet is not able1 may be 
allowed the second place2 but he who is 
jealous and will not1 if he can help1   
allow others to partake in a friendly   
way of any good1 is deserving of blame3 
the good1 however1 which he has1 is not 
to be undervalued by us because it is   
possessed by him1 but must be acquired  
by us also to the utmost of our power4  
,let every man1 then1 freely strive for 
the prize of virtue1 and let there be no
 envy4 ,for the unenvious nature        
increases the greatness of states--he   
himself contends in the race1 blasting  
the fair fame of no man2 but the        
envious1 who thinks that he ought to get
 the better by defaming others1 is less 
energetic himself in the pursuit of true

 virtue1 and reduces his rivals to      
despair by his unjust slanders of them4 
,and so he makes the whole city to enter
 the arena untrained in the practice of 
virtue1 and diminishes her glory as far 
as in him lies4 ,now every man should be
 valiant1 but he should also be gentle4 
,from the cruel1 or hardly curable1 or  
altogether incurable acts of injustice  
done to him by others1 a man can only   
escape by fighting and defending himself
 and conquering1 and by never ceasing to
 punish them2 and no man who is not of a
 noble spirit is able to accomplish     
this4 ,as to the actions of those who do
 evil1 but whose evil is curable1 in the
 first place1 let us remember that the  
unjust man is not unjust of his own free
 will4 ,for no man of his own free will 
would choose to possess the greatest of 
evils1 and least of all in the most     
honourable part of himself4 ,and the    
soul1 as we said1 is of a truth deemed  
by all men the most honourable4 ,in the 
soul1 then1 which is the most honourable

 part of him1 no one1 if he could help1 
would admit1 or allow to continue the   
greatest of evils 7compare ,republic74  
,the unrighteous and vicious are always 
to be pitied in any case2 and one can   
afford to forgive as well as pity him   
who is curable1 and refrain and calm    
one's anger1 not getting into a passion1
 like a woman1 and nursing ill-feeling4 
,but upon him who is incapable of       
reformation and wholly evil1 the vials  
of our wrath should be poured out2      
wherefore ,i say that good men ought1   
when occasion demands1 to be both gentle
 and passionate4  ,of all evils the     
greatest is one which in the souls of   
most men is innate1 and which a man is  
always excusing in himself and never    
correcting2 ,i mean1 what is expressed  
in the saying that ',every man by nature
 is and ought to be his own friend4'    
,whereas the excessive love of self is  
in reality the source to each man of all
 offences2 for the lover is blinded     
about the beloved1 so that he judges    

wrongly of the just1 the good1 and the  
honourable1 and thinks that he ought    
always to prefer himself to the truth4  
,but he who would be a great man ought  
to regard1 not himself or his interests1
 but what is just1 whether the just act 
be his own or that of another4 ,through 
a similar error men are induced to fancy
 that their own ignorance is wisdom1 and
 thus we who may be truly said to know  
nothing1 think that we know all things2 
and because we will not let others act  
for us in what we do not know1 we are   
compelled to act amiss ourselves4       
,wherefore let every man avoid excess of
 self-love1 and condescend to follow a  
better man than himself1 not allowing   
any false shame to stand in the way4    
,there are also minor precepts which are
 often repeated1 and are quite as       
useful2 a man should recollect them and 
remind himself of them4 ,for when a     
stream is flowing out1 there should be  
water flowing in too2 and recollection  
flows in while wisdom is departing4     

,therefore ,i say that a man should     
refrain from excess either of laughter  
or tears1 and should exhort his         
neighbour to do the same2 he should veil
 his immoderate sorrow or joy1 and seek 
to behave with propriety1 whether the   
genius of his good fortune remains with 
him1 or whether at the crisis of his    
fate1 when he seems to be mounting high 
and steep places1 the ,gods oppose him  
in some of his enterprises4 ,still he   
may ever hope1 in the case of good men1 
that whatever afflictions are to befall 
them in the future ,god will lessen1 and
 that present evils ,he will change for 
the better2 and as to the goods which   
are the opposite of these evils1 he will
 not doubt that they will be added to   
them1 and that they will be fortunate4  
,such should be men's hopes1 and such   
should be the exhortations with which   
they admonish one another1 never losing 
an opportunity1 but on every occasion   
distinctly reminding themselves and     
others of all these things1 both in jest

 and earnest4  ,enough has now been said
 of divine matters1 both as touching the
 practices which men ought to follow1   
and as to the sort of persons who they  
ought severally to be4 ,but of human    
things we have not as yet spoken1 and we
 must2 for to men we are discoursing and
 not to ,gods4 ,pleasures and pains and 
desires are a part of human nature1 and 
on them every mortal being must of      
necessity hang and depend with the most 
eager interest4 ,and therefore we must  
praise the noblest life1 not only as the
 fairest in appearance1 but as being one
 which1 if a man will only taste1 and   
not1 while still in his youth1 desert   
for another1 he will find to surpass    
also in the very thing which we all of  
us desire1--,i mean in having a greater 
amount of pleasure and less of pain     
during the whole of life4 ,and this will
 be plain1 if a man has a true taste of 
them1 as will be quickly and clearly    
seen4 ,but what is a true taste8 ,that  
we have to learn from the argument--the 

point being what is according to nature1
 and what is not according to nature4   
,one life must be compared with another1
 the more pleasurable with the more     
painful1 after this manner3--,we desire 
to have pleasure1 but we neither desire 
nor choose pain2 and the neutral state  
we are ready to take in exchange1 not   
for pleasure but for pain2 and we also  
wish for less pain and greater pleasure1
 but less pleasure and greater pain we  
do not wish for2 and an equal balance of
 either we cannot venture to assert that
 we should desire4 ,and all these differ
 or do not differ severally in number   
and magnitude and intensity and         
equality1 and in the opposites of these 
when regarded as objects of choice1 in  
relation to desire4 ,and such being the 
necessary order of things1 we wish for  
that life in which there are many great 
and intense elements of pleasure and    
pain1 and in which the pleasures are in 
excess1 and do not wish for that in     
which the opposites exceed2 nor1 again1 

do we wish for that in which the        
elements of either are small and few and
 feeble1 and the pains exceed4 ,and     
when1 as ,i said before1 there is a     
balance of pleasure and pain in life1   
this is to be regarded by us as the     
balanced life2 while other lives are    
preferred by us because they exceed in  
what we like1 or are rejected by us     
because they exceed in what we dislike4 
,all the lives of men may be regarded by
 us as bound up in these1 and we must   
also consider what sort of lives we by  
nature desire4 ,and if we wish for any  
others1 ,i say that we desire them only 
through some ignorance and inexperience 
of the lives which actually exist4      
,now1 what lives are they1 and how many 
in which1 having searched out and beheld
 the objects of will and desire and     
their opposites1 and making of them a   
law1 choosing1 ,i say1 the dear and the 
pleasant and the best and noblest1 a man
 may live in the happiest way possible8 
,let us say that the temperate life is  

one kind of life1 and the rational      
another1 and the courageous another1 and
 the healthful another2 and to these    
four let us oppose four other lives--the
 foolish1 the cowardly1 the intemperate1
 the diseased4 ,he who knows the        
temperate life will describe it as in   
all things gentle1 having gentle pains  
and gentle pleasures1 and placid desires
 and loves not insane2 whereas the      
intemperate life is impetuous in all    
things1 and has violent pains and       
pleasures1 and vehement and stinging    
desires1 and loves utterly insane2 and  
in the temperate life the pleasures     
exceed the pains1 but in the intemperate
 life the pains exceed the pleasures in 
greatness and number and frequency4     
,hence one of the two lives is naturally
 and necessarily more pleasant and the  
other more painful1 and he who would    
live pleasantly cannot possibly choose  
to live intemperately4 ,and if this is  
true1 the inference clearly is that no  
man is voluntarily intemperate2 but that

 the whole multitude of men lack        
temperance in their lives1 either from  
ignorance1 or from want of self-control1
 or both4 ,and the same holds of the    
diseased and healthy life2 they both    
have pleasures and pains1 but in health 
the pleasure exceeds the pain1 and in   
sickness the pain exceeds the pleasure4 
,now our intention in choosing the lives
 is not that the painful should exceed1 
but the life in which pain is exceeded  
by pleasure we have determined to be the
 more pleasant life4 ,and we should say 
that the temperate life has the elements
 both of pleasure and pain fewer and    
smaller and less frequent than the      
intemperate1 and the wise life than the 
foolish life1 and the life of courage   
than the life of cowardice2 one of each 
pair exceeding in pleasure and the other
 in pain1 the courageous surpassing the 
cowardly1 and the wise exceeding the    
foolish4 ,and so the one class of lives 
exceeds the other class in pleasure2 the
 temperate and courageous and wise and  

healthy exceed the cowardly and foolish 
and intemperate and diseased lives2 and 
generally speaking1 that which has any  
virtue1 whether of body or soul1 is     
pleasanter than the vicious life1 and   
far superior in beauty and rectitude and
 excellence and reputation1 and causes  
him who lives accordingly to be         
infinitely happier than the opposite4   
,enough of the preamble2 and now the    
laws should follow2 or1 to speak more   
correctly1 an outline of them4 ,as1     
then1 in the case of a web or any other 
tissue1 the warp and the woof cannot be 
made of the same materials 7compare     
,statesman71 but the warp is necessarily
 superior as being stronger1 and having 
a certain character of firmness1 whereas
 the woof is softer and has a proper    
degree of elasticity2--in a similar     
manner those who are to hold great      
offices in states1 should be            
distinguished truly in each case from   
those who have been but slenderly proven
 by education4 ,let us suppose that     

there are two parts in the constitution 
of a state--one the creation of offices1
 the other the laws which are assigned  
to them to administer4  ,but1 before all
 this1 comes the following              
consideration3--,the shepherd or        
herdsman1 or breeder of horses or the   
like1 when he has received his animals  
will not begin to train them until he   
has first purified them in a manner     
which befits a community of animals2 he 
will divide the healthy and unhealthy1  
and the good breed and the bad breed1   
and will send away the unhealthy and    
badly bred to other herds1 and tend the 
rest1 reflecting that his labours will  
be vain and have no effect1 either on   
the souls or bodies of those whom nature
 and ill nurture have corrupted1 and    
that they will involve in destruction   
the pure and healthy nature and being of
 every other animal1 if he should       
neglect to purify them4 ,now the case of
 other animals is not so important--they
 are only worth introducing for the sake

 of illustration2 but what relates to   
man is of the highest importance2 and   
the legislator should make enquiries1   
and indicate what is proper for each one
 in the way of purification and of any  
other procedure4 ,take1 for example1 the
 purification of a city--there are many 
kinds of purification1 some easier and  
others more difficult2 and some of them1
 and the best and most difficult of     
them1 the legislator1 if he be also a   
despot1 may be able to effect2 but the  
legislator1 who1 not being a despot1    
sets up a new government and laws1 even 
if he attempt the mildest of purgations1
 may think himself happy if he can      
complete his work4 ,the best kind of    
purification is painful1 like similar   
cures in medicine1 involving righteous  
punishment and inflicting death or exile
 in the last resort4 ,for in this way we
 commonly dispose of great sinners who  
are incurable1 and are the greatest     
injury of the whole state4 ,but the     
milder form of purification is as       

follows3--when men who have nothing1 and
 are in want of food1 show a disposition
 to follow their leaders in an attack on
 the property of the rich--these1 who   
are the natural plague of the state1 are
 sent away by the legislator in a       
friendly spirit as far as he is able2   
and this dismissal of them is           
euphemistically termed a colony4 ,and   
every legislator should contrive to do  
this at once4 ,our present case1        
however1 is peculiar4 ,for there is no  
need to devise any colony or purifying  
separation under the circumstances in   
which we are placed4 ,but as1 when many 
streams flow together from many sources1
 whether springs or mountain torrents1  
into a single lake1 we ought to attend  
and take care that the confluent waters 
should be perfectly clear1 and in order 
to effect this1 should pump and draw off
 and divert impurities1 so in every     
political arrangement there may be      
trouble and danger4 ,but1 seeing that we
 are now only discoursing and not       

acting1 let our selection be supposed to
 be completed1 and the desired purity   
attained4 ,touching evil men1 who want  
to join and be citizens of our state1   
after we have tested them by every sort 
of persuasion and for a sufficient time1
 we will prevent them from coming2 but  
the good we will to the utmost of our   
ability receive as friends with open    
arms4  ,another piece of good fortune   
must not be forgotten1 which1 as we were
 saying1 the ,heraclid colony had1 and  
which is also ours1--that we have       
escaped division of land and the        
abolition of debts2 for these are always
 a source of dangerous contention1 and a
 city which is driven by necessity to   
legislate upon such matters can neither 
allow the old ways to continue1 nor yet 
venture to alter them4 ,we must have    
recourse to prayers1 so to speak1 and   
hope that a slight change may be        
cautiously effected in a length of time4
 ,and such a change can be accomplished 
by those who have abundance of land1 and

 having also many debtors1 are willing1 
in a kindly spirit1 to share with those 
who are in want1 sometimes remitting and
 sometimes giving1 holding fast in a    
path of moderation1 and deeming poverty 
to be the increase of a man's desires   
and not the diminution of his property4 
,for this is the great beginning of     
salvation to a state1 and upon this     
lasting basis may be erected afterwards 
whatever political order is suitable    
under the circumstances2 but if the     
change be based upon an unsound         
principle1 the future administration of 
the country will be full of             
difficulties4 ,that is a danger which1  
as ,i am saying1 is escaped by us1 and  
yet we had better say how1 if we had not
 escaped1 we might have escaped2 and we 
may venture now to assert that no other 
way of escape1 whether narrow or broad1 
can be devised but freedom from avarice 
and a sense of justice--upon this rock  
our city shall be built2 for there ought
 to be no disputes among citizens about 

property4 ,if there are quarrels of long
 standing among them1 no legislator of  
any degree of sense will proceed a step 
in the arrangement of the state until   
they are settled4 ,but that they to whom
 ,god has given1 as ,he has to us1 to be
 the founders of a new state as yet free
 from enmity--that they should create   
themselves enmities by their mode of    
distributing lands and houses1 would be 
superhuman folly and wickedness4  ,how  
then can we rightly order the           
distribution of the land8 ,in the first 
place1 the number of the citizens has to
 be determined1 and also the number and 
size of the divisions into which they   
will have to be formed2 and the land and
 the houses will then have to be        
apportioned by us as fairly as we can4  
,the number of citizens can only be     
estimated satisfactorily in relation to 
the territory and the neighbouring      
states4 ,the territory must be          
sufficient to maintain a certain number 
of inhabitants in a moderate way of     

life--more than this is not required2   
and the number of citizens should be    
sufficient to defend themselves against 
the injustice of their neighbours1 and  
also to give them the power of rendering
 efficient aid to their neighbours when 
they are wronged4 ,after having taken a 
survey of their's and their neighbours' 
territory1 we will determine the limits 
of them in fact as well as in theory4   
,and now1 let us proceed to legislate   
with a view to perfecting the form and  
outline of our state4 ,the number of our
 citizens shall be #ejdj--this will be a
 convenient number2 and these shall be  
owners of the land and protectors of the
 allotment4 ,the houses and the land    
will be divided in the same way1 so that
 every man may correspond to a lot4 ,let
 the whole number be first divided into 
two parts1 and then into three2 and the 
number is further capable of being      
divided into four or five parts1 or any 
number of parts up to ten4 ,every       
legislator ought to know so much        

arithmetic as to be able to tell what   
number is most likely to be useful to   
all cities2 and we are going to take    
that number which contains the greatest 
and most regular and unbroken series of 
divisions4 ,the whole of number has     
every possible division1 and the number 
#ejdj can be divided by exactly         
fifty-nine divisors1 and ten of these   
proceed without interval from one to    
ten3 this will furnish numbers for war  
and peace1 and for all contracts and    
dealings1 including taxes and divisions 
of the land4 ,these properties of number
 should be ascertained at leisure by    
those who are bound by law to know them2
 for they are true1 and should be       
proclaimed at the foundation of the     
city1 with a view to use4 ,whether the  
legislator is establishing a new state  
or restoring an old and decayed one1 in 
respect of ,gods and temples1--the      
temples which are to be built in each   
city1 and the ,gods or demi-gods after  
whom they are to be called1--if he be a 

man of sense1 he will make no change in 
anything which the oracle of ,delphi1 or
 ,dodona1 or the ,god ,ammon1 or any    
ancient tradition has sanctioned in     
whatever manner1 whether by apparitions 
or reputed inspiration of ,heaven1 in   
obedience to which mankind have         
established sacrifices in connexion with
 mystic rites1 either originating on the
 spot1 or derived from ,tyrrhenia or    
,cyprus or some other place1 and on the 
strength of which traditions they have  
consecrated oracles and images1 and     
altars and temples1 and portioned out a 
sacred domain for each of them4 ,the    
least part of all these ought not to be 
disturbed by the legislator2 but he     
should assign to the several districts  
some ,god1 or demi-god1 or hero1 and1 in
 the distribution of the soil1 should   
give to these first their chosen domain 
and all things fitting1 that the        
inhabitants of the several districts may
 meet at fixed times1 and that they may 
readily supply their various wants1 and 

entertain one another with sacrifices1  
and become friends and acquaintances2   
for there is no greater good in a state 
than that the citizens should be known  
to one another4 ,when not light but     
darkness and ignorance of each other's  
characters prevails among them1 no one  
will receive the honour of which he is  
deserving1 or the power or the justice  
to which he is fairly entitled3         
wherefore1 in every state1 above all    
things1 every man should take heed that 
he have no deceit in him1 but that he be
 always true and simple2 and that no    
deceitful person take any advantage of  
him4  ,the next move in our pastime of  
legislation1 like the withdrawal of the 
stone from the holy line in the game of 
draughts1 being an unusual one1 will    
probably excite wonder when mentioned   
for the first time4 ,and yet1 if a man  
will only reflect and weigh the matter  
with care1 he will see that our city is 
ordered in a manner which1 if not the   
best1 is the second best4 ,perhaps also 

some one may not approve this form1     
because he thinks that such a           
constitution is ill adapted to a        
legislator who has not despotic power4  
,the truth is1 that there are three     
forms of government1 the best1 the      
second and the third best1 which we may 
just mention1 and then leave the        
selection to the ruler of the           
settlement4 ,following this method in   
the present instance1 let us speak of   
the states which are respectively first1
 second1 and third in excellence1 and   
then we will leave the choice to        
,cleinias now1 or to any one else who   
may hereafter have to make a similar    
choice among constitutions1 and may     
desire to give to his state some feature
 which is congenial to him and which he 
approves in his own country4  ,the first
 and highest form of the state and of   
the government and of the law is that in
 which there prevails most widely the   
ancient saying1 that ',friends have all 
things in common4' ,whether there is    

anywhere now1 or will ever be1 this     
communion of women and children and of  
property1 in which the private and      
individual is altogether banished from  
life1 and things which are by nature    
private1 such as eyes and ears and      
hands1 have become common1 and in some  
way see and hear and act in common1 and 
all men express praise and blame and    
feel joy and sorrow on the same         
occasions1 and whatever laws there are  
unite the city to the utmost 7compare   
,republic71--whether all this is        
possible or not1 ,i say that no man1    
acting upon any other principle1 will   
ever constitute a state which will be   
truer or better or more exalted in      
virtue4 ,whether such a state is        
governed by ,gods or sons of ,gods1 one1
 or more than one1 happy are the men    
who1 living after this manner1 dwell    
there2 and therefore to this we are to  
look for the pattern of the state1 and  
to cling to this1 and to seek with all  
our might for one which is like this4   

,the state which we have now in hand1   
when created1 will be nearest to        
immortality and the only one which takes
 the second place2 and after that1 by   
the grace of ,god1 we will complete the 
third one4 ,and we will begin by        
speaking of the nature and origin of the
 second4  ,let the citizens at once     
distribute their land and houses1 and   
not till the land in common1 since a    
community of goods goes beyond their    
proposed origin1 and nurture1 and       
education4 ,but in making the           
distribution1 let the several possessors
 feel that their particular lots also   
belong to the whole city2 and seeing    
that the earth is their parent1 let them
 tend her more carefully than children  
do their mother4 ,for she is a goddess  
and their queen1 and they are her mortal
 subjects4 ,such also are the feelings  
which they ought to entertain to the    
,gods and demi-gods of the country4 ,and
 in order that the distribution may     
always remain1 they ought to consider   

further that the present number of      
families should be always retained1 and 
neither increased nor diminished4 ,this 
may be secured for the whole city in the
 following manner3--,let the possessor  
of a lot leave the one of his children  
who is his best beloved1 and one only1  
to be the heir of his dwelling1 and his 
successor in the duty of ministering to 
the ,gods1 the state and the family1 as 
well the living members of it as those  
who are departed when he comes into the 
inheritance2 but of his other children1 
if he have more than one1 he shall give 
the females in marriage according to the
 law to be hereafter enacted1 and the   
males he shall distribute as sons to    
those citizens who have no children1 and
 are disposed to receive them2 or if    
there should be none such1 and          
particular individuals have too many    
children1 male or female1 or too few1 as
 in the case of barrenness--in all these
 cases let the highest and most         
honourable magistracy created by us     

judge and determine what is to be done  
with the redundant or deficient1 and    
devise a means that the number of #ejdj 
houses shall always remain the same4    
,there are many ways of regulating      
numbers2 for they in whom generation is 
affluent may be made to refrain 7compare
 ,arist4 ,pol471 and1 on the other hand1
 special care may be taken to increase  
the number of births by rewards and     
stigmas1 or we may meet the evil by the 
elder men giving advice and             
administering rebuke to the younger--in 
this way the object may be attained4    
,and if after all there be very great   
difficulty about the equal preservation 
of the #ejdj houses1 and there be an    
excess of citizens1 owing to the too    
great love of those who live together1  
and we are at our wits' end1 there is   
still the old device often mentioned by 
us of sending out a colony1 which will  
part friends with us1 and be composed of
 suitable persons4 ,if1 on the other    
hand1 there come a wave bearing a deluge

 of disease1 or a plague of war1 and the
 inhabitants become much fewer than the 
appointed number by reason of           
bereavement1 we ought not to introduce  
citizens of spurious birth and          
education1 if this can be avoided2 but  
even ,god is said not to be able to     
fight against necessity4  ,wherefore let
 us suppose this 'high argument' of ours
 to address us in the following         
terms3--,best of men1 cease not to      
honour according to nature similarity   
and equality and sameness and agreement1
 as regards number and every good and   
noble quality4 ,and1 above all1 observe 
the aforesaid number #ejdj throughout   
life2 in the second place1 do not       
disparage the small and modest          
proportions of the inheritances which   
you received in the distribution1 by    
buying and selling them to one another4 
,for then neither will the ,god who gave
 you the lot be your friend1 nor will   
the legislator2 and indeed the law      
declares to the disobedient that these  

are the terms upon which he may or may  
not take the lot4 ,in the first place1  
the earth as he is informed is sacred to
 the ,gods2 and in the next place1      
priests and priestesses will offer up   
prayers over a first1 and second1 and   
even a third sacrifice1 that he who buys
 or sells the houses or lands which he  
has received1 may suffer the punishment 
which he deserves2 and these their      
prayers they shall write down in the    
temples1 on tablets of cypress-wood1 for
 the instruction of posterity4 ,moreover
 they will set a watch over all these   
things1 that they may be observed2--the 
magistracy which has the sharpest eyes  
shall keep watch that any infringement  
of these commands may be discovered and 
punished as offences both against the   
law and the ,god4 ,how great is the     
benefit of such an ordinance to all     
those cities1 which obey and are        
administered accordingly1 no bad man can
 ever know1 as the old proverb says2 but
 only a man of experience and good      

habits4 ,for in such an order of things 
there will not be much opportunity for  
making money2 no man either ought1 or   
indeed will be allowed1 to exercise any 
ignoble occupation1 of which the        
vulgarity is a matter of reproach to a  
freeman1 and should never want to       
acquire riches by any such means4       
,further1 the law enjoins that no       
private man shall be allowed to possess 
gold and silver1 but only coin for daily
 use1 which is almost necessary in      
dealing with artisans1 and for payment  
of hirelings1 whether slaves or         
immigrants1 by all those persons who    
require the use of them4 ,wherefore our 
citizens1 as we say1 should have a coin 
passing current among themselves1 but   
not accepted among the rest of mankind2 
with a view1 however1 to expeditions and
 journeys to other lands1--for          
embassies1 or for any other occasion    
which may arise of sending out a herald1
 the state must also possess a common   
,hellenic currency4 ,if a private person

 is ever obliged to go abroad1 let him  
have the consent of the magistrates and 
go2 and if when he returns he has any   
foreign money remaining1 let him give   
the surplus back to the treasury1 and   
receive a corresponding sum in the local
 currency4 ,and if he is discovered to  
appropriate it1 let it be confiscated1  
and let him who knows and does not      
inform be subject to curse and dishonour
 equally him who brought the money1 and 
also to a fine not less in amount than  
the foreign money which has been brought
 back4 ,in marrying and giving in       
marriage1 no one shall give or receive  
any dowry at all2 and no one shall      
deposit money with another whom he does 
not trust as a friend1 nor shall he lend
 money upon interest2 and the borrower  
should be under no obligation to repay  
either capital or interest4 ,that these 
principles are best1 any one may see who
 compares them with the first principle 
and intention of a state4 ,the          
intention1 as we affirm1 of a reasonable

 statesman1 is not what the many declare
 to be the object of a good legislator1 
namely1 that the state for the true     
interests of which he is advising should
 be as great and as rich as possible1   
and should possess gold and silver1 and 
have the greatest empire by sea and     
land2--this they imagine to be the real 
object of legislation1 at the same time 
adding1 inconsistently1 that the true   
legislator desires to have the city the 
best and happiest possible4 ,but they do
 not see that some of these things are  
possible1 and some of them are          
impossible2 and he who orders the state 
will desire what is possible1 and will  
not indulge in vain wishes or attempts  
to accomplish that which is impossible4 
,the citizen must indeed be happy and   
good1 and the legislator will seek to   
make him so2 but very rich and very good
 at the same time he cannot be1 not1 at 
least1 in the sense in which the many   
speak of riches4 ,for they mean by 'the 
rich' the few who have the most valuable

 possessions1 although the owner of them
 may quite well be a rogue4 ,and if this
 is true1 ,i can never assent to the    
doctrine that the rich man will be      
happy--he must be good as well as rich4 
,and good in a high degree1 and rich in 
a high degree at the same time1 he      
cannot be4 ,some one will ask1 why not8 
,and we shall answer--,because          
acquisitions which come from sources    
which are just and unjust indifferently1
 are more than double those which come  
from just sources only2 and the sums    
which are expended neither honourably   
nor disgracefully1 are only half as     
great as those which are expended       
honourably and on honourable purposes4  
,thus1 if the one acquires double and   
spends half1 the other who is in the    
opposite case and is a good man cannot  
possibly be wealthier than he4 ,the     
first--,i am speaking of the saver and  
not of the spender--is not always bad2  
he may indeed in some cases be utterly  
bad1 but1 as ,i was saying1 a good man  

he never is4 ,for he who receives money 
unjustly as well as justly1 and spends  
neither nor unjustly1 will be a rich man
 if he be also thrifty4 ,on the other   
hand1 the utterly bad is in general     
profligate1 and therefore very poor2    
while he who spends on noble objects1   
and acquires wealth by just means only1 
can hardly be remarkable for riches1 any
 more than he can be very poor4 ,our    
statement1 then1 is true1 that the very 
rich are not good1 and1 if they are not 
good1 they are not happy4 ,but the      
intention of our laws was1 that the     
citizens should be as happy as may be1  
and as friendly as possible to one      
another4 ,and men who are always at law 
with one another1 and amongst whom there
 are many wrongs done1 can never be     
friends to one another1 but only those  
among whom crimes and lawsuits are few  
and slight4 ,therefore we say that gold 
and silver ought not to be allowed in   
the city1 nor much of the vulgar sort of
 trade which is carried on by lending   

money1 or rearing the meaner kinds of   
live stock2 but only the produce of     
agriculture1 and only so much of this as
 will not compel us in pursuing it to   
neglect that for the sake of which      
riches exist--,i mean1 soul and body1   
which without gymnastics1 and without   
education1 will never be worth anything2
 and therefore1 as we have said not once
 but many times1 the care of riches     
should have the last place in our       
thoughts4 ,for there are in all three   
things about which every man has an     
interest2 and the interest about money1 
when rightly regarded1 is the third and 
lowest of them3 midway comes the        
interest of the body2 and1 first of all1
 that of the soul2 and the state which  
we are describing will have been rightly
 constituted if it ordains honours      
according to this scale4 ,but if1 in any
 of the laws which have been ordained1  
health has been preferred to temperance1
 or wealth to health and temperate      
habits1 that law must clearly be wrong4 

,wherefore1 also1 the legislator ought  
often to impress upon himself the       
question--',what do ,i want8' and ',do  
,i attain my aim1 or do ,i miss the     
mark8' ,in this way1 and in this way    
only1 he may acquit himself and free    
others from the work of legislation4    
,let the allottee then hold his lot upon
 the conditions which we have mentioned4
  ,it would be well that every man      
should come to the colony having all    
things equal2 but seeing that this is   
not possible1 and one man will have     
greater possessions than another1 for   
many reasons and in particular in order 
to preserve equality in special crises  
of the state1 qualifications of property
 must be unequal1 in order that offices 
and contributions and distributions may 
be proportioned to the value of each    
person's wealth1 and not solely to the  
virtue of his ancestors or himself1 nor 
yet to the strength and beauty of his   
person1 but also to the measure of his  
wealth or poverty2 and so by a law of   

inequality1 which will be in proportion 
to his wealth1 he will receive honours  
and offices as equally as possible1 and 
there will be no quarrels and disputes4 
,to which end there should be four      
different standards appointed according 
to the amount of property3 there should 
be a first and a second and a third and 
a fourth class1 in which the citizens   
will be placed1 and they will be called 
by these or similar names3 they may     
continue in the same rank1 or pass into 
another in any individual case1 on      
becoming richer from being poorer1 or   
poorer from being richer4 ,the form of  
law which ,i should propose as the      
natural sequel would be as follows3--,in
 a state which is desirous of being     
saved from the greatest of all          
plagues--not faction1 but rather        
distraction2--there should exist among  
the citizens neither extreme poverty1   
nor1 again1 excess of wealth1 for both  
are productive of both these evils4 ,now
 the legislator should determine what is

 to be the limit of poverty or wealth4  
,let the limit of poverty be the value  
of the lot2 this ought to be preserved1 
and no ruler1 nor any one else who      
aspires after a reputation for virtue1  
will allow the lot to be impaired in any
 case4 ,this the legislator gives as a  
measure1 and he will permit a man to    
acquire double or triple1 or as much as 
four times the amount of this 7compare  
,arist4 ,pol474 ,but if a person have   
yet greater riches1 whether he has found
 them1 or they have been given to him1  
or he has made them in business1 or has 
acquired by any stroke of fortune that  
which is in excess of the measure1 if he
 give back the surplus to the state1 and
 to the ,gods who are the patrons of the
 state1 he shall suffer no penalty or   
loss of reputation2 but if he disobeys  
this our law1 any one who likes may     
inform against him and receive half the 
value of the excess1 and the delinquent 
shall pay a sum equal to the excess out 
of his own property1 and the other half 

of the excess shall belong to the ,gods4
 ,and let every possession of every man1
 with the exception of the lot1 be      
publicly registered before the          
magistrates whom the law appoints1 so   
that all suits about money may be easy  
and quite simple4  ,the next thing to be
 noted is1 that the city should be      
placed as nearly as possible in the     
centre of the country2 we should choose 
a place which possesses what is suitable
 for a city1 and this may easily be     
imagined and described4 ,then we will   
divide the city into twelve portions1   
first founding temples to ,hestia1 to   
,zeus and to ,athene1 in a spot which we
 will call the ,acropolis1 and surround 
with a circular wall1 making the        
division of the entire city and country 
radiate from this point4 ,the twelve    
portions shall be equalized by the      
provision that those which are of good  
land shall be smaller1 while those of   
inferior quality shall be larger4 ,the  
number of the lots shall be #ejdj1 and  

each of them shall be divided into two1 
and every allotment shall be composed of
 two such sections2 one of land near the
 city1 the other of land which is at a  
distance 7compare ,arist4 ,pol474 ,this 
arrangement shall be carried out in the 
following manner3 ,the section which is 
near the city shall be added to that    
which is on the borders1 and form one   
lot1 and the portion which is next      
nearest shall be added to the portion   
which is next farthest2 and so of the   
rest4 ,moreover1 in the two sections of 
the lots the same principle of          
equalization of the soil ought to be    
maintained2 the badness and goodness    
shall be compensated by more and less4  
,and the legislator shall divide the    
citizens into twelve parts1 and arrange 
the rest of their property1 as far as   
possible1 so as to form twelve equal    
parts2 and there shall be a registration
 of all4 ,after this they shall assign  
twelve lots to twelve ,gods1 and call   
them by their names1 and dedicate to    

each ,god their several portions1 and   
call the tribes after them4 ,and they   
shall distribute the twelve divisions of
 the city in the same way in which they 
divided the country2 and every man shall
 have two habitations1 one in the centre
 of the country1 and the other at the   
extremity4 ,enough of the manner of     
settlement4  ,now we ought by all means 
to consider that there can never be such
 a happy concurrence of circumstances as
 we have described2 neither can all     
things coincide as they are wanted4 ,men
 who will not take offence at such a    
mode of living together1 and will endure
 all their life long to have their      
property fixed at a moderate limit1 and 
to beget children in accordance with our
 ordinances1 and will allow themselves  
to be deprived of gold and other things 
which the legislator1 as is evident from
 these enactments1 will certainly forbid
 them2 and will endure1 further1 the    
situation of the land with the city in  
the middle and dwellings round          

about2--all this is as if the legislator
 were telling his dreams1 or making a   
city and citizens of wax4 ,there is     
truth in these objections1 and therefore
 every one should take to heart what ,i 
am going to say4 ,once more1 then1 the  
legislator shall appear and address     
us3--',o my friends1' he will say to us1
 'do not suppose me ignorant that there 
is a certain degree of truth in your    
words2 but ,i am of opinion that1 in    
matters which are not present but       
future1 he who exhibits a pattern of    
that at which he aims1 should in nothing
 fall short of the fairest and truest2  
and that if he finds any part of this   
work impossible of execution he should  
avoid and not execute it1 but he should 
contrive to carry out that which is     
nearest and most akin to it2 you must   
allow the legislator to perfect his     
design1 and when it is perfected1 you   
should join with him in considering what
 part of his legislation is expedient   
and what will arouse opposition2 for    

surely the artist who is to be deemed   
worthy of any regard at all1 ought      
always to make his work                 
self-consistent4'  ,having determined   
that there is to be a distribution into 
twelve parts1 let us now see in what way
 this may be accomplished4 ,there is no 
difficulty in perceiving that the twelve
 parts admit of the greatest number of  
divisions of that which they include1 or
 in seeing the other numbers which are  
consequent upon them1 and are produced  
out of them up to #ejdj2 wherefore the  
law ought to order phratries and demes  
and villages1 and also military ranks   
and movements1 as well as coins and     
measures1 dry and liquid1 and weights1  
so as to be commensurable and agreeable 
to one another4 ,nor should we fear the 
appearance of minuteness1 if the law    
commands that all the vessels which a   
man possesses should have a common      
measure1 when we consider generally that
 the divisions and variations of numbers
 have a use in respect of all the       

variations of which they are            
susceptible1 both in themselves and as  
measures of height and depth1 and in all
 sounds1 and in motions1 as well those  
which proceed in a straight direction1  
upwards or downwards1 as in those which 
go round and round4 ,the legislator is  
to consider all these things and to bid 
the citizens1 as far as possible1 not to
 lose sight of numerical order2 for no  
single instrument of youthful education 
has such mighty power1 both as regards  
domestic economy and politics1 and in   
the arts1 as the study of arithmetic4   
,above all1 arithmetic stirs up him who 
is by nature sleepy and dull1 and makes 
him quick to learn1 retentive1 shrewd1  
and aided by art divine he makes        
progress quite beyond his natural powers
 7compare ,republic74 ,all such things1 
if only the legislator1 by other laws   
and institutions1 can banish meanness   
and covetousness from the souls of men1 
so that they can use them properly and  
to their own good1 will be excellent and

 suitable instruments of education4 ,but
 if he cannot1 he will unintentionally  
create in them1 instead of wisdom1 the  
habit of craft1 which evil tendency may 
be observed in the ,egyptians and       
,phoenicians1 and many other races1     
through the general vulgarity of their  
pursuits and acquisitions1 whether some 
unworthy legislator of theirs has been  
the cause1 or some impediment of chance 
or nature4 ,for we must not fail to     
observe1 ,o ,megillus and ,cleinias1    
that there is a difference in places1   
and that some beget better men and      
others worse2 and we must legislate     
accordingly4 ,some places are subject to
 strange and fatal influences by reason 
of diverse winds and violent heats1 some
 by reason of waters2 or1 again1 from   
the character of the food given by the  
earth1 which not only affects the bodies
 of men for good or evil1 but produces  
similar results in their souls4 ,and in 
all such qualities those spots excel in 
which there is a divine inspiration1 and

 in which the demigods have their       
appointed lots1 and are propitious1 not 
adverse1 to the settlers in them4 ,to   
all these matters the legislator1 if he 
have any sense in him1 will attend as   
far as man can1 and frame his laws      
accordingly4 ,and this is what you1     
,cleinias1 must do1 and to matters of   
this kind you must turn your mind since 
you are going to colonize a new country4
  ,,cleinias3 ,your words1 ,athenian    
,stranger1 are excellent1 and ,i will do
 as you say4     ,,book ,,vi4           
,,athenian3 ,and now having made an end 
of the preliminaries we will proceed to 
the appointment of magistracies4        
,,cleinias3 ,very good4  ,,athenian3 ,in
 the ordering of a state there are two  
parts3 first1 the number of the         
magistracies1 and the mode of           
establishing them2 and1 secondly1 when  
they have been established1 laws again  
will have to be provided for each of    
them1 suitable in nature and number4    
,but before electing the magistrates let

 us stop a little and say a word in     
season about the election of them4      
,,cleinias3 ,what have you got to say8  
,,athenian3 ,this is what ,i have to    
say2--every one can see1 that although  
the work of legislation is a most       
important matter1 yet if a well-ordered 
city superadd to good laws unsuitable   
offices1 not only will there be no use  
in having the good laws1--not only will 
they be ridiculous and useless1 but the 
greatest political injury and evil will 
accrue from them4  ,,cleinias3 ,of      
course4  ,,athenian3 ,then now1 my      
friend1 let us observe what will happen 
in the constitution of out intended     
state4 ,in the first place1 you will    
acknowledge that those who are duly     
appointed to magisterial power1 and     
their families1 should severally have   
given satisfactory proof of what they   
are1 from youth upward until the time of
 election2 in the next place1 those who 
are to elect should have been trained in
 habits of law1 and be well educated1   

that they may have a right judgment1 and
 may be able to select or reject men    
whom they approve or disapprove1 as they
 are worthy of either4 ,but how can we  
imagine that those who are brought      
together for the first time1 and are    
strangers to one another1 and also      
uneducated1 will avoid making mistakes  
in the choice of magistrates8           
,,cleinias3 ,impossible4  ,,athenian3   
,the matter is serious1 and excuses will
 not serve the turn4 ,i will tell you1  
then1 what you and ,i will have to do1  
since you1 as you tell me1 with nine    
others1 have offered to settle the new  
state on behalf of the people of ,crete1
 and ,i am to help you by the invention 
of the present romance4 ,i certainly    
should not like to leave the tale       
wandering all over the world without a  
head2--a headless monster is such a     
hideous thing4  ,,cleinias3 ,excellent1 
,stranger4  ,,athenian3 ,yes2 and ,i    
will be as good as my word4  ,,cleinias3
 ,let us by all means do as you propose4

  ,,athenian3 ,that we will1 by the     
grace of ,god1 if old age will only     
permit us4  ,,cleinias3 ,but ,god will  
be gracious4  ,,athenian3 ,yes2 and     
under his guidance let us consider a    
further point4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is it8
  ,,athenian3 ,let us remember what a   
courageously mad and daring creation    
this our city is4  ,,cleinias3 ,what had
 you in your mind when you said that8   
,,athenian3 ,i had in my mind the free  
and easy manner in which we are         
ordaining that the inexperienced        
colonists shall receive our laws4 ,now a
 man need not be very wise1 ,cleinias1  
in order to see that no one can easily  
receive laws at their first imposition4 
,but if we could anyhow wait until those
 who have been imbued with them from    
childhood1 and have been nurtured in    
them1 and become habituated to them1    
take their part in the public elections 
of the state2 ,i say1 if this could be  
accomplished1 and rightly accomplished  
by any way or contrivance--then1 ,i     

think that there would be very little   
danger1 at the end of the time1 of a    
state thus trained not being permanent4 
,,cleinias3 ,a reasonable supposition4  
,,athenian3 ,then let us consider if we 
can find any way out of the difficulty2 
for ,i maintain1 ,cleinias1 that the    
,cnosians1 above all the other ,cretans1
 should not be satisfied with barely    
discharging their duty to the colony1   
but they ought to take the utmost pains 
to establish the offices which are first
 created by them in the best and surest 
manner4 ,above all1 this applies to the 
selection of the guardians of the law1  
who must be chosen first of all1 and    
with the greatest care2 the others are  
of less importance4  ,,cleinias3 ,what  
method can we devise of electing them8  
,,athenian3 ,this will be the           
method3--,sons of the ,cretans1 ,i shall
 say to them1 inasmuch as the ,cnosians 
have precedence over the other states1  
they should1 in common with those who   
join this settlement1 choose a body of  

thirty-seven in all1 nineteen of them   
being taken from the settlers1 and the  
remainder from the citizens of ,cnosus4 
,of these latter the ,cnosians shall    
make a present to your colony1 and you  
yourself shall be one of the eighteen1  
and shall become a citizen of the new   
state2 and if you and they cannot be    
persuaded to go1 the ,cnosians may      
fairly use a little violence in order to
 make you4  ,,cleinias3 ,but why1       
,stranger1 do not you and ,megillus take
 a part in our new city8  ,,athenian3   
,o1 ,cleinias1 ,athens is proud1 and    
,sparta too2 and they are both a long   
way off4 ,but you and likewise the other
 colonists are conveniently situated as 
you describe4 ,i have been speaking of  
the way in which the new citizens may be
 best managed under present             
circumstances2 but in after-ages1 if the
 city continues to exist1 let the       
election be on this wise4 ,all who are  
horse or foot soldiers1 or have seen    
military service at the proper ages when

 they were severally fitted for it      
7compare ,arist4 ,pol471 shall share in 
the election of magistrates2 and the    
election shall be held in whatever      
temple the state deems most venerable1  
and every one shall carry his vote to   
the altar of the ,god1 writing down on a
 tablet the name of the person for whom 
he votes1 and his father's name1 and his
 tribe1 and ward2 and at the side he    
shall write his own name in like manner4
 ,any one who pleases may take away any 
tablet which he does not think properly 
filled up1 and exhibit it in the ,agora 
for a period of not less than thirty    
days4 ,the tablets which are judged to  
be first1 to the number of #cjj1 shall  
be shown by the magistrates to the whole
 city1 and the citizens shall in like   
manner select from these the candidates 
whom they prefer2 and this second       
selection1 to the number of #ajj1 shall 
be again exhibited to the citizens2 in  
the third1 let any one who pleases      
select whom he pleases out of the #ajj1 

walking through the parts of victims1   
and let them choose for magistrates and 
proclaim the seven-and-thirty who have  
the greatest number of votes4 ,but who1 
,cleinias and ,megillus1 will order for 
us in the colony all this matter of the 
magistrates1 and the scrutinies of them8
 ,if we reflect1 we shall see that      
cities which are in process of          
construction like ours must have some   
such persons1 who cannot possibly be    
elected before there are any            
magistrates2 and yet they must be       
elected in some way1 and they are not to
 be inferior men1 but the best possible4
 ,for as the proverb says1 'a good      
beginning is half the business'2 and 'to
 have begun well' is praised by all1 and
 in my opinion is a great deal more than
 half the business1 and has never been  
praised by any one enough4  ,,cleinias3 
,that is very true4  ,,athenian3 ,then  
let us recognize the difficulty1 and    
make clear to our own minds how the     
beginning is to be accomplished4 ,there 

is only one proposal which ,i have to   
offer1 and that is one which1 under our 
circumstances1 is both necessary and    
expedient4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is it8    
,,athenian3 ,i maintain that this colony
 of ours has a father and mother1 who   
are no other than the colonizing state4 
,well ,i know that many colonies have   
been1 and will be1 at enmity with their 
parents4 ,but in early days the child1  
as in a family1 loves and is beloved2   
even if there come a time later when the
 tie is broken1 still1 while he is in   
want of education1 he naturally loves   
his parents and is beloved by them1 and 
flies to his relatives for protection1  
and finds in them his only natural      
allies in time of need2 and this        
parental feeling already exists in the  
,cnosians1 as is shown by their care of 
the new city2 and there is a similar    
feeling on the part of the young city   
towards ,cnosus4 ,and ,i repeat what ,i 
was saying--for there is no harm in     
repeating a good thing--that the        

,cnosians should take a common interest 
in all these matters1 and choose1 as far
 as they can1 the eldest and best of the
 colonists1 to the number of not less   
than a hundred2 and let there be another
 hundred of the ,cnosians themselves4   
,these1 ,i say1 on their arrival1 should
 have a joint care that the magistrates 
should be appointed according to law1   
and that when they are appointed they   
should undergo a scrutiny4 ,when this   
has been effected1 the ,cnosians shall  
return home1 and the new city do the    
best she can for her own preservation   
and happiness4 ,i would have the        
seven-and-thirty now1 and in all future 
time1 chosen to fulfil the following    
duties3--,let them1 in the first place1 
be the guardians of the law2 and1       
secondly1 of the registers in which each
 one registers before the magistrate the
 amount of his property1 excepting four 
minae which are allowed to citizens of  
the first class1 three allowed to the   
second1 two to the third1 and a single  

mina to the fourth4 ,and if any one1    
despising the laws for the sake of gain1
 be found to possess anything more which
 has not been registered1 let all that  
he has in excess be confiscated1 and let
 him be liable to a suit which shall be 
the reverse of honourable or fortunate4 
,and let any one who will1 indict him on
 the charge of loving base gains1 and   
proceed against him before the guardians
 of the law4 ,and if he be cast1 let him
 lose his share of the public           
possessions1 and when there is any      
public distribution1 let him have       
nothing but his original lot2 and let   
him be written down a condemned man as  
long as he lives1 in some place in which
 any one who pleases can read about his 
offences4 ,the guardian of the law shall
 not hold office longer than twenty     
years1 and shall not be less than fifty 
years of age when he is elected2 or if  
he is elected when he is sixty years of 
age1 he shall hold office for ten years 
only2 and upon the same principle1 he   

must not imagine that he will be        
permitted to hold such an important     
office as that of guardian of the laws  
after he is seventy years of age1 if he 
live so long4  ,these are the three     
first ordinances about the guardians of 
the law2 as the work of legislation     
progresses1 each law in turn will assign
 to them their further duties4 ,and now 
we may proceed in order to speak of the 
election of other officers2 for generals
 have to be elected1 and these again    
must have their ministers1 commanders1  
and colonels of horse1 and commanders of
 brigades of foot1 who would be more    
rightly called by their popular name of 
brigadiers4 ,the guardians of the law   
shall propose as generals men who are   
natives of the city1 and a selection    
from the candidates proposed shall be   
made by those who are or have been of   
the age for military service4 ,and if   
one who is not proposed is thought by   
somebody to be better than one who is1  
let him name whom he prefers in the     

place of whom1 and make oath that he is 
better1 and propose him2 and whichever  
of them is approved by vote shall be    
admitted to the final selection2 and the
 three who have the greatest number of  
votes shall be appointed generals1 and  
superintendents of military affairs1    
after previously undergoing a scrutiny1 
like the guardians of the law4 ,and let 
the generals thus elected propose twelve
 brigadiers1 one for each tribe2 and    
there shall be a right of               
counter-proposal as in the case of the  
generals1 and the voting and decision   
shall take place in the same way4 ,until
 the prytanes and council are elected1  
the guardians of the law shall convene  
the assembly in some holy spot which is 
suitable to the purpose1 placing the    
hoplites by themselves1 and the cavalry 
by themselves1 and in a third division  
all the rest of the army4 ,all are to   
vote for the generals 7and for the      
colonels of horse71 but the brigadiers  
are to be voted for only by those who   

carry shields 7i4e4 the hoplites74 ,let 
the body of cavalry choose phylarchs for
 the generals2 but captains of light    
troops1 or archers1 or any other        
division of the army1 shall be appointed
 by the generals for themselves4 ,there 
only remains the appointment of officers
 of cavalry3 these shall be proposed by 
the same persons who proposed the       
generals1 and the election and the      
counter-proposal of other candidates    
shall be arranged in the same way as in 
the case of the generals1 and let the   
cavalry vote and the infantry look on at
 the election2 the two who have the     
greatest number of votes shall be the   
leaders of all the horse4 ,disputes     
about the voting may be raised once or  
twice2 but if the dispute be raised a   
third time1 the officers who preside at 
the several elections shall decide4     
,the council shall consist of #cj x #ab 
members--#cfj will be a convenient      
number for sub-division4 ,if we divide  
the whole number into four parts of     

ninety each1 we get ninety counsellors  
for each class4 ,first1 all the citizens
 shall select candidates from the first 
class2 they shall be compelled to vote1 
and1 if they do not1 shall be duly      
fined4 ,when the candidates have been   
selected1 some one shall mark them down2
 this shall be the business of the first
 day4 ,and on the following day1        
candidates shall be selected from the   
second class in the same manner and     
under the same conditions as on the     
previous day2 and on the third day a    
selection shall be made from the third  
class1 at which every one may1 if he    
likes vote1 and the three first classes 
shall be compelled to vote2 but the     
fourth and lowest class shall be under  
no compulsion1 and any member of this   
class who does not vote shall not be    
punished4 ,on the fourth day candidates 
shall be selected from the fourth and   
smallest class2 they shall be selected  
by all1 but he who is of the fourth     
class shall suffer no penalty1 nor he   

who is of the third1 if he be not       
willing to vote2 but he who is of the   
first or second class1 if he does not   
vote shall be punished2--he who is of   
the second class shall pay a fine of    
triple the amount which was exacted at  
first1 and he who is of the first class 
quadruple4 ,on the fifth day the rulers 
shall bring out the names noted down1   
for all the citizens to see1 and every  
man shall choose out of them1 under     
pain1 if he do not1 of suffering the    
first penalty2 and when they have chosen
 #ahj out of each of the classes1 they  
shall choose one-half of them by lot1   
who shall undergo a scrutiny3--,these   
are to form the council for the year4   
,the mode of election which has been    
described is in a mean between monarchy 
and democracy1 and such a mean the state
 ought always to observe2 for servants  
and masters never can be friends1 nor   
good and bad1 merely because they are   
declared to have equal privileges4 ,for 
to unequals equals become unequal1 if   

they are not harmonised by measure2 and 
both by reason of equality1 and by      
reason of inequality1 cities are filled 
with seditions4 ,the old saying1 that   
'equality makes friendship1' is happy   
and also true2 but there is obscurity   
and confusion as to what sort of        
equality is meant4 ,for there are two   
equalities which are called by the same 
name1 but are in reality in many ways   
almost the opposite of one another2 one 
of them may be introduced without       
difficulty1 by any state or any         
legislator in the distribution of       
honours3 this is the rule of measure1   
weight1 and number1 which regulates and 
apportions them4 ,but there is another  
equality1 of a better and higher kind1  
which is not so easily recognized4 ,this
 is the judgment of ,zeus2 among men it 
avails but little2 that little1 however1
 is the source of the greatest good to  
individuals and states4 ,for it gives to
 the greater more1 and to the inferior  
less and in proportion to the nature of 

each2 and1 above all1 greater honour    
always to the greater virtue1 and to the
 less less2 and to either in proportion 
to their respective measure of virtue   
and education4 ,and this is justice1 and
 is ever the true principle of states1  
at which we ought to aim1 and according 
to this rule order the new city which is
 now being founded1 and any other city  
which may be hereafter founded4 ,to this
 the legislator should look1--not to the
 interests of tyrants one or more1 or to
 the power of the people1 but to justice
 always2 which1 as ,i was saying1 is the
 distribution of natural equality among 
unequals in each case4 ,but there are   
times at which every state is compelled 
to use the words1 'just1' 'equal1' in a 
secondary sense1 in the hope of escaping
 in some degree from factions4 ,for     
equity and indulgence are infractions of
 the perfect and strict rule of justice4
 ,and this is the reason why we are     
obliged to use the equality of the lot1 
in order to avoid the discontent of the 

people2 and so we invoke ,god and       
fortune in our prayers1 and beg that    
they themselves will direct the lot with
 a view to supreme justice4 ,and        
therefore1 although we are compelled to 
use both equalities1 we should use that 
into which the element of chance enters 
as seldom as possible4  ,thus1 ,o my    
friends1 and for the reasons given1     
should a state act which would endure   
and be saved4 ,but as a ship sailing on 
the sea has to be watched night and day1
 in like manner a city also is sailing  
on a sea of politics1 and is liable to  
all sorts of insidious assaults2 and    
therefore from morning to night1 and    
from night to morning1 rulers must join 
hands with rulers1 and watchers with    
watchers1 receiving and giving up their 
trust in a perpetual succession4 ,now a 
multitude can never fulfil a duty of    
this sort with anything like energy4    
,moreover1 the greater number of the    
senators will have to be left during the
 greater part of the year to order their

 concerns at their own homes4 ,they will
 therefore have to be arranged in twelve
 portions1 answering to the twelve      
months1 and furnish guardians of the    
state1 each portion for a single month4 
,their business is to be at hand and    
receive any foreigner or citizen who    
comes to them1 whether to give          
information1 or to put one of those     
questions1 to which1 when asked by other
 cities1 a city should give an answer1  
and to which1 if she ask them herself1  
she should receive an answer2 or again1 
when there is a likelihood of internal  
commotions1 which are always liable to  
happen in some form or other1 they will1
 if they can1 prevent their occurring2  
or if they have already occurred1 will  
lose no time in making them known to the
 city1 and healing the evil4 ,wherefore1
 also1 this which is the presiding body 
of the state ought always to have the   
control of their assemblies1 and of the 
dissolutions of them1 ordinary as well  
as extraordinary4 ,all this is to be    

ordered by the twelfth part of the      
council1 which is always to keep watch  
together with the other officers of the 
state during one portion of the year1   
and to rest during the remaining eleven 
portions4  ,thus will the city be fairly
 ordered4 ,and now1 who is to have the  
superintendence of the country1 and what
 shall be the arrangement8 ,seeing that 
the whole city and the entire country   
have been both of them divided into     
twelve portions1 ought there not to be  
appointed superintendents of the streets
 of the city1 and of the houses1 and    
buildings1 and harbours1 and the agora1 
and fountains1 and sacred domains1 and  
temples1 and the like8  ,,cleinias3 ,to 
be sure there ought4  ,,athenian3 ,let  
us assume1 then1 that there ought to be 
servants of the temples1 and priests and
 priestesses4 ,there must also be       
superintendents of roads and buildings1 
who will have a care of men1 that they  
may do no harm1 and also of beasts1 both
 within the enclosure and in the        

suburbs4 ,three kinds of officers will  
thus have to be appointed1 in order that
 the city may be suitably provided      
according to her needs4 ,those who have 
the care of the city shall be called    
wardens of the city2 and those who have 
the care of the agora shall be called   
wardens of the agora2 and those who have
 the care of the temples shall be called
 priests4 ,those who hold hereditary    
offices as priests or priestesses1 shall
 not be disturbed2 but if there be few  
or none such1 as is probable at the     
foundation of a new city1 priests and   
priestesses shall be appointed to be    
servants of the ,gods who have no       
servants4 ,some of our officers shall be
 elected1 and others appointed by lot1  
those who are of the people and those   
who are not of the people mingling in a 
friendly manner in every place and city1
 that the state may be as far as        
possible of one mind4 ,the officers of  
the temples shall be appointed by lot2  
in this way their election will be      

committed to ,god1 that ,he may do what 
is agreeable to ,him4 ,and he who       
obtains a lot shall undergo a scrutiny1 
first1 as to whether he is sound of body
 and of legitimate birth2 and in the    
second place1 in order to show that he  
is of a perfectly pure family1 not      
stained with homicide or any similar    
impiety in his own person1 and also that
 his father and mother have led a       
similar unstained life4 ,now the laws   
about all divine things should be       
brought from ,delphi1 and interpreters  
appointed1 under whose direction they   
should be used4 ,the tenure of the      
priesthood should always be for a year  
and no longer2 and he who will duly     
execute the sacred office1 according to 
the laws of religion1 must be not less  
than sixty years of age--the laws shall 
be the same about priestesses4 ,as for  
the interpreters1 they shall be         
appointed thus3--,let the twelve tribes 
be distributed into groups of four1 and 
let each group select four1 one out of  

each tribe within the group1 three      
times2 and let the three who have the   
greatest number of votes 7out of the    
twelve appointed by each group71 after  
undergoing a scrutiny1 nine in all1 be  
sent to ,delphi1 in order that the ,god 
may return one out of each triad2 their 
age shall be the same as that of the    
priests1 and the scrutiny of them shall 
be conducted in the same manner2 let    
them be interpreters for life1 and when 
any one dies let the four tribes select 
another from the tribe of the deceased4 
,moreover1 besides priests and          
interpreters1 there must be treasurers1 
who will take charge of the property of 
the several temples1 and of the sacred  
domains1 and shall have authority over  
the produce and the letting of them2 and
 three of them shall be chosen from the 
highest classes for the greater temples1
 and two for the lesser1 and one for the
 least of all2 the manner of their      
election and the scrutiny of them shall 
be the same as that of the generals4    

,this shall be the order of the temples4
  ,let everything have a guard as far as
 possible4 ,let the defence of the city 
be commited to the generals1 and        
taxiarchs1 and hipparchs1 and phylarchs1
 and prytanes1 and the wardens of the   
city1 and of the agora1 when the        
election of them has been completed4    
,the defence of the country shall be    
provided for as follows3--,the entire   
land has been already distributed into  
twelve as nearly as possible equal      
parts1 and let the tribe allotted to a  
division provide annually for it five   
wardens of the country and commanders of
 the watch2 and let each body of five   
have the power of selecting twelve      
others out of the youth of their own    
tribe1--these shall be not less than    
twenty-five years of age1 and not more  
than thirty4 ,and let there be allotted 
to them severally every month the       
various districts1 in order that they   
may all acquire knowledge and experience
 of the whole country4 ,the term of     

service for commanders and for watchers 
shall continue during two years4 ,after 
having had their stations allotted to   
them1 they will go from place to place  
in regular order1 making their round    
from left to right as their commanders  
direct them2 7when ,i speak of going to 
the right1 ,i mean that they are to go  
to the east74 ,and at the commencement  
of the second year1 in order that as    
many as possible of the guards may not  
only get a knowledge of the country at  
any one season of the year1 but may also
 have experience of the manner in which 
different places are affected at        
different seasons of the year1 their    
then commanders shall lead them again   
towards the left1 from place to place in
 succession1 until they have completed  
the second year4 ,in the third year     
other wardens of the country shall be   
chosen and commanders of the watch1 five
 for each division1 who are to be the   
superintendents of the bands of twelve4 
,while on service at each station1 their

 attention shall be directed to the     
following points3--,in the first place1 
they shall see that the country is well 
protected against enemies2 they shall   
trench and dig wherever this is         
required1 and1 as far as they can1 they 
shall by fortifications keep off the    
evil-disposed1 in order to prevent them 
from doing any harm to the country or   
the property2 they shall use the beasts 
of burden and the labourers whom they   
find on the spot3 these will be their   
instruments whom they will superintend1 
taking them1 as far as possible1 at the 
times when they are not engaged in their
 regular business4 ,they shall make     
every part of the country inaccessible  
to enemies1 and as accessible as        
possible to friends 7compare ,arist4    
,pol472 there shall be ways for man and 
beasts of burden and for cattle1 and    
they shall take care to have them always
 as smooth as they can2 and shall       
provide against the rains doing harm    
instead of good to the land1 when they  

come down from the mountains into the   
hollow dells2 and shall keep in the     
overflow by the help of works and       
ditches1 in order that the valleys1     
receiving and drinking up the rain from 
heaven1 and providing fountains and     
streams in the fields and regions which 
lie underneath1 may furnish even to the 
dry places plenty of good water4 ,the   
fountains of water1 whether of rivers or
 of springs1 shall be ornamented with   
plantations and buildings for beauty2   
and let them bring together the streams 
in subterraneous channels1 and make all 
things plenteous2 and if there be a     
sacred grove or dedicated precinct in   
the neighbourhood1 they shall conduct   
the water to the actual temples of the  
,gods1 and so beautify them at all      
seasons of the year4 ,everywhere in such
 places the youth shall make gymnasia   
for themselves1 and warm baths for the  
aged1 placing by them abundance of dry  
wood1 for the benefit of those labouring
 under disease--there the weary frame of

 the rustic1 worn with toil1 will       
receive a kindly welcome1 far better    
than he would at the hands of a not     
over-wise doctor4  ,the building of     
these and the like works will be useful 
and ornamental2 they will provide a     
pleasing amusement1 but they will be a  
serious employment too2 for the sixty   
wardens will have to guard their several
 divisions1 not only with a view to     
enemies1 but also with an eye to        
professing friends4 ,when a quarrel     
arises among neighbours or citizens1 and
 any one whether slave or freeman wrongs
 another1 let the five wardens decide   
small matters on their own authority2   
but where the charge against another    
relates to greater matters1 the         
seventeen composed of the fives and     
twelves1 shall determine any charges    
which one man brings against another1   
not involving more than three minae4    
,every judge and magistrate shall be    
liable to give an account of his conduct
 in office1 except those who1 like      

kings1 have the final decision4         
,moreover1 as regards the aforesaid     
wardens of the country1 if they do any  
wrong to those of whom they have the    
care1 whether by imposing upon them     
unequal tasks1 or by taking the produce 
of the soil or implements of husbandry  
without their consent2 also if they     
receive anything in the way of a bribe1 
or decide suits unjustly1 or if they    
yield to the influences of flattery1 let
 them be publicly dishonoured2 and in   
regard to any other wrong which they do 
to the inhabitants of the country1 if   
the question be of a mina1 let them     
submit to the decision of the villagers 
in the neighbourhood2 but in suits of   
greater amount1 or in case of lesser1 if
 they refuse to submit1 trusting that   
their monthly removal into another part 
of the country will enable them to      
escape--in such cases the injured party 
may bring his suit in the common court1 
and if he obtain a verdict he may exact 
from the defendant1 who refused to      

submit1 a double penalty4  ,the wardens 
and the overseers of the country1 while 
on their two years' service1 shall have 
common meals at their several stations1 
and shall all live together2 and he who 
is absent from the common meal1 or      
sleeps out1 if only for one day or      
night1 unless by order of his           
commanders1 or by reason of absolute    
necessity1 if the five denounce him and 
inscribe his name in the agora as not   
having kept his guard1 let him be deemed
 to have betrayed the city1 as far as   
lay in his power1 and let him be        
disgraced and beaten with impunity by   
any one who meets him and is willing to 
punish him4 ,if any of the commanders is
 guilty of such an irregularity1 the    
whole company of sixty shall see to it1 
and he who is cognisant of the offence1 
and does not bring the offender to      
trial1 shall be amenable to the same    
laws as the younger offender himself1   
and shall pay a heavier fine1 and be    
incapable of ever commanding the young4 

,the guardians of the law are to be     
careful inspectors of these matters1 and
 shall either prevent or punish         
offenders4 ,every man should remember   
the universal rule1 that he who is not a
 good servant will not be a good master2
 a man should pride himself more upon   
serving well than upon commanding well3 
first upon serving the laws1 which is   
also the service of the ,gods2 in the   
second place1 upon having served ancient
 and honourable men in the days of his  
youth4 ,furthermore1 during the two     
years in which any one is a warden of   
the country1 his daily food ought to be 
of a simple and humble kind4 ,when the  
twelve have been chosen1 let them and   
the five meet together1 and determine   
that they will be their own servants1   
and1 like servants1 will not have other 
slaves and servants for their own use1  
neither will they use those of the      
villagers and husbandmen for their      
private advantage1 but for the public   
service only2 and in general they should

 make up their minds to live            
independently by themselves1 servants of
 each other and of themselves4 ,further1
 at all seasons of the year1 summer and 
winter alike1 let them be under arms and
 survey minutely the whole country2 thus
 they will at once keep guard1 and at   
the same time acquire a perfect         
knowledge of every locality4 ,there can 
be no more important kind of information
 than the exact knowledge of a man's own
 country2 and for this as well as for   
more general reasons of pleasure and    
advantage1 hunting with dogs and other  
kinds of sports should be pursued by the
 young4 ,the service to whom this is    
committed may be called the secret      
police or wardens of the country2 the   
name does not much signify1 but every   
one who has the safety of the state at  
heart will use his utmost diligence in  
this service4  ,after the wardens of the
 country1 we have to speak of the       
election of wardens of the agora and of 
the city4 ,the wardens of the country   

were sixty in number1 and the wardens of
 the city will be three1 and will divide
 the twelve parts of the city into      
three2 like the former1 they shall have 
care of the ways1 and of the different  
high roads which lead out of the country
 into the city1 and of the buildings1   
that they may be all made according to  
law2--also of the waters1 which the     
guardians of the supply preserve and    
convey to them1 care being taken that   
they may reach the fountains pure and   
abundant1 and be both an ornament and a 
benefit to the city4 ,these also should 
be men of influence1 and at leisure to  
take care of the public interest4 ,let  
every man propose as warden of the city 
any one whom he likes out of the highest
 class1 and when the vote has been given
 on them1 and the number is reduced to  
the six who have the greatest number of 
votes1 let the electing officers choose 
by lot three out of the six1 and when   
they have undergone a scrutiny let them 
hold office according to the laws laid  

down for them4 ,next1 let the wardens of
 the agora be elected in like manner1   
out of the first and second class1 five 
in number3 ten are to be first elected1 
and out of the ten five are to be chosen
 by lot1 as in the election of the      
wardens of the city3--these when they   
have undergone a scrutiny are to be     
declared magistrates4 ,every one shall  
vote for every one1 and he who will not 
vote1 if he be informed against before  
the magistrates1 shall be fined fifty   
drachmae1 and shall also be deemed a bad
 citizen4 ,let any one who likes go to  
the assembly and to the general council2
 it shall be compulsory to go on        
citizens of the first and second class1 
and they shall pay a fine of ten        
drachmae if they be found not answering 
to their names at the assembly4 ,but the
 third and fourth class shall be under  
no compulsion1 and shall be let off     
without a fine1 unless the magistrates  
have commanded all to be present1 in    
consequence of some urgent necessity4   

,the wardens of the agora shall observe 
the order appointed by law for the      
agora1 and shall have the charge of the 
temples and fountains which are in the  
agora2 and they shall see that no one   
injures anything1 and punish him who    
does1 with stripes and bonds1 if he be a
 slave or stranger2 but if he be a      
citizen who misbehaves in this way1 they
 shall have the power themselves of     
inflicting a fine upon him to the amount
 of a hundred drachmae1 or with the     
consent of the wardens of the city up to
 double that amount4 ,and let the       
wardens of the city have a similar power
 of imposing punishments and fines in   
their own department2 and let them      
impose fines by their own department2   
and let them impose fines by their own  
authority1 up to a mina1 or up to two   
minae with the consent of the wardens of
 the agora4  ,in the next place1 it will
 be proper to appoint directors of music
 and gymnastic1 two kinds of each--of   
the one kind the business will be       

education1 of the other1 the            
superintendence of contests4 ,in        
speaking of education1 the law means to 
speak of those who have the care of     
order and instruction in gymnasia and   
schools1 and of the going to school1 and
 of school buildings for boys and girls2
 and in speaking of contests1 the law   
refers to the judges of gymnastics and  
of music2 these again are divided into  
two classes1 the one having to do with  
music1 the other with gymnastics2 and   
the same who judge of the gymnastic     
contests of men1 shall judge of horses2 
but in music there shall be one set of  
judges of solo singing1 and of          
imitation--,i mean of rhapsodists1      
players on the harp1 the flute and the  
like1 and another who shall judge of    
choral song4 ,first of all1 we must     
choose directors for the choruses of    
boys1 and men1 and maidens1 whom they   
shall follow in the amusement of the    
dance1 and for our other musical        
arrangements2--one director will be     

enough for the choruses1 and he should  
be not less than forty years of age4    
,one director will also be enough to    
introduce the solo singers1 and to give 
judgment on the competitors1 and he     
ought not to be less than thirty years  
of age4 ,the director and manager of the
 choruses shall be elected after the    
following manner3--,let any persons who 
commonly take an interest in such       
matters go to the meeting1 and be fined 
if they do not go 7the guardians of the 
law shall judge of their fault71 but    
those who have no interest shall not be 
compelled4 ,the elector shall propose as
 director some one who understands      
music1 and he in the scrutiny may be    
challenged on the one part by those who 
say he has no skill1 and defended on the
 other hand by those who say that he    
has4 ,ten are to be elected by vote1 and
 he of the ten who is chosen by lot     
shall undergo a scrutiny1 and lead the  
choruses for a year according to law4   
,and in like manner the competitor who  

wins the lot shall be leader of the solo
 and concert music for that year2 and he
 who is thus elected shall deliver the  
award to the judges4 ,in the next place1
 we have to choose judges in the        
contests of horses and of men2 these    
shall be selected from the third and    
also from the second class of citizens1 
and three first classes shall be        
compelled to go to the election1 but the
 lowest may stay away with impunity2 and
 let there be three elected by lot out  
of the twenty who have been chosen      
previously1 and they must also have the 
vote and approval of the examiners4 ,but
 if any one is rejected in the scrutiny 
at any ballot or decision1 others shall 
be chosen in the same manner1 and       
undergo a similar scrutiny4  ,there     
remains the minister of the education of
 youth1 male and female2 he too will    
rule according to law2 one such minister
 will be sufficient1 and he must be     
fifty years old1 and have children      
lawfully begotten1 both boys and girls  

by preference1 at any rate1 one or the  
other4 ,he who is elected1 and he who is
 the elector1 should consider that of   
all the great offices of state this is  
the greatest2 for the first shoot of any
 plant1 if it makes a good start towards
 the attainment of its natural          
excellence1 has the greatest effect on  
its maturity2 and this is not only true 
of plants1 but of animals wild and tame1
 and also of men4 ,man1 as we say1 is a 
tame or civilized animal2 nevertheless1 
he requires proper instruction and a    
fortunate nature1 and then of all       
animals he becomes the most divine and  
most civilized 7,arist4 ,pol472 but if  
he be insufficiently or ill educated he 
is the most savage of earthly creatures4
 ,wherefore the legislator ought not to 
allow the education of children to      
become a secondary or accidental matter4
 ,in the first place1 he who would be   
rightly provident about them1 should    
begin by taking care that he is elected1
 who of all the citizens is in every way

 best2 him the legislator shall do his  
utmost to appoint guardian and          
superintendent4 ,to this end all the    
magistrates1 with the exception of the  
council and prytanes1 shall go to the   
temple of ,apollo1 and elect by ballot  
him of the guardians of the law whom    
they severally think will be the best   
superintendent of education4 ,and he who
 has the greatest number of votes1 after
 he has undergone a scrutiny at the     
hands of all the magistrates who have   
been his electors1 with the exception of
 the guardians of the law1--shall hold  
office for five years2 and in the sixth 
year let another be chosen in like      
manner to fill his office4  ,if any one 
dies while he is holding a public       
office1 and more than thirty days before
 his term of office expires1 let those  
whose business it is elect another to   
the office in the same manner as before4
 ,and if any one who is entrusted with  
orphans dies1 let the relations both on 
the father's and mother's side1 who are 

residing at home1 including cousins1    
appoint another guardian within ten     
days1 or be fined a drachma a day for   
neglect to do so4  ,a city which has no 
regular courts of law ceases to be a    
city2 and again1 if a judge is silent   
and says no more in preliminary         
proceedings than the litigants1 as is   
the case in arbitrations1 he will never 
be able to decide justly2 wherefore a   
multitude of judges will not easily     
judge well1 nor a few if they are bad4  
,the point in dispute between the       
parties should be made clear2 and time1 
and deliberation1 and repeated          
examination1 greatly tend to clear up   
doubts4 ,for this reason1 he who goes to
 law with another1 should go first of   
all to his neighbours and friends who   
know best the questions at issue4 ,and  
if he be unable to obtain from them a   
satisfactory decision1 let him have     
recourse to another court2 and if the   
two courts cannot settle the matter1 let
 a third put an end to the suit4  ,now  

the establishment of courts of justice  
may be regarded as a choice of          
magistrates1 for every magistrate must  
also be a judge of some things2 and the 
judge1 though he be not a magistrate1   
yet in certain respects is a very       
important magistrate on the day on which
 he is determining a suit4 ,regarding   
then the judges also as magistrates1 let
 us say who are fit to be judges1 and of
 what they are to be judges1 and how    
many of them are to judge in each suit4 
,let that be the supreme tribunal which 
the litigants appoint in common for     
themselves1 choosing certain persons by 
agreement4 ,and let there be two other  
tribunals3 one for private causes1 when 
a citizen accuses another of wronging   
him and wishes to get a decision2 the   
other for public causes1 in which some  
citizen is of opinion that the public   
has been wronged by an individual1 and  
is willing to vindicate the common      
interests4 ,and we must not forget to   
mention how the judges are to be        

qualified1 and who they are to be4 ,in  
the first place1 let there be a tribunal
 open to all private persons who are    
trying causes one against another for   
the third time1 and let this be composed
 as follows3--,all the officers of      
state1 as well annual as those holding  
office for a longer period1 when the new
 year is about to commence1 in the month
 following after the summer solstice1 on
 the last day but one of the year1 shall
 meet in some temple1 and calling ,god  
to witness1 shall dedicate one judge    
from every magistracy to be their       
first-fruits1 choosing in each office   
him who seems to them to be the best1   
and whom they deem likely to decide the 
causes of his fellow-citizens during the
 ensuing year in the best and holiest   
manner4 ,and when the election is       
completed1 a scrutiny shall be held in  
the presence of the electors themselves1
 and if any one be rejected another     
shall be chosen in the same manner4     
,those who have undergone the scrutiny  

shall judge the causes of those who have
 declined the inferior courts1 and shall
 give their vote openly4 ,the           
councillors and other magistrates who   
have elected them shall be required to  
be hearers and spectators of the causes2
 and any one else may be present who    
pleases4 ,if one man charges another    
with having intentionally decided wrong1
 let him go to the guardians of the law 
and lay his accusation before them1 and 
he who is found guilty in such a case   
shall pay damages to the injured party  
equal to half the injury2 but if he     
shall appear to deserve a greater       
penalty1 the judges shall determine what
 additional punishment he shall suffer1 
and how much more he ought to pay to the
 public treasury1 and to the party who  
brought the suit4  ,in the judgment of  
offences against the state1 the people  
ought to participate1 for when any one  
wrongs the state all are wronged1 and   
may reasonably complain if they are not 
allowed to share in the decision4 ,such 

causes ought to originate with the      
people1 and the ought also to have the  
final decision of them1 but the trial of
 them shall take place before three of  
the highest magistrates1 upon whom the  
plaintiff and the defendant shall agree2
 and if they are not able to come to an 
agreement themselves1 the council shall 
choose one of the two proposed4 ,and in 
private suits1 too1 as far as is        
possible1 all should have a share2 for  
he who has no share in the              
administration of justice1 is apt to    
imagine that he has no share in the     
state at all4 ,and for this reason there
 shall be a court of law in every tribe1
 and the judges shall be chosen by      
lot2--they shall give their decisions at
 once1 and shall be inaccessible to     
entreaties4 ,the final judgment shall   
rest with that court which1 as we       
maintain1 has been established in the   
most incorruptible form of which human  
things admit3 this shall be the court   
established for those who are unable to 

get rid of their suits either in the    
courts of neighbours or of the tribes4  
,thus much of the courts of law1 which1 
as ,i was saying1 cannot be precisely   
defined either as being or not being    
offices2 a superficial sketch has been  
given of them1 in which some things have
 been told and others omitted4 ,for the 
right place of an exact statement of the
 laws respecting suits1 under their     
several heads1 will be at the end of the
 body of legislation2--let us then      
expect them at the end4 ,hitherto our   
legislation has been chiefly occupied   
with the appointment of offices4        
,perfect unity and exactness1 extending 
to the whole and every particular of    
political administration1 cannot be     
attained to the full1 until the         
discussion shall have a beginning1      
middle1 and end1 and is complete in     
every part4 ,at present we have reached 
the election of magistrates1 and this   
may be regarded as a sufficient         
termination of what preceded4 ,and now  

there need no longer be any delay or    
hesitation in beginning the work of     
legislation4  ,,cleinias3 ,i like what  
you have said1 ,stranger2 and ,i        
particularly like your manner of tacking
 on the beginning of your new discourse 
to the end of the former one4           
,,athenian3 ,thus far1 then1 the old    
men's rational pastime has gone off     
well4  ,,cleinias3 ,you mean1 ,i        
suppose1 their serious and noble        
pursuit8  ,,athenian3 ,perhaps2 but ,i  
should like to know whether you and ,i  
are agreed about a certain thing4       
,,cleinias3 ,about what thing8          
,,athenian3 ,you know the endless labour
 which painters expend upon their       
pictures--they are always putting in or 
taking out colours1 or whatever be the  
term which artists employ2 they seem as 
if they would never cease touching up   
their works1 which are always being made
 brighter and more beautiful4           
,,cleinias3 ,i know something of these  
matters from report1 although ,i have   

never had any great acquaintance with   
the art4  ,,athenian3 ,no matter2 we may
 make use of the illustration           
notwithstanding3--,suppose that some one
 had a mind to paint a figure in the    
most beautiful manner1 in the hope that 
his work instead of losing would always 
improve as time went on--do you not see 
that being a mortal1 unless he leaves   
some one to succeed him who will correct
 the flaws which time may introduce1 and
 be able to add what is left imperfect  
through the defect of the artist1 and   
who will further brighten up and improve
 the picture1 all his great labour will 
last but a short time8  ,,cleinias3     
,true4  ,,athenian3 ,and is not the aim 
of the legislator similar8 ,first1 he   
desires that his laws should be written 
down with all possible exactness2 in the
 second place1 as time goes on and he   
has made an actual trial of his decrees1
 will he not find omissions8 ,do you    
imagine that there ever was a legislator
 so foolish as not to know that many    

things are necessarily omitted1 which   
some one coming after him must correct1 
if the constitution and the order of    
government is not to deteriorate1 but to
 improve in the state which he has      
established8  ,,cleinias3 ,assuredly1   
that is the sort of thing which every   
one would desire4  ,,athenian3 ,and if  
any one possesses any means of          
accomplishing this by word or deed1 or  
has any way great or small by which he  
can teach a person to understand how he 
can maintain and amend the laws1 he     
should finish what he has to say1 and   
not leave the work incomplete4          
,,cleinias3 ,by all means4  ,,athenian3 
,and is not this what you and ,i have to
 do at the present moment8  ,,cleinias3 
,what have we to do8  ,,athenian3 ,as we
 are about to legislate and have chosen 
our guardians of the law1 and are       
ourselves in the evening of life1 and   
they as compared with us are young men1 
we ought not only to legislate for them1
 but to endeavour to make them not only 

guardians of the law but legislators    
themselves1 as far as this is possible4 
,,cleinias3 ,certainly2 if we can4      
,,athenian3 ,at any rate1 we must do our
 best4  ,,cleinias3 ,of course4         
,,athenian3 ,we will say to them--,o    
friends and saviours of our laws1 in    
laying down any law1 there are many     
particulars which we shall omit1 and    
this cannot be helped2 at the same time1
 we will do our utmost to describe what 
is important1 and will give an outline  
which you shall fill up4 ,and ,i will   
explain on what principle you are to    
act4 ,megillus and ,cleinias and ,i have
 often spoken to one another touching   
these matters1 and we are of opinion    
that we have spoken well4 ,and we hope  
that you will be of the same mind with  
us1 and become our disciples1 and keep  
in view the things which in our united  
opinion the legislator and guardian of  
the law ought to keep in view4 ,there   
was one main point about which we were  
agreed--that a man's whole energies     

throughout life should be devoted to the
 acquisition of the virtue proper to a  
man1 whether this was to be gained by   
study1 or habit1 or some mode of        
acquisition1 or desire1 or opinion1 or  
knowledge--and this applies equally to  
men and women1 old and young--the aim of
 all should always be such as ,i have   
described2 anything which may be an     
impediment1 the good man ought to show  
that he utterly disregards4 ,and if at  
last necessity plainly compels him to be
 an outlaw from his native land1 rather 
than bow his neck to the yoke of slavery
 and be ruled by inferiors1 and he has  
to fly1 an exile he must be and endure  
all such trials1 rather than accept     
another form of government1 which is    
likely to make men worse4 ,these are our
 original principles2 and do you now1   
fixing your eyes upon the standard of   
what a man and a citizen ought or ought 
not to be1 praise and blame the         
laws--blame those which have not this   
power of making the citizen better1 but 

embrace those which have2 and with      
gladness receive and live in them2      
bidding a long farewell to other        
institutions which aim at goods1 as they
 are termed1 of a different kind4  ,let 
us proceed to another class of laws1    
beginning with their foundation in      
religion4 ,and we must first return to  
the number #ejdj--the entire number had1
 and has1 a great many convenient       
divisions1 and the number of the tribes 
which was a twelfth part of the whole1  
being correctly formed by #ba x #bj     
7#ejdj_/7ba x #bj71 i4e41 #ejdj_/dbj    
#ab71 also has them4 ,and not only is   
the whole number divisible by twelve1   
but also the number of each tribe is    
divisible by twelve4 ,now every portion 
should be regarded by us as a sacred    
gift of ,heaven1 corresponding to the   
months and to the revolution of the     
universe 7compare ,tim474 ,every city   
has a guiding and sacred principle given
 by nature1 but in some the division or 
distribution has been more right than in

 others1 and has been more sacred and   
fortunate4 ,in our opinion1 nothing can 
be more right than the selection of the 
number #ejdj1 which may be divided by   
all numbers from one to twelve with the 
single exception of eleven1 and that    
admits of a very easy correction2 for   
if1 turning to the dividend 7#ejdj71 we 
deduct two families1 the defect in the  
division is cured4 ,and the truth of    
this may be easily proved when we have  
leisure4 ,but for the present1 trusting 
to the mere assertion of this principle1
 let us divide the state2 and assigning 
to each portion some ,god or son of a   
,god1 let us give them altars and sacred
 rites1 and at the altars let us hold   
assemblies for sacrifice twice in the   
month--twelve assemblies for the tribes1
 and twelve for the city1 according to  
their divisions2 the first in honour of 
the ,gods and divine things1 and the    
second to promote friendship and 'better
 acquaintance1' as the phrase is1 and   
every sort of good fellowship with one  

another4 ,for people must be acquainted 
with those into whose families and whom 
they marry and with those to whom they  
give in marriage2 in such matters1 as   
far as possible1 a man should deem it   
all important to avoid a mistake1 and   
with this serious purpose let games be  
instituted 7compare ,republic7 in which 
youths and maidens shall dance together1
 seeing one another and being seen      
naked1 at a proper age1 and on a        
suitable occasion1 not transgressing the
 rules of modesty4  ,the directors of   
choruses will be the superintendents and
 regulators of these games1 and they1   
together with the guardians of the law1 
will legislate in any matters which we  
have omitted2 for1 as we said1 where    
there are numerous and minute details1  
the legislator must leave out something4
 ,and the annual officers who have      
experience1 and know what is wanted1    
must make arrangements and improvements 
year by year1 until such enactments and 
provisions are sufficiently determined4 

,a ten years' experience of sacrifices  
and dances1 if extending to all         
particulars1 will be quite sufficient2  
and if the legislator be alive they     
shall communicate with him1 but if he be
 dead then the several officers shall   
refer the omissions which come under    
their notice to the guardians of the    
law1 and correct them1 until all is     
perfect2 and from that time there shall 
be no more change1 and they shall       
establish and use the new laws with the 
others which the legislator originally  
gave them1 and of which they are never1 
if they can help1 to change aught2 or1  
if some necessity overtakes them1 the   
magistrates must be called into counsel1
 and the whole people1 and they must go 
to all the oracles of the ,gods2 and if 
they are all agreed1 in that case they  
may make the change1 but if they are not
 agreed1 by no manner of means1 and any 
one who dissents shall prevail1 as the  
law ordains4  ,whenever any one over    
twenty-five years of age1 having seen   

and been seen by others1 believes       
himself to have found a marriage        
connexion which is to his mind1 and     
suitable for the procreation of         
children1 let him marry if he be still  
under the age of five-and-thirty years2 
but let him first hear how he ought to  
seek after what is suitable and         
appropriate 7compare ,arist4 ,pol474    
,for1 as ,cleinias says1 every law      
should have a suitable prelude4         
,,cleinias3 ,you recollect at the right 
moment1 ,stranger1 and do not miss the  
opportunity which the argument affords  
of saying a word in season4  ,,athenian3
 ,i thank you4 ,we will say to him who  
is born of good parents--,o my son1 you 
ought to make such a marriage as wise   
men would approve4 ,now they would      
advise you neither to avoid a poor      
marriage1 nor specially to desire a rich
 one2 but if other things are equal1    
always to honour inferiors1 and with    
them to form connexions2--this will be  
for the benefit of the city and of the  

families which are united2 for the      
equable and symmetrical tends infinitely
 more to virtue than the unmixed4 ,and  
he who is conscious of being too        
headstrong1 and carried away more than  
is fitting in all his actions1 ought to 
desire to become the relation of orderly
 parents2 and he who is of the opposite 
temper ought to seek the opposite       
alliance4 ,let there be one word        
concerning all marriages3--,every man   
shall follow1 not after the marriage    
which is most pleasing to himself1 but  
after that which is most beneficial to  
the state4 ,for somehow every one is by 
nature prone to that which is likest to 
himself1 and in this way the whole city 
becomes unequal in property and in      
disposition2 and hence there arise in   
most states the very results which we   
least desire to happen4 ,now1 to add to 
the law an express provision1 not only  
that the rich man shall not marry into  
the rich family1 nor the powerful into  
the family of the powerful1 but that the

 slower natures shall be compelled to   
enter into marriage with the quicker1   
and the quicker with the slower1 may    
awaken anger as well as laughter in the 
minds of many2 for there is a difficulty
 in perceiving that the city ought to be
 well mingled like a cup1 in which the  
maddening wine is hot and fiery1 but    
when chastened by a soberer ,god1       
receives a fair associate and becomes an
 excellent and temperate drink 7compare 
,statesman74 ,yet in marriage no one is 
able to see that the same result occurs4
 ,wherefore also the law must let alone 
such matters1 but we should try to charm
 the spirits of men into believing the  
equability of their children's          
disposition to be of more importance    
than equality in excessive fortune when 
they marry2 and him who is too desirous 
of making a rich marriage we should     
endeavour to turn aside by reproaches1  
not1 however1 by any compulsion of      
written law4  ,let this then be our     
exhortation concerning marriage1 and let

 us remember what was said before--that 
a man should cling to immortality1 and  
leave behind him children's children to 
be the servants of ,god in his place for
 ever4 ,all this and much more may be   
truly said by way of prelude about the  
duty of marriage4 ,but if a man will not
 listen1 and remains unsocial and alien 
among his fellow-citizens1 and is still 
unmarried at thirty-five years of age1  
let him pay a yearly fine2--he who of   
the highest class shall pay a fine of a 
hundred drachmae1 and he who is of the  
second class a fine of seventy drachmae2
 the third class shall pay sixty        
drachmae1 and the fourth thirty         
drachmae1 and let the money be sacred to
 ,here2 he who does not pay the fine    
annually shall owe ten times the sum1   
which the treasurer of the goddess shall
 exact2 and if he fails in doing so1 let
 him be answerable and give an account  
of the money at his audit4 ,he who      
refuses to marry shall be thus punished 
in money1 and also be deprived of all   

honour which the younger show to the    
elder2 let no young man voluntarily obey
 him1 and1 if he attempt to punish any  
one1 let every one come to the rescue   
and defend the injured person1 and he   
who is present and does not come to the 
rescue1 shall be pronounced by the law  
to be a coward and a bad citizen4 ,of   
the marriage portion ,i have already    
spoken2 and again ,i say for the        
instruction of poor men that he who     
neither gives nor receives a dowry on   
account of poverty1 has a compensation2 
for the citizens of our state are       
provided with the necessaries of life1  
and wives will be less likely to be     
insolent1 and husbands to be mean and   
subservient to them on account of       
property4 ,and he who obeys this law    
will do a noble action2 but he who will 
not obey1 and gives or receives more    
than fifty drachmae as the price of the 
marriage garments if he be of the       
lowest1 or more than a mina1 or a       
mina-and-a-half1 if he be of the third  

or second classes1 or two minae if he be
 of the highest class1 shall owe to the 
public treasury a similar sum1 and that 
which is given or received shall be     
sacred to ,here and ,zeus2 and let the  
treasurers of these ,gods exact the     
money1 as was said before about the     
unmarried--that the treasurers of ,here 
were to exact the money1 or pay the fine
 themselves4  ,the betrothal by a father
 shall be valid in the first degree1    
that by a grandfather in the second     
degree1 and in the third degree1        
betrothal by brothers who have the same 
father2 but if there are none of these  
alive1 the betrothal by a mother shall  
be valid in like manner2 in cases of    
unexampled fatality1 the next of kin and
 the guardians shall have authority4    
,what are to be the rites before        
marriages1 or any other sacred acts1    
relating either to future1 present1 or  
past marriages1 shall be referred to the
 interpreters2 and he who follows their 
advice may be satisfied4 ,touching the  

marriage festival1 they shall assemble  
not more than five male and five female 
friends of both families2 and a like    
number of members of the family of      
either sex1 and no man shall spend more 
than his means will allow2 he who is of 
the richest class may spend a mina1--he 
who is of the second1 half a mina1 and  
in the same proportion as the census of 
each decreases3 all men shall praise him
 who is obedient to the law2 but he who 
is disobedient shall be punished by the 
guardians of the law as a man wanting in
 true taste1 and uninstructed in the    
laws of bridal song4 ,drunkenness is    
always improper1 except at the festivals
 of the ,god who gave wine2 and         
peculiarly dangerous1 when a man is     
engaged in the business of marriage2 at 
such a crisis of their lives a bride and
 bridegroom ought to have all their wits
 about them--they ought to take care    
that their offspring may be born of     
reasonable beings2 for on what day or   
night ,heaven will give them increase1  

who can say8 ,moreover1 they ought not  
to begetting children when their bodies 
are dissipated by intoxication1 but     
their offspring should be compact and   
solid1 quiet and compounded properly2   
whereas the drunkard is all abroad in   
all his actions1 and beside himself both
 in body and soul4 ,wherefore1 also1 the
 drunken man is bad and unsteady in     
sowing the seed of increase1 and is     
likely to beget offspring who will be   
unstable and untrustworthy1 and cannot  
be expected to walk straight either in  
body or mind4 ,hence during the whole   
year and all his life long1 and         
especially while he is begetting        
children1 he ought to take care and not 
intentionally do what is injurious to   
health1 or what involves insolence and  
wrong2 for he cannot help leaving the   
impression of himself on the souls and  
bodies of his offspring1 and he begets  
children in every way inferior4 ,and    
especially on the day and night of      
marriage should a man abstain from such 

things4 ,for the beginning1 which is    
also a ,god dwelling in man1 preserves  
all things1 if it meet with proper      
respect from each individual4 ,he who   
marries is further to consider1 that one
 of the two houses in the lot is the    
nest and nursery of his young1 and there
 he is to marry and make a home for     
himself and bring up his children1 going
 away from his father and mother4 ,for  
in friendships there must be some degree
 of desire1 in order to cement and bind 
together diversities of character2 but  
excessive intercourse not having the    
desire which is created by time1        
insensibly dissolves friendships from a 
feeling of satiety2 wherefore a man and 
his wife shall leave to his and her     
father and mother their own             
dwelling-places1 and themselves go as to
 a colony and dwell there1 and visit and
 be visited by their parents2 and they  
shall beget and bring up children1      
handing on the torch of life from one   
generation to another1 and worshipping  

the ,gods according to law for ever4    
,in the next place1 we have to consider 
what sort of property will be most      
convenient4 ,there is no difficulty     
either in understanding or acquiring    
most kinds of property1 but there is    
great difficulty in what relates to     
slaves4 ,and the reason is1 that we     
speak about them in a way which is right
 and which is not right2 for what we say
 about our slaves is consistent and also
 inconsistent with our practice about   
them4  ,,megillus3 ,i do not understand1
 ,stranger1 what you mean4  ,,athenian3 
,i am not surprised1 ,megillus1 for the 
state of the ,helots among the          
,lacedaemonians is of all ,hellenic     
forms of slavery the most controverted  
and disputed about1 some approving and  
some condemning it2 there is less       
dispute about the slavery which exists  
among the ,heracleots1 who have         
subjugated the ,mariandynians1 and about
 the ,thessalian ,penestae4 ,looking at 
these and the like examples1 what ought 

we to do concerning property in slaves8 
,i made a remark1 in passing1 which     
naturally elicited a question about my  
meaning from you4 ,it was this3--,we    
know that all would agree that we should
 have the best and most attached slaves 
whom we can get4 ,for many a man has    
found his slaves better in every way    
than brethren or sons1 and many times   
they have saved the lives and property  
of their masters and their whole        
house--such tales are well known4       
,,megillus3 ,to be sure4  ,,athenian3   
,but may we not also say that the soul  
of the slave is utterly corrupt1 and    
that no man of sense ought to trust     
them8 ,and the wisest of our poets1     
speaking of ,zeus1 says3  ',far-seeing  
,zeus takes away half the understanding 
of men whom the day of slavery subdues4'
  ,different persons have got these two 
different notions of slaves in their    
minds--some of them utterly distrust    
their servants1 and1 as if they were    
wild beasts1 chastise them with goads   

and whips1 and make their souls three   
times1 or rather many times1 as slavish 
as they were before2--and others do just
 the opposite4  ,,megillus3 ,true4      
,,cleinias3 ,then what are we to do in  
our own country1 ,stranger1 seeing that 
there are such differences in the       
treatment of slaves by their owners8    
,,athenian3 ,well1 ,cleinias1 there can 
be no doubt that man is a troublesome   
animal1 and therefore he is not very    
manageable1 nor likely to become so1    
when you attempt to introduce the       
necessary division of slave1 and        
freeman1 and master4  ,,cleinias3 ,that 
is obvious4  ,,athenian3 ,he is a       
troublesome piece of goods1 as has been 
often shown by the frequent revolts of  
the ,messenians1 and the great mischiefs
 which happen in states having many     
slaves who speak the same language1 and 
the numerous robberies and lawless life 
of the ,italian banditti1 as they are   
called4 ,a man who considers all this is
 fairly at a loss4 ,two remedies alone  

remain to us1--not to have the slaves of
 the same country1 nor if possible1     
speaking the same language 7compare     
,aris4 ,pol472 in this way they will    
more easily be held in subjection3      
secondly1 we should tend them carefully1
 not only out of regard to them1 but yet
 more out of respect to ourselves4 ,and 
the right treatment of slaves is to     
behave properly to them1 and to do to   
them1 if possible1 even more justice    
than to those who are our equals2 for he
 who naturally and genuinely reverences 
justice1 and hates injustice1 is        
discovered in his dealings with any     
class of men to whom he can easily be   
unjust4 ,and he who in regard to the    
natures and actions of his slaves is    
undefiled by impiety and injustice1 will
 best sow the seeds of virtue in them2  
and this may be truly said of every     
master1 and tyrant1 and of every other  
having authority in relation to his     
inferiors4 ,slaves ought to be punished 
as they deserve1 and not admonished as  

if they were freemen1 which will only   
make them conceited4 ,the language used 
to a servant ought always to be that of 
a command 7compare ,arist4 ,pol471 and  
we ought not to jest with them1 whether 
they are males or females--this is a    
foolish way which many people have of   
setting up their slaves1 and making the 
life of servitude more disagreeable both
 for them and for their masters4        
,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,now    
that each of the citizens is provided1  
as far as possible1 with a sufficient   
number of suitable slaves who can help  
him in what he has to do1 we may next   
proceed to describe their dwellings4    
,,cleinias3 ,very good4  ,,athenian3    
,the city being new and hitherto        
uninhabited1 care ought to be taken of  
all the buildings1 and the manner of    
building each of them1 and also of the  
temples and walls4 ,these1 ,cleinias1   
were matters which properly came before 
the marriages2--but1 as we are only     
talking1 there is no objection to       

changing the order4 ,if1 however1 our   
plan of legislation is ever to take     
effect1 then the house shall precede the
 marriage if ,god so will1 and          
afterwards we will come to the          
regulations about marriage2 but at      
present we are only describing these    
matters in a general outline4           
,,cleinias3 ,quite true4  ,,athenian3   
,the temples are to be placed all round 
the agora1 and the whole city built on  
the heights in a circle 7compare ,arist4
 ,pol471 for the sake of defence and for
 the sake of purity4 ,near the temples  
are to be placed buildings for the      
magistrates and the courts of law2 in   
these plaintiff and defendant will      
receive their due1 and the places will  
be regarded as most holy1 partly because
 they have to do with holy things3 and  
partly because they are the             
dwelling-places of holy ,gods3 and in   
them will be held the courts in which   
cases of homicide and other trials of   
capital offences may fitly take place4  

,as to the walls1 ,megillus1 ,i agree   
with ,sparta in thinking that they      
should be allowed to sleep in the earth1
 and that we should not attempt to      
disinter them 7compare ,arist4 ,pol472  
there is a poetical saying1 which is    
finely expressed1 that 'walls ought to  
be of steel and iron1 and not of earth2'
 besides1 how ridiculous of us to be    
sending out our young men annually into 
the country to dig and to trench1 and to
 keep off the enemy by fortifications1  
under the idea that they are not to be  
allowed to set foot in our territory1   
and then1 that we should surround       
ourselves with a wall1 which1 in the    
first place1 is by no means conducive to
 the health of cities1 and is also apt  
to produce a certain effeminacy in the  
minds of the inhabitants1 inviting men  
to run thither instead of repelling     
their enemies1 and leading them to      
imagine that their safety is due not to 
their keeping guard day and night1 but  
that when they are protected by walls   

and gates1 then they may sleep in       
safety2 as if they were not meant to    
labour1 and did not know that true      
repose comes from labour1 and that      
disgraceful indolence and a careless    
temper of mind is only the renewal of   
trouble4 ,but if men must have walls1   
the private houses ought to be so       
arranged from the first that the whole  
city may be one wall1 having all the    
houses capable of defence by reason of  
their uniformity and equality towards   
the streets 7compare ,arist4 ,pol474    
,the form of the city being that of a   
single dwelling will have an agreeable  
aspect1 and being easily guarded will be
 infinitely better for security4 ,until 
the original building is completed1     
these should be the principal objects of
 the inhabitants2 and the wardens of the
 city should superintend the work1 and  
should impose a fine on him who is      
negligent2 and in all that relates to   
the city they should have a care of     
cleanliness1 and not allow a private    

person to encroach upon any public      
property either by buildings or         
excavations4 ,further1 they ought to    
take care that the rains from heaven    
flow off easily1 and of any other       
matters which may have to be            
administered either within or without   
the city4 ,the guardians of the law     
shall pass any further enactments which 
their experience may show to be         
necessary1 and supply any other points  
in which the law may be deficient4 ,and 
now that these matters1 and the         
buildings about the agora1 and the      
gymnasia1 and places of instruction1 and
 theatres1 are all ready and waiting for
 scholars and spectators1 let us proceed
 to the subjects which follow marriage  
in the order of legislation4            
,,cleinias3 ,by all means4  ,,athenian3 
,assuming that marriages exist already1 
,cleinias1 the mode of life during the  
year after marriage1 before children are
 born1 will follow next in order4 ,in   
what way bride and bridegroom ought to  

live in a city which is to be superior  
to other cities1 is a matter not at all 
easy for us to determine4 ,there have   
been many difficulties already1 but this
 will be the greatest of them1 and the  
most disagreeable to the many4 ,still ,i
 cannot but say what appears to me to be
 right and true1 ,cleinias4  ,,cleinias3
 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,he who       
imagines that he can give laws for the  
public conduct of states1 while he      
leaves the private life of citizens     
wholly to take care of itself2 who      
thinks that individuals may pass the day
 as they please1 and that there is no   
necessity of order in all things2 he1 ,i
 say1 who gives up the control of their 
private lives1 and supposes that they   
will conform to law in their common and 
public life1 is making a great mistake4 
,why have ,i made this remark8 ,why1    
because ,i am going to enact that the   
bridegrooms should live at the common   
tables1 just as they did before         
marriage4 ,this was a singularity when  

first enacted by the legislator in your 
parts of the world1 ,megillus and       
,cleinias1 as ,i should suppose1 on the 
occasion of some war or other similar   
danger1 which caused the passing of the 
law1 and which would be likely to occur 
in thinly-peopled places1 and in times  
of pressure4 ,but when men had once     
tried and been accustomed to a common   
table1 experience showed that the       
institution greatly conduced to         
security2 and in some such manner the   
custom of having common tables arose    
among you4  ,,cleinias3 ,likely enough4 
,,athenian3 ,i said that there may have 
been singularity and danger in imposing 
such a custom at first1 but that now    
there is not the same difficulty4 ,there
 is1 however1 another institution which 
is the natural sequel to this1 and would
 be excellent1 if it existed anywhere1  
but at present it does not4 ,the        
institution of which ,i am about to     
speak is not easily described or        
executed2 and would be like the         

legislator 'combing wool into the fire1'
 as people say1 or performing any other 
impossible and useless feat4            
,,cleinias3 ,what is the cause1         
,stranger1 of this extreme hesitation8  
,,athenian3 ,you shall hear without any 
fruitless loss of time4 ,that which has 
law and order in a state is the cause of
 every good1 but that which is          
disordered or ill-ordered is often the  
ruin of that which is well-ordered2 and 
at this point the argument is now       
waiting4 ,for with you1 ,cleinias and   
,megillus1 the common tables of men are1
 as ,i said1 a heaven-born and admirable
 institution1 but you are mistaken in   
leaving the women unregulated by law4   
,they have no similar institution of    
public tables in the light of day1 and  
just that part of the human race which  
is by nature prone to secrecy and       
stealth on account of their weakness--,i
 mean the female sex--has been left     
without regulation by the legislator1   
which is a great mistake4 ,and1 in      

consequence of this neglect1 many things
 have grown lax among you1 which might  
have been far better1 if they had been  
only regulated by law2 for the neglect  
of regulations about women may not only 
be regarded as a neglect of half the    
entire matter 7,arist4 ,pol471 but in   
proportion as woman's nature is inferior
 to that of men in capacity for virtue1 
in that degree the consequence of such  
neglect is more than twice as important4
 ,the careful consideration of this     
matter1 and the arranging and ordering  
on a common principle of all our        
institutions relating both to men and   
women1 greatly conduces to the happiness
 of the state4 ,but at present1 such is 
the unfortunate condition of mankind1   
that no man of sense will even venture  
to speak of common tables in places and 
cities in which they have never been    
established at all2 and how can any one 
avoid being utterly ridiculous1 who     
attempts to compel women to show in     
public how much they eat and drink8     

,there is nothing at which the sex is   
more likely to take offence4 ,for women 
are accustomed to creep into dark       
places1 and when dragged out into the   
light they will exert their utmost      
powers of resistance1 and be far too    
much for the legislator4 ,and therefore1
 as ,i said before1 in most places they 
will not endure to have the truth spoken
 without raising a tremendous outcry1   
but in this state perhaps they may4 ,and
 if we may assume that our whole        
discussion about the state has not been 
mere idle talk1 ,i should like to prove 
to you1 if you will consent to listen1  
that this institution is good and       
proper2 but if you had rather not1 ,i   
will refrain4  ,,cleinias3 ,there is    
nothing which we should both of us like 
better1 ,stranger1 than to hear what you
 have to say4  ,,athenian3 ,very good2  
and you must not be surprised if ,i go  
back a little1 for we have plenty of    
leisure1 and there is nothing to prevent
 us from considering in every point of  

view the subject of law4  ,,cleinias3   
,true4  ,,athenian3 ,then let us return 
once more to what we were saying at     
first4 ,every man should understand that
 the human race either had no beginning 
at all1 and will never have an end1 but 
always will be and has been2 or that it 
began an immense while ago4  ,,cleinias3
 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,well1 and    
have there not been constitutions and   
destructions of states1 and all sorts of
 pursuits both orderly and disorderly1  
and diverse desires of meats and drinks 
always1 and in all the world1 and all   
sorts of changes of the seasons in which
 animals may be expected to have        
undergone innumerable transformations of
 themselves8  ,,cleinias3 ,no doubt4    
,,athenian3 ,and may we not suppose that
 vines appeared1 which had previously no
 existence1 and also olives1 and the    
gifts of ,demeter and her daughter1 of  
which one ,triptolemus was the minister1
 and that1 before these existed1 animals
 took to devouring each other as they do

 still8  ,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3
 ,again1 the practice of men sacrificing
 one another still exists among many    
nations2 while1 on the other hand1 we   
hear of other human beings who did not  
even venture to taste the flesh of a cow
 and had no animal sacrifices1 but only 
cakes and fruits dipped in honey1 and   
similar pure offerings1 but no flesh of 
animals2 from these they abstained under
 the idea that they ought not to eat    
them1 and might not stain the altars of 
the ,gods with blood4 ,for in those days
 men are said to have lived a sort of   
,orphic life1 having the use of all     
lifeless things1 but abstaining from all
 living things4  ,,cleinias3 ,such has  
been the constant tradition1 and is very
 likely true4  ,,athenian3 ,some one    
might say to us1 ,what is the drift of  
all this8  ,,cleinias3 ,a very pertinent
 question1 ,stranger4  ,,athenian3 ,and 
therefore ,i will endeavour1 ,cleinias1 
if ,i can1 to draw the natural          
inference4  ,,cleinias3 ,proceed4       

,,athenian3 ,i see that among men all   
things depend upon three wants and      
desires1 of which the end is virtue1 if 
they are rightly led by them1 or the    
opposite if wrongly4 ,now these are     
eating and drinking1 which begin at     
birth--every animal has a natural desire
 for them1 and is violently excited1 and
 rebels against him who says that he    
must not satisfy all his pleasures and  
appetites1 and get rid of all the       
corresponding pains--and the third and  
greatest and sharpest want and desire   
breaks out last1 and is the fire of     
sexual lust1 which kindles in men every 
species of wantonness and madness4 ,and 
these three disorders we must endeavour 
to master by the three great principles 
of fear and law and right reason2       
turning them away from that which is    
called pleasantest to the best1 using   
the ,muses and the ,gods who preside    
over contests to extinguish their       
increase and influx4  ,but to           
return3--,after marriage let us speak of

 the birth of children1 and after their 
birth of their nurture and education4   
,in the course of discussion the several
 laws will be perfected1 and we shall at
 last arrive at the common tables4      
,whether such associations are to be    
confined to men1 or extended to women   
also1 we shall see better when we       
approach and take a nearer view of them2
 and we may then determine what previous
 institutions are required and will have
 to precede them4 ,as ,i said before1 we
 shall see them more in detail1 and     
shall be better able to lay down the    
laws which are proper or suited to them4
  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3  
,let us keep in mind the words which    
have now been spoken2 for hereafter     
there may be need of them4  ,,cleinias3 
,what do you bid us keep in mind8       
,,athenian3 ,that which we comprehended 
under the three words--first1 eating1   
secondly1 drinking1 thirdly1 the        
excitement of love4  ,,cleinias3 ,we    
shall be sure to remember1 ,stranger4   

,,athenian3 ,very good4 ,then let us now
 proceed to marriage1 and teach persons 
in what way they shall beget children1  
threatening them1 if they disobey1 with 
the terrors of the law4  ,,cleinias3    
,what do you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,the    
bride and bridegroom should consider    
that they are to produce for the state  
the best and fairest specimens of       
children which they can4 ,now all men   
who are associated in any action always 
succeed when they attend and give their 
mind to what they are doing1 but when   
they do not give their mind or have no  
mind1 they fail2 wherefore let the      
bridegroom give his mind to the bride   
and to the begetting of children1 and   
the bride in like manner give her mind  
to the bridegroom1 and particularly at  
the time when their children are not yet
 born4 ,and let the women whom we have  
chosen be the overseers of such matters1
 and let them in whatever number1 large 
or small1 and at whatever time the      
magistrates may command1 assemble every 

day in the temple of ,eileithyia during 
a third part of the day1 and being there
 assembled1 let them inform one another 
of any one whom they see1 whether man or
 woman1 of those who are begetting      
children1 disregarding the ordinances   
given at the time when the nuptial      
sacrifices and ceremonies were          
performed4 ,let the begetting of        
children and the supervision of those   
who are begetting them continue ten     
years and no longer1 during the time    
when marriage is fruitful4 ,but if any  
continue without children up to this    
time1 let them take counsel with their  
kindred and with the women holding the  
office of overseer and be divorced for  
their mutual benefit4 ,if1 however1 any 
dispute arises about what is proper and 
for the interest of either party1 they  
shall choose ten of the guardians of the
 law and abide by their permission and  
appointment4 ,the women who preside over
 these matters shall enter into the     
houses of the young1 and partly by      

admonitions and partly by threats make  
them give over their folly and error3 if
 they persist1 let the women go and tell
 the guardians of the law1 and the      
guardians shall prevent them4 ,but if   
they too cannot prevent them1 they shall
 bring the matter before the people2 and
 let them write up their names and make 
oath that they cannot reform such and   
such an one2 and let him who is thus    
written up1 if he cannot in a court of  
law convict those who have inscribed his
 name1 be deprived of the privileges of 
a citizen in the following              
respects3--let him not go to weddings   
nor to the thanksgivings after the birth
 of children2 and if he go1 let any one 
who pleases strike him with impunity2   
and let the same regulations hold about 
women3 let not a woman be allowed to    
appear abroad1 or receive honour1 or go 
to nuptial and birthday festivals1 if   
she in like manner be written up as     
acting disorderly and cannot obtain a   
verdict4 ,and if1 when they themselves  

have done begetting children according  
to the law1 a man or woman have         
connexion with another man or woman who 
are still begetting children1 let the   
same penalties be inflicted upon them as
 upon those who are still having a      
family2 and when the time for           
procreation has passed let the man or   
woman who refrains in such matters be   
held in esteem1 and let those who do not
 refrain be held in the contrary of     
esteem--that is to say1 disesteem4 ,now1
 if the greater part of mankind behave  
modestly1 the enactments of law may be  
left to slumber2 but1 if they are       
disorderly1 the enactments having been  
passed1 let them be carried into        
execution4 ,to every man the first year 
is the beginning of life1 and the time  
of birth ought to be written down in the
 temples of their fathers as the        
beginning of existence to every child1  
whether boy or girl4 ,let every phratria
 have inscribed on a whited wall the    
names of the successive archons by whom 

the years are reckoned4 ,and near to    
them let the living members of the      
phratria be inscribed1 and when they    
depart life let them be erased4 ,the    
limit of marriageable ages for a woman  
shall be from sixteen to twenty years at
 the longest1--for a man1 from thirty to
 thirty-five years2 and let a woman hold
 office at forty1 and a man at thirty   
years4 ,let a man go out to war from    
twenty to sixty years1 and for a woman1 
if there appear any need to make use of 
her in military service1 let the time of
 service be after she shall have brought
 forth children up to fifty years of    
age2 and let regard be had to what is   
possible and suitable to each4          
,,book ,,vii4  ,and now1 assuming       
children of both sexes to have been     
born1 it will be proper for us to       
consider1 in the next place1 their      
nurture and education2 this cannot be   
left altogether unnoticed1 and yet may  
be thought a subject fitted rather for  
precept and admonition than for law4 ,in

 private life there are many little     
things1 not always apparent1 arising out
 of the pleasures and pains and desires 
of individuals1 which run counter to the
 intention of the legislator1 and make  
the characters of the citizens various  
and dissimilar3--this is an evil in     
states2 for by reason of their smallness
 and frequent occurrence1 there would be
 an unseemliness and want of propriety  
in making them penal by law2 and if made
 penal1 they are the destruction of the 
written law because mankind get the     
habit of frequently transgressing the   
law in small matters4 ,the result is    
that you cannot legislate about them1   
and still less can you be silent4 ,i    
speak somewhat darkly1 but ,i shall     
endeavour also to bring my wares into   
the light of day1 for ,i acknowledge    
that at present there is a want of      
clearness in what ,i am saying4         
,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian4 ,am
 ,i not right in maintaining that a good
 education is that which tends most to  

the improvement of mind and body8       
,,cleinias3 ,undoubtedly4  ,,athenian3  
,and nothing can be plainer than that   
the fairest bodies are those which grow 
up from infancy in the best and         
straightest manner8  ,,cleinias3        
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,and do we not 
further observe that the first shoot of 
every living thing is by far the        
greatest and fullest8 ,many will even   
contend that a man at twenty-five does  
not reach twice the height which he     
attained at five4  ,,cleinias3 ,true4   
,,athenian3 ,well1 and is not rapid     
growth without proper and abundant      
exercise the source endless evils in the
 body8  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3  
,and the body should have the most      
exercise when it receives most          
nourishment8  ,,cleinias3 ,but1         
,stranger1 are we to impose this great  
amount of exercise upon newly-born      
infants8  ,,athenian3 ,nay1 rather on   
the bodies of infants still unborn4     
,,cleinias3 ,what do you mean1 my good  

sir8 ,in the process of gestation8      
,,athenian3 ,exactly4 ,i am not at all  
surprised that you have never heard of  
this very peculiar sort of gymnastic    
applied to such little creatures1 which1
 although strange1 ,i will endeavour to 
explain to you4  ,,cleinias3 ,by all    
means4  ,,athenian3 ,the practice is    
more easy for us to understand than for 
you1 by reason of certain amusements    
which are carried to excess by us at    
,athens4 ,not only boys1 but often older
 persons1 are in the habit of keeping   
quails and cocks 7compare ,republic71   
which they train to fight one another4  
,and they are far from thinking that the
 contests in which they stir them up to 
fight with one another are sufficient   
exercise2 for1 in addition to this1 they
 carry them about tucked beneath their  
armpits1 holding the smaller birds in   
their hands1 the larger under their     
arms1 and go for a walk of a great many 
miles for the sake of health1 that is to
 say1 not their own health1 but the     

health of the birds2 whereby they prove 
to any intelligent person1 that all     
bodies are benefited by shakings and    
movements1 when they are moved without  
weariness1 whether the motion proceeds  
from themselves1 or is caused by a      
swing1 or at sea1 or on horseback1 or by
 other bodies in whatever way moving1   
and that thus gaining the mastery over  
food and drink1 they are able to impart 
beauty and health and strength4 ,but    
admitting all this1 what follows8 ,shall
 we make a ridiculous law that the      
pregnant woman shall walk about and     
fashion the embryo within as we fashion 
wax before it hardens1 and after birth  
swathe the infant for two years8        
,suppose that we compel nurses1 under   
penalty of a legal fine1 to be always   
carrying the children somewhere or      
other1 either to the temples1 or into   
the country1 or to their relations'     
houses1 until they are well able to     
stand1 and to take care that their limbs
 are not distorted by leaning on them   

when they are too young 7compare ,arist4
 ,pol471--they should continue to carry 
them until the infant has completed its 
third year2 the nurses should be strong1
 and there should be more than one of   
them4 ,shall these be our rules1 and    
shall we impose a penalty for the       
neglect of them8 ,no1 no2 the penalty of
 which we were speaking will fall upon  
our own heads more than enough4         
,,cleinias3 ,what penalty8  ,,athenian3 
,ridicule1 and the difficulty of getting
 the feminine and servant-like          
dispositions of the nurses to comply4   
,,cleinias3 ,then why was there any need
 to speak of the matter at all8         
,,athenian3 ,the reason is1 that masters
 and freemen in states1 when they hear  
of it1 are very likely to arrive at a   
true conviction that without due        
regulation of private life in cities1   
stability in the laying down of laws is 
hardly to be expected 7compare          
,republic72 and he who makes this       
reflection may himself adopt the laws   

just now mentioned1 and1 adopting them1 
may order his house and state well and  
be happy4  ,,cleinias3 ,likely enough4  
,,athenian3 ,and therefore let us       
proceed with our legislation until we   
have determined the exercises which are 
suited to the souls of young children1  
in the same manner in which we have     
begun to go through the rules relating  
to their bodies4  ,,cleinias3 ,by all   
means4  ,,athenian3 ,let us assume1     
then1 as a first principle in relation  
both to the body and soul of very young 
creatures1 that nursing and moving about
 by day and night is good for them all1 
and that the younger they are1 the more 
they will need it 7compare ,arist4      
,pol472 infants should live1 if that    
were possible1 as if they were always   
rocking at sea4 ,this is the lesson     
which we may gather from the experience 
of nurses1 and likewise from the use of 
the remedy of motion in the rites of the
 ,corybantes2 for when mothers want     
their restless children to go to sleep  

they do not employ rest1 but1 on the    
contrary1 motion--rocking them in their 
arms2 nor do they give them silence1 but
 they sing to them and lap them in sweet
 strains2 and the ,bacchic women are    
cured of their frenzy in the same manner
 by the use of the dance and of music4  
,,cleinias3 ,well1 ,stranger1 and what  
is the reason of this8  ,,athenian3 ,the
 reason is obvious4  ,,cleinias3 ,what8 
,,athenian3 ,the affection both of the  
,bacchantes and of the children is an   
emotion of fear1 which springs out of an
 evil habit of the soul4 ,and when some 
one applies external agitation to       
affections of this sort1 the motion     
coming from without gets the better of  
the terrible and violent internal one1  
and produces a peace and calm in the    
soul1 and quiets the restless           
palpitation of the heart1 which is a    
thing much to be desired1 sending the   
children to sleep1 and making the       
,bacchantes1 although they remain awake1
 to dance to the pipe with the help of  

the ,gods to whom they offer acceptable 
sacrifices1 and producing in them a     
sound mind1 which takes the place of    
their frenzy4 ,and1 to express what ,i  
mean in a word1 there is a good deal to 
be said in favour of this treatment4    
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,but if fear has such a power we ought  
to infer from these facts1 that every   
soul which from youth upward has been   
familiar with fears1 will be made more  
liable to fear 7compare ,republic71 and 
every one will allow that this is the   
way to form a habit of cowardice and not
 of courage4  ,,cleinias3 ,no doubt4    
,,athenian3 ,and1 on the other hand1 the
 habit of overcoming1 from our youth    
upwards1 the fears and terrors which    
beset us1 may be said to be an exercise 
of courage4  ,,cleinias3 ,true4         
,,athenian3 ,and we may say that the use
 of exercise and motion in the earliest 
years of life greatly contributes to    
create a part of virtue in the soul4    
,,cleinias3 ,quite true4  ,,athenian3   

,further1 a cheerful temper1 or the     
reverse1 may be regarded as having much 
to do with high spirit on the one hand1 
or with cowardice on the other4         
,,cleinias3 ,to be sure4  ,,athenian3   
,then now we must endeavour to show how 
and to what extent we may1 if we please1
 without difficulty implant either      
character in the young4  ,,cleinias3    
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,there is a    
common opinion1 that luxury makes the   
disposition of youth discontented and   
irascible and vehemently excited by     
trifles2 that on the other hand         
excessive and savage servitude makes men
 mean and abject1 and haters of their   
kind1 and therefore makes them          
undesirable associates4  ,,cleinias3    
,but how must the state educate those   
who do not as yet understand the        
language of the country1 and are        
therefore incapable of appreciating any 
sort of instruction8  ,,athenian3 ,i    
will tell you how3--,every animal that  
is born is wont to utter some cry1 and  

this is especially the case with man1   
and he is also affected with the        
inclination to weep more than any other 
animal4  ,,cleinias3 ,quite true4       
,,athenian3 ,do not nurses1 when they   
want to know what an infant desires1    
judge by these signs8--when anything is 
brought to the infant and he is silent1 
then he is supposed to be pleased1 but1 
when he weeps and cries out1 then he is 
not pleased4 ,for tears and cries are   
the inauspicious signs by which children
 show what they love and hate4 ,now the 
time which is thus spent is no less than
 three years1 and is a very considerable
 portion of life to be passed ill or    
well4  ,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3  
,does not the discontented and          
ungracious nature appear to you to be   
full of lamentations and sorrows more   
than a good man ought to be8            
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,well1 but if during these three years  
every possible care were taken that our 
nursling should have as little of sorrow

 and fear1 and in general of pain as was
 possible1 might we not expect in early 
childhood to make his soul more gentle  
and cheerful8 7,compare ,arist4 ,pol47  
,,cleinias3 ,to be sure1 ,stranger--more
 especially if we could procure him a   
variety of pleasures4  ,,athenian3      
,there ,i can no longer agree1          
,cleinias3 you amaze me4 ,to bring him  
up in such a way would be his utter     
ruin2 for the beginning is always the   
most critical part of education4 ,let us
 see whether ,i am right4  ,,cleinias3  
,proceed4  ,,athenian3 ,the point about 
which you and ,i differ is of great     
importance1 and ,i hope that you1       
,megillus1 will help to decide between  
us4 ,for ,i maintain that the true life 
should neither seek for pleasures1 nor1 
on the other hand1 entirely avoid pains1
 but should embrace the middle state    
7compare ,republic71 which ,i just spoke
 of as gentle and benign1 and is a state
 which we by some divine presage and    
inspiration rightly ascribe to ,god4    

,now1 ,i say1 he among men1 too1 who    
would be divine ought to pursue after   
this mean habit--he should not rush     
headlong into pleasures1 for he will not
 be free from pains2 nor should we allow
 any one1 young or old1 male or female1 
to be thus given any more than          
ourselves1 and least of all the         
newly-born infant1 for in infancy more  
than at any other time the character is 
engrained by habit4 ,nay1 more1 if ,i   
were not afraid of appearing to be      
ridiculous1 ,i would say that a woman   
during her year of pregnancy should of  
all women be most carefully tended1 and 
kept from violent or excessive pleasures
 and pains1 and should at that time     
cultivate gentleness and benevolence and
 kindness4  ,,cleinias3 ,you need not   
ask ,megillus1 ,stranger1 which of us   
has most truly spoken2 for ,i myself    
agree that all men ought to avoid the   
life of unmingled pain or pleasure1 and 
pursue always a middle course4 ,and     
having spoken well1 may ,i add that you 

have been well answered8  ,,athenian3   
,very good1 ,cleinias2 and now let us   
all three consider a further point4     
,,cleinias3 ,what is it8  ,,athenian3   
,that all the matters which we are now  
describing are commonly called by the   
general name of unwritten customs1 and  
what are termed the laws of our         
ancestors are all of similar nature4    
,and the reflection which lately arose  
in our minds1 that we can neither call  
these things laws1 nor yet leave them   
unmentioned1 is justified2 for they are 
the bonds of the whole state1 and come  
in between the written laws which are or
 are hereafter to be laid down2 they are
 just ancestral customs of great        
antiquity1 which1 if they are rightly   
ordered and made habitual1 shield and   
preserve the previously existing written
 law2 but if they depart from right and 
fall into disorder1 then they are like  
the props of builders which slip away   
out of their place and cause a universal
 ruin--one part drags another down1 and 

the fair super-structure falls because  
the old foundations are undermined4     
,reflecting upon this1 ,cleinias1 you   
ought to bind together the new state in 
every possible way1 omitting nothing1   
whether great or small1 of what are     
called laws or manners or pursuits1 for 
by these means a city is bound together1
 and all these things are only lasting  
when they depend upon one another2 and1 
therefore1 we must not wonder if we find
 that many apparently trifling customs  
or usages come pouring in and           
lengthening out our laws4  ,,cleinias3  
,very true3 we are disposed to agree    
with you4  ,,athenian3 ,up to the age of
 three years1 whether of boy or girl1 if
 a person strictly carries out our      
previous regulations and makes them a   
principal aim1 he will do much for the  
advantage of the young creatures4 ,but  
at three1 four1 five1 and even six years
 the childish nature will require       
sports2 now is the time to get rid of   
self-will in him1 punishing him1 but not

 so as to disgrace him4 ,we were saying 
about slaves1 that we ought neither to  
add insult to punishment so as to anger 
them1 nor yet to leave them unpunished  
lest they become self-willed2 and a like
 rule is to be observed in the case of  
the free-born4 ,children at that age    
have certain natural modes of amusement 
which they find out for themselves when 
they meet4 ,and all the children who are
 between the ages of three and six ought
 to meet at the temples of the villages1
 the several families of a village      
uniting on one spot4 ,the nurses are to 
see that the children behave properly   
and orderly--they themselves and all    
their companies are to be under the     
control of twelve matrons1 one for each 
company1 who are annually selected to   
inspect them from the women previously  
mentioned i4e4 the women who have       
authority over marriage1 whom the       
guardians of the law appoint4 ,these    
matrons shall be chosen by the women who
 have authority over marriage1 one out  

of each tribe2 all are to be of the same
 age2 and let each of them1 as soon as  
she is appointed1 hold office and go to 
the temples every day1 punishing all    
offenders1 male or female1 who are      
slaves or strangers1 by the help of some
 of the public slaves2 but if any       
citizen disputes the punishment1 let her
 bring him before the wardens of the    
city2 or1 if there be no dispute1 let   
her punish him herself4 ,after the age  
of six years the time has arrived for   
the separation of the sexes--let boys   
live with boys1 and girls in like manner
 with girls4 ,now they must begin to    
learn--the boys going to teachers of    
horsemanship and the use of the bow1 the
 javelin1 and sling1 and the girls too1 
if they do not object1 at any rate until
 they know how to manage these weapons1 
and especially how to handle heavy arms2
 for ,i may note1 that the practice     
which now prevails is almost universally
 misunderstood4  ,,cleinias3 ,in what   
respect8  ,,athenian3 ,in that the right

 and left hand are supposed to be by    
nature differently suited for our       
various uses of them2 whereas no        
difference is found in the use of the   
feet and the lower limbs2 but in the use
 of the hands we are1 as it were1 maimed
 by the folly of nurses and mothers2 for
 although our several limbs are by      
nature balanced1 we create a difference 
in them by bad habit4 ,in some cases    
this is of no consequence1 as1 for      
example1 when we hold the lyre in the   
left hand1 and the plectrum in the      
right1 but it is downright folly to make
 the same distinction in other cases4   
,the custom of the ,scythians proves our
 error2 for they not only hold the bow  
from them with the left hand and draw   
the arrow to them with their right1 but 
use either hand for both purposes4 ,and 
there are many similar examples in      
charioteering and other things1 from    
which we may learn that those who make  
the left side weaker than the right act 
contrary to nature4 ,in the case of the 

plectrum1 which is of horn only1 and    
similar instruments1 as ,i was saying1  
it is of no consequence1 but makes a    
great difference1 and may be of very    
great importance to the warrior who has 
to use iron weapons1 bows and javelins1 
and the like2 above all1 when in heavy  
armour1 he has to fight against heavy   
armour4 ,and there is a very great      
difference between one who has learnt   
and one who has not1 and between one who
 has been trained in gymnastic exercises
 and one who has not been4 ,for as he   
who is perfectly skilled in the         
,pancratium or boxing or wrestling1 is  
not unable to fight from his left side1 
and does not limp and draggle in        
confusion when his opponent makes him   
change his position1 so in heavy-armed  
fighting1 and in all other things1 if ,i
 am not mistaken1 the like holds--he who
 has these double powers of attack and  
defence ought not in any case to leave  
them either unused or untrained1 if he  
can help2 and if a person had the nature

 of ,geryon or ,briareus he ought to be 
able with his hundred hands to throw a  
hundred darts4 ,now1 the magistrates1   
male and female1 should see to all these
 things1 the women superintending the   
nursing and amusements of the children1 
and the men superintending their        
education1 that all of them1 boys and   
girls alike1 may be sound hand and foot1
 and may not1 if they can help1 spoil   
the gifts of nature by bad habits4      
,education has two branches--one of     
gymnastic1 which is concerned with the  
body1 and the other of music1 which is  
designed for the improvement of the     
soul4 ,and gymnastic has also two       
branches--dancing and wrestling2 and one
 sort of dancing imitates musical       
recitation1 and aims at preserving      
dignity and freedom1 the other aims at  
producing health1 agility1 and beauty in
 the limbs and parts of the body1 giving
 the proper flexion and extension to    
each of them1 a harmonious motion being 
diffused everywhere1 and forming a      

suitable accompaniment to the dance4 ,as
 regards wrestling1 the tricks which    
,antaeus and ,cercyon devised in their  
systems out of a vain spirit of         
competition1 or the tricks of boxing    
which ,epeius or ,amycus invented1 are  
useless and unsuitable for war1 and do  
not deserve to have much said about     
them2 but the art of wrestling erect and
 keeping free the neck and hands and    
sides1 working with energy and          
constancy1 with a composed strength1 for
 the sake of health--these are always   
useful1 and are not to be neglected1 but
 to be enjoined alike on masters and    
scholars1 when we reach that part of    
legislation2 and we will desire the one 
to give their instructions freely1 and  
the others to receive them thankfully4  
,nor1 again1 must we omit suitable      
imitations of war in our choruses2 here 
in ,crete you have the armed dances of  
the ,curetes1 and the ,lacedaemonians   
have those of the ,dioscuri4 ,and our   
virgin lady1 delighting in the amusement

 of the dance1 thought it not fit to    
amuse herself with empty hands2 she must
 be clothed in a complete suit of       
armour1 and in this attire go through   
the dance2 and youths and maidens should
 in every respect imitate her1 esteeming
 highly the favour of the ,goddess1 both
 with a view to the necessities of war1 
and to festive occasions3 it will be    
right also for the boys1 until such time
 as they go out to war1 to make         
processions and supplications to all the
 ,gods in goodly array1 armed and on    
horseback1 in dances and marches1 fast  
or slow1 offering up prayers to the     
,gods and to the sons of ,gods2 and also
 engaging in contests and preludes of   
contests1 if at all1 with these objects4
 ,for these sorts of exercises1 and no  
others1 are useful both in peace and    
war1 and are beneficial alike to states 
and to private houses4 ,but other       
labours and sports and exercises of the 
body are unworthy of freemen1 ,o        
,megillus and ,cleinias4  ,i have now   

completely described the kind of        
gymnastic which ,i said at first ought  
to be described2 if you know of any     
better1 will you communicate your       
thoughts8  ,,cleinias3 ,it is not easy1 
,stranger1 to put aside these principles
 of gymnastic and wrestling and to      
enunciate better ones4  ,,athenian3 ,now
 we must say what has yet to be said    
about the gifts of the ,muses and of    
,apollo3 before1 we fancied that we had 
said all1 and that gymnastic alone      
remained2 but now we see clearly what   
points have been omitted1 and should be 
first proclaimed2 of these1 then1 let us
 proceed to speak4  ,,cleinias3 ,by all 
means4  ,,athenian3 ,let me tell you    
once more--although you have heard me   
say the same before--that caution must  
be always exercised1 both by the speaker
 and by the hearer1 about anything that 
is very singular and unusual4 ,for my   
tale is one which many a man would be   
afraid to tell1 and yet ,i have a       
confidence which makes me go on4        

,,cleinias3 ,what have you to say1      
,stranger8  ,,athenian3 ,i say that in  
states generally no one has observed    
that the plays of childhood have a great
 deal to do with the permanence or want 
of permanence in legislation4 ,for when 
plays are ordered with a view to        
children having the same plays1 and     
amusing themselves after the same       
manner1 and finding delight in the same 
playthings1 the more solemn institutions
 of the state are allowed to remain     
undisturbed4 ,whereas if sports are     
disturbed1 and innovations are made in  
them1 and they constantly change1 and   
the young never speak of their having   
the same likings1 or the same           
established notions of good and bad     
taste1 either in the bearing of their   
bodies or in their dress1 but he who    
devises something new and out of the way
 in figures and colours and the like is 
held in special honour1 we may truly say
 that no greater evil can happen in a   
state2 for he who changes the sports is 

secretly changing the manners of the    
young1 and making the old to be         
dishonoured among them and the new to be
 honoured4 ,and ,i affirm that there is 
nothing which is a greater injury to all
 states than saying or thinking thus4   
,will you hear me tell how great ,i deem
 the evil to be8  ,,cleinias3 ,you mean 
the evil of blaming antiquity in states8
  ,,athenian3 ,exactly4  ,,cleinias3 ,if
 you are speaking of that1 you will find
 in us hearers who are disposed to      
receive what you say not unfavourably   
but most favourably4  ,,athenian3 ,i    
should expect so4  ,,cleinias3 ,proceed4
  ,,athenian3 ,well1 then1 let us give  
all the greater heed to one another's   
words4 ,the argument affirms that any   
change whatever except from evil is the 
most dangerous of all things2 this is   
true in the case of the seasons and of  
the winds1 in the management of our     
bodies and the habits of our minds--true
 of all things except1 as ,i said       
before1 of the bad4 ,he who looks at the

 constitution of individuals accustomed 
to eat any sort of meat1 or drink any   
drink1 or to do any work which they can 
get1 may see that they are at first     
disordered by them1 but afterwards1 as  
time goes on1 their bodies grow adapted 
to them1 and they learn to know and like
 variety1 and have good health and      
enjoyment of life2 and if ever          
afterwards they are confined again to a 
superior diet1 at first they are        
troubled with disorders1 and with       
difficulty become habituated to their   
new food4 ,a similar principle we may   
imagine to hold good about the minds of 
men and the natures of their souls4 ,for
 when they have been brought up in      
certain laws1 which by some ,divine     
,providence have remained unchanged     
during long ages1 so that no one has any
 memory or tradition of their ever      
having been otherwise than they are1    
then every one is afraid and ashamed to 
change that which is established4 ,the  
legislator must somehow find a way of   

implanting this reverence for antiquity1
 and ,i would propose the following way3
 ,people are apt to fancy1 as ,i was    
saying before1 that when the plays of   
children are altered they are merely    
plays1 not seeing that the most serious 
and detrimental consequences arise out  
of the change2 and they readily comply  
with the child's wishes instead of      
deterring him1 not considering that     
these children who make innovations in  
their games1 when they grow up to be    
men1 will be different from the last    
generation of children1 and1 being      
different1 will desire a different sort 
of life1 and under the influence of this
 desire will want other institutions and
 laws2 and no one of them reflects that 
there will follow what ,i just now      
called the greatest of evils to states4 
,changes in bodily fashions are no such 
serious evils1 but frequent changes in  
the praise and censure of manners are   
the greatest of evils1 and require the  
utmost prevision4  ,,cleinias3 ,to be   

sure4  ,,athenian3 ,and now do we still 
hold to our former assertion1 that      
rhythms and music in general are        
imitations of good and evil characters  
in men8 ,what say you8  ,,cleinias3     
,that is the only doctrine which we can 
admit4  ,,athenian3 ,must we not1 then1 
try in every possible way to prevent our
 youth from even desiring to imitate new
 modes either in dance or song8 nor must
 any one be allowed to offer them       
varieties of pleasures4  ,,cleinias3    
,most true4  ,,athenian3 ,can any of us 
imagine a better mode of effecting this 
object than that of the ,egyptians8     
,,cleinias3 ,what is their method8      
,,athenian3 ,to consecrate every sort of
 dance or melody4 ,first we should      
ordain festivals--calculating for the   
year what they ought to be1 and at what 
time1 and in honour of what ,gods1 sons 
of ,gods1 and heroes they ought to be   
celebrated2 and1 in the next place1 what
 hymns ought to be sung at the several  
sacrifices1 and with what dances the    

particular festival is to be honoured4  
,this has to be arranged at first by    
certain persons1 and1 when arranged1 the
 whole assembly of the citizens are to  
offer sacrifices and libations to the   
,fates and all the other ,gods1 and to  
consecrate the several odes to ,gods and
 heroes3 and if any one offers any other
 hymns or dances to any one of the      
,gods1 the priests and priestesses1     
acting in concert with the guardians of 
the law1 shall1 with the sanction of    
religion and the law1 exclude him1 and  
he who is excluded1 if he do not submit1
 shall be liable all his life long to   
have a suit of impiety brought against  
him by any one who likes4  ,,cleinias3  
,very good4  ,,athenian3 ,in the        
consideration of this subject1 let us   
remember what is due to ourselves4      
,,cleinias3 ,to what are you referring8 
,,athenian3 ,i mean that any young man1 
and much more any old one1 when he sees 
or hears anything strange or            
unaccustomed1 does not at once run to   

embrace the paradox1 but he stands      
considering1 like a person who is at a  
place where three paths meet1 and does  
not very well know his way--he may be   
alone or he may be walking with others1 
and he will say to himself and them1    
',which is the way8' and will not move  
forward until he is satisfied that he is
 going right4 ,and this is what we must 
do in the present instance3 ,a strange  
discussion on the subject of law has    
arisen1 which requires the utmost       
consideration1 and we should not at our 
age be too ready to speak about such    
great matters1 or be confident that we  
can say anything certain all in a       
moment4  ,,cleinias3 ,most true4        
,,athenian3 ,then we will allow time for
 reflection1 and decide when we have    
given the subject sufficient            
consideration4 ,but that we may not be  
hindered from completing the natural    
arrangement of our laws1 let us proceed 
to the conclusion of them in due order2 
for very possibly1 if ,god will1 the    

exposition of them1 when completed1 may 
throw light on our present perplexity4  
,,cleinias3 ,excellent1 ,stranger2 let  
us do as you propose4  ,,athenian3 ,let 
us then affirm the paradox that strains 
of music are our laws 7nomoi71 and this 
latter being the name which the ancients
 gave to lyric songs1 they probably     
would not have very much objected to our
 proposed application of the word4 ,some
 one1 either asleep or awake1 must have 
had a dreamy suspicion of their nature4 
,and let our decree be as follows3 ,no  
one in singing or dancing shall offend  
against public and consecrated models1  
and the general fashion among the youth1
 any more than he would offend against  
any other law4 ,and he who observes this
 law shall be blameless2 but he who is  
disobedient1 as ,i was saying1 shall be 
punished by the guardians of the laws1  
and by the priests and priestesses4     
,suppose that we imagine this to be our 
law4  ,,cleinias3 ,very good4           
,,athenian3 ,can any one who makes such 

laws escape ridicule8 ,let us see4 ,i   
think that our only safety will be in   
first framing certain models for        
composers4 ,one of these models shall be
 as follows3 ,if when a sacrifice is    
going on1 and the victims are being     
burnt according to law--if1 ,i say1 any 
one who may be a son or brother1        
standing by another at the altar and    
over the victims1 horribly blasphemes1  
will not his words inspire despondency  
and evil omens and forebodings in the   
mind of his father and of his other     
kinsmen8  ,,cleinias3 ,of course4       
,,athenian3 ,and this is just what takes
 place in almost all our cities4 ,a     
magistrate offers a public sacrifice1   
and there come in not one but many      
choruses1 who take up a position a      
little way from the altar1 and from time
 to time pour forth all sorts of        
horrible blasphemies on the sacred      
rites1 exciting the souls of the        
audience with words and rhythms and     
melodies most sorrowful to hear2 and he 

who at the moment when the city is      
offering sacrifice makes the citizens   
weep most1 carries away the palm of     
victory4 ,now1 ought we not to forbid   
such strains as these8 ,and if ever our 
citizens must hear such lamentations1   
then on some unblest and inauspicious   
day let there be choruses of foreign and
 hired minstrels1 like those hirelings  
who accompany the departed at funerals  
with barbarous ,carian chants4 ,that is 
the sort of thing which will be         
appropriate if we have such strains at  
all2 and let the apparel of the singers 
be1 not circlets and ornaments of gold1 
but the reverse4 ,enough of all this4 ,i
 will simply ask once more whether we   
shall lay down as one of our principles 
of song--  ,,cleinias3 ,what8           
,,athenian3 ,that we should avoid every 
word of evil omen2 let that kind of song
 which is of good omen be heard         
everywhere and always in our state4 ,i  
need hardly ask again1 but shall assume 
that you agree with me4  ,,cleinias3 ,by

 all means2 that law is approved by the 
suffrages of us all4  ,,athenian3 ,but  
what shall be our next musical law or   
type8 ,ought not prayers to be offered  
up to the ,gods when we sacrifice8      
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and our third law1 if ,i am not        
mistaken1 will be to the effect that our
 poets1 understanding prayers to be     
requests which we make to the ,gods1    
will take especial heed that they do not
 by mistake ask for evil instead of     
good4 ,to make such a prayer would      
surely be too ridiculous4  ,,cleinias3  
,very true4  ,,athenian3 ,were we not a 
little while ago quite convinced that no
 silver or golden ,plutus should dwell  
in our state8  ,,cleinias3 ,to be sure4 
,,athenian3 ,and what has it been the   
object of our argument to show8 ,did we 
not imply that the poets are not always 
quite capable of knowing what is good or
 evil8 ,and if one of them utters a     
mistaken prayer in song or words1 he    
will make our citizens pray for the     

opposite of what is good in matters of  
the highest import2 than which1 as ,i   
was saying1 there can be few greater    
mistakes4 ,shall we then propose as one 
of our laws and models relating to the  
,muses--  ,,cleinias3 ,what8 will you   
explain the law more precisely8         
,,athenian3 ,shall we make a law that   
the poet shall compose nothing contrary 
to the ideas of the lawful1 or just1 or 
beautiful1 or good1 which are allowed in
 the state8 nor shall he be permitted to
 communicate his compositions to any    
private individuals1 until he shall have
 shown them to the appointed judges and 
the guardians of the law1 and they are  
satisfied with them4 ,as to the persons 
whom we appoint to be our legislators   
about music and as to the director of   
education1 these have been already      
indicated4 ,once more then1 as ,i have  
asked more than once1 shall this be our 
third law1 and type1 and model--,what do
 you say8  ,,cleinias3 ,let it be so1 by
 all means4  ,,athenian3 ,then it will  

be proper to have hymns and praises of  
the ,gods1 intermingled with prayers2   
and after the ,gods prayers and praises 
should be offered in like manner to     
demigods and heroes1 suitable to their  
several characters4  ,,cleinias3        
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,in the next   
place there will be no objection to a   
law1 that citizens who are departed and 
have done good and energetic deeds1     
either with their souls or with their   
bodies1 and have been obedient to the   
laws1 should receive eulogies2 this will
 be very fitting4  ,,cleinias3 ,quite   
true4  ,,athenian3 ,but to honour with  
hymns and panegyrics those who are still
 alive is not safe2 a man should run his
 course1 and make a fair ending1 and    
then we will praise him2 and let praise 
be given equally to women as well as men
 who have been distinguished in virtue4 
,the order of songs and dances shall be 
as follows3 ,there are many ancient     
musical compositions and dances which   
are excellent1 and from these the       

newly-founded city may freely select    
what is proper and suitable2 and they   
shall choose judges of not less than    
fifty years of age1 who shall make the  
selection1 and any of the old poems     
which they deem sufficient they shall   
include2 any that are deficient or      
altogether unsuitable1 they shall either
 utterly throw aside1 or examine and    
amend1 taking into their counsel poets  
and musicians1 and making use of their  
poetical genius2 but explaining to them 
the wishes of the legislator in order   
that they may regulate dancing1 music1  
and all choral strains1 according to the
 mind of the judges2 and not allowing   
them to indulge1 except in some few     
matters1 their individual pleasures and 
fancies4 ,now the irregular strain of   
music is always made ten thousand times 
better by attaining to law and order1   
and rejecting the honeyed ,muse--not    
however that we mean wholly to exclude  
pleasure1 which is the characteristic of
 all music4 ,and if a man be brought up 

from childhood to the age of discretion 
and maturity in the use of the orderly  
and severe music1 when he hears the     
opposite he detests it1 and calls it    
illiberal2 but if trained in the sweet  
and vulgar music1 he deems the severer  
kind cold and displeasing4 ,so that1 as 
,i was saying before1 while he who hears
 them gains no more pleasure from the   
one than from the other1 the one has the
 advantage of making those who are      
trained in it better men1 whereas the   
other makes them worse4  ,,cleinias3    
,very true4  ,,athenian3 ,again1 we must
 distinguish and determine on some      
general principle what songs are        
suitable to women1 and what to men1 and 
must assign to them their proper        
melodies and rhythms4 ,it is shocking   
for a whole harmony to be inharmonical1 
or for a rhythm to be unrhythmical1 and 
this will happen when the melody is     
inappropriate to them4 ,and therefore   
the legislator must assign to these also
 their forms4 ,now both sexes have      

melodies and rhythms which of necessity 
belong to them2 and those of women are  
clearly enough indicated by their       
natural difference4 ,the grand1 and that
 which tends to courage1 may be fairly  
called manly2 but that which inclines to
 moderation and temperance1 may be      
declared both in law and in ordinary    
speech to be the more womanly quality4  
,this1 then1 will be the general order  
of them4  ,let us now speak of the      
manner of teaching and imparting them1  
and the persons to whom1 and the time   
when1 they are severally to be imparted4
 ,as the shipwright first lays down the 
lines of the keel1 and thus1 as it were1
 draws the ship in outline1 so do ,i    
seek to distinguish the patterns of     
life1 and lay down their keels according
 to the nature of different men's souls2
 seeking truly to consider by what      
means1 and in what ways1 we may go      
through the voyage of life best4 ,now   
human affairs are hardly worth          
considering in earnest1 and yet we must 

be in earnest about them--a sad         
necessity constrains us4 ,and having got
 thus far1 there will be a fitness in   
our completing the matter1 if we can    
only find some suitable method of doing 
so4 ,but what do ,i mean8 ,some one may 
ask this very question1 and quite       
rightly1 too4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  
,,athenian3 ,i say that about serious   
matters a man should be serious1 and    
about a matter which is not serious he  
should not be serious2 and that ,god is 
the natural and worthy object of our    
most serious and blessed endeavours1 for
 man1 as ,i said before1 is made to be  
the plaything of ,god1 and this1 truly  
considered1 is the best of him2         
wherefore also every man and woman      
should walk seriously1 and pass life in 
the noblest of pastimes1 and be of      
another mind from what they are at      
present4  ,,cleinias3 ,in what respect8 
,,athenian3 ,at present they think that 
their serious pursuits should be for the
 sake of their sports1 for they deem war

 a serious pursuit1 which must be       
managed well for the sake of peace2 but 
the truth is1 that there neither is1 nor
 has been1 nor ever will be1 either     
amusement or instruction in any degree  
worth speaking of in war1 which is      
nevertheless deemed by us to be the most
 serious of our pursuits4 ,and          
therefore1 as we say1 every one of us   
should live the life of peace as long   
and as well as he can4 ,and what is the 
right way of living8 ,are we to live in 
sports always8 ,if so1 in what kind of  
sports8 ,we ought to live sacrificing1  
and singing1 and dancing1 and then a man
 will be able to propitiate the ,gods1  
and to defend himself against his       
enemies and conquer them in battle4 ,the
 type of song or dance by which he will 
propitiate them has been described1 and 
the paths along which he is to proceed  
have been cut for him4 ,he will go      
forward in the spirit of the poet3      
',telemachus1 some things thou wilt     
thyself find in thy heart1 but other    

things ,god will suggest2 for ,i deem   
that thou wast not born or brought up   
without the will of the ,gods4'  ,and   
this ought to be the view of our alumni2
 they ought to think that what has been 
said is enough for them1 and that any   
other things their ,genius and ,god will
 suggest to them--he will tell them to  
whom1 and when1 and to what ,gods       
severally they are to sacrifice and     
perform dances1 and how they may        
propitiate the deities1 and live        
according to the appointment of nature2 
being for the most part puppets1 but    
having some little share of reality4    
,,megillus3 ,you have a low opinion of  
mankind1 ,stranger4  ,,athenian3 ,nay1  
,megillus1 be not amazed1 but forgive   
me3 ,i was comparing them with the      
,gods2 and under that feeling ,i spoke4 
,let us grant1 if you wish1 that the    
human race is not to be despised1 but is
 worthy of some consideration4  ,next   
follow the buildings for gymnasia and   
schools open to all2 these are to be in 

three places in the midst of the city2  
and outside the city and in the         
surrounding country1 also in three      
places1 there shall be schools for horse
 exercise1 and large grounds arranged   
with a view to archery and the throwing 
of missiles1 at which young men may     
learn and practise4 ,of these mention   
has already been made2 and if the       
mention be not sufficiently explicit1   
let us speak further of them and embody 
them in laws4 ,in these several schools 
let there be dwellings for teachers1 who
 shall be brought from foreign parts by 
pay1 and let them teach those who attend
 the schools the art of war and the art 
of music1 and the children shall come   
not only if their parents please1 but if
 they do not please2 there shall be     
compulsory education1 as the saying is1 
of all and sundry1 as far as this is    
possible2 and the pupils shall be       
regarded as belonging to the state      
rather than to their parents4 ,my law   
would apply to females as well as males2

 they shall both go through the same    
exercises4 ,i assert without fear of    
contradiction that gymnastic and        
horsemanship are as suitable to women as
 to men4 ,of the truth of this ,i am    
persuaded from ancient tradition1 and at
 the present day there are said to be   
countless myriads of women in the       
neighbourhood of the ,black ,sea1 called
 ,sauromatides1 who not only ride on    
horseback like men1 but have enjoined   
upon them the use of bows and other     
weapons equally with the men4 ,and ,i   
further affirm1 that if these things are
 possible1 nothing can be more absurd   
than the practice which prevails in our 
own country1 of men and women not       
following the same pursuits with all    
their strength and with one mind1 for   
thus the state1 instead of being a      
whole1 is reduced to a half1 but has the
 same imposts to pay and the same toils 
to undergo2 and what can be a greater   
mistake for any legislator to make than 
this8  ,,cleinias3 ,very true2 yet much 

of what has been asserted by us1        
,stranger1 is contrary to the custom of 
states2 still1 in saying that the       
discourse should be allowed to proceed1 
and that when the discussion is         
completed1 we should choose what seems  
best1 you spoke very properly1 and ,i   
now feel compunction for what ,i have   
said4 ,tell me1 then1 what you would    
next wish to say4  ,,athenian3 ,i should
 wish to say1 ,cleinias1 as ,i said     
before1 that if the possibility of these
 things were not sufficiently proven in 
fact1 then there might be an objection  
to the argument1 but the fact being as  
,i have said1 he who rejects the law    
must find some other ground of          
objection2 and1 failing this1 our       
exhortation will still hold good1 nor   
will any one deny that women ought to   
share as far as possible in education   
and in other ways with men4 ,for        
consider2 if women do not share in their
 whole life with men1 then they must    
have some other order of life4          

,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and what arrangement of life to be     
found anywhere is preferable to this    
community which we are now assigning to 
them8 ,shall we prefer that which is    
adopted by the ,thracians and many other
 races who use their women to till the  
ground and to be shepherds of their     
herds and flocks1 and to minister to    
them like slaves8 ,or shall we do as we 
and people in our part of the world     
do--getting together1 as the phrase is1 
all our goods and chattels into one     
dwelling1 we entrust them to our women1 
who are the stewards of them1 and who   
also preside over the shuttles and the  
whole art of spinning8 ,or shall we take
 a middle course1 as in ,lacedaemon1    
,megillus--letting the girls share in   
gymnastic and music1 while the grown-up 
women1 no longer employed in spinning   
wool1 are hard at work weaving the web  
of life1 which will be no cheap or mean 
employment1 and in the duty of serving  
and taking care of the household and    

bringing up the children1 in which they 
will observe a sort of mean1 not        
participating in the toils of war2 and  
if there were any necessity that they   
should fight for their city and         
families1 unlike the ,amazons1 they     
would be unable to take part in archery 
or any other skilled use of missiles1   
nor could they1 after the example of the
 ,goddess1 carry shield or spear1 or    
stand up nobly for their country when it
 was being destroyed1 and strike terror 
into their enemies1 if only because they
 were seen in regular order8 ,living as 
they do1 they would never dare at all to
 imitate the ,sauromatides1 who1 when   
compared with ordinary women1 would     
appear to be like men4 ,let him who     
will1 praise your legislators1 but ,i   
must say what ,i think4 ,the legislator 
ought to be whole and perfect1 and not  
half a man only2 he ought not to let the
 female sex live softly and waste money 
and have no order of life1 while he     
takes the utmost care of the male sex1  

and leaves half of life only blest with 
happiness1 when he might have made the  
whole state happy4  ,,megillus3 ,what   
shall we do1 ,cleinias8 ,shall we allow 
a stranger to run down ,sparta in this  
fashion8  ,,cleinias3 ,yes2 for as we   
have given him liberty of speech we must
 let him go on until we have perfected  
the work of legislation4  ,,megillus3   
,very true4  ,,athenian3 ,then now ,i   
may proceed8  ,,cleinias3 ,by all means4
  ,,athenian3 ,what will be the manner  
of life among men who may be supposed to
 have their food and clothing provided  
for them in moderation1 and who have    
entrusted the practice of the arts to   
others1 and whose husbandry committed to
 slaves paying a part of the produce1   
brings them a return sufficient for men 
living temperately2 who1 moreover1 have 
common tables in which the men are      
placed apart1 and near them are the     
common tables of their families1 of     
their daughters and mothers1 which day  
by day1 the officers1 male and female1  

are to inspect--they shall see to the   
behaviour of the company1 and so dismiss
 them2 after which the presiding        
magistrate and his attendants shall     
honour with libations those ,gods to    
whom that day and night are dedicated1  
and then go home8 ,to men whose lives   
are thus ordered1 is there no work      
remaining to be done which is necessary 
and fitting1 but shall each one of them 
live fattening like a beast8 ,such a    
life is neither just nor honourable1 nor
 can he who lives it fail of meeting his
 due2 and the due reward of the idle    
fatted beast is that he should be torn  
in pieces by some other valiant beast   
whose fatness is worn down by brave     
deeds and toil4 ,these regulations1 if  
we duly consider them1 will never be    
exactly carried into execution under    
present circumstances1 nor as long as   
women and children and houses and all   
other things are the private property of
 individuals2 but if we can attain the  
second-best form of polity1 we shall be 

very well off4 ,and to men living under 
this second polity there remains a work 
to be accomplished which is far from    
being small or insignificant1 but is the
 greatest of all works1 and ordained by 
the appointment of righteous law4 ,for  
the life which may be truly said to be  
concerned with the virtue of body and   
soul is twice1 or more than twice1 as   
full of toil and trouble as the pursuit 
after ,pythian and ,olympic victories1  
which debars a man from every employment
 of life4 ,for there ought to be no     
bye-work interfering with the greater   
work of providing the necessary exercise
 and nourishment for the body1 and      
instruction and education for the soul4 
,night and day are not long enough for  
the accomplishment of their perfection  
and consummation2 and therefore to this 
end all freemen ought to arrange the way
 in which they will spend their time    
during the whole course of the day1 from
 morning till evening and from evening  
till the morning of the next sunrise4   

,there may seem to be some impropriety  
in the legislator determining minutely  
the numberless details of the management
 of the house1 including such           
particulars as the duty of wakefulness  
in those who are to be perpetual        
watchmen of the whole city2 for that any
 citizen should continue during the     
whole of any night in sleep1 instead of 
being seen by all his servants1 always  
the first to awake and get up--this1    
whether the regulation is to be called a
 law or only a practice1 should be      
deemed base and unworthy of a freeman2  
also that the mistress of the house     
should be awakened by her hand-maidens  
instead of herself first awakening them1
 is what the slaves1 male and female1   
and the serving-boys1 and1 if that were 
possible1 everybody and everything in   
the house should regard as base4 ,if    
they rise early1 they may all of them do
 much of their public and of their      
household business1 as magistrates in   
the city1 and masters and mistresses in 

their private houses1 before the sun is 
up4 ,much sleep is not required by      
nature1 either for our souls or bodies1 
or for the actions which they perform4  
,for no one who is asleep is good for   
anything1 any more than if he were dead2
 but he of us who has the most regard   
for life and reason keeps awake as long 
as he can1 reserving only so much time  
for sleep as is expedient for health2   
and much sleep is not required1 if the  
habit of moderation be once rightly     
formed4 ,magistrates in states who keep 
awake at night are terrible to the bad1 
whether enemies or citizens1 and are    
honoured and reverenced by the just and 
temperate1 and are useful to themselves 
and to the whole state4  ,a night which 
is passed in such a manner1 in addition 
to all the above-mentioned advantages1  
infuses a sort of courage into the minds
 of the citizens4 ,when the day breaks1 
the time has arrived for youth to go to 
their schoolmasters4 ,now neither sheep 
nor any other animals can live without a

 shepherd1 nor can children be left     
without tutors1 or slaves without       
masters4 ,and of all animals the boy is 
the most unmanageable1 inasmuch as he   
has the fountain of reason in him not   
yet regulated2 he is the most insidious1
 sharp-witted1 and insubordinate of     
animals4 ,wherefore he must be bound    
with many bridles2 in the first place1  
when he gets away from mothers and      
nurses1 he must be under the management 
of tutors on account of his childishness
 and foolishness2 then1 again1 being a  
freeman1 he must be controlled by       
teachers1 no matter what they teach1 and
 by studies2 but he is also a slave1 and
 in that regard any freeman who comes in
 his way may punish him and his tutor   
and his instructor1 if any of them does 
anything wrong2 and he who comes across 
him and does not inflict upon him the   
punishment which he deserves1 shall     
incur the greatest disgrace2 and let the
 guardian of the law1 who is the        
director of education1 see to him who   

coming in the way of the offences which 
we have mentioned1 does not chastise    
them when he ought1 or chastises them in
 a way which he ought not2 let him keep 
a sharp look-out1 and take especial care
 of the training of our children1       
directing their natures1 and always     
turning them to good according to the   
law4  ,but how can our law sufficiently 
train the director of education himself2
 for as yet all has been imperfect1 and 
nothing has been said either clear or   
satisfactory8 ,now1 as far as possible1 
the law ought to leave nothing to him1  
but to explain everything1 that he may  
be an interpreter and tutor to others4  
,about dances and music and choral      
strains1 ,i have already spoken both as 
to the character of the selection of    
them1 and the manner in which they are  
to be amended and consecrated4 ,but we  
have not as yet spoken1 ,o illustrious  
guardian of education1 of the manner in 
which your pupils are to use those      
strains which are written in prose1     

although you have been informed what    
martial strains they are to learn and   
practise2 what relates in the first     
place to the learning of letters1 and   
secondly1 to the lyre1 and also to      
calculation1 which1 as we were saying1  
is needful for them all to learn1 and   
any other things which are required with
 a view to war and the management of    
house and city1 and1 looking to the same
 object1 what is useful in the          
revolutions of the heavenly bodies--the 
stars and sun and moon1 and the various 
regulations about these matters which   
are necessary for the whole state--,i am
 speaking of the arrangements of days in
 periods of months1 and of months in    
years1 which are to be observed1 in     
order that seasons and sacrifices and   
festivals may have their regular and    
natural order1 and keep the city alive  
and awake1 the ,gods receiving the      
honours due to them1 and men having a   
better understanding about them3 all    
these things1 ,o my friend1 have not yet

 been sufficiently declared to you by   
the legislator4 ,attend1 then1 to what  
,i am now going to say3 ,we were telling
 you1 in the first place1 that you were 
not sufficiently informed about letters1
 and the objection was to this          
effect--that you were never told whether
 he who was meant to be a respectable   
citizen should apply himself in detail  
to that sort of learning1 or not apply  
himself at all2 and the same remark     
holds good of the study of the lyre4    
,but now we say that he ought to attend 
to them4 ,a fair time for a boy of ten  
years old to spend in letters is three  
years2 the age of thirteen is the proper
 time for him to begin to handle the    
lyre1 and he may continue at this for   
another three years1 neither more nor   
less1 and whether his father or himself 
like or dislike the study1 he is not to 
be allowed to spend more or less time in
 learning music than the law allows4    
,and let him who disobeys the law be    
deprived of those youthful honours of   

which we shall hereafter speak4 ,hear1  
however1 first of all1 what the young   
ought to learn in the early years of    
life1 and what their instructors ought  
to teach them4 ,they ought to be        
occupied with their letters until they  
are able to read and write2 but the     
acquisition of perfect beauty or        
quickness in writing1 if nature has not 
stimulated them to acquire these        
accomplishments in the given number of  
years1 they should let alone4 ,and as to
 the learning of compositions committed 
to writing which are not set to the     
lyre1 whether metrical or without       
rhythmical divisions1 compositions in   
prose1 as they are termed1 having no    
rhythm or harmony--seeing how dangerous 
are the writings handed down to us by   
many writers of this class--what will   
you do with them1 ,o most excellent     
guardians of the law8 or how can the    
lawgiver rightly direct you about them8 
,i believe that he will be in great     
difficulty4  ,,cleinias3 ,what troubles 

you1 ,stranger8 and why are you so      
perplexed in your mind8  ,,athenian3    
,you naturally ask1 ,cleinias1 and to   
you and ,megillus1 who are my partners  
in the work of legislation1 ,i must     
state the more difficult as well as the 
easier parts of the task4  ,,cleinias3  
,to what do you refer in this instance8 
,,athenian3 ,i will tell you4 ,there is 
a difficulty in opposing many myriads of
 mouths4  ,,cleinias3 ,well1 and have we
 not already opposed the popular voice  
in many important enactments8           
,,athenian3 ,that is quite true2 and you
 mean to imply that the road which we   
are taking may be disagreeable to some  
but is agreeable to as many others1 or  
if not to as many1 at any rate to       
persons not inferior to the others1 and 
in company with them you bid me1 at     
whatever risk1 to proceed along the path
 of legislation which has opened out of 
our present discourse1 and to be of good
 cheer1 and not to faint4  ,,cleinias3  
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,and ,i do not 

faint2 ,i say1 indeed1 that we have a   
great many poets writing in hexameter1  
trimeter1 and all sorts of              
measures--some who are serious1 others  
who aim only at raising a laugh--and all
 mankind declare that the youth who are 
rightly educated should be brought up in
 them and saturated with them2 some     
insist that they should be constantly   
hearing them read aloud1 and always     
learning them1 so as to get by heart    
entire poets2 while others select choice
 passages and long speeches1 and make   
compendiums of them1 saying that these  
ought to be committed to memory1 if a   
man is to be made good and wise by      
experience and learning of many things4 
,and you want me now to tell them       
plainly in what they are right and in   
what they are wrong4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes1 
,i do4  ,,athenian3 ,but how can ,i in  
one word rightly comprehend all of them8
 ,i am of opinion1 and1 if ,i am not    
mistaken1 there is a general agreement1 
that every one of these poets has said  

many things well and many things the    
reverse of well2 and if this be true1   
then ,i do affirm that much learning is 
dangerous to youth4  ,,cleinias3 ,how   
would you advise the guardian of the law
 to act8  ,,athenian3 ,in what respect8 
,,cleinias3 ,i mean to what pattern     
should he look as his guide in          
permitting the young to learn some      
things and forbidding them to learn     
others4 ,do not shrink from answering4  
,,athenian3 ,my good ,cleinias1 ,i      
rather think that ,i am fortunate4      
,,cleinias3 ,how so8  ,,athenian3 ,i    
think that ,i am not wholly in want of a
 pattern1 for when ,i consider the words
 which we have spoken from early dawn   
until now1 and which1 as ,i believe1    
have been inspired by ,heaven1 they     
appear to me to be quite like a poem4   
,when ,i reflected upon all these words 
of ours1 ,i naturally felt pleasure1 for
 of all the discourses which ,i have    
ever learnt or heard1 either in poetry  
or prose1 this seemed to me to be the   

justest1 and most suitable for young men
 to hear2 ,i cannot imagine any better  
pattern than this which the guardian of 
the law who is also the director of     
education can have4 ,he cannot do better
 than advise the teachers to teach the  
young these words and any which are of a
 like nature1 if he should happen to    
find them1 either in poetry or prose1 or
 if he come across unwritten discourses 
akin to ours1 he should certainly       
preserve them1 and commit them to       
writing4 ,and1 first of all1 he shall   
constrain the teachers themselves to    
learn and approve them1 and any of them 
who will not1 shall not be employed by  
him1 but those whom he finds agreeing in
 his judgment1 he shall make use of and 
shall commit to them the instruction and
 education of youth4 ,and here and on   
this wise let my fanciful tale about    
letters and teachers of letters come to 
an end4  ,,cleinias3 ,i do not think1   
,stranger1 that we have wandered out of 
the proposed limits of the argument2 but

 whether we are right or not in our     
whole conception1 ,i cannot be very     
certain4  ,,athenian3 ,the truth1       
,cleinias1 may be expected to become    
clearer when1 as we have often said1 we 
arrive at the end of the whole          
discussion about laws4  ,,cleinias3     
,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,and now that we have
 done with the teacher of letters1 the  
teacher of the lyre has to receive      
orders from us4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4
  ,,athenian3 ,i think that we have only
 to recollect our previous discussions1 
and we shall be able to give suitable   
regulations touching all this part of   
instruction and education to the        
teachers of the lyre4  ,,cleinias3 ,to  
what do you refer8  ,,athenian3 ,we were
 saying1 if ,i remember rightly1 that   
the sixty years old choristers of       
,dionysus were to be specially quick in 
their perceptions of rhythm and musical 
composition1 that they might be able to 
distinguish good and bad imitation1 that
 is to say1 the imitation of the good or

 bad soul when under the influence of   
passion1 rejecting the one and          
displaying the other in hymns and songs1
 charming the souls of youth1 and       
inviting them to follow and attain      
virtue by the way of imitation4         
,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3    
,and with this view the teacher and the 
learner ought to use the sounds of the  
lyre1 because its notes are pure1 the   
player who teaches and his pupil        
rendering note for note in unison2 but  
complexity1 and variation of notes1 when
 the strings give one sound and the poet
 or composer of the melody gives        
another--also when they make concords   
and harmonies in which lesser and       
greater intervals1 slow and quick1 or   
high and low notes1 are combined--or1   
again1 when they make complex variations
 of rhythms1 which they adapt to the    
notes of the lyre--all that sort of     
thing is not suited to those who have to
 acquire speedy and useful knowledge of 
music in three years2 for opposite      

principles are confusing1 and create a  
difficulty in learning1 and our young   
men should learn quickly1 and their mere
 necessary acquirements are not few or  
trifling1 as will be shown in due       
course4 ,let the director of education  
attend to the principles concerning     
music which we are laying down4 ,as to  
the songs and words themselves which the
 masters of choruses are to teach and   
the character of them1 they have been   
already described by us1 and are the    
same which1 when consecrated and adapted
 to the different festivals1 we said    
were to benefit cities by affording them
 an innocent amusement4  ,,cleinias3    
,that1 again1 is true4  ,,athenian3     
,then let him who has been elected a    
director of music receive these rules   
from us as containing the very truth2   
and may he prosper in his office6 ,let  
us now proceed to lay down other rules  
in addition to the preceding about      
dancing and gymnastic exercise in       
general4 ,having said what remained to  

be said about the teaching of music1 let
 us speak in like manner about          
gymnastic4 ,for boys and girls ought to 
learn to dance and practise gymnastic   
exercises--ought they not8  ,,cleinias3 
,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,then the boys ought 
to have dancing masters1 and the girls  
dancing mistresses to exercise them4    
,,cleinias3 ,very good4  ,,athenian3    
,then once more let us summon him who   
has the chief concern in the business1  
the superintendent of youth i4e4 the    
director of education2 he will have     
plenty to do1 if he is to have the      
charge of music and gymnastic4          
,,cleinias3 ,but how will an old man be 
able to attend to such great charges8   
,,athenian3 ,o my friend1 there will be 
no difficulty1 for the law has already  
given and will give him permission to   
select as his assistants in this charge 
any citizens1 male or female1 whom he   
desires2 and he will know whom he ought 
to choose1 and will be anxious not to   
make a mistake1 from a due sense of     

responsibility1 and from a consciousness
 of the importance of his office1 and   
also because he will consider that if   
young men have been and are well brought
 up1 then all things go swimmingly1 but 
if not1 it is not meet to say1 nor do we
 say1 what will follow1 lest the        
regarders of omens should take alarm    
about our infant state4 ,many things    
have been said by us about dancing and  
about gymnastic movements in general2   
for we include under gymnastics all     
military exercises1 such as archery1 and
 all hurling of weapons1 and the use of 
the light shield1 and all fighting with 
heavy arms1 and military evolutions1 and
 movements of armies1 and encampings1   
and all that relates to horsemanship4   
,of all these things there ought to be  
public teachers1 receiving pay from the 
state1 and their pupils should be the   
men and boys in the state1 and also the 
girls and women1 who are to know all    
these things4 ,while they are yet girls 
they should have practised dancing in   

arms and the whole art of fighting--when
 grown-up women1 they should apply      
themselves to evolutions and tactics1   
and the mode of grounding and taking up 
arms2 if for no other reason1 yet in    
case the whole military force should    
have to leave the city and carry on     
operations of war outside1 that those   
who will have to guard the young and the
 rest of the city may be equal to the   
task2 and1 on the other hand1 when      
enemies1 whether barbarian or ,hellenic1
 come from without with mighty force and
 make a violent assault upon them1 and  
thus compel them to fight for the       
possession of the city1 which is far    
from being an impossibility1 great would
 be the disgrace to the state1 if the   
women had been so miserably trained that
 they could not fight for their young1  
as birds will1 against any creature     
however strong1 and die or undergo any  
danger1 but must instantly rush to the  
temples and crowd at the altars and     
shrines1 and bring upon human nature the

 reproach1 that of all animals man is   
the most cowardly6  ,,cleinias3 ,such a 
want of education1 ,stranger1 is        
certainly an unseemly thing to happen in
 a state1 as well as a great misfortune4
  ,,athenian3 ,suppose that we carry our
 law to the extent of saying that women 
ought not to neglect military matters1  
but that all citizens1 male and female  
alike1 shall attend to them8            
,,cleinias3 ,i quite agree4  ,,athenian3
 ,of wrestling we have spoken in part1  
but of what ,i should call the most     
important part we have not spoken1 and  
cannot easily speak without showing at  
the same time by gesture as well as in  
word what we mean2 when word and action 
combine1 and not till then1 we shall    
explain clearly what has been said1     
pointing out that of all movements      
wrestling is most akin to the military  
art1 and is to be pursued for the sake  
of this1 and not this for the sake of   
wrestling4  ,,cleinias3 ,excellent4     
,,athenian3 ,enough of wrestling2 we    

will now proceed to speak of other      
movements of the body4 ,such motion may 
be in general called dancing1 and is of 
two kinds3 one of nobler figures1       
imitating the honourable1 the other of  
the more ignoble figures1 imitating the 
mean2 and of both these there are two   
further subdivisions4 ,of the serious1  
one kind is of those engaged in war and 
vehement action1 and is the exercise of 
a noble person and a manly heart2 the   
other exhibits a temperate soul in the  
enjoyment of prosperity and modest      
pleasures1 and may be truly called and  
is the dance of peace4 ,the warrior     
dance is different from the peaceful    
one1 and may be rightly termed ,pyrrhic2
 this imitates the modes of avoiding    
blows and missiles by dropping or giving
 way1 or springing aside1 or rising up  
or falling down2 also the opposite      
postures which are those of action1 as1 
for example1 the imitation of archery   
and the hurling of javelins1 and of all 
sorts of blows4 ,and when the imitation 

is of brave bodies and souls1 and the   
action is direct and muscular1 giving   
for the most part a straight movement to
 the limbs of the body--that1 ,i say1 is
 the true sort2 but the opposite is not 
right4 ,in the dance of peace what we   
have to consider is whether a man bears 
himself naturally and gracefully1 and   
after the manner of men who duly conform
 to the law4 ,but before proceeding ,i  
must distinguish the dancing about which
 there is any doubt1 from that about    
which there is no doubt4 ,which is the  
doubtful kind1 and how are the two to be
 distinguished8 ,there are dances of the
 ,bacchic sort1 both those in which1 as 
they say1 they imitate drunken men1 and 
which are named after the ,nymphs1 and  
,pan1 and ,silenuses1 and ,satyrs2 and  
also those in which purifications are   
made or mysteries celebrated--all this  
sort of dancing cannot be rightly       
defined as having either a peaceful or a
 warlike character1 or indeed as having 
any meaning whatever1 and may1 ,i think1

 be most truly described as distinct    
from the warlike dance1 and distinct    
from the peaceful1 and not suited for a 
city at all4 ,there let it lie2 and so  
leaving it to lie1 we will proceed to   
the dances of war and peace1 for with   
these we are undoubtedly concerned4 ,now
 the unwarlike muse1 which honours in   
dance the ,gods and the sons of the     
,gods1 is entirely associated with the  
consciousness of prosperity2 this class 
may be subdivided into two lesser       
classes1 of which one is expressive of  
an escape from some labour or danger    
into good1 and has greater pleasures1   
the other expressive of preservation and
 increase of former good1 in which the  
pleasure is less exciting--in all these 
cases1 every man when the pleasure is   
greater1 moves his body more1 and less  
when the pleasure is less2 and1 again1  
if he be more orderly and has learned   
courage from discipline he moves less1  
but if he be a coward1 and has no       
training or self-control1 he makes      

greater and more violent movements1 and 
in general when he is speaking or       
singing he is not altogether able to    
keep his body still2 and so out of the  
imitation of words in gestures the whole
 art of dancing has arisen4 ,and in     
these various kinds of imitation one man
 moves in an orderly1 another in a      
disorderly manner2 and as the ancients  
may be observed to have given many names
 which are according to nature and      
deserving of praise1 so there is an     
excellent one which they have given to  
the dances of men who in their times of 
prosperity are moderate in their        
pleasures--the giver of names1 whoever  
he was1 assigned to them a very true1   
and poetical1 and rational name1 when he
 called them ,emmeleiai1 or dances of   
order1 thus establishing two kinds of   
dances of the nobler sort1 the dance of 
war which he called the ,pyrrhic1 and   
the dance of peace which he called      
,emmeleia1 or the dance of order2 giving
 to each their appropriate and becoming 

name4 ,these things the legislator      
should indicate in general outline1 and 
the guardian of the law should enquire  
into them and search them out1 combining
 dancing with music1 and assigning to   
the several sacrificial feasts that     
which is suitable to them2 and when he  
has consecrated all of them in due      
order1 he shall for the future change   
nothing1 whether of dance or song4      
,thenceforward the city and the citizens
 shall continue to have the same        
pleasures1 themselves being as far as   
possible alike1 and shall live well and 
happily4  ,i have described the dances  
which are appropriate to noble bodies   
and generous souls4 ,but it is necessary
 also to consider and know uncomely     
persons and thoughts1 and those which   
are intended to produce laughter in     
comedy1 and have a comic character in   
respect of style1 song1 and dance1 and  
of the imitations which these afford4   
,for serious things cannot be understood
 without laughable things1 nor opposites

 at all without opposites1 if a man is  
really to have intelligence of either2  
but he cannot carry out both in action1 
if he is to have any degree of virtue4  
,and for this very reason he should     
learn them both1 in order that he may   
not in ignorance do or say anything     
which is ridiculous and out of place--he
 should command slaves and hired        
strangers to imitate such things1 but he
 should never take any serious interest 
in them himself1 nor should any freeman 
or freewoman be discovered taking pains 
to learn them2 and there should always  
be some element of novelty in the       
imitation4 ,let these then be laid down1
 both in law and in our discourse1 as   
the regulations of laughable amusements 
which are generally called comedy4 ,and1
 if any of the serious poets1 as they   
are termed1 who write tragedy1 come to  
us and say--',o strangers1 may we go to 
your city and country or may we not1 and
 shall we bring with us our poetry--what
 is your will about these matters8'--how

 shall we answer the divine men8 ,i     
think that our answer should be as      
follows3 ,best of strangers1 we will say
 to them1 we also according to our      
ability are tragic poets1 and our       
tragedy is the best and noblest2 for our
 whole state is an imitation of the best
 and noblest life1 which we affirm to be
 indeed the very truth of tragedy4 ,you 
are poets and we are poets1 both makers 
of the same strains1 rivals and         
antagonists in the noblest of dramas1   
which true law can alone perfect1 as our
 hope is4 ,do not then suppose that we  
shall all in a moment allow you to erect
 your stage in the agora1 or introduce  
the fair voices of your actors1 speaking
 above our own1 and permit you to       
harangue our women and children1 and the
 common people1 about our institutions1 
in language other than our own1 and very
 often the opposite of our own4 ,for a  
state would be mad which gave you this  
licence1 until the magistrates had      
determined whether your poetry might be 

recited1 and was fit for publication or 
not4 ,wherefore1 ,o ye sons and scions  
of the softer ,muses1 first of all show 
your songs to the magistrates1 and let  
them compare them with our own1 and if  
they are the same or better we will give
 you a chorus2 but if not1 then1 my     
friends1 we cannot4 ,let these1 then1 be
 the customs ordained by law about all  
dances and the teaching of them1 and let
 matters relating to slaves be separated
 from those relating to masters1 if you 
do not object4  ,,cleinias3 ,we can have
 no hesitation in assenting when you put
 the matter thus4  ,,athenian3 ,there   
still remain three studies suitable for 
freemen4 ,arithmetic is one of them2 the
 measurement of length1 surface1 and    
depth is the second2 and the third has  
to do with the revolutions of the stars 
in relation to one another4 ,not every  
one has need to toil through all these  
things in a strictly scientific manner1 
but only a few1 and who they are to be  
we will hereafter indicate at the end1  

which will be the proper place2 not to  
know what is necessary for mankind in   
general1 and what is the truth1 is      
disgraceful to every one3 and yet to    
enter into these matters minutely is    
neither easy1 nor at all possible for   
every one2 but there is something in    
them which is necessary and cannot be   
set aside1 and probably he who made the 
proverb about ,god originally had this  
in view when he said1 that 'not even    
,god himself can fight against          
necessity2' he meant1 if ,i am not      
mistaken1 divine necessity2 for as to   
the human necessities of which the many 
speak1 when they talk in this manner1   
nothing can be more ridiculous than such
 an application of the words4           
,,cleinias3 ,and what necessities of    
knowledge are there1 ,stranger1 which   
are divine and not human8  ,,athenian3  
,i conceive them to be those of which he
 who has no use nor any knowledge at all
 cannot be a ,god1 or demi-god1 or hero 
to mankind1 or able to take any serious 

thought or charge of them4 ,and very    
unlike a divine man would he be1 who is 
unable to count one1 two1 three1 or to  
distinguish odd and even numbers1 or is 
unable to count at all1 or reckon night 
and day1 and who is totally unacquainted
 with the revolution of the sun and     
moon1 and the other stars4 ,there would 
be great folly in supposing that all    
these are not necessary parts of        
knowledge to him who intends to know    
anything about the highest kinds of     
knowledge2 but which these are1 and how 
many there are of them1 and when they   
are to be learned1 and what is to be    
learned together and what apart1 and the
 whole correlation of them1 must be     
rightly apprehended first2 and these    
leading the way we may proceed to the   
other parts of knowledge4 ,for so       
necessity grounded in nature constrains 
us1 against which we say that no ,god   
contends1 or ever will contend4         
,,cleinias3 ,i think1 ,stranger1 that   
what you have now said is very true and 

agreeable to nature4  ,,athenian3 ,yes1 
,cleinias1 that is so4 ,but it is       
difficult for the legislator to begin   
with these studies2 at a more convenient
 time we will make regulations for them4
  ,,cleinias3 ,you seem1 ,stranger1 to  
be afraid of our habitual ignorance of  
the subject3 there is no reason why that
 should prevent you from speaking out4  
,,athenian3 ,i certainly am afraid of   
the difficulties to which you allude1   
but ,i am still more afraid of those who
 apply themselves to this sort of       
knowledge1 and apply themselves badly4  
,for entire ignorance is not so terrible
 or extreme an evil1 and is far from    
being the greatest of all2 too much     
cleverness and too much learning1       
accompanied with an ill bringing up1 are
 far more fatal4  ,,cleinias3 ,true4    
,,athenian3 ,all freemen ,i conceive1   
should learn as much of these branches  
of knowledge as every child in ,egypt is
 taught when he learns the alphabet4 ,in
 that country arithmetical games have   

been invented for the use of mere       
children1 which they learn as a pleasure
 and amusement4 ,they have to distribute
 apples and garlands1 using the same    
number sometimes for a larger and       
sometimes for a lesser number of        
persons2 and they arrange pugilists and 
wrestlers as they pair together by lot  
or remain over1 and show how their turns
 come in natural order4 ,another mode of
 amusing them is to distribute vessels1 
sometimes of gold1 brass1 silver1 and   
the like1 intermixed with one another1  
sometimes of one metal only2 as ,i was  
saying they adapt to their amusement the
 numbers in common use1 and in this way 
make more intelligible to their pupils  
the arrangements and movements of armies
 and expeditions1 and in the management 
of a household they make people more    
useful to themselves1 and more wide     
awake2 and again in measurements of     
things which have length1 and breadth1  
and depth1 they free us from that       
natural ignorance of all these things   

which is so ludicrous and disgraceful4  
,,cleinias3 ,what kind of ignorance do  
you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,o my dear       
,cleinias1 ,i1 like yourself1 have late 
in life heard with amazement of our     
ignorance in these matters2 to me we    
appear to be more like pigs than men1   
and ,i am quite ashamed1 not only of    
myself1 but of all ,hellenes4           
,,cleinias3 ,about what8 ,say1          
,stranger1 what you mean4  ,,athenian3  
,i will2 or rather ,i will show you my  
meaning by a question1 and do you please
 to answer me3 ,you know1 ,i suppose1   
what length is8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4
  ,,athenian3 ,and what breadth is8     
,,cleinias3 ,to be sure4  ,,athenian3   
,and you know that these are two        
distinct things1 and that there is a    
third thing called depth8  ,,cleinias3  
,of course4  ,,athenian3 ,and do not all
 these seem to you to be commensurable  
with themselves8  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4     
,,athenian3 ,that is to say1 length is  
naturally commensurable with length1 and

 breadth with breadth1 and depth in like
 manner with depth8  ,,cleinias3        
,undoubtedly4  ,,athenian3 ,but if some 
things are commensurable and others     
wholly incommensurable1 and you think   
that all things are commensurable1 what 
is your position in regard to them8     
,,cleinias3 ,clearly1 far from good4    
,,athenian3 ,concerning length and      
breadth when compared with depth1 or    
breadth and length when compared with   
one another1 are not all the ,hellenes  
agreed that these are commensurable with
 one another in some way8  ,,cleinias3  
,quite true4  ,,athenian3 ,but if they  
are absolutely incommensurable1 and yet 
all of us regard them as commensurable1 
have we not reason to be ashamed of our 
compatriots2 and might we not say to    
them3 ,o ye best of ,hellenes1 is not   
this one of the things of which we were 
saying that not to know them is         
disgraceful1 and of which to have a bare
 knowledge only is no great distinction8
  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3  

,and there are other things akin to     
these1 in which there spring up other   
errors of the same family4  ,,cleinias3 
,what are they8  ,,athenian3 ,the       
natures of commensurable and            
incommensurable quantities in their     
relation to one another4 ,a man who is  
good for anything ought to be able1 when
 he thinks1 to distinguish them2 and    
different persons should compete with   
one another in asking questions1 which  
will be a far better and more graceful  
way of passing their time than the old  
man's game of draughts4  ,,cleinias3 ,i 
dare say2 and these pastimes are not so 
very unlike a game of draughts4         
,,athenian3 ,and these1 as ,i maintain1 
,cleinias1 are the studies which our    
youth ought to learn1 for they are      
innocent and not difficult2 the learning
 of them will be an amusement1 and they 
will benefit the state4 ,if any one is  
of another mind1 let him say what he has
 to say4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4       
,,athenian3 ,then if these studies are  

such as we maintain1 we will include    
them2 if not1 they shall be excluded4   
,,cleinias3 ,assuredly3 but may we not  
now1 ,stranger1 prescribe these studies 
as necessary1 and so fill up the lacunae
 of our laws8  ,,athenian3 ,they shall  
be regarded as pledges which may be     
hereafter redeemed and removed from our 
state1 if they do not please either us  
who give them1 or you who accept them4  
,,cleinias3 ,a fair condition4          
,,athenian3 ,next let us see whether we 
are or are not willing that the study of
 astronomy shall be proposed for our    
youth4  ,,cleinias3 ,proceed4           
,,athenian3 ,here occurs a strange      
phenomenon1 which certainly cannot in   
any point of view be tolerated4         
,,cleinias3 ,to what are you referring8 
,,athenian3 ,men say that we ought not  
to enquire into the supreme ,god and the
 nature of the universe1 nor busy       
ourselves in searching out the causes of
 things1 and that such enquiries are    
impious2 whereas the very opposite is   

the truth4  ,,cleinias3 ,what do you    
mean8  ,,athenian3 ,perhaps what ,i am  
saying may seem paradoxical1 and at     
variance with the usual language of age4
 ,but when any one has any good and true
 notion which is for the advantage of   
the state and in every way acceptable to
 ,god1 he cannot abstain from expressing
 it4  ,,cleinias3 ,your words are       
reasonable enough2 but shall we find any
 good or true notion about the stars8   
,,athenian3 ,my good friends1 at this   
hour all of us ,hellenes tell lies1 if  
,i may use such an expression1 about    
those great ,gods1 the ,sun and the     
,moon4  ,,cleinias3 ,lies of what       
nature8  ,,athenian3 ,we say that they  
and divers other stars do not keep the  
same path1 and we call them planets or  
wanderers4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true1     
,stranger2 and in the course of my life 
,i have often myself seen the morning   
star and the evening star and divers    
others not moving in their accustomed   
course1 but wandering out of their path 

in all manner of ways1 and ,i have seen 
the sun and moon doing what we all know 
that they do4  ,,athenian3 ,just so1    
,megillus and ,cleinias2 and ,i maintain
 that our citizens and our youth ought  
to learn about the nature of the ,gods  
in heaven1 so far as to be able to offer
 sacrifices and pray to them in pious   
language1 and not to blaspheme about    
them4  ,,cleinias3 ,there you are right1
 if such a knowledge be only attainable2
 and if we are wrong in our mode of     
speaking now1 and can be better         
instructed and learn to use better      
language1 then ,i quite agree with you  
that such a degree of knowledge as will 
enable us to speak rightly should be    
acquired by us4 ,and now do you try to  
explain to us your whole meaning1 and   
we1 on our part1 will endeavour to      
understand you4  ,,athenian3 ,there is  
some difficulty in understanding my     
meaning1 but not a very great one1 nor  
will any great length of time be        
required4 ,and of this ,i am myself a   

proof2 for ,i did not know these things 
long ago1 nor in the days of my youth1  
and yet ,i can explain them to you in a 
brief space of time2 whereas if they had
 been difficult ,i could certainly never
 have explained them all1 old as ,i am1 
to old men like yourselves4  ,,cleinias3
 ,true2 but what is this study which you
 describe as wonderful and fitting for  
youth to learn1 but of which we are     
ignorant8 ,try and explain the nature of
 it to us as clearly as you can4        
,,athenian3 ,i will4 ,for1 ,o my good   
friends1 that other doctrine about the  
wandering of the sun and the moon and   
the other stars is not the truth1 but   
the very reverse of the truth4 ,each of 
them moves in the same path--not in many
 paths1 but in one only1 which is       
circular1 and the varieties are only    
apparent4 ,nor are we right in supposing
 that the swiftest of them is the       
slowest1 nor conversely1 that the       
slowest is the quickest4 ,and if what ,i
 say is true1 only just imagine that we 

had a similar notion about horses       
running at ,olympia1 or about men who   
ran in the long course1 and that we     
addressed the swiftest as the slowest   
and the slowest as the swiftest1 and    
sang the praises of the vanquished as   
though he were the victor--in that case 
our praises would not be true1 nor very 
agreeable to the runners1 though they be
 but men2 and now1 to commit the same   
error about the ,gods which would have  
been ludicrous and erroneous in the case
 of men--is not that ludicrous and      
erroneous8  ,,cleinias3 ,worse than     
ludicrous1 ,i should say4  ,,athenian3  
,at all events1 the ,gods cannot like us
 to be spreading a false report of them4
  ,,cleinias3 ,most true1 if such is the
 fact4  ,,athenian3 ,and if we can show 
that such is really the fact1 then all  
these matters ought to be learned so far
 as is necessary for the avoidance of   
impiety2 but if we cannot1 they may be  
let alone1 and let this be our decision4
  ,,cleinias3 ,very good4  ,,athenian3  

,enough of laws relating to education   
and learning4 ,but hunting and similar  
pursuits in like manner claim our       
attention4 ,for the legislator appears  
to have a duty imposed upon him which   
goes beyond mere legislation4 ,there is 
something over and above law which lies 
in a region between admonition and law1 
and has several times occurred to us in 
the course of discussion2 for example1  
in the education of very young children 
there were things1 as we maintain1 which
 are not to be defined1 and to regard   
them as matters of positive law is a    
great absurdity4 ,now1 our laws and the 
whole constitution of our state having  
been thus delineated1 the praise of the 
virtuous citizen is not complete when he
 is described as the person who serves  
the laws best and obeys them most1 but  
the higher form of praise is that which 
describes him as the good citizen who   
passes through life undefiled and is    
obedient to the words of the legislator1
 both when he is giving laws and when he

 assigns praise and blame4 ,this is the 
truest word that can be spoken in praise
 of a citizen2 and the true legislator  
ought not only to write his laws1 but   
also to interweave with them all such   
things as seem to him honourable and    
dishonourable4 ,and the perfect citizen 
ought to seek to strengthen these no    
less than the principles of law which   
are sanctioned by punishments4 ,i will  
adduce an example which will clear up my
 meaning1 and will be a sort of witness 
to my words4 ,hunting is of wide extent1
 and has a name under which many things 
are included1 for there is a hunting of 
creatures in the water1 and of creatures
 in the air1 and there is a great deal  
of hunting of land animals of all kinds1
 and not of wild beasts only4 ,the      
hunting after man is also worthy of     
consideration2 there is the hunting     
after him in war1 and there is often a  
hunting after him in the way of         
friendship1 which is praised and also   
blamed2 and there is thieving1 and the  

hunting which is practised by robbers1  
and that of armies against armies4 ,now 
the legislator1 in laying down laws     
about hunting1 can neither abstain from 
noting these things1 nor can he make    
threatening ordinances which will assign
 rules and penalties about all of them4 
,what is he to do8 ,he will have to     
praise and blame hunting with a view to 
the exercise and pursuits of youth4     
,and1 on the other hand1 the young man  
must listen obediently2 neither pleasure
 nor pain should hinder him1 and he     
should regard as his standard of action 
the praises and injunctions of the      
legislator rather than the punishments  
which he imposes by law4 ,this being    
premised1 there will follow next in     
order moderate praise and censure of    
hunting2 the praise being assigned to   
that kind which will make the souls of  
young men better1 and the censure to    
that which has the opposite effect4 ,and
 now let us address young men in the    
form of a prayer for their welfare3 ,o  

friends1 we will say to them1 may no    
desire or love of hunting in the sea1 or
 of angling or of catching the creatures
 in the waters1 ever take possession of 
you1 either when you are awake or when  
you are asleep1 by hook or with weels1  
which latter is a very lazy contrivance2
 and let not any desire of catching men 
and of piracy by sea enter into your    
souls and make you cruel and lawless    
hunters4 ,and as to the desire of       
thieving in town or country1 may it     
never enter into your most passing      
thoughts2 nor let the insidious fancy of
 catching birds1 which is hardly worthy 
of freemen1 come into the head of any   
youth4 ,there remains therefore for our 
athletes only the hunting and catching  
of land animals1 of which the one sort  
is called hunting by night1 in which the
 hunters sleep in turn and are lazy2    
this is not to be commended any more    
than that which has intervals of rest1  
in which the wild strength of beasts is 
subdued by nets and snares1 and not by  

the victory of a laborious spirit4      
,thus1 only the best kind of hunting is 
allowed at all--that of quadrupeds1     
which is carried on with horses and dogs
 and men's own persons1 and they get the
 victory over the animals by running    
them down and striking them and hurling 
at them1 those who have a care of       
godlike manhood taking them with their  
own hands4 ,the praise and blame which  
is assigned to all these things has now 
been declared2 and let the law be as    
follows3 ,let no one hinder these who   
verily are sacred hunters from following
 the chase wherever and whithersoever   
they will2 but the hunter by night1 who 
trusts to his nets and gins1 shall not  
be allowed to hunt anywhere4 ,the fowler
 in the mountains and waste places shall
 be permitted1 but on cultivated ground 
and on consecrated wilds he shall not be
 permitted2 and any one who meets him   
may stop him4 ,as to the hunter in      
waters1 he may hunt anywhere except in  
harbours or sacred streams or marshes or

 pools1 provided only that he do not    
pollute the water with poisonous juices4
 ,and now we may say that all our       
enactments about education are complete4
  ,,cleinias3 ,very good4     ,,book    
,,viii4  ,,athenian3 ,next1 with the    
help of the ,delphian oracle1 we have to
 institute festivals and make laws about
 them1 and to determine what sacrifices 
will be for the good of the city1 and to
 what ,gods they shall be offered2 but  
when they shall be offered1 and how     
often1 may be partly regulated by us4   
,,cleinias3 ,the number--yes4           
,,athenian3 ,then we will first         
determine the number2 and let the whole 
number be #cfe--one for every day--so   
that one magistrate at least will       
sacrifice daily to some ,god or demi-god
 on behalf of the city1 and the         
citizens1 and their possessions4 ,and   
the interpreters1 and priests1 and      
priestesses1 and prophets shall meet1   
and1 in company with the guardians of   
the law1 ordain those things which the  

legislator of necessity omits2 and ,i   
may remark that they are the very       
persons who ought to take note of what  
is omitted4 ,the law will say that there
 are twelve feasts dedicated to the     
twelve ,gods1 after whom the several    
tribes are named2 and that to each of   
them they shall sacrifice every month1  
and appoint choruses1 and musical and   
gymnastic contests1 assigning them so as
 to suit the ,gods and seasons of the   
year4 ,and they shall have festivals for
 women1 distinguishing those which ought
 to be separated from the men's         
festivals1 and those which ought not4   
,further1 they shall not confuse the    
infernal deities and their rites with   
the ,gods who are termed heavenly and   
their rites1 but shall separate them1   
giving to ,pluto his own in the twelfth 
month1 which is sacred to him1 according
 to the law4 ,to such a deity warlike   
men should entertain no aversion1 but   
they should honour him as being always  
the best friend of man4 ,for the        

connexion of soul and body is no way    
better than the dissolution of them1 as 
,i am ready to maintain quite seriously4
 ,moreover1 those who would regulate    
these matters rightly should consider1  
that our city among existing cities has 
no fellow1 either in respect of leisure 
or command of the necessaries of life1  
and that like an individual she ought to
 live happily4 ,and those who would live
 happily should in the first place do no
 wrong to one another1 and ought not    
themselves to be wronged by others2 to  
attain the first is not difficult1 but  
there is great difficulty in acquiring  
the power of not being wronged4 ,no man 
can be perfectly secure against wrong1  
unless he has become perfectly good2 and
 cities are like individuals in this1   
for a city if good has a life of peace1 
but if evil1 a life of war within and   
without4 ,wherefore the citizens ought  
to practise war--not in time of war1 but
 rather while they are at peace4 ,and   
every city which has any sense1 should  

take the field at least for one day in  
every month1 and for more if the        
magistrates think fit1 having no regard 
to winter cold or summer heat2 and they 
should go out en masse1 including their 
wives and their children1 when the      
magistrates determine to lead forth the 
whole people1 or in separate portions   
when summoned by them2 and they should  
always provide that there should be     
games and sacrificial feasts1 and they  
should have tournaments1 imitating in as
 lively a manner as they can real       
battles4 ,and they should distribute    
prizes of victory and valour to the     
competitors1 passing censures and       
encomiums on one another according to   
the characters which they bear in the   
contests and in their whole life1       
honouring him who seems to be the best1 
and blaming him who is the opposite4    
,and let poets celebrate the            
victors--not however every poet1 but    
only one who in the first place is not  
less than fifty years of age2 nor should

 he be one who1 although he may have    
musical and poetical gifts1 has never in
 his life done any noble or illustrious 
action2 but those who are themselves    
good and also honourable in the state1  
creators of noble actions--let their    
poems be sung1 even though they be not  
very musical4 ,and let the judgment of  
them rest with the instructor of youth  
and the other guardians of the laws1 who
 shall give them this privilege1 and    
they alone shall be free to sing2 but   
the rest of the world shall not have    
this liberty4 ,nor shall any one dare to
 sing a song which has not been approved
 by the judgment of the guardians of the
 laws1 not even if his strain be sweeter
 than the songs of ,thamyras and        
,orpheus2 but only such poems as have   
been judged sacred and dedicated to the 
,gods1 and such as are the works of good
 men1 in which praise or blame has been 
awarded and which have been deemed to   
fulfil their design fairly4  ,the       
regulations about war1 and about liberty

 of speech in poetry1 ought to apply    
equally to men and women4 ,the          
legislator may be supposed to argue the 
question in his own mind3 ,who are my   
citizens for whom ,i have set in order  
the city8 ,are they not competitors in  
the greatest of all contests1 and have  
they not innumerable rivals8 ,to be     
sure1 will be the natural reply4 ,well1 
but if we were training boxers1 or      
pancratiasts1 or any other sort of      
athletes1 would they never meet until   
the hour of contest arrived2 and should 
we do nothing to prepare ourselves      
previously by daily practice8 ,surely1  
if we were boxers1 we should have been  
learning to fight for many days before1 
and exercising ourselves in imitating   
all those blows and wards which we were 
intending to use in the hour of         
conflict2 and in order that we might    
come as near to reality as possible1    
instead of cestuses we should put on    
boxing-gloves1 that the blows and the   
wards might be practised by us to the   

utmost of our power4 ,and if there were 
a lack of competitors1 the ridicule of  
fools would not deter us from hanging up
 a lifeless image and practising at     
that4 ,or if we had no adversary at all1
 animate or inanimate1 should we not    
venture in the dearth of antagonists to 
spar by ourselves8 ,in what other manner
 could we ever study the art of         
self-defence8  ,,cleinias3 ,the way     
which you mention1 ,stranger1 would be  
the only way4  ,,athenian3 ,and shall   
the warriors of our city1 who are       
destined when occasion calls to enter   
the greatest of all contests1 and to    
fight for their lives1 and their        
children1 and their property1 and the   
whole city1 be worse prepared than      
boxers8 ,and will the legislator1       
because he is afraid that their         
practising with one another may appear  
to some ridiculous1 abstain from        
commanding them to go out and fight2    
will he not ordain that soldiers shall  
perform lesser exercises without arms   

every day1 making dancing and all       
gymnastic tend to this end2 and also    
will he not require that they shall     
practise some gymnastic exercises1      
greater as well as lesser1 as often as  
every month2 and that they shall have   
contests one with another in every part 
of the country1 seizing upon posts and  
lying in ambush1 and imitating in every 
respect the reality of war2 fighting    
with boxing-gloves and hurling javelins1
 and using weapons somewhat dangerous1  
and as nearly as possible like the true 
ones1 in order that the sport may not be
 altogether without fear1 but may have  
terrors and to a certain degree show the
 man who has and who has not courage2   
and that the honour and dishonour which 
are assigned to them respectively1 may  
prepare the whole city for the true     
conflict of life8 ,if any one dies in   
these mimic contests1 the homicide is   
involuntary1 and we will make the       
slayer1 when he has been purified       
according to law1 to be pure of blood1  

considering that if a few men should    
die1 others as good as they will be     
born2 but that if fear is dead1 then the
 citizens will never find a test of     
superior and inferior natures1 which is 
a far greater evil to the state than the
 loss of a few4  ,,cleinias3 ,we are    
quite agreed1 ,stranger1 that we should 
legislate about such things1 and that   
the whole state should practise them4   
,,athenian3 ,and what is the reason that
 dances and contests of this sort hardly
 ever exist in states1 at least not to  
any extent worth speaking of8 ,is this  
due to the ignorance of mankind and     
their legislators8  ,,cleinias3         
,perhaps4  ,,athenian3 ,certainly not1  
sweet ,cleinias2 there are two causes1  
which are quite enough to account for   
the deficiency4  ,,cleinias3 ,what are  
they8  ,,athenian3 ,one cause is the    
love of wealth1 which wholly absorbs    
men1 and never for a moment allows them 
to think of anything but their own      
private possessions2 on this the soul of

 every citizen hangs suspended1 and can 
attend to nothing but his daily gain2   
mankind are ready to learn any branch of
 knowledge1 and to follow any pursuit   
which tends to this end1 and they laugh 
at every other3 that is one reason why a
 city will not be in earnest about such 
contests or any other good and          
honourable pursuit4 ,but from an        
insatiable love of gold and silver1     
every man will stoop to any art or      
contrivance1 seemly or unseemly1 in the 
hope of becoming rich2 and will make no 
objection to performing any action1     
holy1 or unholy and utterly base2 if    
only like a beast he have the power of  
eating and drinking all kinds of things1
 and procuring for himself in every sort
 of way the gratification of his lusts4 
,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,let    
this1 then1 be deemed one of the causes 
which prevent states from pursuing in an
 efficient manner the art of war1 or any
 other noble aim1 but makes the orderly 
and temperate part of mankind into      

merchants1 and captains of ships1 and   
servants1 and converts the valiant sort 
into thieves and burglars1 and robbers  
of temples1 and violent1 tyrannical     
persons2 many of whom are not without   
ability1 but they are unfortunate4      
,,cleinias3 ,what do you mean8          
,,athenian3 ,must not they be truly     
unfortunate whose souls are compelled to
 pass through life always hungering8    
,,cleinias3 ,then that is one cause1    
,stranger2 but you spoke of another4    
,,athenian3 ,thank you for reminding me4
  ,,cleinias3 ,the insatiable lifelong  
love of wealth1 as you were saying1 is  
one cause which absorbs mankind1 and    
prevents them from rightly practising   
the arts of war3 ,granted2 and now tell 
me1 what is the other8  ,,athenian3 ,do 
you imagine that ,i delay because ,i am 
in a perplexity8  ,,cleinias3 ,no2 but  
we think that you are too severe upon   
the money-loving temper1 of which you   
seem in the present discussion to have a
 peculiar dislike4  ,,athenian3 ,that is

 a very fair rebuke1 ,cleinias2 and ,i  
will now proceed to the second cause4   
,,cleinias3 ,proceed4  ,,athenian3 ,i   
say that governments are a              
cause--democracy1 oligarchy1 tyranny1   
concerning which ,i have often spoken in
 the previous discourse2 or rather      
governments they are not1 for none of   
them exercises a voluntary rule over    
voluntary subjects2 but they may be     
truly called states of discord1 in which
 while the government is voluntary1 the 
subjects always obey against their will1
 and have to be coerced2 and the ruler  
fears the subject1 and will not1 if he  
can help1 allow him to become either    
noble1 or rich1 or strong1 or valiant1  
or warlike at all4 ,these two are the   
chief causes of almost all evils1 and of
 the evils of which ,i have been        
speaking they are notably the causes4   
,but our state has escaped both of them2
 for her citizens have the greatest     
leisure1 and they are not subject to one
 another1 and will1 ,i think1 be made by

 these laws the reverse of lovers of    
money4 ,such a constitution may be      
reasonably supposed to be the only one  
existing which will accept the education
 which we have described1 and the       
martial pastimes which have been        
perfected according to our idea4        
,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,then   
next we must remember1 about all        
gymnastic contests1 that only the       
warlike sort of them are to be practised
 and to have prizes of victory2 and     
those which are not military are to be  
given up4 ,the military sort had better 
be completely described and established 
by law2 and first1 let us speak of      
running and swiftness4  ,,cleinias3     
,very good4  ,,athenian3 ,certainly the 
most military of all qualities is       
general activity of body1 whether of    
foot or hand4 ,for escaping or for      
capturing an enemy1 quickness of foot is
 required2 but hand-to-hand conflict and
 combat need vigour and strength4       
,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3    

,neither of them can attain their       
greatest efficiency without arms4       
,,cleinias3 ,how can they8  ,,athenian3 
,then our herald1 in accordance with the
 prevailing practice1 will first summon 
the runner--he will appear armed1 for to
 an unarmed competitor we will not give 
a prize4 ,and he shall enter first who  
is to run the single course bearing     
arms2 next1 he who is to run the double 
course2 third1 he who is to run the     
horse-course2 and fourthly1 he who is to
 run the long course2 the fifth whom we 
start1 shall be the first sent forth in 
heavy armour1 and shall run a course of 
sixty stadia to some temple of          
,ares--and we will send forth another1  
whom we will style the more heavily     
armed1 to run over smoother ground4     
,there remains the archer2 and he shall 
run in the full equipments of an archer 
a distance of #ajj stadia over          
mountains1 and across every sort of     
country1 to a temple of ,apollo and     
,artemis2 this shall be the order of the

 contest1 and we will wait for them     
until they return1 and will give a prize
 to the conqueror in each4  ,,cleinias3 
,very good4  ,,athenian3 ,let us suppose
 that there are three kinds of          
contests--one of boys1 another of       
beardless youths1 and a third of men4   
,for the youths we will fix the length  
of the contest at two-thirds1 and for   
the boys at half of the entire course1  
whether they contend as archers or as   
heavy-armed4 ,touching the women1 let   
the girls who are not grown up compete  
naked in the stadium and the double     
course1 and the horse-course and the    
long course1 and let them run on the    
race-ground itself2 those who are       
thirteen years of age and upwards until 
their marriage shall continue to share  
in contests if they are not more than   
twenty1 and shall be compelled to run up
 to eighteen2 and they shall descend    
into the arena in suitable dresses4 ,let
 these be the regulations about contests
 in running both for men and women4     

,respecting contests of strength1       
instead of wrestling and similar        
contests of the heavier sort1 we will   
institute conflicts in armour of one    
against one1 and two against two1 and so
 on up to ten against ten4 ,as to what a
 man ought not to suffer or do1 and to  
what extent1 in order to gain the       
victory--as in wrestling1 the masters of
 the art have laid down what is fair and
 what is not fair1 so in fighting in    
armour--we ought to call in skilful     
persons1 who shall judge for us and be  
our assessors in the work of            
legislation2 they shall say who deserves
 to be victor in combats of this sort1  
and what he is not to do or have done to
 him1 and in like manner what rule      
determines who is defeated2 and let     
these ordinances apply to women until   
they are married as well as to men4 ,the
 pancration shall have a counterpart in 
a combat of the light-armed2 they shall 
contend with bows and with light shields
 and with javelins and in the throwing  

of stones by slings and by hand3 and    
laws shall be made about it1 and rewards
 and prizes given to him who best       
fulfils the ordinances of the law4      
,next in order we shall have to         
legislate about the horse contests4 ,now
 we do not need many horses1 for they   
cannot be of much use in a country like 
,crete1 and hence we naturally do not   
take great pains about the rearing of   
them or about horse races4 ,there is no 
one who keeps a chariot among us1 and   
any rivalry in such matters would be    
altogether out of place2 there would be 
no sense nor any shadow of sense in     
instituting contests which are not after
 the manner of our country4 ,and        
therefore we give our prizes for single 
horses--for colts who have not yet cast 
their teeth1 and for those who are      
intermediate1 and for the full-grown    
horses themselves2 and thus our         
equestrian games will accord with the   
nature of the country4 ,let them have   
conflict and rivalry in these matters in

 accordance with the law1 and let the   
colonels and generals of horse decide   
together about all courses and about the
 armed competitors in them4 ,but we have
 nothing to say to the unarmed either in
 gymnastic exercises or in these        
contests4 ,on the other hand1 the       
,cretan bowman or javelin-man who fights
 in armour on horseback is useful1 and  
therefore we may as well place a        
competition of this sort among our      
amusements4 ,women are not to be forced 
to compete by laws and ordinances2 but  
if from previous training they have     
acquired the habit and are strong enough
 and like to take part1 let them do so1 
girls as well as boys1 and no blame to  
them4  ,thus the competition in         
gymnastic and the mode of learning it   
have been described2 and we have spoken 
also of the toils of the contest1 and of
 daily exercises under the              
superintendence of masters4 ,likewise1  
what relates to music has been1 for the 
most part1 completed4 ,but as to        

rhapsodes and the like1 and the contests
 of choruses which are to perform at    
feasts1 all this shall be arranged when 
the months and days and years have been 
appointed for ,gods and demi-gods1      
whether every third year1 or again every
 fifth year1 or in whatever way or      
manner the ,gods may put into men's     
minds the distribution and order of     
them4 ,at the same time1 we may expect  
that the musical contests will be       
celebrated in their turn by the command 
of the judges and the director of       
education and the guardians of the law  
meeting together for this purpose1 and  
themselves becoming legislators of the  
times and nature and conditions of the  
choral contests and of dancing in       
general4 ,what they ought severally to  
be in language and song1 and in the     
admixture of harmony with rhythm and the
 dance1 has been often declared by the  
original legislator2 and his successors 
ought to follow him1 making the games   
and sacrifices duly to correspond at    

fitting times1 and appointing public    
festivals4 ,it is not difficult to      
determine how these and the like matters
 may have a regular order2 nor1 again1  
will the alteration of them do any great
 good or harm to the state4 ,there is1  
however1 another matter of great        
importance and difficulty1 concerning   
which ,god should legislate1 if there   
were any possibility of obtaining from  
,him an ordinance about it4 ,but seeing 
that divine aid is not to be had1 there 
appears to be a need of some bold man   
who specially honours plainness of      
speech1 and will say outright what he   
thinks best for the city and            
citizens--ordaining what is good and    
convenient for the whole state amid the 
corruptions of human souls1 opposing the
 mightiest lusts1 and having no man his 
helper but himself standing alone and   
following reason only4  ,,cleinias3     
,what is this1 ,stranger1 that you are  
saying8 ,for we do not as yet understand
 your meaning4  ,,athenian3 ,very       

likely2 ,i will endeavour to explain    
myself more clearly4 ,when ,i came to   
the subject of education1 ,i beheld     
young men and maidens holding friendly  
intercourse with one another4 ,and there
 naturally arose in my mind a sort of   
apprehension--,i could not help thinking
 how one is to deal with a city in which
 youths and maidens are well nurtured1  
and have nothing to do1 and are not     
undergoing the excessive and servile    
toils which extinguish wantonness1 and  
whose only cares during their whole life
 are sacrifices and festivals and       
dances4 ,how1 in such a state as this1  
will they abstain from desires which    
thrust many a man and woman into        
perdition2 and from which reason1       
assuming the functions of law1 commands 
them to abstain8 ,the ordinances already
 made may possibly get the better of    
most of these desires2 the prohibition  
of excessive wealth is a very           
considerable gain in the direction of   
temperance1 and the whole education of  

our youth imposes a law of moderation on
 them2 moreover1 the eye of the rulers  
is required always to watch over the    
young1 and never to lose sight of them2 
and these provisions do1 as far as human
 means can effect anything1 exercise a  
regulating influence upon the desires in
 general4 ,but how can we take          
precautions against the unnatural loves 
of either sex1 from which innumerable   
evils have come upon individuals and    
cities8 ,how shall we devise a remedy   
and way of escape out of so great a     
danger8 ,truly1 ,cleinias1 here is a    
difficulty4 ,in many ways ,crete and    
,lacedaemon furnish a great help to     
those who make peculiar laws2 but in the
 matter of love1 as we are alone1 ,i    
must confess that they are quite against
 us4 ,for if any one following nature   
should lay down the law which existed   
before the days of ,laius1 and denounce 
these lusts as contrary to nature1      
adducing the animals as a proof that    
such unions were monstrous1 he might    

prove his point1 but he would be wholly 
at variance with the custom of your     
states4 ,further1 they are repugnant to 
a principle which we say that a         
legislator should always observe2 for we
 are always enquiring which of our      
enactments tends to virtue and which    
not4 ,and suppose we grant that these   
loves are accounted by law to the       
honourable1 or at least not disgraceful1
 in what degree will they contribute to 
virtue8 ,will such passions implant in  
the soul of him who is seduced the habit
 of courage1 or in the soul of the      
seducer the principle of temperance8    
,who will ever believe this8 or rather1 
who will not blame the effeminacy of him
 who yields to pleasures and is unable  
to hold out against them8 ,will not all 
men censure as womanly him who imitates 
the woman8 ,and who would ever think of 
establishing such a practice by law8    
certainly no one who had in his mind the
 image of true law4 ,how can we prove   
that what ,i am saying is true8 ,he who 

would rightly consider these matters    
must see the nature of friendship and   
desire1 and of these so-called loves1   
for they are of two kinds1 and out of   
the two arises a third kind1 having the 
same name2 and this similarity of name  
causes all the difficulty and obscurity4
  ,,cleinias3 ,how is that8  ,,athenian3
 ,dear is the like in virtue to the     
like1 and the equal to the equal2 dear  
also1 though unlike1 is he who has      
abundance to him who is in want4 ,and   
when either of these friendships becomes
 excessive1 we term the excess love4    
,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3    
,the friendship which arises from       
contraries is horrible and coarse1 and  
has often no tie of communion2 but that 
which arises from likeness is gentle1   
and has a tie of communion which lasts  
through life4 ,as to the mixed sort     
which is made up of them both1 there is1
 first of all1 a difficulty in          
determining what he who is possessed by 
this third love desires2 moreover1 he is

 drawn different ways1 and is in doubt  
between the two principles2 the one     
exhorting him to enjoy the beauty of    
youth1 and the other forbidding him4    
,for the one is a lover of the body1 and
 hungers after beauty1 like ripe fruit1 
and would fain satisfy himself without  
any regard to the character of the      
beloved2 the other holds the desire of  
the body to be a secondary matter1 and  
looking rather than loving and with his 
soul desiring the soul of the other in a
 becoming manner1 regards the           
satisfaction of the bodily love as      
wantonness2 he reverences and respects  
temperance and courage and magnanimity  
and wisdom1 and wishes to live chastely 
with the chaste object of his affection4
 ,now the sort of love which is made up 
of the other two is that which we have  
described as the third4 ,seeing then    
that there are these three sorts of     
love1 ought the law to prohibit and     
forbid them all to exist among us8 ,is  
it not rather clear that we should wish 

to have in the state the love which is  
of virtue and which desires the beloved 
youth to be the best possible2 and the  
other two1 if possible1 we should       
hinder8 ,what do you say1 friend        
,megillus8  ,,megillus3 ,i think1       
,stranger1 that you are perfectly right 
in what you have been now saying4       
,athenian3 ,i knew well1 my friend1 that
 ,i should obtain your assent1 which ,i 
accept1 and therefore have no need to   
analyze your custom any further4        
,cleinias shall be prevailed upon to    
give me his assent at some other time4  
,enough of this2 and now let us proceed 
to the laws4  ,,megillus3 ,very good4   
,,athenian3 ,upon reflection ,i see a   
way of imposing the law1 which1 in one  
respect1 is easy1 but1 in another1 is of
 the utmost difficulty4  ,,megillus3    
,what do you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,we are 
all aware that most men1 in spite of    
their lawless natures1 are very strictly
 and precisely restrained from          
intercourse with the fair1 and this is  

not at all against their will1 but      
entirely with their will4  ,,megillus3  
,when do you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,when   
any one has a brother or sister who is  
fair2 and about a son or daughter the   
same unwritten law holds1 and is a most 
perfect safeguard1 so that no open or   
secret connexion ever takes place       
between them4 ,nor does the thought of  
such a thing ever enter at all into the 
minds of most of them4  ,,megillus3     
,very true4  ,,athenian3 ,does not a    
little word extinguish all pleasures of 
that sort8  ,,megillus3 ,what word8     
,,athenian3 ,the declaration that they  
are unholy1 hated of ,god1 and most     
infamous2 and is not the reason of this 
that no one has ever said the opposite1 
but every one from his earliest         
childhood has heard men speaking in the 
same manner about them always and       
everywhere1 whether in comedy or in the 
graver language of tragedy8 ,when the   
poet introduces on the stage a ,thyestes
 or an ,oedipus1 or a ,macareus having  

secret intercourse with his sister1 he  
represents him1 when found out1 ready to
 kill himself as the penalty of his sin4
  ,,megillus3 ,you are very right in    
saying that tradition1 if no breath of  
opposition ever assails it1 has a       
marvellous power4  ,,athenian3 ,am ,i   
not also right in saying that the       
legislator who wants to master any of   
the passions which master man may easily
 know how to subdue them8 ,he will      
consecrate the tradition of their evil  
character among all1 slaves and freemen1
 women and children1 throughout the     
city3 that will be the surest foundation
 of the law which he can make4          
,,megillus3 ,yes2 but will he ever      
succeed in making all mankind use the   
same language about them8  ,,athenian3  
,a good objection2 but was ,i not just  
now saying that ,i had a way to make men
 use natural love and abstain from      
unnatural1 not intentionally destroying 
the seeds of human increase1 or sowing  
them in stony places1 in which they will

 take no root2 and that ,i would command
 them to abstain too from any female    
field of increase in which that which is
 sown is not likely to grow8 ,now if a  
law to this effect could only be made   
perpetual1 and gain an authority such as
 already prevents intercourse of parents
 and children--such a law1 extending to 
other sensual desires1 and conquering   
them1 would be the source of ten        
thousand blessings4 ,for1 in the first  
place1 moderation is the appointment of 
nature1 and deters men from all frenzy  
and madness of love1 and from all       
adulteries and immoderate use of meats  
and drinks1 and makes them good friends 
to their own wives4 ,and innumerable    
other benefits would result if such a   
law could only be enforced4 ,i can      
imagine some lusty youth who is standing
 by1 and who1 on hearing this enactment1
 declares in scurrilous terms that we   
are making foolish and impossible laws1 
and fills the world with his outcry4    
,and therefore ,i said that ,i knew a   

way of enacting and perpetuating such a 
law1 which was very easy in one respect1
 but in another most difficult4 ,there  
is no difficulty in seeing that such a  
law is possible1 and in what way2 for1  
as ,i was saying1 the ordinance once    
consecrated would master the soul of    
every man1 and terrify him into         
obedience4 ,but matters have now come to
 such a pass that even then the desired 
result seems as if it could not be      
attained1 just as the continuance of an 
entire state in the practice of common  
meals is also deemed impossible4 ,and   
although this latter is partly disproven
 by the fact of their existence among   
you1 still even in your cities the      
common meals of women would be regarded 
as unnatural and impossible4 ,i was     
thinking of the rebelliousness of the   
human heart when ,i said that the       
permanent establishment of these things 
is very difficult4  ,,megillus3 ,very   
true4  ,,athenian3 ,shall ,i try and    
find some sort of persuasive argument   

which will prove to you that such       
enactments are possible1 and not beyond 
human nature8  ,,cleinias3 ,by all      
means4  ,,athenian3 ,is a man more      
likely to abstain from the pleasures of 
love and to do what he is bidden about  
them1 when his body is in a good        
condition1 or when he is in an ill      
condition1 and out of training8         
,,cleinias3 ,he will be far more        
temperate when he is in training4       
,,athenian3 ,and have we not heard of   
,iccus of ,tarentum1 who1 with a view to
 the ,olympic and other contests1 in his
 zeal for his art1 and also because he  
was of a manly and temperate            
disposition1 never had any connexion    
with a woman or a youth during the whole
 time of his training8 ,and the same is 
said of ,crison and ,astylus and        
,diopompus and many others2 and yet1    
,cleinias1 they were far worse educated 
in their minds than your and my         
citizens1 and in their bodies far more  
lusty4  ,,cleinias3 ,no doubt this fact 

has been often affirmed positively by   
the ancients of these athletes4         
,,athenian3 ,and had they the courage to
 abstain from what is ordinarily deemed 
a pleasure for the sake of a victory in 
wrestling1 running1 and the like2 and   
shall our young men be incapable of a   
similar endurance for the sake of a much
 nobler victory1 which is the noblest of
 all1 as from their youth upwards we    
will tell them1 charming them1 as we    
hope1 into the belief of this by tales  
and sayings and songs8  ,,cleinias3 ,of 
what victory are you speaking8          
,,athenian3 ,of the victory over        
pleasure1 which if they win1 they will  
live happily2 or if they are conquered1 
the reverse of happily4 ,and1 further1  
may we not suppose that the fear of     
impiety will enable them to master that 
which other inferior people have        
mastered8  ,,cleinias3 ,i dare say4     
,,athenian3 ,and since we have reached  
this point in our legislation1 and have 
fallen into a difficulty by reason of   

the vices of mankind1 ,i affirm that our
 ordinance should simply run in the     
following terms3 ,our citizens ought not
 to fall below the nature of birds and  
beasts in general1 who are born in great
 multitudes1 and yet remain until the   
age for procreation virgin and          
unmarried1 but when they have reached   
the proper time of life are coupled1    
male and female1 and lovingly pair      
together1 and live the rest of their    
lives in holiness and innocence1 abiding
 firmly in their original compact3      
surely1 we will say to them1 you should 
be better than the animals4 ,but if they
 are corrupted by the other ,hellenes   
and the common practice of barbarians1  
and they see with their eyes and hear   
with their ears of the so-called free   
love everywhere prevailing among them1  
and they themselves are not able to get 
the better of the temptation1 the       
guardians of the law1 exercising the    
functions of lawgivers1 shall devise a  
second law against them4  ,,cleinias3   

,and what law would you advise them to  
pass if this one failed8  ,,athenian3   
,clearly1 ,cleinias1 the one which would
 naturally follow4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is
 that8  ,,athenian3 ,our citizens should
 not allow pleasures to strengthen with 
indulgence1 but should by toil divert   
the aliment and exuberance of them into 
other parts of the body2 and this will  
happen if no immodesty be allowed in the
 practice of love4 ,then they will be   
ashamed of frequent intercourse1 and    
they will find pleasure1 if seldom      
enjoyed1 to be a less imperious         
mistress4 ,they should not be found out 
doing anything of the sort4 ,concealment
 shall be honourable1 and sanctioned by 
custom and made law by unwritten        
prescription2 on the other hand1 to be  
detected shall be esteemed              
dishonourable1 but not1 to abstain      
wholly4 ,in this way there will be a    
second legal standard of honourable and 
dishonourable1 involving a second notion
 of right4 ,three principles will       

comprehend all those corrupt natures    
whom we call inferior to themselves1 and
 who form but one class1 and will compel
 them not to transgress4  ,,cleinias3   
,what are they8  ,,athenian3 ,the       
principle of piety1 the love of honour1 
and the desire of beauty1 not in the    
body but in the soul4 ,these are1       
perhaps1 romantic aspirations2 but they 
are the noblest of aspirations1 if they 
could only be realised in all states1   
and1 ,god willing1 in the matter of love
 we may be able to enforce one of two   
things--either that no one shall venture
 to touch any person of the freeborn or 
noble class except his wedded wife1 or  
sow the unconsecrated and bastard seed  
among harlots1 or in barren and         
unnatural lusts2 or at least we may     
abolish altogether the connection of men
 with men2 and as to women1 if any man  
has to do with any but those who come   
into his house duly married by sacred   
rites1 whether they be bought or        
acquired in any other way1 and he       

offends publicly in the face of all     
mankind1 we shall be right in enacting  
that he be deprived of civic honours and
 privileges1 and be deemed to be1 as he 
truly is1 a stranger4 ,let this law1    
then1 whether it is one1 or ought rather
 to be called two1 be laid down         
respecting love in general1 and the     
intercourse of the sexes which arises   
out of the desires1 whether rightly or  
wrongly indulged4  ,,megillus3 ,i1 for  
my part1 ,stranger1 would gladly receive
 this law4 ,cleinias shall speak for    
himself1 and tell you what is his       
opinion4  ,,cleinias3 ,i will1          
,megillus1 when an opportunity offers2  
at present1 ,i think that we had better 
allow the ,stranger to proceed with his 
laws4  ,,megillus3 ,very good4          
,,athenian3 ,we had got about as far as 
the establishment of the common tables1 
which in most places would be difficult1
 but in ,crete no one would think of    
introducing any other custom4 ,there    
might arise a question about the manner 

of them--whether they shall be such as  
they are here in ,crete1 or such as they
 are in ,lacedaemon--or is there a third
 kind which may be better than either of
 them8 ,the answer to this question     
might be easily discovered1 but the     
discovery would do no great good1 for at
 present they are very well ordered4    
,leaving the common tables1 we may      
therefore proceed to the means of       
providing food4 ,now1 in cities the     
means of life are gained in many ways   
and from divers sources1 and in general 
from two sources1 whereas our city has  
only one4 ,for most of the ,hellenes    
obtain their food from sea and land1 but
 our citizens from land only4 ,and this 
makes the task of the legislator less   
difficult--half as many laws will be    
enough1 and much less than half2 and    
they will be of a kind better suited to 
free men4 ,for he has nothing to do with
 laws about shipowners and merchants and
 retailers and inn-keepers and tax      
collectors and mines and moneylending   

and compound interest and innumerable   
other things--bidding good-bye to these1
 he gives laws to husbandmen and        
shepherds and bee-keepers1 and to the   
guardians and superintendents of their  
implements2 and he has already          
legislated for greater matters1 as for  
example1 respecting marriage and the    
procreation and nurture of children1 and
 for education1 and the establishment of
 offices--and now he must direct his    
laws to those who provide food and      
labour in preparing it4  ,let us first  
of all1 then1 have a class of laws which
 shall be called the laws of husbandmen4
 ,and let the first of them be the law  
of ,zeus1 the ,god of boundaries4 ,let  
no one shift the boundary line either of
 a fellow-citizen who is a neighbour1   
or1 if he dwells at the extremity of the
 land1 of any stranger who is           
conterminous with him1 considering that 
this is truly 'to move the immovable1'  
and every one should be more willing to 
move the largest rock which is not a    

landmark1 than the least stone which is 
the sworn mark of friendship and hatred 
between neighbours2 for ,zeus1 the god  
of kindred1 is the witness of the       
citizen1 and ,zeus1 the god of          
strangers1 of the stranger1 and when    
aroused1 terrible are the wars which    
they stir up4 ,he who obeys the law will
 never know the fatal consequences of   
disobedience1 but he who despises the   
law shall be liable to a double penalty1
 the first coming from the ,gods1 and   
the second from the law4 ,for let no one
 wilfully remove the boundaries of his  
neighbour's land1 and if any one does1  
let him who will inform the landowners1 
and let them bring him into court1 and  
if he be convicted of re-dividing the   
land by stealth or by force1 let the    
court determine what he ought to suffer 
or pay4 ,in the next place1 many small  
injuries done by neighbours to one      
another1 through their multiplication1  
may cause a weight of enmity1 and make  
neighbourhood a very disagreeable and   

bitter thing4 ,wherefore a man ought to 
be very careful of committing any       
offence against his neighbour1 and      
especially of encroaching on his        
neighbour's land2 for any man may easily
 do harm1 but not every man can do good 
to another4 ,he who encroaches on his   
neighbour's land1 and transgresses his  
boundaries1 shall make good the damage1 
and1 to cure him of his impudence and   
also of his meanness1 he shall pay a    
double penalty to the injured party4 ,of
 these and the like matters the wardens 
of the country shall take cognizance1   
and be the judges of them and assessors 
of the damage2 in the more important    
cases1 as has been already said1 the    
whole number of them belonging to any   
one of the twelve divisions shall       
decide1 and in the lesser cases the     
commanders3 or1 again1 if any one       
pastures his cattle on his neighbour's  
land1 they shall see the injury1 and    
adjudge the penalty4 ,and if any one1 by
 decoying the bees1 gets possession of  

another's swarms1 and draws them to     
himself by making noises1 he shall pay  
the damage2 or if any one sets fire to  
his own wood and takes no care of his   
neighbour's property1 he shall be fined 
at the discretion of the magistrates4   
,and if in planting he does not leave a 
fair distance between his own and his   
neighbour's land1 he shall be punished1 
in accordance with the enactments of    
many lawgivers1 which we may use1 not   
deeming it necessary that the great     
legislator of our state should determine
 all the trifles which might be decided 
by any body2 for example1 husbandmen    
have had of old excellent laws about    
waters1 and there is no reason why we   
should propose to divert their course3  
,he who likes may draw water from the   
fountain-head of the common stream on to
 his own land1 if he do not cut off the 
spring which clearly belongs to some    
other owner2 and he may take the water  
in any direction which he pleases1      
except through a house or temple or     

sepulchre1 but he must be careful to do 
no harm beyond the channel4 ,and if     
there be in any place a natural dryness 
of the earth1 which keeps in the rain   
from heaven1 and causes a deficiency in 
the supply of water1 let him dig down on
 his own land as far as the clay1 and if
 at this depth he finds no water1 let   
him obtain water from his neighbours1 as
 much as is required for his servants'  
drinking1 and if his neighbours1 too1   
are limited in their supply1 let him    
have a fixed measure1 which shall be    
determined by the wardens of the        
country4 ,this he shall receive each    
day1 and on these terms have a share of 
his neighbours' water4 ,if there be     
heavy rain1 and one of those on the     
lower ground injures some tiller of the 
upper ground1 or some one who has a     
common wall1 by refusing to give them an
 outlet for water2 or1 again1 if some   
one living on the higher ground         
recklessly lets off the water on his    
lower neighbour1 and they cannot come to

 terms with one another1 let him who    
will call in a warden of the city1 if he
 be in the city1 or if he be in the     
country1 a warden of the country1 and   
let him obtain a decision determining   
what each of them is to do4 ,and he who 
will not abide by the decision shall    
suffer for his malignant and morose     
temper1 and pay a fine to the injured   
party1 equivalent to double the value of
 the injury1 because he was unwilling to
 submit to the magistrates4  ,now the   
participation of fruits shall be ordered
 on this wise4 ,the goddess of ,autumn  
has two gracious gifts3 one the joy of  
,dionysus which is not treasured up2 the
 other1 which nature intends to be      
stored4 ,let this be the law1 then1     
concerning the fruits of autumn3 ,he who
 tastes the common or storing fruits of 
autumn1 whether grapes or figs1 before  
the season of vintage which coincides   
with ,arcturus1 either on his own land  
or on that of others--let him pay fifty 
drachmae1 which shall be sacred to      

,dionysus1 if he pluck them from his own
 land2 and if from his neighbour's land1
 a mina1 and if from any others'1       
two-thirds of a mina4 ,and he who would 
gather the 'choice' grapes or the       
'choice' figs1 as they are now termed1  
if he take them off his own land1 let   
him pluck them how and when he likes2   
but if he take them from the ground of  
others without their leave1 let him in  
that case be always punished in         
accordance with the law which ordains   
that he should not move what he has not 
laid down4 ,and if a slave touches any  
fruit of this sort1 without the consent 
of the owner of the land1 he shall be   
beaten with as many blows as there are  
grapes on the bunch1 or figs on the     
fig-tree4 ,let a metic purchase the     
'choice' autumnal fruit1 and then1 if he
 pleases1 he may gather it2 but if a    
stranger is passing along the road1 and 
desires to eat1 let him take of the     
'choice' grape for himself and a single 
follower without payment1 as a tribute  

of hospitality4 ,the law however forbids
 strangers from sharing in the sort     
which is not used for eating2 and if any
 one1 whether he be master or slave1    
takes of them in ignorance1 let the     
slave be beaten1 and the freeman        
dismissed with admonitions1 and         
instructed to take of the other autumnal
 fruits which are unfit for making      
raisins and wine1 or for laying by as   
dried figs4 ,as to pears1 and apples1   
and pomegranates1 and similar fruits1   
there shall be no disgrace in taking    
them secretly2 but he who is caught1 if 
he be of less than thirty years of age1 
shall be struck and beaten off1 but not 
wounded2 and no freeman shall have any  
right of satisfaction for such blows4   
,of these fruits the stranger may       
partake1 just as he may of the fruits of
 autumn4 ,and if an elder1 who is more  
than thirty years of age1 eat of them on
 the spot1 let him1 like the stranger1  
be allowed to partake of all such       
fruits1 but he must carry away nothing4 

,if1 however1 he will not obey the law1 
let him run the risk of failing in the  
competition of virtue1 in case any one  
takes notice of his actions before the  
judges at the time4  ,water is the      
greatest element of nutrition in        
gardens1 but is easily polluted4 ,you   
cannot poison the soil1 or the sun1 or  
the air1 which are the other elements of
 nutrition in plants1 or divert them1 or
 steal them2 but all these things may   
very likely happen in regard to water1  
which must therefore be protected by    
law4 ,and let this be the law3 ,if any  
one intentionally pollutes the water of 
another1 whether the water of a spring1 
or collected in reservoirs1 either by   
poisonous substances1 or by digging1 or 
by theft1 let the injured party bring   
the cause before the wardens of the     
city1 and claim in writing the value of 
the loss2 if the accused be found guilty
 of injuring the water by deleterious   
substances1 let him not only pay        
damages1 but purify the stream or the   

cistern which contains the water1 in    
such manner as the laws of the          
interpreters order the purification to  
be made by the offender in each case4   
,with respect to the gathering in of the
 fruits of the soil1 let a man1 if he   
pleases1 carry his own fruits through   
any place in which he either does no    
harm to any one1 or himself gains three 
times as much as his neighbour loses4   
,now of these things the magistrates    
should be cognizant1 as of all other    
things in which a man intentionally does
 injury to another or to the property of
 another1 by fraud or force1 in the use 
which he makes of his own property4 ,all
 these matters a man should lay before  
the magistrates1 and receive damages1   
supposing the injury to be not more than
 three minae2 or if he have a charge    
against another which involves a larger 
amount1 let him bring his suit into the 
public courts and have the evil-doer    
punished4 ,but if any of the magistrates
 appear to adjudge the penalties which  

he imposes in an unjust spirit1 let him 
be liable to pay double to the injured  
party4 ,any one may bring the offences  
of magistrates1 in any particular case1 
before the public courts4 ,there are    
innumerable little matters relating to  
the modes of punishment1 and            
applications for suits1 and summonses   
and the witnesses to summonses--for     
example1 whether two witnesses should be
 required for a summons1 or how         
many--and all such details1 which cannot
 be omitted in legislation1 but are     
beneath the wisdom of an aged           
legislator4 ,these lesser matters1 as   
they indeed are in comparison with the  
greater ones1 let a younger generation  
regulate by law1 after the patterns     
which have preceded1 and according to   
their own experience of the usefulness  
and necessity of such laws2 and when    
they are duly regulated let there be no 
alteration1 but let the citizens live in
 the observance of them4  ,now of       
artisans1 let the regulations be as     

follows3 ,in the first place1 let no    
citizen or servant of a citizen be      
occupied in handicraft arts2 for he who 
is to secure and preserve the public    
order of the state1 has an art which    
requires much study and many kinds of   
knowledge1 and does not admit of being  
made a secondary occupation2 and hardly 
any human being is capable of pursuing  
two professions or two arts rightly1 or 
of practising one art himself1 and      
superintending some one else who is     
practising another4 ,let this1 then1 be 
our first principle in the state3 ,no   
one who is a smith shall also be a      
carpenter1 and if he be a carpenter1 he 
shall not superintend the smith's art   
rather than his own1 under the pretext  
that in superintending many servants who
 are working for him1 he is likely to   
superintend them better1 because more   
revenue will accrue to him from them    
than from his own art2 but let every man
 in the state have one art1 and get his 
living by that4 ,let the wardens of the 

city labour to maintain this law1 and if
 any citizen incline to any other art   
rather than the study of virtue1 let    
them punish him with disgrace and       
infamy1 until they bring him back into  
his own right course2 and if any        
stranger profess two arts1 let them     
chastise him with bonds and money       
penalties1 and expulsion from the state1
 until they compel him to be one only   
and not many4  ,but as touching payments
 for hire1 and contracts of work1 or in 
case any one does wrong to any of the   
citizens1 or they do wrong to any other1
 up to fifty drachmae1 let the wardens  
of the city decide the case2 but if a   
greater amount be involved1 then let the
 public courts decide according to law4 
,let no one pay any duty either on the  
importation or exportation of goods2 and
 as to frankincense and similar         
perfumes1 used in the service of the    
,gods1 which come from abroad1 and      
purple and other dyes which are not     
produced in the country1 or the         

materials of any art which have to be   
imported1 and which are not             
necessary--no one should import them2   
nor1 again1 should any one export       
anything which is wanted in the country4
 ,of all these things let there be      
inspectors and superintendents1 taken   
from the guardians of the law2 and they 
shall be the twelve next in order to the
 five seniors4 ,concerning arms1 and all
 implements which are required for      
military purposes1 if there be need of  
introducing any art1 or plant1 or metal1
 or chains of any kind1 or animals for  
use in war1 let the commanders of the   
horse and the generals have authority   
over their importation and exportation2 
the city shall send them out and also   
receive them1 and the guardians of the  
law shall make fit and proper laws about
 them4 ,but let there be no retail trade
 for the sake of moneymaking1 either in 
these or any other articles1 in the city
 or country at all4  ,with respect to   
food and the distribution of the produce

 of the country1 the right and proper   
way seems to be nearly that which is the
 custom of ,crete2 for all should be    
required to distribute the fruits of the
 soil into twelve parts1 and in this way
 consume them4 ,let the twelfth portion 
of each as for instance of wheat and    
barley1 to which the rest of the fruits 
of the earth shall be added1 as well as 
the animals which are for sale in each  
of the twelve divisions1 be divided in  
due proportion into three parts2 one    
part for freemen1 another for their     
servants1 and a third for craftsmen and 
in general for strangers1 whether       
sojourners who may be dwelling in the   
city1 and like other men must live1 or  
those who come on some business which   
they have with the state1 or with some  
individual4 ,let only this third part of
 all necessaries be required to be sold2
 out of the other two-thirds no one     
shall be compelled to sell4 ,and how    
will they be best distributed8 ,in the  
first place1 we see clearly that the    

distribution will be of equals in one   
point of view1 and in another point of  
view of unequals4  ,,cleinias3 ,what do 
you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,i mean that the 
earth of necessity produces and         
nourishes the various articles of food1 
sometimes better and sometimes worse4   
,,cleinias3 ,of course4  ,,athenian3    
,such being the case1 let no one of the 
three portions be greater than either of
 the other two--neither that which is   
assigned to masters or to slaves1 nor   
again that of the stranger2 but let the 
distribution to all be equal and alike1 
and let every citizen take his two      
portions and distribute them among      
slaves and freemen1 he having power to  
determine the quantity and quality4 ,and
 what remains he shall distribute by    
measure and number among the animals who
 have to be sustained from the earth1   
taking the whole number of them4  ,in   
the second place1 our citizens should   
have separate houses duly ordered2 and  
this will be the order proper for men   

like them4 ,there shall be twelve       
hamlets1 one in the middle of each      
twelfth portion1 and in each hamlet they
 shall first set apart a market-place1  
and the temples of the ,gods1 and of    
their attendant demi-gods2 and if there 
be any local deities of the ,magnetes1  
or holy seats of other ancient deities1 
whose memory has been preserved1 to     
these let them pay their ancient        
honours4 ,but ,hestia1 and ,zeus1 and   
,athene will have temples everywhere    
together with the ,god who presides in  
each of the twelve districts4 ,and the  
first erection of houses shall be around
 these temples1 where the ground is     
highest1 in order to provide the safest 
and most defensible place of retreat for
 the guards4 ,all the rest of the       
country they shall settle in the        
following manner3 ,they shall make      
thirteen divisions of the craftsmen2 one
 of them they shall establish in the    
city1 and this1 again1 they shall       
subdivide into twelve lesser divisions1 

among the twelve districts of the city1 
and the remainder shall be distributed  
in the country round about2 and in each 
village they shall settle various       
classes of craftsmen1 with a view to the
 convenience of the husbandmen4 ,and the
 chief officers of the wardens of the   
country shall superintend all these     
matters1 and see how many of them1 and  
which class of them1 each place         
requires2 and fix them where they are   
likely to be least troublesome1 and most
 useful to the husbandman4 ,and the     
wardens of the city shall see to similar
 matters in the city4  ,now the wardens 
of the agora ought to see to the details
 of the agora4 ,their first care1 after 
the temples which are in the agora have 
been seen to1 should be to prevent any  
one from doing any wrong in dealings    
between man and man2 in the second      
place1 as being inspectors of temperance
 and violence1 they should chastise him 
who requires chastisement4 ,touching    
articles of sale1 they should first see 

whether the articles which the citizens 
are under regulations to sell to        
strangers are sold to them1 as the law  
ordains4 ,and let the law be as follows3
 ,on the first day of the month1 the    
persons in charge1 whoever they are1    
whether strangers or slaves1 who have   
the charge on behalf of the citizens1   
shall produce to the strangers the      
portion which falls to them1 in the     
first place1 a twelfth portion of the   
corn--the stranger shall purchase corn  
for the whole month1 and other cereals1 
on the first market day2 and on the     
tenth day of the month the one party    
shall sell1 and the other buy1 liquids  
sufficient to last during the whole     
month2 and on the twenty-third day there
 shall be a sale of animals by those who
 are willing to sell to the people who  
want to buy1 and of implements and other
 things which husbandmen sell1 7such as 
skins and all kinds of clothing1 either 
woven or made of felt and other goods of
 the same sort7 and which strangers are 

compelled to buy and purchase of others4
 ,as to the retail trade in these       
things1 whether of barley or wheat set  
apart for meal and flour1 or any other  
kind of food1 no one shall sell them to 
citizens or their slaves1 nor shall any 
one buy of a citizen2 but let the       
stranger sell them in the market of     
strangers1 to artisans and their slaves1
 making an exchange of wine and food1   
which is commonly called retail trade4  
,and butchers shall offer for sale parts
 of dismembered animals to the          
strangers1 and artisans1 and their      
servants4 ,let any stranger who likes   
buy fuel from day to day wholesale1 from
 those who have the care of it in the   
country1 and let him sell to the        
strangers as much as he pleases and when
 he pleases4 ,as to other goods and     
implements which are likely to be       
wanted1 they shall sell them in the     
common market1 at any place which the   
guardians of the law and the wardens of 
the market and city1 choosing according 

to their judgment1 shall determine2 at  
such places they shall exchange money   
for goods1 and goods for money1 neither 
party giving credit to the other2 and he
 who gives credit must be satisfied1    
whether he obtain his money or not1 for 
in such exchanges he will not be        
protected by law4 ,but whenever property
 has been bought or sold1 greater in    
quantity or value than is allowed by the
 law1 which has determined within what  
limits a man may increase and diminish  
his possessions1 let the excess be      
registered in the books of the guardians
 of the law2 or in case of diminution1  
let there be an erasure made4 ,and let  
the same rule be observed about the     
registration of the property of the     
metics4 ,any one who likes may come and 
be a metic on certain conditions2 a     
foreigner1 if he likes1 and is able to  
settle1 may dwell in the land1 but he   
must practise an art1 and not abide more
 than twenty years from the time at     
which he has registered himself2 and he 

shall pay no sojourner's tax1 however   
small1 except good conduct1 nor any     
other tax for buying and selling4 ,but  
when the twenty years have expired1 he  
shall take his property with him and    
depart4 ,and if in the course of these  
years he should chance to distinguish   
himself by any considerable benefit     
which he confers on the state1 and he   
thinks that he can persuade the council 
and assembly1 either to grant him delay 
in leaving the country1 or to allow him 
to remain for the whole of his life1 let
 him go and persuade the city1 and      
whatever they assent to at his instance 
shall take effect4 ,for the children of 
the metics1 being artisans1 and of      
fifteen years of age1 let the time of   
their sojourn commence after their      
fifteenth year2 and let them remain for 
twenty years1 and then go where they    
like2 but any of them who wishes to     
remain1 may do so1 if he can persuade   
the council and assembly4 ,and if he    
depart1 let him erase all the entries   

which have been made by him in the      
register kept by the magistrates4       
,,book ,,ix4  ,next to all the matters  
which have preceded in the natural order
 of legislation will come suits of law4 
,of suits those which relate to         
agriculture have been already described1
 but the more important have not been   
described4 ,having mentioned them       
severally under their usual names1 we   
will proceed to say what punishments are
 to be inflicted for each offence1 and  
who are to be the judges of them4       
,,cleinias3 ,very good4  ,,athenian3    
,there is a sense of disgrace in        
legislating1 as we are about to do1 for 
all the details of crime in a state     
which1 as we say1 is to be well         
regulated and will be perfectly adapted 
to the practice of virtue4 ,to assume   
that in such a state there will arise   
some one who will be guilty of crimes as
 heinous as any which are ever          
perpetrated in other states1 and that we
 must legislate for him by anticipation1

 and threaten and make laws against him 
if he should arise1 in order to deter   
him1 and punish his acts1 under the idea
 that he will arise--this1 as ,i was    
saying1 is in a manner disgraceful4 ,yet
 seeing that we are not like the ancient
 legislators1 who gave laws to heroes   
and sons of gods1 being1 according to   
the popular belief1 themselves the      
offspring of the gods1 and legislating  
for others1 who were also the children  
of divine parents1 but that we are only 
men who are legislating for the sons of 
men1 there is no uncharitableness in    
apprehending that some one of our       
citizens may be like a seed which has   
touched the ox's horn1 having a heart so
 hard that it cannot be softened any    
more than those seeds can be softened by
 fire4 ,among our citizens there may be 
those who cannot be subdued by all the  
strength of the laws2 and for their     
sake1 though an ungracious task1 ,i will
 proclaim my first law about the robbing
 of temples1 in case any one should dare

 to commit such a crime4 ,i do not      
expect or imagine that any              
well-brought-up citizen will ever take  
the infection1 but their servants1 and  
strangers1 and strangers' servants may  
be guilty of many impieties4 ,and with a
 view to them especially1 and yet not   
without a provident eye to the weakness 
of human nature generally1 ,i will      
proclaim the law about robbers of       
temples and similar incurable1 or almost
 incurable1 criminals4 ,having already  
agreed that such enactments ought always
 to have a short prelude1 we may speak  
to the criminal1 whom some tormenting   
desire by night and by day tempts to go 
and rob a temple1 the fewest possible   
words of admonition and exhortation3 ,o 
sir1 we will say to him1 the impulse    
which moves you to rob temples is not an
 ordinary human malady1 nor yet a       
visitation of heaven1 but a madness     
which is begotten in a man from ancient 
and unexpiated crimes of his race1 an   
ever-recurring curse--against this you  

must guard with all your might1 and how 
you are to guard we will explain to you4
 ,when any such thought comes into your 
mind1 go and perform expiations1 go as a
 suppliant to the temples of the ,gods  
who avert evils1 go to the society of   
those who are called good men among you2
 hear them tell and yourself try to     
repeat after them1 that every man should
 honour the noble and the just4 ,fly    
from the company of the wicked--fly and 
turn not back2 and if your disorder is  
lightened by these remedies1 well and   
good1 but if not1 then acknowledge death
 to be nobler than life1 and depart     
hence4  ,such are the preludes which we 
sing to all who have thoughts of unholy 
and treasonable actions1 and to him who 
hearkens to them the law has nothing to 
say4 ,but to him who is disobedient when
 the prelude is over1 cry with a loud   
voice--,he who is taken in the act of   
robbing temples1 if he be a slave or    
stranger1 shall have his evil deed      
engraven on his face and hands1 and     

shall be beaten with as many stripes as 
may seem good to the judges1 and be cast
 naked beyond the borders of the land4  
,and if he suffers this punishment he   
will probably return to his right mind  
and be improved2 for no penalty which   
the law inflicts is designed for evil1  
but always makes him who suffers either 
better or not so much worse as he would 
have been4 ,but if any citizen be found 
guilty of any great or unmentionable    
wrong1 either in relation to the ,gods1 
or his parents1 or the state1 let the   
judge deem him to be incurable1         
remembering that after receiving such an
 excellent education and training from  
youth upward1 he has not abstained from 
the greatest of crimes4 ,his punishment 
shall be death1 which to him will be the
 least of evils2 and his example will   
benefit others1 if he perish            
ingloriously1 and be cast beyond the    
borders of the land4 ,but let his       
children and family1 if they avoid the  
ways of their father1 have glory1 and   

let honourable mention be made of them1 
as having nobly and manfully escaped out
 of evil into good4 ,none of them should
 have their goods confiscated to the    
state1 for the lots of the citizens     
ought always to continue the same and   
equal4  ,touching the exaction of       
penalties1 when a man appears to have   
done anything which deserves a fine1 he 
shall pay the fine1 if he have anything 
in excess of the lot which is assigned  
to him2 but more than that he shall not 
pay4 ,and to secure exactness1 let the  
guardians of the law refer to the       
registers1 and inform the judges of the 
precise truth1 in order that none of the
 lots may go uncultivated for want of   
money4 ,but if any one seems to deserve 
a greater penalty1 let him undergo a    
long and public imprisonment and be     
dishonoured1 unless some of his friends 
are willing to be surety for him1 and   
liberate him by assisting him to pay the
 fine4 ,no criminal shall go unpunished1
 not even for a single offence1 nor if  

he have fled the country2 but let the   
penalty be according to his             
deserts--death1 or bonds1 or blows1 or  
degrading places of sitting or standing1
 or removal to some temple on the       
borders of the land2 or let him pay     
fines1 as we said before4 ,in cases of  
death1 let the judges be the guardians  
of the law1 and a court selected by     
merit from the last year's magistrates4 
,but how the causes are to be brought   
into court1 how the summonses are to be 
served1 and the like1 these things may  
be left to the younger generation of    
legislators to determine2 the manner of 
voting we must determine ourselves4     
,let the vote be given openly2 but      
before they come to the vote let the    
judges sit in order of seniority over   
against plaintiff and defendant1 and let
 all the citizens who can spare time    
hear and take a serious interest in     
listening to such causes4 ,first of all 
the plaintiff shall make one speech1 and
 then the defendant shall make another2 

and after the speeches have been made   
the eldest judge shall begin to examine 
the parties1 and proceed to make an     
adequate enquiry into what has been     
said2 and after the oldest has spoken1  
the rest shall proceed in order to      
examine either party as to what he finds
 defective in the evidence1 whether of  
statement or omission2 and he who has   
nothing to ask shall hand over the      
examination to another4 ,and on so much 
of what has been said as is to the      
purpose all the judges shall set their  
seals1 and place the writings on the    
altar of ,hestia4 ,on the next day they 
shall meet again1 and in like manner put
 their questions and go through the     
cause1 and again set their seals upon   
the evidence2 and when they have three  
times done this1 and have had witnesses 
and evidence enough1 they shall each of 
them give a holy vote1 after promising  
by ,hestia that they will decide justly 
and truly to the utmost of their power2 
and so they shall put an end to the     

suit4  ,next1 after what relates to the 
,gods1 follows what relates to the      
dissolution of the state3 ,whoever by   
permitting a man to power enslaves the  
laws1 and subjects the city to factions1
 using violence and stirring up sedition
 contrary to law1 him we will deem the  
greatest enemy of the whole state4 ,but 
he who takes no part in such            
proceedings1 and1 being one of the chief
 magistrates of the state1 has no       
knowledge of treason1 or1 having        
knowledge of it1 by reason of cowardice 
does not interfere on behalf of his     
country1 such an one we must consider   
nearly as bad4 ,every man who is worth  
anything will inform the magistrates1   
and bring the conspirator to trial for  
making a violent and illegal attempt to 
change the government4 ,the judges of   
such cases shall be the same as of the  
robbers of temples2 and let the whole   
proceeding be carried on in the same    
way1 and the vote of the majority       
condemn to death4 ,but let there be a   

general rule1 that the disgrace and     
punishment of the father is not to be   
visited on the children1 except in the  
case of some one whose father1          
grandfather1 and great-grandfather have 
successively undergone the penalty of   
death4 ,such persons the city shall send
 away with all their possessions to the 
city and country of their ancestors1    
retaining only and wholly their         
appointed lot4 ,and out of the citizens 
who have more than one son of not less  
than ten years of age1 they shall select
 ten whom their father or grandfather by
 the mother's or father's side shall    
appoint1 and let them send to ,delphi   
the names of those who are selected1 and
 him whom the ,god chooses they shall   
establish as heir of the house which has
 failed2 and may he have better fortune 
than his predecessors6  ,,cleinias3     
,very good4  ,,athenian3 ,once more let 
there be a third general law respecting 
the judges who are to give judgment1 and
 the manner of conducting suits against 

those who are tried on an accusation of 
treason2 and as concerning the remaining
 or departure of their                  
descendants--there shall be one law for 
all three1 for the traitor1 and the     
robber of temples1 and the subverter by 
violence of the laws of the state4 ,for 
a thief1 whether he steal much or       
little1 let there be one law1 and one   
punishment for all alike3 in the first  
place1 let him pay double the amount of 
the theft if he be convicted1 and if he 
have so much over and above the         
allotment--if he have not1 he shall be  
bound until he pay the penalty1 or      
persuade him who has obtained the       
sentence against him to forgive him4    
,but if a person be convicted of a theft
 against the state1 then if he can      
persuade the city1 or if he will pay    
back twice the amount of the theft1 he  
shall be set free from his bonds4       
,,cleinias3 ,what makes you say1        
,stranger1 that a theft is all one1     
whether the thief may have taken much or

 little1 and either from sacred or      
secular places--and these are not the   
only differences in thefts--seeing1     
then1 that they are of many kinds1 ought
 not the legislator to adapt himself to 
them1 and impose upon them entirely     
different penalties8  ,,athenian3       
,excellent4 ,i was running on too fast1 
,cleinias1 and you impinged upon me1 and
 brought me to my senses1 reminding me  
of what1 indeed1 had occurred to my mind
 already1 that legislation was never yet
 rightly worked out1 as ,i may say in   
passing4 ,do you remember the image in  
which ,i likened the men for whom laws  
are now made to slaves who are doctored 
by slaves8 ,for of this you may be very 
sure1 that if one of those empirical    
physicians1 who practise medicine       
without science1 were to come upon the  
gentleman physician talking to his      
gentleman patient1 and using the        
language almost of philosophy1 beginning
 at the beginning of the disease and    
discoursing about the whole nature of   

the body1 he would burst into a hearty  
laugh--he would say what most of those  
who are called doctors always have at   
their tongue's end3 ,foolish fellow1 he 
would say1 you are not healing the sick 
man1 but you are educating him2 and he  
does not want to be made a doctor1 but  
to get well4  ,,cleinias3 ,and would he 
not be right8  ,,athenian3 ,perhaps he  
would2 and he might remark upon us1 that
 he who discourses about laws1 as we are
 now doing1 is giving the citizens      
education and not laws2 that would be   
rather a telling observation4           
,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3    
,but we are fortunate4  ,,cleinias3 ,in 
what way8  ,,athenian3 ,inasmuch as we  
are not compelled to give laws1 but we  
may take into consideration every form  
of government1 and ascertain what is    
best and what is most needful1 and how  
they may both be carried into execution2
 and we may also1 if we please1 at this 
very moment choose what is best1 or1 if 
we prefer1 what is most necessary--which

 shall we do8  ,,cleinias3 ,there is    
something ridiculous1 ,stranger1 in our 
proposing such an alternative1 as if we 
were legislators1 simply bound under    
some great necessity which cannot be    
deferred to the morrow4 ,but we1 as ,i  
may by the grace of ,heaven affirm1 like
 gatherers of stones or beginners of    
some composite work1 may gather a heap  
of materials1 and out of this1 at our   
leisure1 select what is suitable for our
 projected construction4 ,let us then   
suppose ourselves to be at leisure1 not 
of necessity building1 but rather like  
men who are partly providing materials1 
and partly putting them together4 ,and  
we may truly say that some of our laws1 
like stones1 are already fixed in their 
places1 and others lie at hand4         
,,athenian3 ,certainly1 in that case1   
,cleinias1 our view of law will be more 
in accordance with nature4 ,for there is
 another matter affecting legislators1  
which ,i must earnestly entreat you to  
consider4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is it8     

,,athenian3 ,there are many writings to 
be found in cities1 and among them there
 are discourses composed by legislators 
as well as by other persons4            
,,cleinias3 ,to be sure4  ,,athenian3   
,shall we give heed rather to the       
writings of those others--poets and the 
like1 who either in metre or out of     
metre have recorded their advice about  
the conduct of life1 and not to the     
writings of legislators8 or shall we    
give heed to them above all8            
,,cleinias3 ,yes2 to them far above all 
others4  ,,athenian3 ,and ought the     
legislator alone among writers to       
withhold his opinion about the          
beautiful1 the good1 and the just1 and  
not to teach what they are1 and how they
 are to be pursued by those who intend  
to be happy8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly    
not4  ,,athenian3 ,and is it disgraceful
 for ,homer and ,tyrtaeus and other     
poets to lay down evil precepts in their
 writings respecting life and the       
pursuits of men1 but not so disgraceful 

for ,lycurgus and ,solon and others who 
were legislators as well as writers8 ,is
 it not true that of all the writings to
 be found in cities1 those which relate 
to laws1 when you unfold and read them1 
ought to be by far the noblest and the  
best8 and should not other writings     
either agree with them1 or if they      
disagree1 be deemed ridiculous8 ,we     
should consider whether the laws of     
states ought not to have the character  
of loving and wise parents1 rather than 
of tyrants and masters1 who command and 
threaten1 and1 after writing their      
decrees on walls1 go their ways2 and    
whether1 in discoursing of laws1 we     
should not take the gentler view of them
 which may or may not be attainable--at 
any rate1 we will show our readiness to 
entertain such a view1 and be prepared  
to undergo whatever may be the result4  
,and may the result be good1 and if ,god
 be gracious1 it will be good6          
,,cleinias3 ,excellent2 let us do as you
 say4  ,,athenian3 ,then we will now    

consider accurately1 as we proposed1    
what relates to robbers of temples1 and 
all kinds of thefts1 and offences in    
general2 and we must not be annoyed if1 
in the course of legislation1 we have   
enacted some things1 and have not made  
up our minds about some others2 for as  
yet we are not legislators1 but we may  
soon be4 ,let us1 if you please1        
consider these matters4  ,,cleinias3 ,by
 all means4  ,,athenian3 ,concerning all
 things honourable and just1 let us then
 endeavour to ascertain how far we are  
consistent with ourselves1 and how far  
we are inconsistent1 and how far the    
many1 from whom at any rate we should   
profess a desire to differ1 agree and   
disagree among themselves4  ,,cleinias3 
,what are the inconsistencies which you 
observe in us8  ,,athenian3 ,i will     
endeavour to explain4 ,if ,i am not     
mistaken1 we are all agreed that        
justice1 and just men and things and    
actions1 are all fair1 and1 if a person 
were to maintain that just men1 even    

when they are deformed in body1 are     
still perfectly beautiful in respect of 
the excellent justice of their minds1 no
 one would say that there was any       
inconsistency in this4  ,,cleinias3     
,they would be quite right4  ,,athenian3
 ,perhaps2 but let us consider further1 
that if all things which are just are   
fair and honourable1 in the term 'all'  
we must include just sufferings which   
are the correlatives of just actions4   
,,cleinias3 ,and what is the inference8 
,,athenian3 ,the inference is1 that a   
just action in partaking of the just    
partakes also in the same degree of the 
fair and honourable4  ,,cleinias3       
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,and must not a
 suffering which partakes of the just   
principle be admitted to be in the same 
degree fair and honourable1 if the      
argument is consistently carried out8   
,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,but    
then if we admit suffering to be just   
and yet dishonourable1 and the term     
'dishonourable' is applied to justice1  

will not the just and the honourable    
disagree8  ,,cleinias3 ,what do you     
mean8  ,,athenian3 ,a thing not         
difficult to understand2 the laws which 
have been already enacted would seem to 
announce principles directly opposed to 
what we are saying4  ,,cleinias3 ,to    
what8  ,,athenian3 ,we had enacted1 if  
,i am not mistaken1 that the robber of  
temples1 and he who was the enemy of law
 and order1 might justly be put to      
death1 and we were proceeding to make   
divers other enactments of a similar    
nature4 ,but we stopped short1 because  
we saw that these sufferings are        
infinite in number and degree1 and that 
they are1 at once1 the most just and    
also the most dishonourable of all      
sufferings4 ,and if this be true1 are   
not the just and the honourable at one  
time all the same1 and at another time  
in the most diametrical opposition8     
,,cleinias3 ,such appears to be the     
case4  ,,athenian3 ,in this discordant  
and inconsistent fashion does the       

language of the many rend asunder the   
honourable and just4  ,,cleinias3 ,very 
true1 ,stranger4  ,,athenian3 ,then now1
 ,cleinias1 let us see how far we       
ourselves are consistent about these    
matters4  ,,cleinias3 ,consistent in    
what8  ,,athenian3 ,i think that ,i have
 clearly stated in the former part of   
the discussion1 but if ,i did not1 let  
me now state--  ,,cleinias3 ,what8      
,,athenian3 ,that all bad men are always
 involuntarily bad2 and from this ,i    
must proceed to draw a further          
inference4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is it8    
,,athenian3 ,that the unjust man may be 
bad1 but that he is bad against his     
will4 ,now that an action which is      
voluntary should be done involuntarily  
is a contradiction2 wherefore he who    
maintains that injustice is involuntary 
will deem that the unjust does injustice
 involuntarily4 ,i too admit that all   
men do injustice involuntarily1 and if  
any contentious or disputatious person  
says that men are unjust against their  

will1 and yet that many do injustice    
willingly1 ,i do not agree with him4    
,but1 then1 how can ,i avoid being      
inconsistent with myself1 if you1       
,cleinias1 and you1 ,megillus1 say to   
me--,well1 ,stranger1 if all this be as 
you say1 how about legislating for the  
city of the ,magnetes--shall we         
legislate or not--what do you advise8   
,certainly we will1 ,i should reply4    
,then will you determine for them what  
are voluntary and what are involuntary  
crimes1 and shall we make the           
punishments greater of voluntary errors 
and crimes and less for the involuntary8
 or shall we make the punishment of all 
to be alike1 under the idea that there  
is no such thing as voluntary crime8    
,,cleinias3 ,very good1 ,stranger2 and  
what shall we say in answer to these    
objections8  ,,athenian3 ,that is a very
 fair question4 ,in the first place1 let
 us--  ,,cleinias3 ,do what8            
,,athenian3 ,let us remember what has   
been well said by us already1 that our  

ideas of justice are in the highest     
degree confused and contradictory4      
,bearing this in mind1 let us proceed to
 ask ourselves once more whether we have
 discovered a way out of the difficulty4
 ,have we ever determined in what       
respect these two classes of actions    
differ from one another8 ,for in all    
states and by all legislators           
whatsoever1 two kinds of actions have   
been distinguished--the one1 voluntary1 
the other1 involuntary2 and they have   
legislated about them accordingly4 ,but 
shall this new word of ours1 like an    
oracle of ,god1 be only spoken1 and get 
away without giving any explanation or  
verification of itself8 ,how can a word 
not understood be the basis of          
legislation8 ,impossible4 ,before       
proceeding to legislate1 then1 we must  
prove that they are two1 and what is the
 difference between them1 that when we  
impose the penalty upon either1 every   
one may understand our proposal1 and be 
able in some way to judge whether the   

penalty is fitly or unfitly inflicted4  
,,cleinias3 ,i agree with you1          
,stranger2 for one of two things is     
certain3 either we must not say that all
 unjust acts are involuntary1 or we must
 show the meaning and truth of this     
statement4  ,,athenian3 ,of these two   
alternatives1 the one is quite          
intolerable--not to speak what ,i       
believe to be the truth would be to me  
unlawful and unholy4 ,but if acts of    
injustice cannot be divided into        
voluntary and involuntary1 ,i must      
endeavour to find some other distinction
 between them4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true1 
,stranger2 there cannot be two opinions 
among us upon that point4  ,,athenian3  
,reflect1 then2 there are hurts of      
various kinds done by the citizens to   
one another in the intercourse of life1 
affording plentiful examples both of the
 voluntary and involuntary4  ,,cleinias3
 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,i would not  
have any one suppose that all these     
hurts are injuries1 and that these      

injuries are of two kinds--one1         
voluntary1 and the other1 involuntary2  
for the involuntary hurts of all men are
 quite as many and as great as the      
voluntary4 ,and please to consider      
whether ,i am right or quite wrong in   
what ,i am going to say2 for ,i deny1   
,cleinias and ,megillus1 that he who    
harms another involuntarily does him an 
injury involuntarily1 nor should ,i     
legislate about such an act under the   
idea that ,i am legislating for an      
involuntary injury4 ,but ,i should      
rather say that such a hurt1 whether    
great or small1 is not an injury at all2
 and1 on the other hand1 if ,i am right1
 when a benefit is wrongly conferred1   
the author of the benefit may often be  
said to injure4 ,for ,i maintain1 ,o my 
friends1 that the mere giving or taking 
away of anything is not to be described 
either as just or unjust2 but the       
legislator has to consider whether      
mankind do good or harm to one another  
out of a just principle and intention4  

,on the distinction between injustice   
and hurt he must fix his eye2 and when  
there is hurt1 he must1 as far as he    
can1 make the hurt good by law1 and save
 that which is ruined1 and raise up that
 which is fallen1 and make that which is
 dead or wounded whole4 ,and when       
compensation has been given for         
injustice1 the law must always seek to  
win over the doers and sufferers of the 
several hurts from feelings of enmity to
 those of friendship4  ,,cleinias3 ,very
 good4  ,,athenian3 ,then as to unjust  
hurts 7and gains also1 supposing the    
injustice to bring gain71 of these we   
may heal as many as are capable of being
 healed1 regarding them as diseases of  
the soul2 and the cure of injustice will
 take the following direction4          
,,cleinias3 ,what direction8            
,,athenian3 ,when any one commits any   
injustice1 small or great1 the law will 
admonish and compel him either never at 
all to do the like again1 or never      
voluntarily1 or at any rate in a far    

less degree2 and he must in addition pay
 for the hurt4 ,whether the end is to be
 attained by word or action1 with       
pleasure or pain1 by giving or taking   
away privileges1 by means of fines or   
gifts1 or in whatsoever way the law     
shall proceed to make a man hate        
injustice1 and love or not hate the     
nature of the just--this is quite the   
noblest work of law4 ,but if the        
legislator sees any one who is          
incurable1 for him he will appoint a law
 and a penalty4 ,he knows quite well    
that to such men themselves there is no 
profit in the continuance of their      
lives1 and that they would do a double  
good to the rest of mankind if they     
would take their departure1 inasmuch as 
they would be an example to other men   
not to offend1 and they would relieve   
the city of bad citizens4 ,in such      
cases1 and in such cases only1 the      
legislator ought to inflict death as the
 punishment of offences4  ,,cleinias3   
,what you have said appears to me to be 

very reasonable1 but will you favour me 
by stating a little more clearly the    
difference between hurt and injustice1  
and the various complications of the    
voluntary and involuntary which enter   
into them8  ,,athenian3 ,i will         
endeavour to do as you wish3 ,concerning
 the soul1 thus much would be generally 
said and allowed1 that one element in   
her nature is passion1 which may be     
described either as a state or a part of
 her1 and is hard to be striven against 
and contended with1 and by irrational   
force overturns many things4            
,,cleinias3 ,very true4  ,,athenian3    
,and pleasure is not the same with      
passion1 but has an opposite power1     
working her will by persuasion and by   
the force of deceit in all things4      
,,cleinias3 ,quite true4  ,,athenian3 ,a
 man may truly say that ignorance is a  
third cause of crimes4 ,ignorance1      
however1 may be conveniently divided by 
the legislator into two sorts3 there is 
simple ignorance1 which is the source of

 lighter offences1 and double ignorance1
 which is accompanied by a conceit of   
wisdom2 and he who is under the         
influence of the latter fancies that he 
knows all about matters of which he     
knows nothing4 ,this second kind of     
ignorance1 when possessed of power and  
strength1 will be held by the legislator
 to be the source of great and monstrous
 crimes1 but when attended with         
weakness1 will only result in the errors
 of children and old men2 and these he  
will treat as errors1 and will make laws
 accordingly for those who commit them1 
which will be the mildest and most      
merciful of all laws4  ,,cleinias3 ,you 
are perfectly right4  ,,athenian3 ,we   
all of us remark of one man that he is  
superior to pleasure and passion1 and of
 another that he is inferior to them2   
and this is true4  ,,cleinias3          
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,but no one was
 ever yet heard to say that one of us is
 superior and another inferior to       
ignorance4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4     

,,athenian3 ,we are speaking of motives 
which incite men to the fulfilment of   
their will2 although an individual may  
be often drawn by them in opposite      
directions at the same time4            
,,cleinias3 ,yes1 often4  ,,athenian3   
,and now ,i can define to you clearly1  
and without ambiguity1 what ,i mean by  
the just and unjust1 according to my    
notion of them3 ,when anger and fear1   
and pleasure and pain1 and jealousies   
and desires1 tyrannize over the soul1   
whether they do any harm or not--,i call
 all this injustice4 ,but when the      
opinion of the best1 in whatever part of
 human nature states or individuals may 
suppose that to dwell1 has dominion in  
the soul and orders the life of every   
man1 even if it be sometimes mistaken1  
yet what is done in accordance          
therewith1 and the principle in         
individuals which obeys this rule1 and  
is best for the whole life of man1 is to
 be called just2 although the hurt done 
by mistake is thought by many to be     

involuntary injustice4 ,leaving the     
question of names1 about which we are   
not going to quarrel1 and having already
 delineated three sources of error1 we  
may begin by recalling them somewhat    
more vividly to our memory3 ,one of them
 was of the painful sort1 which we      
denominate anger and fear4  ,,cleinias3 
,quite right4  ,,athenian3 ,there was a 
second consisting of pleasures and      
desires1 and a third of hopes1 which    
aimed at true opinion about the best4   
,the latter being subdivided into three1
 we now get five sources of actions1 and
 for these five we will make laws of two
 kinds4  ,,cleinias3 ,what are the two  
kinds8  ,,athenian3 ,there is one kind  
of actions done by violence and in the  
light of day1 and another kind of       
actions which are done in darkness and  
with secret deceit1 or sometimes both   
with violence and deceit2 the laws      
concerning these last ought to have a   
character of severity4  ,,cleinias3     
,naturally4  ,,athenian3 ,and now let us

 return from this digression and        
complete the work of legislation4 ,laws 
have been already enacted by us         
concerning the robbers of the ,gods1 and
 concerning traitors1 and also          
concerning those who corrupt the laws   
for the purpose of subverting the       
government4 ,a man may very likely      
commit some of these crimes1 either in a
 state of madness or when affected by   
disease1 or under the influence of      
extreme old age1 or in a fit of childish
 wantonness1 himself no better than a   
child4 ,and if this be made evident to  
the judges elected to try the cause1 on 
the appeal of the criminal or his       
advocate1 and he be judged to have been 
in this state when he committed the     
offence1 he shall simply pay for the    
hurt which he may have done to another2 
but he shall be exempt from other       
penalties1 unless he have slain some    
one1 and have on his hands the stain of 
blood4 ,and in that case he shall go to 
another land and country1 and there     

dwell for a year2 and if he return      
before the expiration of the time which 
the law appoints1 or even set his foot  
at all on his native land1 he shall be  
bound by the guardians of the law in the
 public prison for two years1 and then  
go free4  ,having begun to speak of     
homicide1 let us endeavour to lay down  
laws concerning every different kind of 
homicide2 and1 first of all1 concerning 
violent and involuntary homicides4 ,if  
any one in an athletic contest1 and at  
the public games1 involuntarily kills a 
friend1 and he dies either at the time  
or afterwards of the blows which he has 
received2 or if the like misfortune     
happens to any one in war1 or military  
exercises1 or mimic contests of which   
the magistrates enjoin the practice1    
whether with or without arms1 when he   
has been purified according to the law  
brought from ,delphi relating to these  
matters1 he shall be innocent4 ,and so  
in the case of physicians3 if their     
patient dies against their will1 they   

shall be held guiltless by the law4 ,and
 if one slay another with his own hand1 
but unintentionally1 whether he be      
unarmed or have some instrument or dart 
in his hand2 or if he kill him by       
administering food or drink1 or by the  
application of fire or cold1 or by      
suffocating him1 whether he do the deed 
by his own hand1 or by the agency of    
others1 he shall be deemed the agent1   
and shall suffer one of the following   
penalties3 ,if he kill the slave of     
another in the belief that he is his    
own1 he shall bear the master of the    
dead man harmless from loss1 or shall   
pay a penalty of twice the value of the 
dead man1 which the judges shall assess2
 but purifications must be used greater 
and more numerous than for those who    
committed homicide at the games--what   
they are to be1 the interpreters whom   
the ,god appoints shall be authorised to
 declare4 ,and if a man kills his own   
slave1 when he has been purified        
according to law1 he shall be quit of   

the homicide4 ,and if a man kills a     
freeman unintentionally1 he shall       
undergo the same purification as he did 
who killed the slave4 ,but let him not  
forget also a tale of olden time1 which 
is to this effect3 ,he who has suffered 
a violent end1 when newly dead1 if he   
has had the soul of a freeman in life1  
is angry with the author of his death2  
and being himself full of fear and panic
 by reason of his violent end1 when he  
sees his murderer walking about in his  
own accustomed haunts1 he is stricken   
with terror and becomes disordered1 and 
this disorder of his1 aided by the      
guilty recollection of the other1 is    
communicated by him with overwhelming   
force to the murderer and his deeds4    
,wherefore also the murderer must go out
 of the way of his victim for the entire
 period of a year1 and not himself be   
found in any spot which was familiar to 
him throughout the country4 ,and if the 
dead man be a stranger1 the homicide    
shall be kept from the country of the   

stranger during a like period4 ,if any  
one voluntarily obeys this law1 the next
 of kin to the deceased1 seeing all that
 has happened1 shall take pity on him1  
and make peace with him1 and show him   
all gentleness4 ,but if any one is      
disobedient1 and either ventures to go  
to any of the temples and sacrifice     
unpurified1 or will not continue in     
exile during the appointed time1 the    
next of kin to the deceased shall       
proceed against him for murder2 and if  
he be convicted1 every part of his      
punishment shall be doubled4 ,and if the
 next of kin do not proceed against the 
perpetrator of the crime1 then the      
pollution shall be deemed to fall upon  
his own head--the murdered man will fix 
the guilt upon his kinsman1 and he who  
has a mind to proceed against him may   
compel him to be absent from his country
 during five years1 according to law4   
,if a stranger unintentionally kill a   
stranger who is dwelling in the city1 he
 who likes shall prosecute the cause    

according to the same rules4 ,if he be a
 metic1 let him be absent for a year1 or
 if he be an entire stranger1 in        
addition to the purification1 whether he
 have slain a stranger1 or a metic1 or a
 citizen1 he shall be banished for life 
from the country which is in possession 
of our laws4 ,and if he return contrary 
to law1 let the guardians of the law    
punish him with death2 and let them hand
 over his property1 if he have any1 to  
him who is next of kin to the sufferer4 
,and if he be wrecked1 and driven on the
 coast against his will1 he shall take  
up his abode on the seashore1 wetting   
his feet in the sea1 and watching for an
 opportunity of sailing2 but if he be   
brought by land1 and is not his own     
master1 let the magistrate whom he first
 comes across in the city1 release him  
and send him unharmed over the border4  
,if any one slays a freeman with his own
 hand1 and the deed be done in passion1 
in the case of such actions we must     
begin by making a distinction4 ,for a   

deed is done from passion either when   
men suddenly1 and without intention to  
kill1 cause the death of another by     
blows and the like on a momentary       
impulse1 and are sorry for the deed     
immediately afterwards2 or again1 when  
after having been insulted in deed or   
word1 men pursue revenge1 and kill a    
person intentionally1 and are not sorry 
for the act4 ,and1 therefore1 we must   
assume that these homicides are of two  
kinds1 both of them arising from        
passion1 which may be justly said to be 
in a mean between the voluntary and     
involuntary2 at the same time1 they are 
neither of them anything more than a    
likeness or shadow of either4 ,he who   
treasures up his anger1 and avenges     
himself1 not immediately and at the     
moment1 but with insidious design1 and  
after an interval1 is like the          
voluntary2 but he who does not treasure 
up his anger1 and takes vengeance on the
 instant1 and without malice prepense1  
approaches to the involuntary2 and yet  

even he is not altogether involuntary1  
but is only the image or shadow of the  
involuntary2 wherefore about homicides  
committed in hot blood1 there is a      
difficulty in determining whether in    
legislating we shall reckon them as     
voluntary or as partly involuntary4 ,the
 best and truest view is to regard them 
respectively as likenesses only of the  
voluntary and involuntary1 and to       
distinguish them accordingly as they are
 done with or without premeditation4    
,and we should make the penalties       
heavier for those who commit homicide   
with angry premeditation1 and lighter   
for those who do not premeditate1 but   
smite upon the instant2 for that which  
is like a greater evil should be        
punished more severely1 and that which  
is like a less evil should be punished  
less severely3 this shall be the rule of
 our laws4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4     
,,athenian3 ,let us proceed3 ,if any one
 slays a freeman with his own hand1 and 
the deed be done in a moment of anger1  

and without premeditation1 let the      
offender suffer in other respects as the
 involuntary homicide would have        
suffered1 and also undergo an exile of  
two years1 that he may learn to school  
his passions4 ,but he who slays another 
from passion1 yet with premeditation1   
shall in other respects suffer as the   
former2 and to this shall be added an   
exile of three instead of two years--his
 punishment is to be longer because his 
passion is greater4 ,the manner of their
 return shall be on this wise3 7and here
 the law has difficulty in determining  
exactly2 for in some cases the murderer 
who is judged by the law to be the worse
 may really be the less cruel1 and he   
who is judged the less cruel may be     
really the worse1 and may have executed 
the murder in a more savage manner1     
whereas the other may have been gentler4
 ,but in general the degrees of guilt   
will be such as we have described them4 
,of all these things the guardians of   
the law must take cognizance73 ,when a  

homicide of either kind has completed   
his term of exile1 the guardians shall  
send twelve judges to the borders of the
 land2 these during the interval shall  
have informed themselves of the actions 
of the criminals1 and they shall judge  
respecting their pardon and reception2  
and the homicides shall abide by their  
judgment4 ,but if after they have       
returned home1 any one of them in a     
moment of anger repeats the deed1 let   
him be an exile1 and return no more2 or 
if he returns1 let him suffer as the    
stranger was to suffer in a similar     
case4 ,he who kills his own slave shall 
undergo a purification1 but if he kills 
the slave of another in anger1 he shall 
pay twice the amount of the loss to his 
owner4 ,and if any homicide is          
disobedient to the law1 and without     
purification pollutes the agora1 or the 
games1 or the temples1 he who pleases   
may bring to trial the next of kin to   
the dead man for permitting him1 and the
 murderer with him1 and may compel the  

one to exact and the other to suffer a  
double amount of fines and              
purifications2 and the accuser shall    
himself receive the fine in accordance  
with the law4 ,if a slave in a fit of   
passion kills his master1 the kindred of
 the deceased man may do with the       
murderer 7provided only they do not     
spare his life7 whatever they please1   
and they will be pure2 or if he kills a 
freeman1 who is not his master1 the     
owner shall give up the slave to the    
relatives of the deceased1 and they     
shall be under an obligation to put him 
to death1 but this may be done in any   
manner which they please4 ,and if 7which
 is a rare occurrence1 but does         
sometimes happen7 a father or a mother  
in a moment of passion slays a son or   
daughter by blows1 or some other        
violence1 the slayer shall undergo the  
same purification as in other cases1 and
 be exiled during three years2 but when 
the exile returns the wife shall        
separate from the husband1 and the      

husband from the wife1 and they shall   
never afterwards beget children         
together1 or live under the same roof1  
or partake of the same sacred rites with
 those whom they have deprived of a     
child or of a brother4 ,and he who is   
impious and disobedient in such a case  
shall be brought to trial for impiety by
 any one who pleases4 ,if in a fit of   
anger a husband kills his wedded wife1  
or the wife her husband1 the slayer     
shall undergo the same purification1 and
 the term of exile shall be three years4
 ,and when he who has committed any such
 crime returns1 let him have no         
communication in sacred rites with his  
children1 neither let him sit at the    
same table with them1 and the father or 
son who disobeys shall be liable to be  
brought to trial for impiety by any one 
who pleases4 ,if a brother or a sister  
in a fit of passion kills a brother or a
 sister1 they shall undergo purification
 and exile1 as was the case with parents
 who killed their offspring3 they shall 

not come under the same roof1 or share  
in the sacred rites of those whom they  
have deprived of their brethren1 or of  
their children4 ,and he who is          
disobedient shall be justly liable to   
the law concerning impiety1 which       
relates to these matters4 ,if any one is
 so violent in his passion against his  
parents1 that in the madness of his     
anger he dares to kill one of them1 if  
the murdered person before dying freely 
forgives the murderer1 let him undergo  
the purification which is assigned to   
those who have been guilty of           
involuntary homicide1 and do as they do1
 and he shall be pure4 ,but if he be not
 acquitted1 the perpetrator of such a   
deed shall be amenable to many laws--he 
shall be amenable to the extreme        
punishments for assault1 and impiety1   
and robbing of temples1 for he has      
robbed his parent of life2 and if a man 
could be slain more than once1 most     
justly would he who in a fit of passion 
has slain father or mother1 undergo many

 deaths4 ,how can he1 whom1 alone of all
 men1 even in defence of his life1 and  
when about to suffer death at the hands 
of his parents1 no law will allow to    
kill his father or his mother who are   
the authors of his being1 and whom the  
legislator will command to endure any   
extremity rather than do this--how can  
he1 ,i say1 lawfully receive any other  
punishment8 ,let death then be the      
appointed punishment of him who in a fit
 of passion slays his father or his     
mother4 ,but if brother kills brother in
 a civil broil1 or under other like     
circumstances1 if the other has begun1  
and he only defends himself1 let him be 
free from guilt1 as he would be if he   
had slain an enemy2 and the same rule   
will apply if a citizen kill a citizen1 
or a stranger a stranger4 ,or if a      
stranger kill a citizen or a citizen a  
stranger in self-defence1 let him be    
free from guilt in like manner2 and so  
in the case of a slave who has killed a 
slave2 but if a slave have killed a     

freeman in self-defence1 let him be     
subject to the same law as he who has   
killed a father2 and let the law about  
the remission of penalties in the case  
of parricide apply equally to every     
other remission4 ,whenever any sufferer 
of his own accord remits the guilt of   
homicide to another1 under the idea that
 his act was involuntary1 let the       
perpetrator of the deed undergo a       
purification and remain in exile for a  
year1 according to law4  ,enough has    
been said of murders violent and        
involuntary and committed in passion3 we
 have now to speak of voluntary crimes  
done with injustice of every kind and   
with premeditation1 through the         
influence of pleasures1 and desires1 and
 jealousies4  ,,cleinias3 ,very good4   
,,athenian3 ,let us first speak1 as far 
as we are able1 of their various kinds4 
,the greatest cause of them is lust1    
which gets the mastery of the soul      
maddened by desire2 and this is most    
commonly found to exist where the       

passion reigns which is strongest and   
most prevalent among the mass of        
mankind3 ,i mean where the power of     
wealth breeds endless desires of        
never-to-be-satisfied acquisition1      
originating in natural disposition1 and 
a miserable want of education4 ,of this 
want of education1 the false praise of  
wealth which is bruited about both among
 ,hellenes and barbarians is the cause2 
they deem that to be the first of goods 
which in reality is only the third4 ,and
 in this way they wrong both posterity  
and themselves1 for nothing can be      
nobler and better than that the truth   
about wealth should be spoken in all    
states--namely1 that riches are for the 
sake of the body1 as the body is for the
 sake of the soul4 ,they are good1 and  
wealth is intended by nature to be for  
the sake of them1 and is therefore      
inferior to them both1 and third in     
order of excellence4 ,this argument     
teaches us that he who would be happy   
ought not to seek to be rich1 or rather 

he should seek to be rich justly and    
temperately1 and then there would be no 
murders in states requiring to be purged
 away by other murders4 ,but now1 as ,i 
said at first1 avarice is the chiefest  
cause and source of the worst trials for
 voluntary homicide4 ,a second cause is 
ambition3 this creates jealousies1 which
 are troublesome companions1 above all  
to the jealous man himself1 and in a    
less degree to the chiefs of the state4 
,and a third cause is cowardly and      
unjust fear1 which has been the occasion
 of many murders4 ,when a man is doing  
or has done something which he desires  
that no one should know him to be doing 
or to have done1 he will take the life  
of those who are likely to inform of    
such things1 if he have no other means  
of getting rid of them4 ,let this be    
said as a prelude concerning crimes of  
violence in general2 and ,i must not    
omit to mention a tradition which is    
firmly believed by many1 and has been   
received by them from those who are     

learned in the mysteries3 they say that 
such deeds will be punished in the world
 below1 and also that when the          
perpetrators return to this world they  
will pay the natural penalty which is   
due to the sufferer1 and end their lives
 in like manner by the hand of another4 
,if he who is about to commit murder    
believes this1 and is made by the mere  
prelude to dread such a penalty1 there  
is no need to proceed with the          
proclamation of the law4 ,but if he will
 not listen1 let the following law be   
declared and registered against him3    
,whoever shall wrongfully and of design 
slay with his own hand any of his       
kinsmen1 shall in the first place be    
deprived of legal privileges2 and he    
shall not pollute the temples1 or the   
agora1 or the harbours1 or any other    
place of meeting1 whether he is         
forbidden of men or not2 for the law1   
which represents the whole state1       
forbids him1 and always is and will be  
in the attitude of forbidding him4 ,and 

if a cousin or nearer relative of the   
deceased1 whether on the male or female 
side1 does not prosecute the homicide   
when he ought1 and have him proclaimed  
an outlaw1 he shall in the first place  
be involved in the pollution1 and incur 
the hatred of the ,gods1 even as the    
curse of the law stirs up the voices of 
men against him2 and in the second place
 he shall be liable to be prosecuted by 
any one who is willing to inflict       
retribution on behalf of the dead4 ,and 
he who would avenge a murder shall      
observe all the precautionary ceremonies
 of lavation1 and any others which the  
,god commands in cases of this kind4    
,let him have proclamation made1 and    
then go forth and compel the perpetrator
 to suffer the execution of justice     
according to the law4 ,now the          
legislator may easily show that these   
things must be accomplished by prayers  
and sacrifices to certain ,gods1 who are
 concerned with the prevention of       
murders in states4 ,but who these ,gods 

are1 and what should be the true manner 
of instituting such trials with due     
regard to religion1 the guardians of the
 law1 aided by the interpreters1 and the
 prophets1 and the ,god1 shall          
determine1 and when they have determined
 let them carry on the prosecution at   
law4 ,the cause shall have the same     
judges who are appointed to decide in   
the case of those who plunder temples4  
,let him who is convicted be punished   
with death1 and let him not be buried in
 the country of the murdered man1 for   
this would be shameless as well as      
impious4 ,but if he fly and will not    
stand his trial1 let him fly for ever2  
or1 if he set foot anywhere on any part 
of the murdered man's country1 let any  
relation of the deceased1 or any other  
citizen who may first happen to meet    
with him1 kill him with impunity1 or    
bind and deliver him to those among the 
judges of the case who are magistrates1 
that they may put him to death4 ,and let
 the prosecutor demand surety of him    

whom he prosecutes2 three sureties      
sufficient in the opinion of the        
magistrates who try the cause shall be  
provided by him1 and they shall         
undertake to produce him at the trial4  
,but if he be unwilling or unable to    
provide sureties1 then the magistrates  
shall take him and keep him in bonds1   
and produce him at the day of trial4    
,if a man do not commit a murder with   
his own hand1 but contrives the death of
 another1 and is the author of the deed 
in intention and design1 and he         
continues to dwell in the city1 having  
his soul not pure of the guilt of       
murder1 let him be tried in the same    
way1 except in what relates to the      
sureties2 and also1 if he be found      
guilty1 his body after execution may    
have burial in his native land1 but in  
all other respects his case shall be as 
the former2 and whether a stranger shall
 kill a citizen1 or a citizen a         
stranger1 or a slave a slave1 there     
shall be no difference as touching      

murder by one's own hand or by          
contrivance1 except in the matter of    
sureties2 and these1 as has been said1  
shall be required of the actual murderer
 only1 and he who brings the accusation 
shall bind them over at the time4 ,if a 
slave be convicted of slaying a freeman 
voluntarily1 either by his own hand or  
by contrivance1 let the public          
executioner take him in the direction of
 the sepulchre1 to a place whence he can
 see the tomb of the dead man1 and      
inflict upon him as many stripes as the 
person who caught him orders1 and if he 
survive1 let him put him to death4 ,and 
if any one kills a slave who has done no
 wrong1 because he is afraid that he may
 inform of some base and evil deeds of  
his own1 or for any similar reason1 in  
such a case let him pay the penalty of  
murder1 as he would have done if he had 
slain a citizen4 ,there are things about
 which it is terrible and unpleasant to 
legislate1 but impossible not to        
legislate4 ,if1 for example1 there      

should be murders of kinsmen1 either    
perpetrated by the hands of kinsmen1 or 
by their contrivance1 voluntary and     
purely malicious1 which most often      
happen in ill-regulated and ill-educated
 states1 and may perhaps occur even in a
 country where a man would not expect to
 find them1 we must repeat once more the
 tale which we narrated a little while  
ago1 in the hope that he who hears us   
will be the more disposed to abstain    
voluntarily on these grounds from       
murders which are utterly abominable4   
,for the myth1 or saying1 or whatever we
 ought to call it1 has been plainly set 
forth by priests of old2 they have      
pronounced that the justice which guards
 and avenges the blood of kindred1      
follows the law of retaliation1 and     
ordains that he who has done any        
murderous act should of necessity suffer
 that which he has done4 ,he who has    
slain a father shall himself be slain at
 some time or other by his children--if 
a mother1 he shall of necessity take a  

woman's nature1 and lose his life at the
 hands of his offspring in after ages2  
for where the blood of a family has been
 polluted there is no other             
purification1 nor can the pollution be  
washed out until the homicidal soul     
which did the deed has given life for   
life1 and has propitiated and laid to   
sleep the wrath of the whole family4    
,these are the retributions of ,heaven1 
and by such punishments men should be   
deterred4 ,but if they are not deterred1
 and any one should be incited by some  
fatality to deprive his father1 or      
mother1 or brethren1 or children1 of    
life voluntarily and of purpose1 for him
 the earthly lawgiver legislates as     
follows3 ,there shall be the same       
proclamations about outlawry1 and there 
shall be the same sureties which have   
been enacted in the former cases4 ,but  
in his case1 if he be convicted1 the    
servants of the judges and the          
magistrates shall slay him at an        
appointed place without the city where  

three ways meet1 and there expose his   
body naked1 and each of the magistrates 
on behalf of the whole city shall take a
 stone and cast it upon the head of the 
dead man1 and so deliver the city from  
pollution2 after that1 they shall bear  
him to the borders of the land1 and cast
 him forth unburied1 according to law4  
,and what shall he suffer who slays him 
who of all men1 as they say1 is his own 
best friend8 ,i mean the suicide1 who   
deprives himself by violence of his     
appointed share of life1 not because the
 law of the state requires him1 nor yet 
under the compulsion of some painful and
 inevitable misfortune which has come   
upon him1 nor because he has had to     
suffer from irremediable and intolerable
 shame1 but who from sloth or want of   
manliness imposes upon himself an unjust
 penalty4 ,for him1 what ceremonies     
there are to be of purification and     
burial ,god knows1 and about these the  
next of kin should enquire of the       
interpreters and of the laws thereto    

relating1 and do according to their     
injunctions4 ,they who meet their death 
in this way shall be buried alone1 and  
none shall be laid by their side2 they  
shall be buried ingloriously in the     
borders of the twelve portions of the   
land1 in such places as are uncultivated
 and nameless1 and no column or         
inscription shall mark the place of     
their interment4 ,and if a beast of     
burden or other animal cause the death  
of any one1 except in the case of       
anything of that kind happening to a    
competitor in the public contests1 the  
kinsmen of the deceased shall prosecute 
the slayer for murder1 and the wardens  
of the country1 such1 and so many as the
 kinsmen appoint1 shall try the cause1  
and let the beast when condemned be     
slain by them1 and let them cast it     
beyond the borders4 ,and if any lifeless
 thing deprive a man of life1 except in 
the case of a thunderbolt or other fatal
 dart sent from the ,gods--whether a man
 is killed by lifeless objects falling  

upon him1 or by his falling upon them1  
the nearest of kin shall appoint the    
nearest neighbour to be a judge1 and    
thereby acquit himself and the whole    
family of guilt4 ,and he shall cast     
forth the guilty thing beyond the       
border1 as has been said about the      
animals4  ,if a man is found dead1 and  
his murderer be unknown1 and after a    
diligent search cannot be detected1     
there shall be the same proclamation as 
in the previous cases1 and the same     
interdict on the murderer2 and having   
proceeded against him1 they shall       
proclaim in the agora by a herald1 that 
he who has slain such and such a person1
 and has been convicted of murder1 shall
 not set his foot in the temples1 nor at
 all in the country of the murdered man1
 and if he appears and is discovered1 he
 shall die1 and be cast forth unburied  
beyond the border4 ,let this one law    
then be laid down by us about murder2   
and let cases of this sort be so        
regarded4  ,and now let us say in what  

cases and under what circumstances the  
murderer is rightly free from guilt3 ,if
 a man catch a thief coming into his    
house by night to steal1 and he take and
 kill him1 or if he slay a footpad in   
self-defence1 he shall be guiltless4    
,and any one who does violence to a free
 woman or a youth1 shall be slain with  
impunity by the injured person1 or by   
his or her father or brothers or sons4  
,if a man find his wife suffering       
violence1 he may kill the violator1 and 
be guiltless in the eye of the law2 or  
if a person kill another in warding off 
death from his father or mother or      
children or brethren or wife who are    
doing no wrong1 he shall assuredly be   
guiltless4  ,thus much as to the nurture
 and education of the living soul of    
man1 having which1 he can1 and without  
which1 if he unfortunately be without   
them1 he cannot live2 and also          
concerning the punishments which are to 
be inflicted for violent deaths1 let    
thus much be enacted4 ,of the nurture   

and education of the body we have spoken
 before1 and next in order we have to   
speak of deeds of violence1 voluntary   
and involuntary1 which men do to one    
another2 these we will now distinguish1 
as far as we are able1 according to     
their nature and number1 and determine  
what will be the suitable penalties of  
each1 and so assign to them their proper
 place in the series of our enactments4 
,the poorest legislator will have no    
difficulty in determining that wounds   
and mutilations arising out of wounds   
should follow next in order after       
deaths4 ,let wounds be divided as       
homicides were divided--into those which
 are involuntary1 and which are given in
 passion or from fear1 and those        
inflicted voluntarily and with          
premeditation4 ,concerning all this1 we 
must make some such proclamation as the 
following3 ,mankind must have laws1 and 
conform to them1 or their life would be 
as bad as that of the most savage beast4
 ,and the reason of this is that no     

man's nature is able to know what is    
best for human society2 or knowing1     
always able and willing to do what is   
best4 ,in the first place1 there is a   
difficulty in apprehending that the true
 art of politics is concerned1 not with 
private but with public good 7for public
 good binds together states1 but private
 only distracts them72 and that both the
 public and private good as well of     
individuals as of states is greater when
 the state and not the individual is    
first considered4 ,in the second place1 
although a person knows in the abstract 
that this is true1 yet if he be         
possessed of absolute and irresponsible 
power1 he will never remain firm in his 
principles or persist in regarding the  
public good as primary in the state1 and
 the private good as secondary4 ,human  
nature will be always drawing him into  
avarice and selfishness1 avoiding pain  
and pursuing pleasure without any       
reason1 and will bring these to the     
front1 obscuring the juster and better2 

and so working darkness in his soul will
 at last fill with evils both him and   
the whole city4 ,for if a man were born 
so divinely gifted that he could        
naturally apprehend the truth1 he would 
have no need of laws to rule over him2  
for there is no law or order which is   
above knowledge1 nor can mind1 without  
impiety1 be deemed the subject or slave 
of any man1 but rather the lord of all4 
,i speak of mind1 true and free1 and in 
harmony with nature4 ,but then there is 
no such mind anywhere1 or at least not  
much2 and therefore we must choose law  
and order1 which are second best4 ,these
 look at things as they exist for the   
most part only1 and are unable to survey
 the whole of them4 ,and therefore ,i   
have spoken as ,i have4  ,and now we    
will determine what penalty he ought to 
pay or suffer who has hurt or wounded   
another4 ,any one may easily imagine the
 questions which have to be asked in all
 such cases3 ,what did he wound1 or     
whom1 or how1 or when8 for there are    

innumerable particulars of this sort    
which greatly vary from one another4    
,and to allow courts of law to determine
 all these things1 or not to determine  
any of them1 is alike impossible4 ,there
 is one particular which they must      
determine in all cases--the question of 
fact4 ,and then1 again1 that the        
legislator should not permit them to    
determine what punishment is to be      
inflicted in any of these cases1 but    
should himself decide about all of them1
 small or great1 is next to impossible4 
,,cleinias3 ,then what is to be the     
inference8  ,,athenian3 ,the inference  
is1 that some things should be left to  
courts of law2 others the legislator    
must decide for himself4  ,,cleinias3   
,and what ought the legislator to       
decide1 and what ought he to leave to   
the courts of law8  ,,athenian3 ,i may  
reply1 that in a state in which the     
courts are bad and mute1 because the    
judges conceal their opinions and decide
 causes clandestinely2 or what is worse1

 when they are disorderly and noisy1 as 
in a theatre1 clapping or hooting in    
turn this or that orator--,i say that   
then there is a very serious evil1 which
 affects the whole state4 ,unfortunate  
is the necessity of having to legislate 
for such courts1 but where the necessity
 exists1 the legislator should only     
allow them to ordain the penalties for  
the smallest offences2 if the state for 
which he is legislating be of this      
character1 he must take most matters    
into his own hands and speak distinctly4
 ,but when a state has good courts1 and 
the judges are well trained and         
scrupulously tested1 the determination  
of the penalties or punishments which   
shall be inflicted on the guilty may    
fairly and with advantage be left to    
them4 ,and we are not to be blamed for  
not legislating concerning all that     
large class of matters which judges far 
worse educated than ours would be able  
to determine1 assigning to each offence 
what is due both to the perpetrator and 

to the sufferer4 ,we believe those for  
whom we are legislating to be best able 
to judge1 and therefore to them the     
greater part may be left4 ,at the same  
time1 as ,i have often said1 we should  
exhibit to the judges1 as we have done1 
the outline and form of the punishments 
to be inflicted1 and then they will not 
transgress the just rule4 ,that was an  
excellent practice1 which we observed   
before1 and which now that we are       
resuming the work of legislation1 may   
with advantage be repeated by us4  ,let 
the enactment about wounding be in the  
following terms3 ,if any one has a      
purpose and intention to slay another   
who is not his enemy1 and whom the law  
does not permit him to slay1 and he     
wounds him1 but is unable to kill him1  
he who had the intent and has wounded   
him is not to be pitied--he deserves no 
consideration1 but should be regarded as
 a murderer and be tried for murder4    
,still having respect to the fortune    
which has in a manner favoured him1 and 

to the providence which in pity to him  
and to the wounded man saved the one    
from a fatal blow1 and the other from an
 accursed fate and calamity--as a       
thank-offering to this deity1 and in    
order not to oppose his will--in such a 
case the law will remit the punishment  
of death1 and only compel the offender  
to emigrate to a neighbouring city for  
the rest of his life1 where he shall    
remain in the enjoyment of all his      
possessions4 ,but if he have injured the
 wounded man1 he shall make such        
compensation for the injury as the court
 deciding the cause shall assess1 and   
the same judges shall decide who would  
have decided if the man had died of his 
wounds4 ,and if a child intentionally   
wound his parents1 or a servant his     
master1 death shall be the penalty4 ,and
 if a brother or a sister intentionally 
wound a brother or a sister1 and is     
found guilty1 death shall be the        
penalty4 ,and if a husband wound a wife1
 or a wife a husband1 with intent to    

kill1 let him or her undergo perpetual  
exile2 if they have sons or daughters   
who are still young1 the guardians shall
 take care of their property1 and have  
charge of the children as orphans4 ,if  
their sons are grown up1 they shall be  
under no obligation to support the      
exiled parent1 but they shall possess   
the property themselves4 ,and if he who 
meets with such a misfortune has no     
children1 the kindred of the exiled man 
to the degree of sons of cousins1 both  
on the male and female side1 shall meet 
together1 and after taking counsel with 
the guardians of the law and the        
priests1 shall appoint a #ejdjth citizen
 to be the heir of the house1           
considering and reasoning that no house 
of all the #ejdj belongs to the         
inhabitant or to the whole family1 but  
is the public and private property of   
the state4 ,now the state should seek to
 have its houses as holy and happy as   
possible4 ,and if any one of the houses 
be unfortunate1 and stained with        

impiety1 and the owner leave no         
posterity1 but dies unmarried1 or       
married and childless1 having suffered  
death as the penalty of murder or some  
other crime committed against the ,gods 
or against his fellow-citizens1 of which
 death is the penalty distinctly laid   
down in the law2 or if any of the       
citizens be in perpetual exile1 and also
 childless1 that house shall first of   
all be purified and undergo expiation   
according to law2 and then let the      
kinsmen of the house1 as we were just   
now saying1 and the guardians of the    
law1 meet and consider what family there
 is in the state which is of the highest
 repute for virtue and also for good    
fortune1 in which there are a number of 
sons2 from that family let them take one
 and introduce him to the father and    
forefathers of the dead man as their    
son1 and1 for the sake of the omen1 let 
him be called so1 that he may be the    
continuer of their family1 the keeper of
 their hearth1 and the minister of their

 sacred rites with better fortune than  
his father had2 and when they have made 
this supplication1 they shall make him  
heir according to law1 and the offending
 person they shall leave nameless and   
childless and portionless when          
calamities such as these overtake him4  
,now the boundaries of some things do   
not touch one another1 but there is a   
borderland which comes in between1      
preventing them from touching4 ,and we  
were saying that actions done from      
passion are of this nature1 and come in 
between the voluntary and involuntary4  
,if a person be convicted of having     
inflicted wounds in a passion1 in the   
first place he shall pay twice the      
amount of the injury1 if the wound be   
curable1 or1 if incurable1 four times   
the amount of the injury2 or if the     
wound be curable1 and at the same time  
cause great and notable disgrace to the 
wounded person1 he shall pay fourfold4  
,and whenever any one in wounding       
another injures not only the sufferer1  

but also the city1 and makes him        
incapable of defending his country      
against the enemy1 he1 besides the other
 penalties1 shall pay a penalty for the 
loss which the state has incurred4 ,and 
the penalty shall be1 that in addition  
to his own times of service1 he shall   
serve on behalf of the disabled person1 
and shall take his place in war2 or1 if 
he refuse1 he shall be liable to be     
convicted by law of refusal to serve4   
,the compensation for the injury1       
whether to be twofold or threefold or   
fourfold1 shall be fixed by the judges  
who convict him4 ,and if1 in like       
manner1 a brother wounds a brother1 the 
parents and kindred of either sex1      
including the children of cousins1      
whether on the male or female side1     
shall meet1 and when they have judged   
the cause1 they shall entrust the       
assessment of damages to the parents1 as
 is natural2 and if the estimate be     
disputed1 then the kinsmen on the male  
side shall make the estimate1 or if they

 cannot1 they shall commit the matter to
 the guardians of the law4 ,and when    
similar charges of wounding are brought 
by children against their parents1 those
 who are more than sixty years of age1  
having children of their own1 not       
adopted1 shall be required to decide2   
and if any one is convicted1 they shall 
determine whether he or she ought to    
die1 or suffer some other punishment    
either greater than death1 or1 at any   
rate1 not much less4 ,a kinsman of the  
offender shall not be allowed to judge  
the cause1 not even if he be of the age 
which is prescribed by the law4 ,if a   
slave in a fit of anger wound a freeman1
 the owner of the slave shall give him  
up to the wounded man1 who may do as he 
pleases with him1 and if he do not give 
him up he shall himself make good the   
injury4 ,and if any one says that the   
slave and the wounded man are conspiring
 together1 let him argue the point1 and 
if he is cast1 he shall pay for the     
wrong three times over1 but if he gains 

his case1 the freeman who conspired with
 the slave shall be liable to an action 
for kidnapping4 ,and if any one         
unintentionally wounds another he shall 
simply pay for the harm1 for no         
legislator is able to control chance4   
,in such a case the judges shall be the 
same as those who are appointed in the  
case of children suing their parents2   
and they shall estimate the amount of   
the injury4  ,all the preceding injuries
 and every kind of assault are deeds of 
violence2 and every man1 woman1 or child
 ought to consider that the elder has   
the precedence of the younger in honour1
 both among the ,gods and also among men
 who would live in security and         
happiness4 ,wherefore it is a foul thing
 and hateful to the ,gods to see an     
elder man assaulted by a younger in the 
city1 and it is reasonable that a young 
man when struck by an elder should      
lightly endure his anger1 laying up in  
store for himself a like honour when he 
is old4 ,let this be the law3 ,every one

 shall reverence his elder in word and  
deed2 he shall respect any one who is   
twenty years older than himself1 whether
 male or female1 regarding him or her as
 his father or mother2 and he shall     
abstain from laying hands on any one who
 is of an age to have been his father or
 mother1 out of reverence to the ,gods  
who preside over birth2 similarly he    
shall keep his hands from a stranger1   
whether he be an old inhabitant or newly
 arrived2 he shall not venture to       
correct such an one by blows1 either as 
the aggressor or in self-defence4 ,if he
 thinks that some stranger has struck   
him out of wantonness or insolence1 and 
ought to be punished1 he shall take him 
to the wardens of the city1 but let him 
not strike him1 that the stranger may be
 kept far away from the possibility of  
lifting up his hand against a citizen1  
and let the wardens of the city take the
 offender and examine him1 not          
forgetting their duty to the ,god of    
,strangers1 and in case the stranger    

appears to have struck the citizen      
unjustly1 let them inflict upon him as  
many blows with the scourge as he was   
himself inflicted1 and quell his        
presumption4 ,but if he be innocent1    
they shall threaten and rebuke the man  
who arrested him1 and let them both go4 
,if a person strikes another of the same
 age or somewhat older than himself1 who
 has no children1 whether he be an old  
man who strikes an old man or a young   
man who strikes a young man1 let the    
person struck defend himself in the     
natural way without a weapon and with   
his hands only4 ,he who1 being more than
 forty years of age1 dares to fight with
 another1 whether he be the aggressor or
 in self-defence1 shall be regarded as  
rude and ill-mannered and slavish--this 
will be a disgraceful punishment1 and   
therefore suitable to him4 ,the obedient
 nature will readily yield to such      
exhortations1 but the disobedient1 who  
heeds not the prelude1 shall have the   
law ready for him3 ,if any man smite    

another who is older than himself1      
either by twenty or by more years1 in   
the first place1 he who is at hand1 not 
being younger than the combatants1 nor  
their equal in age1 shall separate them1
 or be disgraced according to law2 but  
if he be the equal in age of the person 
who is struck or younger1 he shall      
defend the person injured as he would a 
brother or father or still older        
relative4 ,further1 let him who dares to
 smite an elder be tried for assault1 as
 ,i have said1 and if he be found       
guilty1 let him be imprisoned for a     
period of not less than a year1 or if   
the judges approve of a longer period1  
their decision shall be final4 ,but if a
 stranger or metic smite one who is     
older by twenty years or more1 the same 
law shall hold about the bystanders     
assisting1 and he who is found guilty in
 such a suit1 if he be a stranger but   
not resident1 shall be imprisoned during
 a period of two years2 and a metic who 
disobeys the laws shall be imprisoned   

for three years1 unless the court assign
 him a longer term4 ,and let him who was
 present in any of these cases and did  
not assist according to law be punished1
 if he be of the highest class1 by      
paying a fine of a mina2 or if he be of 
the second class1 of fifty drachmas2 or 
if of the third class1 by a fine of     
thirty drachmas2 or if he be of the     
fourth class1 by a fine of twenty       
drachmas2 and the generals and taxiarchs
 and phylarchs and hipparchs shall form 
the court in such cases4  ,laws are     
partly framed for the sake of good men1 
in order to instruct them how they may  
live on friendly terms with one another1
 and partly for the sake of those who   
refuse to be instructed1 whose spirit   
cannot be subdued1 or softened1 or      
hindered from plunging into evil4 ,these
 are the persons who cause the word to  
be spoken which ,i am about to utter2   
for them the legislator legislates of   
necessity1 and in the hope that there   
may be no need of his laws4 ,he who     

shall dare to lay violent hands upon his
 father or mother1 or any still older   
relative1 having no fear either of the  
wrath of the ,gods above1 or of the     
punishments that are spoken of in the   
world below1 but transgresses in        
contempt of ancient and universal       
traditions as though he were too wise to
 believe in them1 requires some extreme 
measure of prevention4 ,now death is not
 the worst that can happen to men2 far  
worse are the punishments which are said
 to pursue them in the world below4 ,but
 although they are most true tales1 they
 work on such souls no prevention2 for  
if they had any effect there would be no
 slayers of mothers1 or impious hands   
lifted up against parents2 and therefore
 the punishments of this world which are
 inflicted during life ought not in such
 cases to fall short1 if possible1 of   
the terrors of the world below4 ,let our
 enactment then be as follows3 ,if a man
 dare to strike his father or his       
mother1 or their fathers or mothers1 he 

being at the time of sound mind1 then   
let any one who is at hand come to the  
rescue as has been already said1 and the
 metic or stranger who comes to the     
rescue shall be called to the first     
place in the games2 but if he do not    
come he shall suffer the punishment of  
perpetual exile4 ,he who is not a metic1
 if he comes to the rescue1 shall have  
praise1 and if he do not come1 blame4   
,and if a slave come to the rescue1 let 
him be made free1 but if he do not come 
to the rescue1 let him receive #ajj     
strokes of the whip1 by order of the    
wardens of the agora1 if the occurrence 
take place in the agora2 or if somewhere
 in the city beyond the limits of the   
agora1 any warden of the city who is in 
residence shall punish him2 or if in the
 country1 then the commanders of the    
wardens of the country4 ,if those who   
are near at the time be inhabitants of  
the same place1 whether they be youths1 
or men1 or women1 let them come to the  
rescue and denounce him as the impious  

one2 and he who does not come to the    
rescue shall fall under the curse of    
,zeus1 the ,god of kindred and of       
ancestors1 according to law4 ,and if any
 one is found guilty of assaulting a    
parent1 let him in the first place be   
forever banished from the city into the 
country1 and let him abstain from the   
temples2 and if he do not abstain1 the  
wardens of the country shall punish him 
with blows1 or in any way which they    
please1 and if he return he shall be put
 to death4 ,and if any freeman eat or   
drink1 or have any other sort of        
intercourse with him1 or only meeting   
him have voluntarily touched him1 he    
shall not enter into any temple1 nor    
into the agora1 nor into the city1 until
 he is purified2 for he should consider 
that he has become tainted by a curse4  
,and if he disobeys the law1 and        
pollutes the city and the temples       
contrary to law1 and one of the         
magistrates sees him and does not indict
 him1 when he gives in his account this 

omission shall be a most serious charge4
  ,if a slave strike a freeman1 whether 
a stranger or a citizen1 let any one who
 is present come to the rescue1 or pay  
the penalty already mentioned2 and let  
the bystanders bind him1 and deliver him
 up to the injured person1 and he       
receiving him shall put him in chains1  
and inflict on him as many stripes as he
 pleases2 but having punished him he    
must surrender him to his master        
according to law1 and not deprive him of
 his property4 ,let the law be as       
follows3 ,the slave who strikes a       
freeman1 not at the command of the      
magistrates1 his owner shall receive    
bound from the man whom he has stricken1
 and not release him until the slave has
 persuaded the man whom he has stricken 
that he ought to be released4 ,and let  
there be the same laws about women in   
relation to women1 and about men and    
women in relation to one another4       
,,book ,x4  ,and now having spoken of   
assaults1 let us sum up all acts of     

violence under a single law1 which shall
 be as follows3 ,no one shall take or   
carry away any of his neighbour's goods1
 neither shall he use anything which is 
his neighbour's without the consent of  
the owner2 for these are the offences   
which are and have been1 and will ever  
be1 the source of all the aforesaid     
evils4 ,the greatest of them are        
excesses and insolences of youth1 and   
are offences against the greatest when  
they are done against religion2 and     
especially great when in violation of   
public and holy rites1 or of the        
partly-common rites in which tribes and 
phratries share2 and in the second      
degree great when they are committed    
against private rites and sepulchres1   
and in the third degree 7not to repeat  
the acts formerly mentioned71 when      
insults are offered to parents2 the     
fourth kind of violence is when any one1
 regardless of the authority of the     
rulers1 takes or carries away or makes  
use of anything which belongs to them1  

not having their consent2 and the fifth 
kind is when the violation of the civil 
rights of an individual demands         
reparation4 ,there should be a common   
law embracing all these cases4 ,for we  
have already said in general terms what 
shall be the punishment of sacrilege1   
whether fraudulent or violent1 and now  
we have to determine what is to be the  
punishment of those who speak or act    
insolently toward the ,gods4 ,but first 
we must give them an admonition which   
may be in the following terms3 ,no one  
who in obedience to the laws believed   
that there were ,gods1 ever             
intentionally did any unholy act1 or    
uttered any unlawful word2 but he who   
did must have supposed one of three     
things--either that they did not        
exist--which is the first possibility1  
or secondly1 that1 if they did1 they    
took no care of man1 or thirdly1 that   
they were easily appeased and turned    
aside from their purpose by sacrifices  
and prayers4  ,,cleinias3 ,what shall we

 say or do to these persons8            
,,athenian3 ,my good friend1 let us     
first hear the jests which ,i suspect   
that they in their superiority will     
utter against us4  ,,cleinias3 ,what    
jests8  ,,athenian3 ,they will make some
 irreverent speech of this sort3 ',o    
inhabitants of ,athens1 and ,sparta1 and
 ,cnosus1' they will reply1 'in that you
 speak truly2 for some of us deny the   
very existence of the ,gods1 while      
others1 as you say1 are of opinion that 
they do not care about us2 and others   
that they are turned from their course  
by gifts4 ,now we have a right to claim1
 as you yourself allowed1 in the matter 
of laws1 that before you are hard upon  
us and threaten us1 you should argue    
with us and convince us--you should     
first attempt to teach and persuade us  
that there are ,gods by reasonable      
evidences1 and also that they are too   
good to be unrighteous1 or to be        
propitiated1 or turned from their course
 by gifts4 ,for when we hear such things

 said of them by those who are esteemed 
to be the best of poets1 and orators1   
and prophets1 and priests1 and by       
innumerable others1 the thoughts of most
 of us are not set upon abstaining from 
unrighteous acts1 but upon doing them   
and atoning for them4 ,when lawgivers   
profess that they are gentle and not    
stern1 we think that they should first  
of all use persuasion to us1 and show us
 the existence of ,gods1 if not in a    
better manner than other men1 at any    
rate in a truer2 and who knows but that 
we shall hearken to you8 ,if then our   
request is a fair one1 please to accept 
our challenge4  ,,cleinias3 ,but is     
there any difficulty in proving the     
existence of the ,gods8  ,,athenian3    
,how would you prove it8  ,,cleinias3   
,how8 ,in the first place1 the earth and
 the sun1 and the stars and the         
universe1 and the fair order of the     
seasons1 and the division of them into  
years and months1 furnish proofs of     
their existence1 and also there is the  

fact that all ,hellenes and barbarians  
believe in them4  ,,athenian3 ,i fear1  
my sweet friend1 though ,i will not say 
that ,i much regard1 the contempt with  
which the profane will be likely to     
assail us4 ,for you do not understand   
the nature of their complaint1 and you  
fancy that they rush into impiety only  
from a love of sensual pleasure4        
,,cleinias3 ,why1 ,stranger1 what other 
reason is there8  ,,athenian3 ,one which
 you who live in a different atmosphere 
would never guess4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is
 it8  ,,athenian3 ,a very grievous sort 
of ignorance which is imagined to be the
 greatest wisdom4  ,,cleinias3 ,what do 
you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,at ,athens there
 are tales preserved in writing which   
the virtue of your state1 as ,i am      
informed1 refuses to admit4 ,they speak 
of the ,gods in prose as well as verse1 
and the oldest of them tell of the      
origin of the heavens and of the world1 
and not far from the beginning of their 
story they proceed to narrate the birth 

of the ,gods1 and how after they were   
born they behaved to one another4       
,whether these stories have in other    
ways a good or a bad influence1 ,i      
should not like to be severe upon them1 
because they are ancient2 but1 looking  
at them with reference to the duties of 
children to their parents1 ,i cannot    
praise them1 or think that they are     
useful1 or at all true4 ,of the words of
 the ancients ,i have nothing more to   
say2 and ,i should wish to say of them  
only what is pleasing to the ,gods4 ,but
 as to our younger generation and their 
wisdom1 ,i cannot let them off when they
 do mischief4 ,for do but mark the      
effect of their words3 when you and ,i  
argue for the existence of the ,gods1   
and produce the sun1 moon1 stars1 and   
earth1 claiming for them a divine being1
 if we would listen to the aforesaid    
philosophers we should say that they are
 earth and stones only1 which can have  
no care at all of human affairs1 and    
that all religion is a cooking up of    

words and a make-believe4  ,,cleinias3  
,one such teacher1 ,o stranger1 would be
 bad enough1 and you imply that there   
are many of them1 which is worse4       
,,athenian3 ,well1 then2 what shall we  
say or do8 ,shall we assume that some   
one is accusing us among unholy men1 who
 are trying to escape from the effect of
 our legislation2 and that they say of  
us--,how dreadful that you should       
legislate on the supposition that there 
are ,gods6 ,shall we make a defence of  
ourselves8 or shall we leave them and   
return to our laws1 lest the prelude    
should become longer than the law8 ,for 
the discourse will certainly extend to  
great length1 if we are to treat the    
impiously disposed as they desire1      
partly demonstrating to them at some    
length the things of which they demand  
an explanation1 partly making them      
afraid or dissatisfied1 and then proceed
 to the requisite enactments4           
,,cleinias3 ,yes1 ,stranger2 but then   
how often have we repeated already that 

on the present occasion there is no     
reason why brevity should be preferred  
to length2 for who is 'at our heels8' as
 the saying goes1 and it would be paltry
 and ridiculous to prefer the shorter to
 the better4 ,it is a matter of no small
 consequence1 in some way or other to   
prove that there are ,gods1 and that    
they are good1 and regard justice more  
than men do4 ,the demonstration of this 
would be the best and noblest prelude of
 all our laws4 ,and therefore1 without  
impatience1 and without hurry1 let us   
unreservedly consider the whole matter1 
summoning up all the power of persuasion
 which we possess4  ,,athenian3 ,seeing 
you thus in earnest1 ,i would fain offer
 up a prayer that ,i may succeed3 but ,i
 must proceed at once4 ,who can be calm 
when he is called upon to prove the     
existence of the ,gods8 ,who can avoid  
hating and abhorring the men who are and
 have been the cause of this argument2  
,i speak of those who will not believe  
the tales which they have heard as babes

 and sucklings from their mothers and   
nurses1 repeated by them both in jest   
and earnest1 like charms1 who have also 
heard them in the sacrificial prayers1  
and seen sights accompanying            
them--sights and sounds delightful to   
children--and their parents during the  
sacrifices showing an intense           
earnestness on behalf of their children 
and of themselves1 and with eager       
interest talking to the ,gods1 and      
beseeching them1 as though they were    
firmly convinced of their existence2 who
 likewise see and hear the prostrations 
and invocations which are made by       
,hellenes and barbarians at the rising  
and setting of the sun and moon1 in all 
the vicissitudes of life1 not as if they
 thought that there were no ,gods1 but  
as if there could be no doubt of their  
existence1 and no suspicion of their    
non-existence2 when men1 knowing all    
these things1 despise them on no real   
grounds1 as would be admitted by all who
 have any particle of intelligence1 and 

when they force us to say what we are   
now saying1 how can any one in gentle   
terms remonstrate with the like of them1
 when he has to begin by proving to them
 the very existence of the ,gods8 ,yet  
the attempt must be made2 for it would  
be unseemly that one half of mankind    
should go mad in their lust of pleasure1
 and the other half in their indignation
 at such persons4 ,our address to these 
lost and perverted natures should not be
 spoken in passion2 let us suppose      
ourselves to select some one of them1   
and gently reason with him1 smothering  
our anger3 ,o my son1 we will say to    
him1 you are young1 and the advance of  
time will make you reverse many of the  
opinions which you now hold4 ,wait      
awhile1 and do not attempt to judge at  
present of the highest things2 and that 
is the highest of which you now think   
nothing--to know the ,gods rightly and  
to live accordingly4 ,and in the first  
place let me indicate to you one point  
which is of great importance1 and about 

which ,i cannot be deceived3 ,you and   
your friends are not the first who have 
held this opinion about the ,gods4      
,there have always been persons more or 
less numerous who have had the same     
disorder4 ,i have known many of them1   
and can tell you1 that no one who had   
taken up in youth this opinion1 that the
 ,gods do not exist1 ever continued in  
the same until he was old2 the two other
 notions certainly do continue in some  
cases1 but not in many2 the notion1 ,i  
mean1 that the ,gods exist1 but take no 
heed of human things1 and the other     
notion that they do take heed of them1  
but are easily propitiated with         
sacrifices and prayers4 ,as to the      
opinion about the ,gods which may some  
day become clear to you1 ,i advise you  
to wait and consider if it be true or   
not2 ask of others1 and above all of the
 legislator4 ,in the meantime take care 
that you do not offend against the      
,gods4 ,for the duty of the legislator  
is and always will be to teach you the  

truth of these matters4  ,,cleinias3    
,our address1 ,stranger1 thus far1 is   
excellent4  ,,athenian3 ,quite true1    
,megillus and ,cleinias1 but ,i am      
afraid that we have unconsciously       
lighted on a strange doctrine4          
,,cleinias3 ,what doctrine do you mean8 
,,athenian3 ,the wisest of all          
doctrines1 in the opinion of many4      
,,cleinias3 ,i wish that you would speak
 plainer4  ,,athenian3 ,the doctrine    
that all things do become1 have become1 
and will become1 some by nature1 some by
 art1 and some by chance4  ,,cleinias3  
,is not that true8  ,,athenian3 ,well1  
philosophers are probably right2 at any 
rate we may as well follow in their     
track1 and examine what is the meaning  
of them and their disciples4            
,,cleinias3 ,by all means4  ,,athenian3 
,they say that the greatest and fairest 
things are the work of nature and of    
chance1 the lesser of art1 which1       
receiving from nature the greater and   
primeval creations1 moulds and fashions 

all those lesser works which are        
generally termed artificial4            
,,cleinias3 ,how is that8  ,,athenian3  
,i will explain my meaning still more   
clearly4 ,they say that fire and water1 
and earth and air1 all exist by nature  
and chance1 and none of them by art1 and
 that as to the bodies which come next  
in order--earth1 and sun1 and moon1 and 
stars--they have been created by means  
of these absolutely inanimate           
existences4 ,the elements are severally 
moved by chance and some inherent force 
according to certain affinities among   
them--of hot with cold1 or of dry with  
moist1 or of soft with hard1 and        
according to all the other accidental   
admixtures of opposites which have been 
formed by necessity4 ,after this fashion
 and in this manner the whole heaven has
 been created1 and all that is in the   
heaven1 as well as animals and all      
plants1 and all the seasons come from   
these elements1 not by the action of    
mind1 as they say1 or of any ,god1 or   

from art1 but as ,i was saying1 by      
nature and chance only4 ,art sprang up  
afterwards and out of these1 mortal and 
of mortal birth1 and produced in play   
certain images and very partial         
imitations of the truth1 having an      
affinity to one another1 such as music  
and painting create and their companion 
arts4 ,and there are other arts which   
have a serious purpose1 and these       
co-operate with nature1 such1 for       
example1 as medicine1 and husbandry1 and
 gymnastic4 ,and they say that politics 
co-operate with nature1 but in a less   
degree1 and have more of art2 also that 
legislation is entirely a work of art1  
and is based on assumptions which are   
not true4  ,,cleinias3 ,how do you mean8
  ,,athenian3 ,in the first place1 my   
dear friend1 these people would say that
 the ,gods exist not by nature1 but by  
art1 and by the laws of states1 which   
are different in different places1      
according to the agreement of those who 
make them2 and that the honourable is   

one thing by nature and another thing by
 law1 and that the principles of justice
 have no existence at all in nature1 but
 that mankind are always disputing about
 them and altering them2 and that the   
alterations which are made by art and by
 law have no basis in nature1 but are of
 authority for the moment and at the    
time at which they are made4 ,these1 my 
friends1 are the sayings of wise men1   
poets and prose writers1 which find a   
way into the minds of youth4 ,they are  
told by them that the highest right is  
might1 and in this way the young fall   
into impieties1 under the idea that the 
,gods are not such as the law bids them 
imagine2 and hence arise factions1 these
 philosophers inviting them to lead a   
true life according to nature1 that is1 
to live in real dominion over others1   
and not in legal subjection to them4    
,,cleinias3 ,what a dreadful picture1   
,stranger1 have you given1 and how great
 is the injury which is thus inflicted  
on young men to the ruin both of states 

and families6  ,,athenian3 ,true1       
,cleinias2 but then what should the     
lawgiver do when this evil is of long   
standing8 should he only rise up in the 
state and threaten all mankind1         
proclaiming that if they will not say   
and think that the ,gods are such as the
 law ordains 7and this may be extended  
generally to the honourable1 the just1  
and to all the highest things1 and to   
all that relates to virtue and vice71   
and if they will not make their actions 
conform to the copy which the law gives 
them1 then he who refuses to obey the   
law shall die1 or suffer stripes and    
bonds1 or privation of citizenship1 or  
in some cases be punished by loss of    
property and exile8 ,should he not      
rather1 when he is making laws for men1 
at the same time infuse the spirit of   
persuasion into his words1 and mitigate 
the severity of them as far as he can8  
,,cleinias3 ,why1 ,stranger1 if such    
persuasion be at all possible1 then a   
legislator who has anything in him ought

 never to weary of persuading men2 he   
ought to leave nothing unsaid in support
 of the ancient opinion that there are  
,gods1 and of all those other truths    
which you were just now mentioning2 he  
ought to support the law and also art1  
and acknowledge that both alike exist by
 nature1 and no less than nature1 if    
they are the creations of mind in       
accordance with right reason1 as you    
appear to me to maintain1 and ,i am     
disposed to agree with you in thinking4 
,,athenian3 ,yes1 my enthusiastic       
,cleinias2 but are not these things when
 spoken to a multitude hard to be       
understood1 not to mention that they    
take up a dismal length of time8        
,,cleinias3 ,why1 ,stranger1 shall we1  
whose patience failed not when drinking 
or music were the themes of discourse1  
weary now of discoursing about the      
,gods1 and about divine things8 ,and the
 greatest help to rational legislation  
is that the laws when once written down 
are always at rest2 they can be put to  

the test at any future time1 and        
therefore1 if on first hearing they seem
 difficult1 there is no reason for      
apprehension about them1 because any man
 however dull can go over them and      
consider them again and again2 nor if   
they are tedious but useful1 is there   
any reason or religion1 as it seems to  
me1 in any man refusing to maintain the 
principles of them to the utmost of his 
power4  ,,megillus3 ,stranger1 ,i like  
what ,cleinias is saying4  ,,athenian3  
,yes1 ,megillus1 and we should do as he 
proposes2 for if impious discourses were
 not scattered1 as ,i may say1          
throughout the world1 there would have  
been no need for any vindication of the 
existence of the ,gods--but seeing that 
they are spread far and wide1 such      
arguments are needed2 and who should    
come to the rescue of the greatest laws1
 when they are being undermined by bad  
men1 but the legislator himself8        
,,megillus3 ,there is no more proper    
champion of them4  ,,athenian3 ,well1   

then1 tell me1 ,cleinias--for ,i must   
ask you to be my partner--does not he   
who talks in this way conceive fire and 
water and earth and air to be the first 
elements of all things8 these he calls  
nature1 and out of these he supposes the
 soul to be formed afterwards2 and this 
is not a mere conjecture of ours about  
his meaning1 but is what he really      
means4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4         
,,athenian3 ,then1 by ,heaven1 we have  
discovered the source of this vain      
opinion of all those physical           
investigators2 and ,i would have you    
examine their arguments with the utmost 
care1 for their impiety is a very       
serious matter2 they not only make a bad
 and mistaken use of argument1 but they 
lead away the minds of others3 that is  
my opinion of them4  ,,cleinias3 ,you   
are right2 but ,i should like to know   
how this happens4  ,,athenian3 ,i fear  
that the argument may seem singular4    
,,cleinias3 ,do not hesitate1 ,stranger2
 ,i see that you are afraid of such a   

discussion carrying you beyond the      
limits of legislation4 ,but if there be 
no other way of showing our agreement in
 the belief that there are ,gods1 of    
whom the law is said now to approve1 let
 us take this way1 my good sir4         
,,athenian3 ,then ,i suppose that ,i    
must repeat the singular argument of    
those who manufacture the soul according
 to their own impious notions2 they     
affirm that which is the first cause of 
the generation and destruction of all   
things1 to be not first1 but last1 and  
that which is last to be first1 and     
hence they have fallen into error about 
the true nature of the ,gods4           
,,cleinias3 ,still ,i do not understand 
you4  ,,athenian3 ,nearly all of them1  
my friends1 seem to be ignorant of the  
nature and power of the soul1 especially
 in what relates to her origin3 they do 
not know that she is among the first of 
things1 and before all bodies1 and is   
the chief author of their changes and   
transpositions4 ,and if this is true1   

and if the soul is older than the body1 
must not the things which are of the    
soul's kindred be of necessity prior to 
those which appertain to the body8      
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,then thought and attention and mind and
 art and law will be prior to that which
 is hard and soft and heavy and light2  
and the great and primitive works and   
actions will be works of art2 they will 
be the first1 and after them will come  
nature and works of nature1 which       
however is a wrong term for men to apply
 to them2 these will follow1 and will be
 under the government of art and mind4  
,,cleinias3 ,but why is the word        
'nature' wrong8  ,,athenian3 ,because   
those who use the term mean to say that 
nature is the first creative power2 but 
if the soul turn out to be the primeval 
element1 and not fire or air1 then in   
the truest sense and beyond other things
 the soul may be said to exist by       
nature2 and this would be true if you   
proved that the soul is older than the  

body1 but not otherwise4  ,,cleinias3   
,you are quite right4  ,,athenian3      
,shall we1 then1 take this as the next  
point to which our attention should be  
directed8  ,,cleinias3 ,by all means4   
,,athenian3 ,let us be on our guard lest
 this most deceptive argument with its  
youthful looks1 beguiling us old men1   
give us the slip and make a             
laughing-stock of us4 ,who knows but we 
may be aiming at the greater1 and fail  
of attaining the lesser8 ,suppose that  
we three have to pass a rapid river1 and
 ,i1 being the youngest of the three and
 experienced in rivers1 take upon me the
 duty of making the attempt first by    
myself2 leaving you in safety on the    
bank1 ,i am to examine whether the river
 is passable by older men like          
yourselves1 and if such appears to be   
the case then ,i shall invite you to    
follow1 and my experience will help to  
convey you across2 but if the river is  
impassable by you1 then there will have 
been no danger to anybody but           

myself--would not that seem to be a very
 fair proposal8 ,i mean to say that the 
argument in prospect is likely to be too
 much for you1 out of your depth and    
beyond your strength1 and ,i should be  
afraid that the stream of my questions  
might create in you who are not in the  
habit of answering1 giddiness and       
confusion of mind1 and hence a feeling  
of unpleasantness and unsuitableness    
might arise4 ,i think therefore that ,i 
had better first ask the questions and  
then answer them myself while you listen
 in safety2 in that way ,i can carry on 
the argument until ,i have completed the
 proof that the soul is prior to the    
body4  ,,cleinias3 ,excellent1          
,stranger1 and ,i hope that you will do 
as you propose4  ,,athenian3 ,come1     
then1 and if ever we are to call upon   
the ,gods1 let us call upon them now in 
all seriousness to come to the          
demonstration of their own existence4   
,and so holding fast to the rope we will
 venture upon the depths of the         

argument4 ,when questions of this sort  
are asked of me1 my safest answer would 
appear to be as follows3 ,some one says 
to me1 ',o ,stranger1 are all things at 
rest and nothing in motion1 or is the   
exact opposite of this true1 or are some
 things in motion and others at rest8'  
,to this ,i shall reply that some things
 are in motion and others at rest4 ',and
 do not things which move move in a     
place1 and are not the things which are 
at rest at rest in a place8' ,certainly4
 ',and some move or rest in one place   
and some in more places than one8' ,you 
mean to say1 we shall rejoin1 that those
 things which rest at the centre move in
 one place1 just as the circumference   
goes round of globes which are said to  
be at rest8 ',yes4' ,and we observe     
that1 in the revolution1 the motion     
which carries round the larger and the  
lesser circle at the same time is       
proportionally distributed to greater   
and smaller1 and is greater and smaller 
in a certain proportion4 ,here is a     

wonder which might be thought an        
impossibility1 that the same motion     
should impart swiftness and slowness in 
due proportion to larger and lesser     
circles4 ',very true4' ,and when you    
speak of bodies moving in many places1  
you seem to me to mean those which move 
from one place to another1 and sometimes
 have one centre of motion and sometimes
 more than one because they turn upon   
their axis2 and whenever they meet      
anything1 if it be stationary1 they are 
divided by it2 but if they get in the   
midst between bodies which are          
approaching and moving towards the same 
spot from opposite directions1 they     
unite with them4 ',i admit the truth of 
what you are saying4' ,also when they   
unite they grow1 and when they are      
divided they waste away--that is1       
supposing the constitution of each to   
remain1 or if that fails1 then there is 
a second reason of their dissolution4   
',and when are all things created and   
how8' ,clearly1 they are created when   

the first principle receives increase   
and attains to the second dimension1 and
 from this arrives at the one which is  
neighbour to this1 and after reaching   
the third becomes perceptible to sense4 
,everything which is thus changing and  
moving is in process of generation2 only
 when at rest has it real existence1 but
 when passing into another state it is  
destroyed utterly4 ,have we not         
mentioned all motions that there are1   
and comprehended them under their kinds 
and numbered them with the exception1 my
 friends1 of two8  ,,cleinias3 ,which   
are they8  ,,athenian3 ,just the two1   
with which our present enquiry is       
concerned4  ,,cleinias3 ,speak plainer4 
,,athenian3 ,i suppose that our enquiry 
has reference to the soul8  ,,cleinias3 
,very true4  ,,athenian3 ,let us assume 
that there is a motion able to move     
other things1 but not to move itself2   
that is one kind2 and there is another  
kind which can move itself as well as   
other things1 working in composition and

 decomposition1 by increase and         
diminution and generation and           
destruction--that is also one of the    
many kinds of motion4  ,,cleinias3      
,granted4  ,,athenian3 ,and we will     
assume that which moves other1 and is   
changed by other1 to be the ninth1 and  
that which changes itself and others1   
and is coincident with every action and 
every passion1 and is the true principle
 of change and motion in all that       
is--that we shall be inclined to call   
the tenth4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4     
,,athenian3 ,and which of these ten     
motions ought we to prefer as being the 
mightiest and most efficient8           
,,cleinias3 ,i must say that the motion 
which is able to move itself is ten     
thousand times superior to all the      
others4  ,,athenian3 ,very good2 but may
 ,i make one or two corrections in what 
,i have been saying8  ,,cleinias3 ,what 
are they8  ,,athenian3 ,when ,i spoke of
 the tenth sort of motion1 that was not 
quite correct4  ,,cleinias3 ,what was   

the error8  ,,athenian3 ,according to   
the true order1 the tenth was really the
 first in generation and power2 then    
follows the second1 which was strangely 
enough termed the ninth by us4          
,,cleinias3 ,what do you mean8          
,,athenian3 ,i mean this3 when one thing
 changes another1 and that another1 of  
such will there be any primary changing 
element8 ,how can a thing which is moved
 by another ever be the beginning of    
change8 ,impossible4 ,but when the      
self-moved changes other1 and that again
 other1 and thus thousands upon tens of 
thousands of bodies are set in motion1  
must not the beginning of all this      
motion be the change of the self-moving 
principle8  ,,cleinias3 ,very true1 and 
,i quite agree4  ,,athenian3 ,or1 to put
 the question in another way1 making    
answer to ourselves3 ,if1 as most of    
these philosophers have the audacity to 
affirm1 all things were at rest in one  
mass1 which of the above-mentioned      
principles of motion would first spring 

up among them8  ,,cleinias3 ,clearly the
 self-moving2 for there could be no     
change in them arising out of any       
external cause2 the change must first   
take place in themselves4  ,,athenian3  
,then we must say that self-motion being
 the origin of all motions1 and the     
first which arises among things at rest 
as well as among things in motion1 is   
the eldest and mightiest principle of   
change1 and that which is changed by    
another and yet moves other is second4  
,,cleinias3 ,quite true4  ,,athenian3   
,at this stage of the argument let us   
put a question4  ,,cleinias3 ,what      
question8  ,,athenian3 ,if we were to   
see this power existing in any earthy1  
watery1 or fiery substance1 simple or   
compound--how should we describe it8    
,,cleinias3 ,you mean to ask whether we 
should call such a self-moving power    
life8  ,,athenian3 ,i do4  ,,cleinias3  
,certainly we should4  ,,athenian3 ,and 
when we see soul in anything1 must we   
not do the same--must we not admit that 

this is life8  ,,cleinias3 ,we must4    
,,athenian3 ,and now1 ,i beseech you1   
reflect--you would admit that we have a 
threefold knowledge of things8          
,,cleinias3 ,what do you mean8          
,,athenian3 ,i mean that we know the    
essence1 and that we know the definition
 of the essence1 and the name--these are
 the three2 and there are two questions 
which may be raised about anything4     
,,cleinias3 ,how two8  ,,athenian3      
,sometimes a person may give the name   
and ask the definition2 or he may give  
the definition and ask the name4 ,i may 
illustrate what ,i mean in this way4    
,,cleinias3 ,how8  ,,athenian3 ,number  
like some other things is capable of    
being divided into equal parts2 when    
thus divided1 number is named 'even1'   
and the definition of the name 'even' is
 'number divisible into two equal       
parts'8  ,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3
 ,i mean1 that when we are asked about  
the definition and give the name1 or    
when we are asked about the name and    

give the definition--in either case1    
whether we give name or definition1 we  
speak of the same thing1 calling 'even' 
the number which is divided into two    
equal parts4  ,,cleinias3 ,quite true4  
,,athenian3 ,and what is the definition 
of that which is named 'soul'8 ,can we  
conceive of any other than that which   
has been already given--the motion which
 can move itself8  ,,cleinias3 ,you mean
 to say that the essence which is       
defined as the self-moved is the same   
with that which has the name soul8      
,,athenian3 ,yes2 and if this is true1  
do we still maintain that there is      
anything wanting in the proof that the  
soul is the first origin and moving     
power of all that is1 or has become1 or 
will be1 and their contraries1 when she 
has been clearly shown to be the source 
of change and motion in all things8     
,,cleinias3 ,certainly not2 the soul as 
being the source of motion1 has been    
most satisfactorily shown to be the     
oldest of all things4  ,,athenian3 ,and 

is not that motion which is produced in 
another1 by reason of another1 but never
 has any self-moving power at all1 being
 in truth the change of an inanimate    
body1 to be reckoned second1 or by any  
lower number which you may prefer8      
,,cleinias3 ,exactly4  ,,athenian3 ,then
 we are right1 and speak the most       
perfect and absolute truth1 when we say 
that the soul is prior to the body1 and 
that the body is second and comes       
afterwards1 and is born to obey the     
soul1 which is the ruler8  ,,cleinias3  
,nothing can be more true4  ,,athenian3 
,do you remember our old admission1 that
 if the soul was prior to the body the  
things of the soul were also prior to   
those of the body8  ,,cleinias3         
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,then          
characters and manners1 and wishes and  
reasonings1 and true opinions1 and      
reflections1 and recollections are prior
 to length and breadth and depth and    
strength of bodies1 if the soul is prior
 to the body4  ,,cleinias3 ,to be sure4 

,,athenian3 ,in the next place1 we must 
not of necessity admit that the soul is 
the cause of good and evil1 base and    
honourable1 just and unjust1 and of all 
other opposites1 if we suppose her to be
 the cause of all things8  ,,cleinias3  
,we must4  ,,athenian3 ,and as the soul 
orders and inhabits all things that     
move1 however moving1 must we not say   
that she orders also the heavens8       
,,cleinias3 ,of course4  ,,athenian3    
,one soul or more8 ,more than one--,i   
will answer for you2 at any rate1 we    
must not suppose that there are less    
than two--one the author of good1 and   
the other of evil4  ,,cleinias3 ,very   
true4  ,,athenian3 ,yes1 very true2 the 
soul then directs all things in heaven1 
and earth1 and sea by her movements1 and
 these are described by the terms--will1
 consideration1 attention1 deliberation1
 opinion true and false1 joy and sorrow1
 confidence1 fear1 hatred1 love1 and    
other primary motions akin to these2    
which again receive the secondary       

motions of corporeal substances1 and    
guide all things to growth and decay1 to
 composition and decomposition1 and to  
the qualities which accompany them1 such
 as heat and cold1 heaviness and        
lightness1 hardness and softness1       
blackness and whiteness1 bitterness and 
sweetness1 and all those other qualities
 which the soul uses1 herself a goddess1
 when truly receiving the divine mind   
she disciplines all things rightly to   
their happiness2 but when she is the    
companion of folly1 she does the very   
contrary of all this4 ,shall we assume  
so much1 or do we still entertain       
doubts8  ,,cleinias3 ,there is no room  
at all for doubt4  ,,athenian3 ,shall we
 say then that it is the soul which     
controls heaven and earth1 and the whole
 world8 that it is a principle of wisdom
 and virtue1 or a principle which has   
neither wisdom nor virtue8 ,suppose that
 we make answer as follows3  ,,cleinias3
 ,how would you answer8  ,,athenian3    
,if1 my friend1 we say that the whole   

path and movement of heaven1 and of all 
that is therein1 is by nature akin to   
the movement and revolution and         
calculation of mind1 and proceeds by    
kindred laws1 then1 as is plain1 we must
 say that the best soul takes care of   
the world and guides it along the good  
path4  ,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3  
,but if the world moves wildly and      
irregularly1 then the evil soul guides  
it4  ,,cleinias3 ,true again4           
,,athenian3 ,of what nature is the      
movement of mind8 ,to this question it  
is not easy to give an intelligent      
answer2 and therefore ,i ought to assist
 you in framing one4  ,,cleinias3 ,very 
good4  ,,athenian3 ,then let us not     
answer as if we would look straight at  
the sun1 making ourselves darkness at   
midday--,i mean as if we were under the 
impression that we could see with mortal
 eyes1 or know adequately the nature of 
mind--it will be safer to look at the   
image only4  ,,cleinias3 ,what do you   
mean8  ,,athenian3 ,let us select of the

 ten motions the one which mind chiefly 
resembles2 this ,i will bring to your   
recollection1 and will then make the    
answer on behalf of us all4  ,,cleinias3
 ,that will be excellent4  ,,athenian3  
,you will surely remember our saying    
that all things were either at rest or  
in motion8  ,,cleinias3 ,i do4          
,,athenian3 ,and that of things in      
motion some were moving in one place1   
and others in more than one8            
,,cleinias3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3 ,of these
 two kinds of motion1 that which moves  
in one place must move about a centre   
like globes made in a lathe1 and is most
 entirely akin and similar to the       
circular movement of mind4  ,,cleinias3 
,what do you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,in     
saying that both mind and the motion    
which is in one place move in the same  
and like manner1 in and about the same1 
and in relation to the same1 and        
according to one proportion and order1  
and are like the motion of a globe1 we  
invented a fair image1 which does no    

discredit to our ingenuity4  ,,cleinias3
 ,it does us great credit4  ,,athenian3 
,and the motion of the other sort which 
is not after the same manner1 nor in the
 same1 nor about the same1 nor in       
relation to the same1 nor in one place1 
nor in order1 nor according to any rule 
or proportion1 may be said to be akin to
 senselessness and folly8  ,,cleinias3  
,that is most true4  ,,athenian3 ,then1 
after what has been said1 there is no   
difficulty in distinctly stating1 that  
since soul carries all things round1    
either the best soul or the contrary    
must of necessity carry round and order 
and arrange the revolution of the       
heaven4  ,,cleinias3 ,and judging from  
what has been said1 ,stranger1 there    
would be impiety in asserting that any  
but the most perfect soul or souls      
carries round the heavens4  ,,athenian3 
,you have understood my meaning right   
well1 ,cleinias1 and now let me ask you 
another question4  ,,cleinias3 ,what are
 you going to ask8  ,,athenian3 ,if the 

soul carries round the sun and moon1 and
 the other stars1 does she not carry    
round each individual of them8          
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,then of one of them let us speak1 and  
the same argument will apply to all4    
,,cleinias3 ,which will you take8       
,,athenian3 ,every one sees the body of 
the sun1 but no one sees his soul1 nor  
the soul of any other body living or    
dead2 and yet there is great reason to  
believe that this nature1 unperceived by
 any of our senses1 is circumfused      
around them all1 but is perceived by    
mind2 and therefore by mind and         
reflection only let us apprehend the    
following point4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is  
that8  ,,athenian3 ,if the soul carries 
round the sun1 we shall not be far wrong
 in supposing one of three alternatives4
  ,,cleinias3 ,what are they8           
,,athenian3 ,either the soul which moves
 the sun this way and that1 resides     
within the circular and visible body1   
like the soul which carries us about    

every way2 or the soul provides herself 
with an external body of fire or air1 as
 some affirm1 and violently propels body
 by body2 or thirdly1 she is without    
such a body1 but guides the sun by some 
extraordinary and wonderful power4      
,,cleinias3 ,yes1 certainly2 the soul   
can only order all things in one of     
these three ways4  ,,athenian3 ,and this
 soul of the sun1 which is therefore    
better than the sun1 whether taking the 
sun about in a chariot to give light to 
men1 or acting from without1 or in      
whatever way1 ought by every man to be  
deemed a ,god4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes1 by    
every man who has the least particle of 
sense4  ,,athenian3 ,and of the stars   
too1 and of the moon1 and of the years  
and months and seasons1 must we not say 
in like manner1 that since a soul or    
souls having every sort of excellence   
are the causes of all of them1 those    
souls are ,gods1 whether they are living
 beings and reside in bodies1 and in    
this way order the whole heaven1 or     

whatever be the place and mode of their 
existence--and will any one who admits  
all this venture to deny that all things
 are full of ,gods8  ,,cleinias3 ,no    
one1 ,stranger1 would be such a madman4 
,,athenian3 ,and now1 ,megillus and     
,cleinias1 let us offer terms to him who
 has hitherto denied the existence of   
the ,gods1 and leave him4  ,,cleinias3  
,what terms8  ,,athenian3 ,either he    
shall teach us that we were wrong in    
saying that the soul is the original of 
all things1 and arguing accordingly2 or1
 if he be not able to say anything      
better1 then he must yield to us and    
live for the remainder of his life in   
the belief that there are ,gods4 ,let us
 see1 then1 whether we have said enough 
or not enough to those who deny that    
there are ,gods4  ,,cleinias3           
,certainly1 quite enough1 ,stranger4    
,,athenian3 ,then to them we will say no
 more4 ,and now we are to address him   
who1 believing that there are ,gods1    
believes also that they take no heed of 

human affairs3 ,to him we say--,o thou  
best of men1 in believing that there are
 ,gods you are led by some affinity to  
them1 which attracts you towards your   
kindred and makes you honour and believe
 in them4 ,but the fortunes of evil and 
unrighteous men in private as well as   
public life1 which1 though not really   
happy1 are wrongly counted happy in the 
judgment of men1 and are celebrated both
 by poets and prose writers--these draw 
you aside from your natural piety4      
,perhaps you have seen impious men      
growing old and leaving their children's
 children in high offices1 and their    
prosperity shakes your faith--you have  
known or heard or been yourself an      
eyewitness of many monstrous impieties1 
and have beheld men by such criminal    
means from small beginnings attaining to
 sovereignty and the pinnacle of        
greatness2 and considering all these    
things you do not like to accuse the    
,gods of them1 because they are your    
relatives2 and so from some want of     

reasoning power1 and also from an       
unwillingness to find fault with them1  
you have come to believe that they exist
 indeed1 but have no thought or care of 
human things4 ,now1 that your present   
evil opinion may not grow to still      
greater impiety1 and that we may if     
possible use arguments which may conjure
 away the evil before it arrives1 we    
will add another argument to that       
originally addressed to him who utterly 
denied the existence of the ,gods4 ,and 
do you1 ,megillus and ,cleinias1 answer 
for the young man as you did before2 and
 if any impediment comes in our way1 ,i 
will take the word out of your mouths1  
and carry you over the river as ,i did  
just now4  ,,cleinias3 ,very good2 do as
 you say1 and we will help you as well  
as we can4  ,,athenian3 ,there will     
probably be no difficulty in proving to 
him that the ,gods care about the small 
as well as about the great4 ,for he was 
present and heard what was said1 that   
they are perfectly good1 and that the   

care of all things is most entirely     
natural to them4  ,,cleinias3 ,no doubt 
he heard that4  ,,athenian3 ,let us     
consider together in the next place what
 we mean by this virtue which we ascribe
 to them4 ,surely we should say that to 
be temperate and to possess mind belongs
 to virtue1 and the contrary to vice8   
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,yes2 and courage is a part of virtue1  
and cowardice of vice8  ,,cleinias3     
,true4  ,,athenian3 ,and the one is     
honourable1 and the other dishonourable8
  ,,cleinias3 ,to be sure4  ,,athenian3 
,and the one1 like other meaner things1 
is a human quality1 but the ,gods have  
no part in anything of the sort8        
,,cleinias3 ,that again is what         
everybody will admit4  ,,athenian3 ,but 
do we imagine carelessness and idleness 
and luxury to be virtues8 ,what do you  
think8  ,,cleinias3 ,decidedly not4     
,,athenian3 ,they rank under the        
opposite class8  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4      
,,athenian3 ,and their opposites1       

therefore1 would fall under the opposite
 class8  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3 
,but are we to suppose that one who     
possesses all these good qualities will 
be luxurious and heedless and idle1 like
 those whom the poet compares to        
stingless drones8  ,,cleinias3 ,and the 
comparison is a most just one4          
,,athenian3 ,surely ,god must not be    
supposed to have a nature which ,he     
,himself hates8 he who dares to say this
 sort of thing must not be tolerated for
 a moment4  ,,cleinias3 ,of course not4 
,how could he have8  ,,athenian3 ,should
 we not on any principle be entirely    
mistaken in praising any one who has    
some special business entrusted to him1 
if he have a mind which takes care of   
great matters and no care of small ones8
 ,reflect2 he who acts in this way1     
whether he be ,god or man1 must act from
 one of two principles4  ,,cleinias3    
,what are they8  ,,athenian3 ,either he 
must think that the neglect of the small
 matters is of no consequence to the    

whole1 or if he knows that they are of  
consequence1 and he neglects them1 his  
neglect must be attributed to           
carelessness and indolence4 ,is there   
any other way in which his neglect can  
be explained8 ,for surely1 when it is   
impossible for him to take care of all1 
he is not negligent if he fails to      
attend to these things great or small1  
which a ,god or some inferior being     
might be wanting in strength or capacity
 to manage8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly not4
  ,,athenian3 ,now1 then1 let us examine
 the offenders1 who both alike confess  
that there are ,gods1 but with a        
difference--the one saying that they may
 be appeased1 and the other that they   
have no care of small matters3 there are
 three of us and two of them1 and we    
will say to them--,in the first place1  
you both acknowledge that the ,gods hear
 and see and know all things1 and that  
nothing can escape them which is matter 
of sense and knowledge3 do you admit    
this8  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4  ,,athenian3   

,and do you admit also that they have   
all power which mortals and immortals   
can have8  ,,cleinias3 ,they will1 of   
course1 admit this also4  ,,athenian3   
,and surely we three and they two--five 
in all--have acknowledged that they are 
good and perfect8  ,,cleinias3          
,assuredly4  ,,athenian3 ,but1 if they  
are such as we conceive them to be1 can 
we possibly suppose that they ever act  
in the spirit of carelessness and       
indolence8 ,for in us inactivity is the 
child of cowardice1 and carelessness of 
inactivity and indolence4  ,,cleinias3  
,most true4  ,,athenian3 ,then not from 
inactivity and carelessness is any ,god 
ever negligent2 for there is no         
cowardice in them4  ,,cleinias3 ,that is
 very true4  ,,athenian3 ,then the      
alternative which remains is1 that if   
the ,gods neglect the lighter and lesser
 concerns of the universe1 they neglect 
them because they know that they ought  
not to care about such matters--what    
other alternative is there but the      

opposite of their knowing8  ,,cleinias3 
,there is none4  ,,athenian3 ,and1 ,o   
most excellent and best of men1 do ,i   
understand you to mean that they are    
careless because they are ignorant1 and 
do not know that they ought to take     
care1 or that they know1 and yet like   
the meanest sort of men1 knowing the    
better1 choose the worse because they   
are overcome by pleasures and pains8    
,,cleinias3 ,impossible4  ,,athenian3   
,do not all human things partake of the 
nature of soul8 ,and is not man the most
 religious of all animals8  ,,cleinias3 
,that is not to be denied4  ,,athenian3 
,and we acknowledge that all mortal     
creatures are the property of the ,gods1
 to whom also the whole of heaven       
belongs8  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4       
,,athenian3 ,and1 therefore1 whether a  
person says that these things are to the
 ,gods great or small--in either case it
 would not be natural for the ,gods who 
own us1 and who are the most careful and
 the best of owners1 to neglect us4     

,there is also a further consideration4 
,,cleinias3 ,what is it8  ,,athenian3   
,sensation and power are in an inverse  
ratio to each other in respect to their 
ease and difficulty4  ,,cleinias3 ,what 
do you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,i mean that  
there is greater difficulty in seeing   
and hearing the small than the great1   
but more facility in moving and         
controlling and taking care of small and
 unimportant things than of their       
opposites4  ,,cleinias3 ,far more4      
,,athenian3 ,suppose the case of a      
physician who is willing and able to    
cure some living thing as a whole--how  
will the whole fare at his hands if he  
takes care only of the greater and      
neglects the parts which are lesser8    
,,cleinias3 ,decidedly not well4        
,,athenian3 ,no better would be the     
result with pilots or generals1 or      
householders or statesmen1 or any other 
such class1 if they neglected the small 
and regarded only the great--as the     
builders say1 the larger stones do not  

lie well without the lesser4            
,,cleinias3 ,of course not4  ,,athenian3
 ,let us not1 then1 deem ,god inferior  
to human workmen1 who1 in proportion to 
their skill1 finish and perfect their   
works1 small as well as great1 by one   
and the same art2 or that ,god1 the     
wisest of beings1 who is both willing   
and able to take care1 is like a lazy   
good-for-nothing1 or a coward1 who turns
 his back upon labour and gives no      
thought to smaller and easier matters1  
but to the greater only4  ,,cleinias3   
,never1 ,stranger1 let us admit a       
supposition about the ,gods which is    
both impious and false4  ,,athenian3 ,i 
think that we have now argued enough    
with him who delights to accuse the     
,gods of neglect4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes4    
,,athenian3 ,he has been forced to      
acknowledge that he is in error1 but he 
still seems to me to need some words of 
consolation4  ,,cleinias3 ,what         
consolation will you offer him8         
,,athenian3 ,let us say to the youth3   

,the ruler of the universe has ordered  
all things with a view to the excellence
 and preservation of the whole1 and each
 part1 as far as may be1 has an action  
and passion appropriate to it4 ,over    
these1 down to the least fraction of    
them1 ministers have been appointed to  
preside1 who have wrought out their     
perfection with infinitesimal exactness4
 ,and one of these portions of the      
universe is thine own1 unhappy man1     
which1 however little1 contributes to   
the whole2 and you do not seem to be    
aware that this and every other creation
 is for the sake of the whole1 and in   
order that the life of the whole may be 
blessed2 and that you are created for   
the sake of the whole1 and not the whole
 for the sake of you4 ,for every        
physician and every skilled artist does 
all things for the sake of the whole1   
directing his effort towards the common 
good1 executing the part for the sake of
 the whole1 and not the whole for the   
sake of the part4 ,and you are annoyed  

because you are ignorant how what is    
best for you happens to you and to the  
universe1 as far as the laws of the     
common creation admit4 ,now1 as the soul
 combining first with one body and then 
with another undergoes all sorts of     
changes1 either of herself1 or through  
the influence of another soul1 all that 
remains to the player of the game is    
that he should shift the pieces2 sending
 the better nature to the better place1 
and the worse to the worse1 and so      
assigning to them their proper portion4 
,,cleinias3 ,in what way do you mean8   
,,athenian3 ,in a way which may be      
supposed to make the care of all things 
easy to the ,gods4 ,if any one were to  
form or fashion all things without any  
regard to the whole--if1 for example1 he
 formed a living element of water out of
 fire1 instead of forming many things   
out of one or one out of many in regular
 order attaining to a first or second or
 third birth1 the transmutation would   
have been infinite2 but now the ruler of

 the world has a wonderfully easy task4 
,,cleinias3 ,how so8  ,,athenian3 ,i    
will explain3 ,when the king saw that   
our actions had life1 and that there was
 much virtue in them and much vice1 and 
that the soul and body1 although not1   
like the ,gods of popular opinion1      
eternal1 yet having once come into      
existence1 were indestructible 7for if  
either of them had been destroyed1 there
 would have been no generation of living
 beings72 and when he observed that the 
good of the soul was ever by nature     
designed to profit men1 and the evil to 
harm them--he1 seeing all this1         
contrived so to place each of the parts 
that their position might in the easiest
 and best manner procure the victory of 
good and the defeat of evil in the      
whole4 ,and he contrived a general plan 
by which a thing of a certain nature    
found a certain seat and room4 ,but the 
formation of qualities he left to the   
wills of individuals4 ,for every one of 
us is made pretty much what he is by the

 bent of his desires and the nature of  
his soul4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes1 that is    
probably true4  ,,athenian3 ,then all   
things which have a soul change1 and    
possess in themselves a principle of    
change1 and in changing move according  
to law and to the order of destiny3     
natures which have undergone a lesser   
change move less and on the earth's     
surface1 but those which have suffered  
more change and have become more        
criminal sink into the abyss1 that is to
 say1 into ,hades and other places in   
the world below1 of which the very names
 terrify men1 and which they picture to 
themselves as in a dream1 both while    
alive and when released from the body4  
,and whenever the soul receives more of 
good or evil from her own energy and the
 strong influence of others--when she   
has communion with divine virtue and    
becomes divine1 she is carried into     
another and better place1 which is      
perfect in holiness2 but when she has   
communion with evil1 then she also      

changes the place of her life4  ',this  
is the justice of the ,gods who inhabit 
,olympus4'  ,o youth or young man1 who  
fancy that you are neglected by the     
,gods1 know that if you become worse you
 shall go to the worse souls1 or if     
better to the better1 and in every      
succession of life and death you will do
 and suffer what like may fitly suffer  
at the hands of like4 ,this is the      
justice of heaven1 which neither you nor
 any other unfortunate will ever glory  
in escaping1 and which the ordaining    
powers have specially ordained2 take    
good heed thereof1 for it will be sure  
to take heed of you4 ,if you say3 ,i am 
small and will creep into the depths of 
the earth1 or ,i am high and will fly up
 to heaven1 you are not so small or so  
high but that you shall pay the fitting 
penalty1 either here or in the world    
below or in some still more savage place
 whither you shall be conveyed4 ,this is
 also the explanation of the fate of    
those whom you saw1 who had done unholy 

and evil deeds1 and from small          
beginnings had grown great1 and you     
fancied that from being miserable they  
had become happy2 and in their actions1 
as in a mirror1 you seemed to see the   
universal neglect of the ,gods1 not     
knowing how they make all things work   
together and contribute to the great    
whole4 ,and thinkest thou1 bold man1    
that thou needest not to know this8 he  
who knows it not can never form any true
 idea of the happiness or unhappiness of
 life or hold any rational discourse    
respecting either4 ,if ,cleinias and    
this our reverend company succeed in    
proving to you that you know not what   
you say of the ,gods1 then will ,god    
help you2 but should you desire to hear 
more1 listen to what we say to the third
 opponent1 if you have any understanding
 whatsoever4 ,for ,i think that we have 
sufficiently proved the existence of the
 ,gods1 and that they care for men3 ,the
 other notion that they are appeased by 
the wicked1 and take gifts1 is what we  

must not concede to any one1 and what   
every man should disprove to the utmost 
of his power4  ,,cleinias3 ,very good2  
let us do as you say4  ,,athenian3      
,well1 then1 by the ,gods themselves ,i 
conjure you to tell me--if they are to  
be propitiated1 how are they to be      
propitiated8 ,who are they1 and what is 
their nature8 ,must they not be at least
 rulers who have to order unceasingly   
the whole heaven8  ,,cleinias3 ,true4   
,,athenian3 ,and to what earthly rulers 
can they be compared1 or who to them8   
,how in the less can we find an image of
 the greater8 ,are they charioteers of  
contending pairs of steeds1 or pilots of
 vessels8 ,perhaps they might be        
compared to the generals of armies1 or  
they might be likened to physicians     
providing against the diseases which    
make war upon the body1 or to husbandmen
 observing anxiously the effects of the 
seasons on the growth of plants2 or     
perhaps to shepherds of flocks4 ,for as 
we acknowledge the world to be full of  

many goods and also of evils1 and of    
more evils than goods1 there is1 as we  
affirm1 an immortal conflict going on   
among us1 which requires marvellous     
watchfulness2 and in that conflict the  
,gods and demigods are our allies1 and  
we are their property4 ,injustice and   
insolence and folly are the destruction 
of us1 and justice and temperance and   
wisdom are our salvation2 and the place 
of these latter is in the life of the   
,gods1 although some vestige of them may
 occasionally be discerned among        
mankind4 ,but upon this earth we know   
that there dwell souls possessing an    
unjust spirit1 who may be compared to   
brute animals1 which fawn upon their    
keepers1 whether dogs or shepherds1 or  
the best and most perfect masters2 for  
they in like manner1 as the voices of   
the wicked declare1 prevail by flattery 
and prayers and incantations1 and are   
allowed to make their gains with        
impunity4 ,and this sin1 which is termed
 dishonesty1 is an evil of the same kind

 as what is termed disease in living    
bodies or pestilence in years or seasons
 of the year1 and in cities and         
governments has another name1 which is  
injustice4  ,,cleinias3 ,quite true4    
,,athenian3 ,what else can he say who   
declares that the ,gods are always      
lenient to the doers of unjust acts1 if 
they divide the spoil with them8 ,as if 
wolves were to toss a portion of their  
prey to the dogs1 and they1 mollified by
 the gift1 suffered them to tear the    
flocks4 ,must not he who maintains that 
the ,gods can be propitiated argue thus8
  ,,cleinias3 ,precisely so4            
,,athenian3 ,and to which of the        
above-mentioned classes of guardians    
would any man compare the ,gods without 
absurdity8 ,will he say that they are   
like pilots1 who are themselves turned  
away from their duty by 'libations of   
wine and the savour of fat1' and at last
 overturn both ship and sailors8        
,,cleinias3 ,assuredly not4  ,,athenian3
 ,and surely they are not like          

charioteers who are bribed to give up   
the victory to other chariots8          
,,cleinias3 ,that would be a fearful    
image of the ,gods4  ,,athenian3 ,nor   
are they like generals1 or physicians1  
or husbandmen1 or shepherds2 and no one 
would compare them to dogs who have been
 silenced by wolves4  ,,cleinias3 ,a    
thing not to be spoken of4  ,,athenian3 
,and are not all the ,gods the chiefest 
of all guardians1 and do they not guard 
our highest interests8  ,,cleinias3     
,yes2 the chiefest4  ,,athenian3 ,and   
shall we say that those who guard our   
noblest interests1 and are the best of  
guardians1 are inferior in virtue to    
dogs1 and to men even of moderate       
excellence1 who would never betray      
justice for the sake of gifts which     
unjust men impiously offer them8        
,,cleinias3 ,certainly not2 nor is such 
a notion to be endured1 and he who holds
 this opinion may be fairly singled out 
and characterized as of all impious men 
the wickedest and most impious4         

,,athenian3 ,then are the three         
assertions--that the ,gods exist1 and   
that they take care of men1 and that    
they can never be persuaded to do       
injustice1 now sufficiently             
demonstrated8 ,may we say that they are8
  ,,cleinias3 ,you have our entire      
assent to your words4  ,,athenian3 ,i   
have spoken with vehemence because ,i am
 zealous against evil men2 and ,i will  
tell you1 dear ,cleinias1 why ,i am so4 
,i would not have the wicked think that1
 having the superiority in argument1    
they may do as they please and act      
according to their various imaginations 
about the ,gods2 and this zeal has led  
me to speak too vehemently2 but if we   
have at all succeeded in persuading the 
men to hate themselves and love their   
opposites1 the prelude of our laws about
 impiety will not have been spoken in   
vain4  ,,cleinias3 ,so let us hope2 and 
even if we have failed1 the style of our
 argument will not discredit the        
lawgiver4  ,,athenian3 ,after the       

prelude shall follow a discourse1 which 
will be the interpreter of the law2 this
 shall proclaim to all impious persons  
that they must depart from their ways   
and go over to the pious4 ,and to those 
who disobey1 let the law about impiety  
be as follows3 ,if a man is guilty of   
any impiety in word or deed1 any one who
 happens to be present shall give       
information to the magistrates1 in aid  
of the law2 and let the magistrates who 
first receive the information bring him 
before the appointed court according to 
the law2 and if a magistrate1 after     
receiving information1 refuses to act1  
he shall be tried for impiety at the    
instance of any one who is willing to   
vindicate the laws2 and if any one be   
cast1 the court shall estimate the      
punishment of each act of impiety2 and  
let all such criminals be imprisoned4   
,there shall be three prisons in the    
state3 the first of them is to be the   
common prison in the neighbourhood of   
the agora for the safe-keeping of the   

generality of offenders2 another is to  
be in the neighbourhood of the nocturnal
 council1 and is to be called the       
',house of ,reformation'2 another1 to be
 situated in some wild and desolate     
region in the centre of the country1    
shall be called by some name expressive 
of retribution4 ,now1 men fall into     
impiety from three causes1 which have   
been already mentioned1 and from each of
 these causes arise two sorts of        
impiety1 in all six1 which are worth    
distinguishing1 and should not all have 
the same punishment4 ,for he who does   
not believe in the ,gods1 and yet has a 
righteous nature1 hates the wicked and  
dislikes and refuses to do injustice1   
and avoids unrighteous men1 and loves   
the righteous4 ,but they who besides    
believing that the world is devoid of   
,gods are intemperate1 and have at the  
same time good memories and quick wits1 
are worse2 although both of them are    
unbelievers1 much less injury is done by
 the one than by the other4 ,the one may

 talk loosely about the ,gods and about 
sacrifices and oaths1 and perhaps by    
laughing at other men he may make them  
like himself1 if he be not punished4    
,but the other who holds the same       
opinions and is called a clever man1 is 
full of stratagem and deceit--men of    
this class deal in prophecy and jugglery
 of all kinds1 and out of their ranks   
sometimes come tyrants and demagogues   
and generals and hierophants of private 
mysteries and the ,sophists1 as they are
 termed1 with their ingenious devices4  
,there are many kinds of unbelievers1   
but two only for whom legislation is    
required2 one the hypocritical sort1    
whose crime is deserving of death many  
times over1 while the other needs only  
bonds and admonition4 ,in like manner   
also the notion that the ,gods take no  
thought of men produces two other sorts 
of crimes1 and the notion that they may 
be propitiated produces two more4       
,assuming these divisions1 let those who
 have been made what they are only from 

want of understanding1 and not from     
malice or an evil nature1 be placed by  
the judge in the ,house of ,reformation1
 and ordered to suffer imprisonment     
during a period of not less than five   
years4 ,and in the meantime let them    
have no intercourse with the other      
citizens1 except with members of the    
nocturnal council1 and with them let    
them converse with a view to the        
improvement of their soul's health4 ,and
 when the time of their imprisonment has
 expired1 if any of them be of sound    
mind let him be restored to sane        
company1 but if not1 and if he be       
condemned a second time1 let him be     
punished with death4 ,as to that class  
of monstrous natures who not only       
believe that there are no ,gods1 or that
 they are negligent1 or to be           
propitiated1 but in contempt of mankind 
conjure the souls of the living and say 
that they can conjure the dead and      
promise to charm the ,gods with         
sacrifices and prayers1 and will utterly

 overthrow individuals and whole houses 
and states for the sake of money--let   
him who is guilty of any of these things
 be condemned by the court to be bound  
according to law in the prison which is 
in the centre of the land1 and let no   
freeman ever approach him1 but let him  
receive the rations of food appointed by
 the guardians of the law from the hands
 of the public slaves2 and when he is   
dead let him be cast beyond the borders 
unburied1 and if any freeman assist in  
burying him1 let him pay the penalty of 
impiety to any one who is willing to    
bring a suit against him4 ,but if he    
leaves behind him children who are fit  
to be citizens1 let the guardians of    
orphans take care of them1 just as they 
would of any other orphans1 from the day
 on which their father is convicted4    
,in all these cases there should be one 
law1 which will make men in general less
 liable to transgress in word or deed1  
and less foolish1 because they will not 
be allowed to practise religious rites  

contrary to law4 ,and let this be the   
simple form of the law3 ,no man shall   
have sacred rites in a private house4   
,when he would sacrifice1 let him go to 
the temples and hand over his offerings 
to the priests and priestesses1 who see 
to the sanctity of such things1 and let 
him pray himself1 and let any one who   
pleases join with him in prayer4 ,the   
reason of this is as follows3 ,gods and 
temples are not easily instituted1 and  
to establish them rightly is the work of
 a mighty intellect4 ,and women         
especially1 and men too1 when they are  
sick or in danger1 or in any sort of    
difficulty1 or again on their receiving 
any good fortune1 have a way of         
consecrating the occasion1 vowing       
sacrifices1 and promising shrines to    
,gods1 demigods1 and sons of ,gods2 and 
when they are awakened by terrible      
apparitions and dreams or remember      
visions1 they find in altars and temples
 the remedies of them1 and will fill    
every house and village with them1      

placing them in the open air1 or        
wherever they may have had such visions2
 and with a view to all these cases we  
should obey the law4 ,the law has also  
regard to the impious1 and would not    
have them fancy that by the secret      
performance of these actions--by raising
 temples and by building altars in      
private houses1 they can propitiate the 
,god secretly with sacrifices and       
prayers1 while they are really          
multiplying their crimes infinitely1    
bringing guilt from heaven upon         
themselves1 and also upon those who     
permit them1 and who are better men than
 they are2 and the consequence is that  
the whole state reaps the fruit of their
 impiety1 which1 in a certain sense1 is 
deserved4 ,assuredly ,god will not blame
 the legislator1 who will enact the     
following law3 ,no one shall possess    
shrines of the ,gods in private houses1 
and he who is found to possess them1 and
 perform any sacred rites not publicly  
authorised--supposing the offender to be

 some man or woman who is not guilty of 
any other great and impious crime--shall
 be informed against by him who is      
acquainted with the fact1 which shall be
 announced by him to the guardians of   
the law2 and let them issue orders that 
he or she shall carry away their private
 rites to the public temples1 and if    
they do not persuade them1 let them     
inflict a penalty on them until they    
comply4 ,and if a person be proven      
guilty of impiety1 not merely from      
childish levity1 but such as grown-up   
men may be guilty of1 whether he have   
sacrificed publicly or privately to any 
,gods1 let him be punished with death1  
for his sacrifice is impure4 ,whether   
the deed has been done in earnest1 or   
only from childish levity1 let the      
guardians of the law determine1 before  
they bring the matter into court and    
prosecute the offender for impiety4     
,,book ,,xi4  ,in the next place1       
dealings between man and man require to 
be suitably regulated4 ,the principle of

 them is very simple3 ,thou shalt not1  
if thou canst help1 touch that which is 
mine1 or remove the least thing which   
belongs to me without my consent2 and   
may ,i be of a sound mind1 and do to    
others as ,i would that they should do  
to me4 ,first1 let us speak of          
treasure-trove3 ,may ,i never pray the  
,gods to find the hidden treasure1 which
 another has laid up for himself and his
 family1 he not being one of my         
ancestors1 nor lift1 if ,i should find1 
such a treasure4 ,and may ,i never have 
any dealings with those who are called  
diviners1 and who in any way or manner  
counsel me to take up the deposit       
entrusted to the earth1 for ,i should   
not gain so much in the increase of my  
possessions1 if ,i take up the prize1 as
 ,i should grow in justice and virtue of
 soul1 if ,i abstain2 and this will be a
 better possession to me than the other 
in a better part of myself2 for the     
possession of justice in the soul is    
preferable to the possession of wealth4 

,and of many things it is well          
said--',move not the immovables1' and   
this may be regarded as one of them4    
,and we shall do well to believe the    
common tradition which says1 that such  
deeds prevent a man from having a       
family4 ,now as to him who is careless  
about having children and regardless of 
the legislator1 taking up that which    
neither he deposited1 nor any ancestor  
of his1 without the consent of the      
depositor1 violating the simplest and   
noblest of laws which was the enactment 
of no mean man3 ',take not up that which
 was not laid down by thee'--of him1 ,i 
say1 who despises these two legislators1
 and takes up1 not some small matter    
which he has not deposited1 but perhaps 
a great heap of treasure1 what he ought 
to suffer at the hands of the ,gods1    
,god only knows2 but ,i would have the  
first person who sees him go and tell   
the wardens of the city1 if the         
occurrence has taken place in the city1 
or if the occurrence has taken place in 

the agora he shall tell the wardens of  
the agora1 or if in the country he shall
 tell the wardens of the country and    
their commanders4 ,when information has 
been received the city shall send to    
,delphi1 and1 whatever the ,god answers 
about the money and the remover of the  
money1 that the city shall do in        
obedience to the oracle2 the informer1  
if he be a freeman1 shall have the      
honour of doing rightly1 and he who     
informs not1 the dishonour of doing     
wrongly2 and if he be a slave who gives 
information1 let him be freed1 as he    
ought to be1 by the state1 which shall  
give his master the price of him2 but if
 he do not inform he shall be punished  
with death4 ,next in order shall follow 
a similar law1 which shall apply equally
 to matters great and small3 ,if a man  
happens to leave behind him some part of
 his property1 whether intentionally or 
unintentionally1 let him who may come   
upon the left property suffer it to     
remain1 reflecting that such things are 

under the protection of the ,goddess of 
ways1 and are dedicated to her by the   
law4 ,but if any one defies the law1 and
 takes the property home with him1 let  
him1 if the thing is of little worth1   
and the man who takes it a slave1 be    
beaten with many stripes by him who     
meets him1 being a person of not less   
than thirty years of age4 ,or if he be a
 freeman1 in addition to being thought a
 mean person and a despiser of the laws1
 let him pay ten times the value of the 
treasure which he has moved to the      
leaver4 ,and if some one accuses another
 of having anything which belongs to    
him1 whether little or much1 and the    
other admits that he has this thing1 but
 denies that the property in dispute    
belongs to the other1 if the property be
 registered with the magistrates        
according to law1 the claimant shall    
summon the possessor1 who shall bring it
 before the magistrates2 and when it is 
brought into court1 if it be registered 
in the public registers1 to which of the

 litigants it belonged1 let him take it 
and go his way4 ,or if the property be  
registered as belonging to some one who 
is not present1 whoever will offer      
sufficient surety on behalf of the      
absent person that he will give it up to
 him1 shall take it away as the         
representative of the other4 ,but if the
 property which is deposited be not     
registered with the magistrates1 let it 
remain until the time of trial with     
three of the eldest of the magistrates2 
and if it be an animal which is         
deposited1 then he who loses the suit   
shall pay the magistrates for its keep1 
and they shall determine the cause      
within three days4  ,any one who is of  
sound mind may arrest his own slave1 and
 do with him whatever he will of such   
things as are lawful2 and he may arrest 
the runaway slave of any of his friends 
or kindred with a view to his           
safe-keeping4 ,and if any one takes away
 him who is being carried off as a      
slave1 intending to liberate him1 he who

 is carrying him off shall let him go2  
but he who takes him away shall give    
three sufficient sureties2 and if he    
give them1 and not without giving them1 
he may take him away1 but if he take him
 away after any other manner he shall be
 deemed guilty of violence1 and being   
convicted shall pay as a penalty double 
the amount of the damages claimed to him
 who has been deprived of the slave4    
,any man may also carry off a freedman1 
if he do not pay respect or sufficient  
respect to him who freed him4 ,now the  
respect shall be1 that the freedman go  
three times in the month to the hearth  
of the person who freed him1 and offer  
to do whatever he ought1 so far as he   
can2 and he shall agree to make such a  
marriage as his former master approves4 
,he shall not be permitted to have more 
property than he who gave him liberty1  
and what more he has shall belong to his
 master4 ,the freedman shall not remain 
in the state more than twenty years1 but
 like other foreigners shall go away1   

taking his entire property with him1    
unless he has the consent of the        
magistrates and of his former master to 
remain4 ,if a freedman or any other     
stranger has a property greater than the
 census of the third class1 at the      
expiration of thirty days from the day  
on which this comes to pass1 he shall   
take that which is his and go his way1  
and in this case he shall not be allowed
 to remain any longer by the            
magistrates4 ,and if any one disobeys   
this regulation1 and is brought into    
court and convicted1 he shall be        
punished with death1 and his property   
shall be confiscated4 ,suits about these
 matters shall take place before the    
tribes1 unless the plaintiff and        
defendant have got rid of the accusation
 either before their neighbours or      
before judges chosen by them4 ,if a man 
lay claim to any animal or anything else
 which he declares to be his1 let the   
possessor refer to the seller or to some
 honest and trustworthy person1 who has 

given1 or in some legitimate way made   
over the property to him2 if he be a    
citizen or a metic1 sojourning in the   
city1 within thirty days1 or1 if the    
property have been delivered to him by a
 stranger1 within five months1 of which 
the middle month shall include the      
summer solstice4 ,when goods are        
exchanged by selling and buying1 a man  
shall deliver them1 and receive the     
price of them1 at a fixed place in the  
agora1 and have done with the matter2   
but he shall not buy or sell anywhere   
else1 nor give credit4 ,and if in any   
other manner or in any other place there
 be an exchange of one thing for        
another1 and the seller give credit to  
the man who buys from him1 he must do   
this on the understanding that the law  
gives no protection in cases of things  
sold not in accordance with these       
regulations4 ,again1 as to              
contributions1 any man who likes may go 
about collecting contributions as a     
friend among friends1 but if any        

difference arises about the collection1 
he is to act on the understanding that  
the law gives no protection in such     
cases4 ,he who sells anything above the 
value of fifty drachmas shall be        
required to remain in the city for ten  
days1 and the purchaser shall be        
informed of the house of the seller1    
with a view to the sort of charges which
 are apt to arise in such cases1 and the
 restitutions which the law allows4 ,and
 let legal restitution be on this wise3 
,if a man sells a slave who is in a     
consumption1 or who has the disease of  
the stone1 or of strangury1 or epilepsy1
 or some other tedious and incurable    
disorder of body or mind1 which is not  
discernible to the ordinary man1 if the 
purchaser be a physician or trainer1 he 
shall have no right of restitution2 nor 
shall there be any right of restitution 
if the seller has told the truth        
beforehand to the buyer4 ,but if a      
skilled person sells to another who is  
not skilled1 let the buyer appeal for   

restitution within six months1 except in
 the case of epilepsy1 and then the     
appeal may be made within a year4 ,the  
cause shall be determined by such       
physicians as the parties may agree to  
choose2 and the defendant1 if he lose   
the suit1 shall pay double the price at 
which he sold4 ,if a private person sell
 to another private person1 he shall    
have the right of restitution1 and the  
decision shall be given as before1 but  
the defendant1 if he be cast1 shall only
 pay back the price of the slave4 ,if a 
person sells a homicide to another1 and 
they both know of the fact1 let there be
 no restitution in such a case1 but if  
he do not know of the fact1 there shall 
be a right of restitution1 whenever the 
buyer makes the discovery2 and the      
decision shall rest with the five       
youngest guardians of the law1 and if   
the decision be that the seller was     
cognisant of the fact1 he shall purify  
the house of the purchaser1 according to
 the law of the interpreters1 and shall 

pay back three times the purchase-money4
  ,if a man exchanges either money for  
money1 or anything whatever for anything
 else1 either with or without life1 let 
him give and receive them genuine and   
unadulterated1 in accordance with the   
law4 ,and let us have a prelude about   
all this sort of roguery1 like the      
preludes of our other laws4 ,every man  
should regard adulteration as of one and
 the same class with falsehood and      
deceit1 concerning which the many are   
too fond of saying that at proper times 
and places the practice may often be    
right4 ,but they leave the occasion1 and
 the when1 and the where1 undefined and 
unsettled1 and from this want of        
definiteness in their language they do a
 great deal of harm to themselves and to
 others4 ,now a legislator ought not to 
leave the matter undetermined2 he ought 
to prescribe some limit1 either greater 
or less4 ,let this be the rule          
prescribed3 ,no one shall call the ,gods
 to witness1 when he says or does       

anything false or deceitful or          
dishonest1 unless he would be the most  
hateful of mankind to them4 ,and he is  
most hateful to them who takes a false  
oath1 and pays no heed to the ,gods2 and
 in the next degree1 he who tells a     
falsehood in the presence of his        
superiors4 ,now better men are the      
superiors of worse men1 and in general  
elders are the superiors of the young2  
wherefore also parents are the superiors
 of their offspring1 and men of women   
and children1 and rulers of their       
subjects2 for all men ought to reverence
 any one who is in any position of      
authority1 and especially those who are 
in state offices4 ,and this is the      
reason why ,i have spoken of these      
matters4 ,for every one who is guilty of
 adulteration in the agora tells a      
falsehood1 and deceives1 and when he    
invokes the ,gods1 according to the     
customs and cautions of the wardens of  
the agora1 he does but swear without any
 respect for ,god or man4 ,certainly1 it

 is an excellent rule not lightly to    
defile the names of the ,gods1 after the
 fashion of men in general1 who care    
little about piety and purity in their  
religious actions4 ,but if a man will   
not conform to this rule1 let the law be
 as follows3 ,he who sells anything in  
the agora shall not ask two prices for  
that which he sells1 but he shall ask   
one price1 and if he do not obtain this1
 he shall take away his goods2 and on   
that day he shall not value them either 
at more or less2 and there shall be no  
praising of any goods1 or oath taken    
about them4 ,if a person disobeys this  
command1 any citizen who is present1 not
 being less than thirty years of age1   
may with impunity chastise and beat the 
swearer1 but if instead of obeying the  
laws he takes no heed1 he shall be      
liable to the charge of having betrayed 
them4 ,if a man sells any adulterated   
goods and will not obey these           
regulations1 he who knows and can prove 
the fact1 and does prove it in the      

presence of the magistrates1 if he be a 
slave or a metic1 shall have the        
adulterated goods2 but if he be a       
citizen1 and do not pursue the charge1  
he shall be called a rogue1 and deemed  
to have robbed the ,gods of the agora2  
or if he proves the charge1 he shall    
dedicate the goods to the ,gods of the  
agora4 ,he who is proved to have sold   
any adulterated goods1 in addition to   
losing the goods themselves1 shall be   
beaten with stripes--a stripe for a     
drachma1 according to the price of the  
goods2 and the herald shall proclaim in 
the agora the offence for which he is   
going to be beaten4 ,the wardens of the 
agora and the guardians of the law shall
 obtain information from experienced    
persons about the rogueries and         
adulterations of the sellers1 and shall 
write up what the seller ought and ought
 not to do in each case2 and let them   
inscribe their laws on a column in front
 of the court of the wardens of the     
agora1 that they may be clear           

instructors of those who have business  
in the agora4 ,enough has been said in  
what has preceded about the wardens of  
the city1 and if anything seems to be   
wanting1 let them communicate with the  
guardians of the law1 and write down the
 omission1 and place on a column in the 
court of the wardens of the city the    
primary and secondary regulations which 
are laid down for them about their      
office4  ,after the practices of        
adulteration naturally follow the       
practices of retail trade4 ,concerning  
these1 we will first of all give a word 
of counsel and reason1 and the law shall
 come afterwards4 ,retail trade in a    
city is not by nature intended to do any
 harm1 but quite the contrary2 for is   
not he a benefactor who reduces the     
inequalities and incommensurabilities of
 goods to equality and common measure8  
,and this is what the power of money    
accomplishes1 and the merchant may be   
said to be appointed for this purpose4  
,the hireling and the tavern-keeper1 and

 many other occupations1 some of them   
more and others less seemly--all alike  
have this object--they seek to satisfy  
our needs and equalize our possessions4 
,let us then endeavour to see what has  
brought retail trade into ill-odour1 and
 wherein lies the dishonour and         
unseemliness of it1 in order that if not
 entirely1 we may yet partially1 cure   
the evil by legislation4 ,to effect this
 is no easy matter1 and requires a great
 deal of virtue4  ,,cleinias3 ,what do  
you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,dear ,cleinias1 
the class of men is small--they must    
have been rarely gifted by nature1 and  
trained by education--who1 when assailed
 by wants and desires1 are able to hold 
out and observe moderation1 and when    
they might make a great deal of money   
are sober in their wishes1 and prefer a 
moderate to a large gain4 ,but the mass 
of mankind are the very opposite3 their 
desires are unbounded1 and when they    
might gain in moderation they prefer    
gains without limit2 wherefore all that 

relates to retail trade1 and            
merchandise1 and the keeping of taverns1
 is denounced and numbered among        
dishonourable things4 ,for if what ,i   
trust may never be and will not be1 we  
were to compel1 if ,i may venture to say
 a ridiculous thing1 the best men       
everywhere to keep taverns for a time1  
or carry on retail trade1 or do anything
 of that sort2 or if1 in consequence of 
some fate or necessity1 the best women  
were compelled to follow similar        
callings1 then we should know how       
agreeable and pleasant all these things 
are2 and if all such occupations were   
managed on incorrupt principles1 they   
would be honoured as we honour a mother 
or a nurse4 ,but now that a man goes to 
desert places and builds houses which   
can only be reached by long journeys1   
for the sake of retail trade1 and       
receives strangers who are in need at   
the welcome resting-place1 and gives    
them peace and calm when they are tossed
 by the storm1 or cool shade in the     

heat2 and then instead of behaving to   
them as friends1 and showing the duties 
of hospitality to his guests1 treats    
them as enemies and captives who are at 
his mercy1 and will not release them    
until they have paid the most unjust1   
abominable1 and extortionate            
ransom--these are the sort of practises1
 and foul evils they are1 which cast a  
reproach upon the succour of adversity4 
,and the legislator ought always to be  
devising a remedy for evils of this     
nature4 ,there is an ancient saying1    
which is also a true one--',to fight    
against two opponents is a difficult    
thing1' as is seen in diseases and in   
many other cases4 ,and in this case also
 the war is against two enemies--wealth 
and poverty2 one of whom corrupts the   
soul of man with luxury1 while the other
 drives him by pain into utter          
shamelessness4 ,what remedy can a city  
of sense find against this disease8 ,in 
the first place1 they must have as few  
retail traders as possible2 and in the  

second place1 they must assign the      
occupation to that class of men whose   
corruption will be the least injury to  
the state2 and in the third place1 they 
must devise some way whereby the        
followers of these occupations          
themselves will not readily fall into   
habits of unbridled shamelessness and   
meanness4  ,after this preface let our  
law run as follows1 and may fortune     
favour us3 ,no landowner among the      
,magnetes1 whose city the ,god is       
restoring and resettling--no one1 that  
is1 of the #ejdj families1 shall become 
a retail trader either voluntarily or   
involuntarily2 neither shall he be a    
merchant1 or do any service for private 
persons unless they equally serve him1  
except for his father or his mother1 and
 their fathers and mothers2 and in      
general for his elders who are freemen1 
and whom he serves as a freeman4 ,now it
 is difficult to determine accurately   
the things which are worthy or unworthy 
of a freeman1 but let those who have    

obtained the prize of virtue give       
judgment about them in accordance with  
their feelings of right and wrong4 ,he  
who in any way shares in the            
illiberality of retail trades may be    
indicted for dishonouring his race by   
any one who likes1 before those who have
 been judged to be the first in virtue2 
and if he appear to throw dirt upon his 
father's house by an unworthy           
occupation1 let him be imprisoned for a 
year and abstain from that sort of      
thing2 and if he repeat the offence1 for
 two years2 and every time that he is   
convicted let the length of his         
imprisonment be doubled4 ,this shall be 
the second law3 ,he who engages in      
retail trade must be either a metic or a
 stranger4 ,and a third law shall be3   
,in order that the retail trader who    
dwells in our city may be as good or as 
little bad as possible1 the guardians of
 the law shall remember that they are   
not only guardians of those who may be  
easily watched and prevented from       

becoming lawless or bad1 because they   
are well-born and bred2 but still more  
should they have a watch over those who 
are of another sort1 and follow pursuits
 which have a very strong tendency to   
make men bad4 ,and1 therefore1 in       
respect of the multifarious occupations 
of retail trade1 that is to say1 in     
respect of such of them as are allowed  
to remain1 because they seem to be quite
 necessary in a state--about these the  
guardians of the law should meet and    
take counsel with those who have        
experience of the several kinds of      
retail trade1 as we before commanded    
concerning adulteration 7which is a     
matter akin to this71 and when they meet
 they shall consider what amount of     
receipts1 after deducting expenses1 will
 produce a moderate gain to the retail  
trades1 and they shall fix in writing   
and strictly maintain what they find to 
be the right percentage of profit2 this 
shall be seen to by the wardens of the  
agora1 and by the wardens of the city1  

and by the wardens of the country4 ,and 
so retail trade will benefit every one1 
and do the least possible injury to     
those in the state who practise it4     
,when a man makes an agreement which he 
does not fulfil1 unless the agreement be
 of a nature which the law or a vote of 
the assembly does not allow1 or which he
 has made under the influence of some   
unjust compulsion1 or which he is       
prevented from fulfilling against his   
will by some unexpected chance1 the     
other party may go to law with him in   
the courts of the tribes1 for not having
 completed his agreement1 if the parties
 are not able previously to come to     
terms before arbiters or before their   
neighbours4 ,the class of craftsmen who 
have furnished human life with the arts 
is dedicated to ,hephaestus and ,athene2
 and there is a class of craftsmen who  
preserve the works of all craftsmen by  
arts of defence1 the votaries of ,ares  
and ,athene1 to which divinities they   
too are rightly dedicated4 ,all these   

continue through life serving the       
country and the people2 some of them are
 leaders in battle2 others make for hire
 implements and works1 and they ought   
not to deceive in such matters1 out of  
respect to the ,gods who are their      
ancestors4 ,if any craftsman through    
indolence omit to execute his work in a 
given time1 not reverencing the ,god who
 gives him the means of life1 but       
considering1 foolish fellow1 that he is 
his own ,god and will let him off       
easily1 in the first place1 he shall    
suffer at the hands of the ,god1 and in 
the second place1 the law shall follow  
in a similar spirit4 ,he shall owe to   
him who contracted with him the price of
 the works which he has failed in       
performing1 and he shall begin again and
 execute them gratis in the given time4 
,when a man undertakes a work1 the law  
gives him the same advice which was     
given to the seller1 that he should not 
attempt to raise the price1 but simply  
ask the value2 this the law enjoins also

 on the contractor2 for the craftsman   
assuredly knows the value of his work4  
,wherefore1 in free states the man of   
art ought not to attempt to impose upon 
private individuals by the help of his  
art1 which is by nature a true thing2   
and he who is wronged in a matter of    
this sort1 shall have a right of action 
against the party who has wronged him4  
,and if any one lets out work to a      
craftsman1 and does not pay him duly    
according to the lawful agreement1      
disregarding ,zeus the guardian of the  
city and ,athene1 who are the partners  
of the state1 and overthrows the        
foundations of society for the sake of a
 little gain1 in his case let the law   
and the ,gods maintain the common bonds 
of the state4 ,and let him who1 having  
already received the work in exchange1  
does not pay the price in the time      
agreed1 pay double the price2 and if a  
year has elapsed1 although interest is  
not to be taken on loans1 yet for every 
drachma which he owes to the contractor 

let him pay a monthly interest of an    
obol4 ,suits about these matters are to 
be decided by the courts of the tribes2 
and by the way1 since we have mentioned 
craftsmen at all1 we must not forget    
that other craft of war1 in which       
generals and tacticians are the         
craftsmen1 who undertake voluntarily or 
involuntarily the work of our safety1 as
 other craftsmen undertake other public 
works--if they execute their work well  
the law will never tire of praising him 
who gives them those honours which are  
the just rewards of the soldier2 but if 
any one1 having already received the    
benefit of any noble service in war1    
does not make the due return of honour1 
the law will blame him4 ,let this then  
be the law1 having an ingredient of     
praise1 not compelling but advising the 
great body of the citizens to honour the
 brave men who are the saviours of the  
whole state1 whether by their courage or
 by their military skill--they should   
honour them1 ,i say1 in the second      

place2 for the first and highest tribute
 of respect is to be given to those who 
are able above other men to honour the  
words of good legislators4  ,the greater
 part of the dealings between man and   
man have been now regulated by us with  
the exception of those that relate to   
orphans and the supervision of orphans  
by their guardians4 ,these follow next  
in order1 and must be regulated in some 
way4 ,but to arrive at them we must     
begin with the testamentary wishes of   
the dying and the case of those who may 
have happened to die intestate4 ,when ,i
 said1 ,cleinias1 that we must regulate 
them1 ,i had in my mind the difficulty  
and perplexity in which all such matters
 are involved4 ,you cannot leave them   
unregulated1 for individuals would make 
regulations at variance with one        
another1 and repugnant to the laws and  
habits of the living and to their own   
previous habits1 if a person were simply
 allowed to make any will which he      
pleased1 and this were to take effect in

 whatever state he may have been at the 
end of his life2 for most of us lose our
 senses in a manner1 and feel crushed   
when we think that we are about to die4 
,,cleinias3 ,what do you mean1          
,stranger8  ,,athenian3 ,o ,cleinias1 a 
man when he is about to die is an       
intractable creature1 and is apt to use 
language which causes a great deal of   
anxiety and trouble to the legislator4  
,,cleinias3 ,in what way8  ,,athenian3  
,he wants to have the entire control of 
all his property1 and will use angry    
words4  ,,cleinias3 ,such as what8      
,,athenian3 ,o ye ,gods1 he will say1   
how monstrous that ,i am not allowed to 
give1 or not to give1 my own to whom ,i 
will--less to him who has been bad to   
me1 and more to him who has been good to
 me1 and whose badness and goodness have
 been tested by me in time of sickness  
or in old age and in every other sort of
 fortune6  ,,cleinias3 ,well1 ,stranger1
 and may he not very fairly say so8     
,,athenian3 ,in my opinion1 ,cleinias1  

the ancient legislators were too        
good-natured1 and made laws without     
sufficient observation or consideration 
of human things4  ,,cleinias3 ,what do  
you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,i mean1 my      
friend1 that they were afraid of the    
testator's reproaches1 and so they      
passed a law to the effect that a man   
should be allowed to dispose of his     
property in all respects as he liked2   
but you and ,i1 if ,i am not mistaken1  
will have something better to say to our
 departing citizens4  ,,cleinias3 ,what8
  ,,athenian3 ,o my friends1 we will say
 to them1 hard is it for you1 who are   
creatures of a day1 to know what is     
yours--hard too1 as the ,delphic oracle 
says1 to know yourselves at this hour4  
,now ,i1 as the legislator1 regard you  
and your possessions1 not as belonging  
to yourselves1 but as belonging to your 
whole family1 both past and future1 and 
yet more do ,i regard both family and   
possessions as belonging to the state2  
wherefore1 if some one steals upon you  

with flattery1 when you are tossed on   
the sea of disease or old age1 and      
persuades you to dispose of your        
property in a way that is not for the   
best1 ,i will not1 if ,i can help1 allow
 this2 but ,i will legislate with a view
 to the whole1 considering what is best 
both for the state and for the family1  
esteeming as ,i ought the feelings of an
 individual at a lower rate2 and ,i hope
 that you will depart in peace and      
kindness towards us1 as you are going   
the way of all mankind2 and we will     
impartially take care of all your       
concerns1 not neglecting any of them1 if
 we can possibly help4 ,let this be our 
prelude and consolation to the living   
and dying1 ,cleinias1 and let the law be
 as follows3 ,he who makes a disposition
 in a testament1 if he be the father of 
a family1 shall first of all inscribe as
 his heir any one of his sons whom he   
may think fit2 and if he gives any of   
his children to be adopted by another   
citizen1 let the adoption be inscribed4 

,and if he has a son remaining over and 
above who has not been adopted upon any 
lot1 and who may be expected to be sent 
out to a colony according to law1 to him
 his father may give as much as he      
pleases of the rest of his property1    
with the exception of the paternal lot  
and the fixtures on the lot4 ,and if    
there are other sons1 let him distribute
 among them what there is more than the 
lot in such portions as he pleases4 ,and
 if one of the sons has already a house 
of his own1 he shall not give him of the
 money1 nor shall he give money to a    
daughter who has been betrothed1 but if 
she is not betrothed he may give her    
money4 ,and if any of the sons or       
daughters shall be found to have another
 lot of land in the country1 which has  
accrued after the testament has been    
made1 they shall leave the lot which    
they have inherited to the heir of the  
man who has made the will4 ,if the      
testator has no sons1 but only          
daughters1 let him choose the husband of

 any one of his daughters whom he       
pleases1 and leave and inscribe him as  
his son and heir4 ,and if a man have    
lost his son1 when he was a child1 and  
before he could be reckoned among grown 
up men1 whether his own or an adopted   
son1 let the testator make mention of   
the circumstance and inscribe whom he   
will to be his second son in hope of    
better fortune4 ,if the testator has no 
children at all1 he may select and give 
to any one whom he pleases the tenth    
part of the property which he has       
acquired2 but let him not be blamed if  
he gives all the rest to his adopted    
son1 and makes a friend of him according
 to the law4 ,if the sons of a man      
require guardians1 and the father when  
he dies leaves a will appointing        
guardians1 those who have been named by 
him1 whoever they are and whatever their
 number be1 if they are able and willing
 to take charge of the children1 shall  
be recognised according to the          
provisions of the will4 ,but if he dies 

and has made no will1 or a will in which
 he has appointed no guardians1 then the
 next of kin1 two on the father's and   
two on the mother's side1 and one of the
 friends of the deceased1 shall have the
 authority of guardians1 whom the       
guardians of the law shall appoint when 
the orphans require guardians4 ,and the 
fifteen eldest guardians of the law     
shall have the whole care and charge of 
the orphans1 divided into threes        
according to seniority--a body of three 
for one year1 and then another body of  
three for the next year1 until the cycle
 of the five periods is complete2 and   
this1 as far as possible1 is to continue
 always4 ,if a man dies1 having made no 
will at all1 and leaves sons who require
 the care of guardians1 they shall share
 in the protection which is afforded by 
these laws4 ,and if a man dying by some 
unexpected fate leaves daughters behind 
him1 let him pardon the legislator if   
when he gives them in marriage1 he have 
a regard only to two out of three       

conditions--nearness of kin and the     
preservation of the lot1 and omits the  
third condition1 which a father would   
naturally consider1 for he would choose 
out of all the citizens a son for       
himself1 and a husband for his daughter1
 with a view to his character and       
disposition--the father1 ,i say1 shall  
forgive the legislator if he disregards 
this1 which to him is an impossible     
consideration4 ,let the law about these 
matters where practicable be as follows3
 ,if a man dies without making a will1  
and leaves behind him daughters1 let his
 brother1 being the son of the same     
father or of the same mother1 having no 
lot1 marry the daughter and have the lot
 of the dead man4 ,and if he have no    
brother1 but only a brother's son1 in   
like manner let them marry1 if they be  
of a suitable age2 and if there be not  
even a brother's son1 but only the son  
of a sister1 let them do likewise1 and  
so in the fourth degree1 if there be    
only the testator's father's brother1 or

 in the fifth degree1 his father's      
brother's son1 or in the sixth degree1  
the child of his father's sister4 ,let  
kindred be always reckoned in this way3 
if a person leaves daughters the        
relationship shall proceed upwards      
through brothers and sisters1 and       
brothers' and sisters' children1 and    
first the males shall come1 and after   
them the females in the same family4    
,the judge shall consider and determine 
the suitableness or unsuitableness of   
age in marriage2 he shall make an       
inspection of the males naked1 and of   
the women naked down to the navel4 ,and 
if there be a lack of kinsmen in a      
family extending to grandchildren of a  
brother1 or to the grandchildren of a   
grandfather's children1 the maiden may  
choose with the consent of her guardians
 any one of the citizens who is willing 
and whom she wills1 and he shall be the 
heir of the dead man1 and the husband of
 his daughter4 ,circumstances vary1 and 
there may sometimes be a still greater  

lack of relations within the limits of  
the state2 and if any maiden has no     
kindred living in the city1 and there is
 some one who has been sent out to a    
colony1 and she is disposed to make him 
the heir of her father's possessions1 if
 he be indeed of her kindred1 let him   
proceed to take the lot according to the
 regulation of the law2 but if he be not
 of her kindred1 she having no kinsmen  
within the city1 and he be chosen by the
 daughter of the dead man1 and empowered
 to marry by the guardians1 let him     
return home and take the lot of him who 
died intestate4 ,and if a man has no    
children1 either male or female1 and    
dies without making a will1 let the     
previous law in general hold2 and let a 
man and a woman go forth from the family
 and share the deserted house1 and let  
the lot belong absolutely to them2 and  
let the heiress in the first degree be a
 sister1 and in a second degree a       
daughter of a brother1 and in the third1
 a daughter of a sister1 in the fourth  

degree the sister of a father1 and in   
the fifth degree the daughter of a      
father's brother1 and in a sixth degree 
of a father's sister2 and these shall   
dwell with their male kinsmen1 according
 to the degree of relationship and      
right1 as we enacted before4 ,now we    
must not conceal from ourselves that    
such laws are apt to be oppressive and  
that there may sometimes be a hardship  
in the lawgiver commanding the kinsman  
of the dead man to marry his relation2  
he may be thought not to have considered
 the innumerable hindrances which may   
arise among men in the execution of such
 ordinances2 for there may be cases in  
which the parties refuse to obey1 and   
are ready to do anything rather than    
marry1 when there is some bodily or     
mental malady or defect among those who 
are bidden to marry or be married4      
,persons may fancy that the legislator  
never thought of this1 but they are     
mistaken2 wherefore let us make a common
 prelude on behalf of the lawgiver and  

of his subjects1 the law begging the    
latter to forgive the legislator1 in    
that he1 having to take care of the     
common weal1 cannot order at the same   
time the various circumstances of       
individuals1 and begging him to pardon  
them if naturally they are sometimes    
unable to fulfil the act which he in his
 ignorance imposes upon them4           
,,cleinias3 ,and how1 ,stranger1 can we 
act most fairly under the circumstances8
  ,,athenian3 ,there must be arbiters   
chosen to deal with such laws and the   
subjects of them4  ,,cleinias3 ,what do 
you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,i mean to say1  
that a case may occur in which the      
nephew1 having a rich father1 will be   
unwilling to marry the daughter of his  
uncle2 he will have a feeling of pride1 
and he will wish to look higher4 ,and   
there are cases in which the legislator 
will be imposing upon him the greatest  
calamity1 and he will be compelled to   
disobey the law1 if he is required1 for 
example1 to take a wife who is mad1 or  

has some other terrible malady of soul  
or body1 such as makes life intolerable 
to the sufferer4 ,then let what we are  
saying concerning these cases be        
embodied in a law3 ,if any one finds    
fault with the established laws         
respecting testaments1 both as to other 
matters and especially in what relates  
to marriage1 and asserts that the       
legislator1 if he were alive and        
present1 would not compel him to        
obey--that is to say1 would not compel  
those who are by our law required to    
marry or be given in marriage1 to do    
either--and some kinsman or guardian    
dispute this1 the reply is that the     
legislator left fifteen of the guardians
 of the law to be arbiters and fathers  
of orphans1 male or female1 and to them 
let the disputants have recourse1 and by
 their aid determine any matters of the 
kind1 admitting their decision to be    
final4 ,but if any one thinks that too  
great power is thus given to the        
guardians of the law1 let him bring his 

adversaries into the court of the select
 judges1 and there have the points in   
dispute determined4 ,and he who loses   
the cause shall have censure and blame  
from the legislator1 which1 by a man of 
sense1 is felt to be a penalty far      
heavier than a great loss of money4     
,thus will orphan children have a second
 birth4 ,after their first birth we     
spoke of their nurture and education1   
and after their second birth1 when they 
have lost their parents1 we ought to    
take measures that the misfortune of    
orphanhood may be as little sad to them 
as possible4 ,in the first place1 we say
 that the guardians of the law are      
lawgivers and fathers to them1 not      
inferior to their natural fathers4      
,moreover1 they shall take charge of    
them year by year as of their own       
kindred2 and we have given both to them 
and to the children's own guardians as  
suitable admonition concerning the      
nurture of orphans4 ,and we seem to have
 spoken opportunely in our former       

discourse1 when we said that the souls  
of the dead have the power after death  
of taking an interest in human affairs1 
about which there are many tales and    
traditions1 long indeed1 but true2 and  
seeing that they are so many and so     
ancient1 we must believe them1 and we   
must also believe the lawgivers1 who    
tell us that these things are true1 if  
they are not to be regarded as utter    
fools4 ,but if these things are really  
so1 in the first place men should have a
 fear of the ,gods above1 who regard the
 loneliness of the orphans2 and in the  
second place of the souls of the        
departed1 who by nature incline to take 
an especial care of their own children1 
and are friendly to those who honour1   
and unfriendly to those who dishonour   
them4 ,men should also fear the souls of
 the living who are aged and high in    
honour2 wherever a city is well ordered 
and prosperous1 their descendants       
cherish them1 and so live happily2 old  
persons are quick to see and hear all   

that relates to them1 and are propitious
 to those who are just in the fulfilment
 of such duties1 and they punish those  
who wrong the orphan and the desolate1  
considering that they are the greatest  
and most sacred of trusts4 ,to all which
 matters the guardian and magistrate    
ought to apply his mind1 if he has any1 
and take heed of the nurture and        
education of the orphans1 seeking in    
every possible way to do them good1 for 
he is making a contribution to his own  
good and that of his children4 ,he who  
obeys the tale which precedes the law1  
and does no wrong to an orphan1 will    
never experience the wrath of the       
legislator4 ,but he who is disobedient1 
and wrongs any one who is bereft of     
father or mother1 shall pay twice the   
penalty which he would have paid if he  
had wronged one whose parents had been  
alive4 ,as touching other legislation   
concerning guardians in their relation  
to orphans1 or concerning magistrates   
and their superintendence of the        

guardians1 if they did not possess      
examples of the manner in which children
 of freemen would be brought up in the  
bringing up of their own children1 and  
of the care of their property in the    
care of their own1 or if they had not   
just laws fairly stated about these very
 things--there would have been reason in
 making laws for them1 under the idea   
that they were a peculiar class1 and we 
might distinguish and make separate     
rules for the life of those who are     
orphans and of those who are not        
orphans4 ,but as the case stands1 the   
condition of orphans with us is not     
different from the case of those who    
have a father1 though in regard to      
honour and dishonour1 and the attention 
given to them1 the two are not usually  
placed upon a level4 ,wherefore1        
touching the legislation about orphans1 
the law speaks in serious accents1 both 
of persuasion and threatening1 and such 
a threat as the following will be by no 
means out of place3 ,he who is the      

guardian of an orphan of either sex1 and
 he among the guardians of the law to   
whom the superintendence of this        
guardian has been assigned1 shall love  
the unfortunate orphan as though he were
 his own child1 and he shall be as      
careful and diligent in the management  
of his possessions as he would be if    
they were his own1 or even more careful 
and diligent4 ,let every one who has the
 care of an orphan observe this law4    
,but any one who acts contrary to the   
law on these matters1 if he be a        
guardian of the child1 may be fined by a
 magistrate1 or1 if he be himself a     
magistrate1 the guardian may bring him  
before the court of select judges1 and  
punish him1 if convicted1 by exacting a 
fine of double the amount of that       
inflicted by the court4 ,and if a       
guardian appears to the relations of the
 orphan1 or to any other citizen1 to act
 negligently or dishonestly1 let them   
bring him before the same court1 and    
whatever damages are given against him1 

let him pay fourfold1 and let half      
belong to the orphan and half to him who
 procured the conviction4 ,if any orphan
 arrives at years of discretion1 and    
thinks that he has been ill-used by his 
guardians1 let him within five years of 
the expiration of the guardianship be   
allowed to bring them to trial2 and if  
any of them be convicted1 the court     
shall determine what he shall pay or    
suffer4 ,and if a magistrate shall      
appear to have wronged the orphan by    
neglect1 and he be convicted1 let the   
court determine what he shall suffer or 
pay to the orphan1 and if there be      
dishonesty in addition to neglect1      
besides paying the fine1 let him be     
deposed from his office of guardian of  
the law1 and let the state appoint      
another guardian of the law for the city
 and for the country in his room4       
,greater differences than there ought to
 be sometimes arise between fathers and 
sons1 on the part either of fathers who 
will be of opinion that the legislator  

should enact that they may1 if they     
wish1 lawfully renounce their son by the
 proclamation of a herald in the face of
 the world1 or of sons who think that   
they should be allowed to indict their  
fathers on the charge of imbecility when
 they are disabled by disease or old    
age4 ,these things only happen1 as a    
matter of fact1 where the natures of men
 are utterly bad2 for where only half is
 bad1 as1 for example1 if the father be 
not bad1 but the son be bad1 or         
conversely1 no great calamity is the    
result of such an amount of hatred as   
this4 ,in another state1 a son disowned 
by his father would not of necessity    
cease to be a citizen1 but in our state1
 of which these are to be the laws1 the 
disinherited must necessarily emigrate  
into another country1 for no addition   
can be made even of a single family to  
the #ejdj households2 and1 therefore1 he
 who deserves to suffer these things    
must be renounced not only by his       
father1 who is a single person1 but by  

the whole family1 and what is done in   
these cases must be regulated by some   
such law as the following3 ,he who in   
the sad disorder of his soul has a mind1
 justly or unjustly1 to expel from his  
family a son whom he has begotten and   
brought up1 shall not lightly or at once
 execute his purpose2 but first of all  
he shall collect together his own       
kinsmen1 extending to cousins1 and in   
like manner his son's kinsmen by the    
mother's side1 and in their presence he 
shall accuse his son1 setting forth that
 he deserves at the hands of them all to
 be dismissed from the family2 and the  
son shall be allowed to address them in 
a similar manner1 and show that he does 
not deserve to suffer any of these      
things4 ,and if the father persuades    
them1 and obtains the suffrages of more 
than half of his kindred1 exclusive of  
the father and mother and the offender  
himself--,i say1 if he obtains more than
 half the suffrages of all the other    
grown-up members of the family1 of both 

sexes1 the father shall be permitted to 
put away his son1 but not otherwise4    
,and if any other citizen is willing to 
adopt the son who is put away1 no law   
shall hinder him2 for the characters of 
young men are subject to many changes in
 the course of their lives4 ,and if he  
has been put away1 and in a period of   
ten years no one is willing to adopt    
him1 let those who have the care of the 
superabundant population which is sent  
out into colonies1 see to him1 in order 
that he may be suitably provided for in 
the colony4 ,and if disease or age or   
harshness of temper1 or all these       
together1 makes a man to be more out of 
his mind than the rest of the world     
are--but this is not observable1 except 
to those who live with him--and he1     
being master of his property1 is the    
ruin of the house1 and his son doubts   
and hesitates about indicting his father
 for insanity1 let the law in that case 
ordain that he shall first of all go to 
the eldest guardians of the law and tell

 them of his father's misfortune1 and   
they shall duly look into the matter1   
and take counsel as to whether he shall 
indict him or not4 ,and if they advise  
him to proceed1 they shall be both his  
witnesses and his advocates2 and if the 
father is cast1 he shall henceforth be  
incapable of ordering the least         
particular of his life2 let him be as a 
child dwelling in the house for the     
remainder of his days4 ,and if a man and
 his wife have an unfortunate           
incompatibility of temper1 ten of the   
guardians of the law1 who are impartial1
 and ten of the women who regulate      
marriages1 shall look to the matter1 and
 if they are able to reconcile them they
 shall be formally reconciled2 but if   
their souls are too much tossed with    
passion1 they shall endeavour to find   
other partners4 ,now they are not likely
 to have very gentle tempers2 and1      
therefore1 we must endeavour to         
associate with them deeper and softer   
natures4 ,those who have no children1 or

 only a few1 at the time of their       
separation1 should choose their new     
partners with a view to the procreation 
of children2 but those who have a       
sufficient number of children should    
separate and marry again in order that  
they may have some one to grow old with 
and that the pair may take care of one  
another in age4 ,if a woman dies1       
leaving children1 male or female1 the   
law will advise rather than compel the  
husband to bring up the children without
 introducing into the house a           
stepmother4 ,but if he have no children1
 then he shall be compelled to marry    
until he has begotten a sufficient      
number of sons to his family and to the 
state4 ,and if a man dies leaving a     
sufficient number of children1 the      
mother of his children shall remain with
 them and bring them up4 ,but if she    
appears to be too young to live         
virtuously without a husband1 let her   
relations communicate with the women who
 superintend marriage1 and let both     

together do what they think best in     
these matters2 if there is a lack of    
children1 let the choice be made with a 
view to having them2 two children1 one  
of either sex1 shall be deemed          
sufficient in the eye of the law4 ,when 
a child is admitted to be the offspring 
of certain parents and is acknowledged  
by them1 but there is need of a decision
 as to which parent the child is to     
follow--in case a female slave have     
intercourse with a male slave1 or with a
 freeman or freedman1 the offspring     
shall always belong to the master of the
 female slave4 ,again1 if a free woman  
have intercourse with a male slave1 the 
offspring shall belong to the master of 
the slave2 but if a child be born either
 of a slave by her master1 or of his    
mistress by a slave--and this be        
proven--the offspring of the woman and  
its father shall be sent away by the    
women who superintend marriage into     
another country1 and the guardians of   
the law shall send away the offspring of

 the man and its mother4  ,neither ,god1
 nor a man who has understanding1 will  
ever advise any one to neglect his      
parents4 ,to a discourse concerning the 
honour and dishonour of parents1 a      
prelude such as the following1 about the
 service of the ,gods1 will be a        
suitable introduction3 ,there are       
ancient customs about the ,gods which   
are universal1 and they are of two      
kinds3 some of the ,gods we see with our
 eyes and we honour them1 of others we  
honour the images1 raising statues of   
them which we adore2 and though they are
 lifeless1 yet we imagine that the      
living ,gods have a good will and       
gratitude to us on this account4 ,now1  
if a man has a father or mother1 or     
their fathers or mothers treasured up in
 his house stricken in years1 let him   
consider that no statue can be more     
potent to grant his requests than they  
are1 who are sitting at his hearth1 if  
only he knows how to show true service  
to them4  ,,cleinias3 ,and what do you  

call the true mode of service8          
,,athenian3 ,i will tell you1 ,o my     
friend1 for such things are worth       
listening to4  ,,cleinias3 ,proceed4    
,,athenian3 ,oedipus1 as tradition says1
 when dishonoured by his sons1 invoked  
on them curses which every one declares 
to have been heard and ratified by the  
,gods1 and ,amyntor in his wrath invoked
 curses on his son ,phoenix1 and        
,theseus upon ,hippolytus1 and          
innumerable others have also called down
 wrath upon their children1 whence it is
 clear that the ,gods listen to the     
imprecations of parents2 for the curses 
of parents are1 as they ought to be1    
mighty against their children as no     
others are4 ,and shall we suppose that  
the prayers of a father or mother who is
 specially dishonoured by his or her    
children1 are heard by the ,gods in     
accordance with nature2 and that if a   
parent is honoured by them1 and in the  
gladness of his heart earnestly entreats
 the ,gods in his prayers to do them    

good1 he is not equally heard1 and that 
they do not minister to his request8 ,if
 not1 they would be very unjust         
ministers of good1 and that we affirm to
 be contrary to their nature4           
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,may we not think1 as ,i was saying just
 now1 that we can possess no image which
 is more honoured by the ,gods1 than    
that of a father or grandfather1 or of a
 mother stricken in years8 whom when a  
man honours1 the heart of the ,god      
rejoices1 and he is ready to answer     
their prayers4 ,and1 truly1 the figure  
of an ancestor is a wonderful thing1 far
 higher than that of a lifeless image4  
,for the living1 when they are honoured 
by us1 join in our prayers1 and when    
they are dishonoured1 they utter        
imprecations against us2 but lifeless   
objects do neither4 ,and therefore1 if a
 man makes a right use of his father and
 grandfather and other aged relations1  
he will have images which above all     
others will win him the favour of the   

,gods4  ,,cleinias3 ,excellent4         
,,athenian3 ,every man of any           
understanding fears and respects the    
prayers of parents1 knowing well that   
many times and to many persons they have
 been accomplished4 ,now these things   
being thus ordered by nature1 good men  
think it a blessing from heaven if their
 parents live to old age and reach the  
utmost limit of human life1 or if taken 
away before their time they are deeply  
regretted by them2 but to bad men       
parents are always a cause of terror4   
,wherefore let every man honour with    
every sort of lawful honour his own     
parents1 agreeably to what has now been 
said4 ,but if this prelude be an        
unmeaning sound in the ears of any one1 
let the law follow1 which may be rightly
 imposed in these terms3 ,if any one in 
this city be not sufficiently careful of
 his parents1 and do not regard and     
gratify in every respect their wishes   
more than those of his sons and of his  
other offspring or of himself--let him  

who experiences this sort of treatment  
either come himself1 or send some one to
 inform the three eldest guardians of   
the law1 and three of the women who have
 the care of marriages2 and let them    
look to the matter and punish youthful  
evil-doers with stripes and bonds if    
they are under thirty years of age1 that
 is to say1 if they be men1 or if they  
be women1 let them undergo the same     
punishment up to forty years of age4    
,but if1 when they are still more       
advanced in years1 they continue the    
same neglect of their parents1 and do   
any hurt to any of them1 let them be    
brought before a court in which every   
single one of the eldest citizens shall 
be the judges1 and if the offender be   
convicted1 let the court determine what 
he ought to pay or suffer1 and any      
penalty may be imposed on him which a   
man can pay or suffer4 ,if the person   
who has been wronged be unable to inform
 the magistrates1 let any freeman who   
hears of his case inform1 and if he do  

not1 he shall be deemed base1 and shall 
be liable to have a suit for damage     
brought against him by any one who      
likes4 ,and if a slave inform1 he shall 
receive freedom2 and if he be the slave 
of the injurer or injured party1 he     
shall be set free by the magistrates1 or
 if he belong to any other citizen1 the 
public shall pay a price on his behalf  
to the owner2 and let the magistrates   
take heed that no one wrongs him out of 
revenge1 because he has given           
information4  ,cases in which one man   
injures another by poisons1 and which   
prove fatal1 have been already          
discussed2 but about other cases in     
which a person intentionally and of     
malice harms another with meats1 or     
drinks1 or ointments1 nothing has as yet
 been determined4 ,for there are two    
kinds of poisons used among men1 which  
cannot clearly be distinguished4 ,there 
is the kind just now explicitly         
mentioned1 which injures bodies by the  
use of other bodies according to a      

natural law2 there is also another kind 
which persuades the more daring class   
that they can do injury by sorceries1   
and incantations1 and magic knots1 as   
they are termed1 and makes others       
believe that they above all persons are 
injured by the powers of the magician4  
,now it is not easy to know the nature  
of all these things2 nor if a man do    
know can he readily persuade others to  
believe him4 ,and when men are disturbed
 in their minds at the sight of waxen   
images fixed either at their doors1 or  
in a place where three ways meet1 or on 
the sepulchres of parents1 there is no  
use in trying to persuade them that they
 should despise all such things because 
they have no certain knowledge about    
them4 ,but we must have a law in two    
parts1 concerning poisoning1 in         
whichever of the two ways the attempt is
 made1 and we must entreat1 and exhort1 
and advise men not to have recourse to  
such practises1 by which they scare the 
multitude out of their wits1 as if they 

were children1 compelling the legislator
 and the judge to heal the fears which  
the sorcerer arouses1 and to tell them  
in the first place1 that he who attempts
 to poison or enchant others knows not  
what he is doing1 either as regards the 
body 7unless he has a knowledge of      
medicine71 or as regards his            
enchantments 7unless he happens to be a 
prophet or diviner74 ,let the law1 then1
 run as follows about poisoning or      
witchcraft3 ,he who employs poison to do
 any injury1 not fatal1 to a man        
himself1 or to his servants1 or any     
injury1 whether fatal or not1 to his    
cattle or his bees1 if he be a          
physician1 and be convicted of          
poisoning1 shall be punished with death2
 or if he be a private person1 the court
 shall determine what he is to pay or   
suffer4 ,but he who seems to be the sort
 of man who injures others by magic     
knots1 or enchantments1 or incantations1
 or any of the like practices1 if he be 
a prophet or diviner1 let him die2 and  

if1 not being a prophet1 he be convicted
 of witchcraft1 as in the previous case1
 let the court fix what he ought to pay 
or suffer4  ,when a man does another any
 injury by theft or violence1 for the   
greater injury let him pay greater      
damages to the injured man1 and less for
 the smaller injury2 but in all cases1  
whatever the injury may have been1 as   
much as will compensate the loss4 ,and  
besides the compensation of the wrong1  
let a man pay a further penalty for the 
chastisement of his offence3 he who has 
done the wrong instigated by the folly  
of another1 through the lightheartedness
 of youth or the like1 shall pay a      
lighter penalty2 but he who has injured 
another through his own folly1 when     
overcome by pleasure or pain1 in        
cowardly fear1 or lust1 or envy1 or     
implacable anger1 shall endure a heavier
 punishment4 ,not that he is punished   
because he did wrong1 for that which is 
done can never be undone1 but in order  
that in future times1 he1 and those who 

see him corrected1 may utterly hate     
injustice1 or at any rate abate much of 
their evil-doing4 ,having an eye to all 
these things1 the law1 like a good      
archer1 should aim at the right measure 
of punishment1 and in all cases at the  
deserved punishment4 ,in the attainment 
of this the judge shall be a            
fellow-worker with the legislator1      
whenever the law leaves to him to       
determine what the offender shall suffer
 or pay2 and the legislator1 like a     
painter1 shall give a rough sketch of   
the cases in which the law is to be     
applied4 ,this is what we must do1      
,megillus and ,cleinias1 in the best and
 fairest manner that we can1 saying what
 the punishments are to be of all       
actions of theft and violence1 and      
giving laws of such a kind as the ,gods 
and sons of ,gods would have us give4   
,if a man is mad he shall not be at     
large in the city1 but his relations    
shall keep him at home in any way which 
they can2 or if not1 let them pay a     

penalty--he who is of the highest class 
shall pay a penalty of one hundred      
drachmas1 whether he be a slave or a    
freeman whom he neglects2 and he of the 
second class shall pay four-fifths of a 
mina2 and he of the third class         
three-fifths2 and he of the fourth class
 two-fifths4 ,now there are many sorts  
of madness1 some arising out of disease1
 which we have already mentioned2 and   
there are other kinds1 which originate  
in an evil and passionate temperament1  
and are increased by bad education2 out 
of a slight quarrel this class of madmen
 will often raise a storm of abuse      
against one another1 and nothing of that
 sort ought to be allowed to occur in a 
well-ordered state4 ,let this1 then1 be 
the law about abuse1 which shall relate 
to all cases3 ,no one shall speak evil  
of another2 and when a man disputes with
 another he shall teach and learn of the
 disputant and the company1 but he shall
 abstain from evil-speaking2 for out of 
the imprecations which men utter against

 one another1 and the feminine habit of 
casting aspersions on one another1 and  
using foul names1 out of words light as 
air1 in very deed the greatest enmities 
and hatreds spring up4 ,for the speaker 
gratifies his anger1 which is an        
ungracious element of his nature2 and   
nursing up his wrath by the             
entertainment of evil thoughts1 and     
exacerbating that part of his soul which
 was formerly civilised by education1 he
 lives in a state of savageness and     
moroseness1 and pays a bitter penalty   
for his anger4 ,and in such cases almost
 all men take to saying something       
ridiculous about their opponent1 and    
there is no man who is in the habit of  
laughing at another who does not miss   
virtue and earnestness altogether1 or   
lose the better half of greatness4      
,wherefore let no one utter any taunting
 word at a temple1 or at the public     
sacrifices1 or at the games1 or in the  
agora1 or in a court of justice1 or in  
any public assembly4 ,and let the       

magistrate who presides on these        
occasions chastise an offender1 and he  
shall be blameless2 but if he fails in  
doing so1 he shall not claim the prize  
of virtue2 for he is one who heeds not  
the laws1 and does not do what the      
legislator commands4 ,and if in any     
other place any one indulges in these   
sort of revilings1 whether he has begun 
the quarrel or is only retaliating1 let 
any elder who is present support the    
law1 and control with blows those who   
indulge in passion1 which is another    
great evil2 and if he do not1 let him be
 liable to pay the appointed penalty4   
,and we say now1 that he who deals in   
reproaches against others cannot        
reproach them without attempting to     
ridicule them2 and this1 when done in a 
moment of anger1 is what we make matter 
of reproach against him4 ,but then1 do  
we admit into our state the comic       
writers who are so fond of making       
mankind ridiculous1 if they attempt in a
 good-natured manner to turn the laugh  

against our citizens8 or do we draw the 
distinction of jest and earnest1 and    
allow a man to make use of ridicule in  
jest and without anger about any thing  
or person2 though as we were saying1 not
 if he be angry and have a set purpose8 
,we forbid earnest--that is unalterably 
fixed2 but we have still to say who are 
to be sanctioned or not to be sanctioned
 by the law in the employment of        
innocent humour4 ,a comic poet1 or maker
 of iambic or satirical lyric verse1    
shall not be permitted to ridicule any  
of the citizens1 either by word or      
likeness1 either in anger or without    
anger4 ,and if any one is disobedient1  
the judges shall either at once expel   
him from the country1 or he shall pay a 
fine of three minae1 which shall be     
dedicated to the ,god who presides over 
the contests4 ,those only who have      
received permission shall be allowed to 
write verses at one another1 but they   
shall be without anger and in jest2 in  
anger and in serious earnest they shall 

not be allowed4 ,the decision of this   
matter shall be left to the             
superintendent of the general education 
of the young1 and whatever he may       
license1 the writer shall be allowed to 
produce1 and whatever he rejects let not
 the poet himself exhibit1 or ever teach
 anybody else1 slave or freeman1 under  
the penalty of being dishonoured1 and   
held disobedient to the laws4  ,now he  
is not to be pitied who is hungry1 or   
who suffers any bodily pain1 but he who 
is temperate1 or has some other virtue1 
or part of a virtue1 and at the same    
time suffers from misfortune2 it would  
be an extraordinary thing if such an    
one1 whether slave or freeman1 were     
utterly forsaken and fell into the      
extremes of poverty in any tolerably    
well-ordered city or government4        
,wherefore the legislator may safely    
make a law applicable to such cases in  
the following terms3 ,let there be no   
beggars in our state2 and if anybody    
begs1 seeking to pick up a livelihood by

 unavailing prayers1 let the wardens of 
the agora turn him out of the agora1 and
 the wardens of the city out of the     
city1 and the wardens of the country    
send him out of any other parts of the  
land across the border1 in order that   
the land may be cleared of this sort of 
animal4  ,if a slave of either sex      
injure anything1 which is not his or her
 own1 through inexperience1 or some     
improper practice1 and the person who   
suffers damage be not himself in part to
 blame1 the master of the slave who has 
done the harm shall either make full    
satisfaction1 or give up the slave who  
has done the injury4 ,but if the master 
argue that the charge has arisen by     
collusion between the injured party and 
the injurer1 with the view of obtaining 
the slave1 let him sue the person1 who  
says that he has been injured1 for      
malpractices4 ,and if he gain a         
conviction1 let him receive double the  
value which the court fixes as the price
 of the slave2 and if he lose his suit1 

let him make amends for the injury1 and 
give up the slave4 ,and if a beast of   
burden1 or horse1 or dog1 or any other  
animal1 injure the property of a        
neighbour1 the owner shall in like      
manner pay for the injury4  ,if any man 
refuses to be a witness1 he who wants   
him shall summon him1 and he who is     
summoned shall come to the trial2 and if
 he knows and is willing to bear        
witness1 let him bear witness1 but if he
 says he does not know let him swear by 
the three divinities ,zeus1 and ,apollo1
 and ,themis1 that he does not1 and have
 no more to do with the cause4 ,and he  
who is summoned to give witness and does
 not answer to his summoner1 shall be   
liable for the harm which ensues        
according to law4 ,and if a person calls
 up as a witness any one who is acting  
as a judge1 let him give his witness1   
but he shall not afterwards vote in the 
cause4 ,a free woman may give her       
witness and plead1 if she be more than  
forty years of age1 and may bring an    

action if she have no husband2 but if   
her husband be alive she shall only be  
allowed to bear witness4 ,a slave of    
either sex and a child shall be allowed 
to give evidence and to plead1 but only 
in cases of murder2 and they must       
produce sufficient sureties that they   
will certainly remain until the trial1  
in case they should be charged with     
false witness4 ,and either of the       
parties in a cause may bring an         
accusation of perjury against witnesses1
 touching their evidence in whole or in 
part1 if he asserts that such evidence  
has been given2 but the accusation must 
be brought previous to the final        
decision of the cause4 ,the magistrates 
shall preserve the accusations of false 
witness1 and have them kept under the   
seal of both parties1 and produce them  
on the day when the trial for false     
witness takes place4 ,if a man be twice 
convicted of false witness1 he shall not
 be required1 and if thrice1 he shall   
not be allowed to bear witness2 and if  

he dare to witness after he has been    
convicted three times1 let any one who  
pleases inform against him to the       
magistrates1 and let the magistrates    
hand him over to the court1 and if he be
 convicted he shall be punished with    
death4 ,and in any case in which the    
evidence is rightly found to be false1  
and yet to have given the victory to him
 who wins the suit1 and more than half  
the witnesses are condemned1 the        
decision which was gained by these means
 shall be rescinded1 and there shall be 
a discussion and a decision as to       
whether the suit was determined by that 
false evidence or not2 and in whichever 
way the decision may be given1 the      
previous suit shall be determined       
accordingly4  ,there are many noble     
things in human life1 but to most of    
them attach evils which are fated to    
corrupt and spoil them4 ,is not justice 
noble1 which has been the civiliser of  
humanity8 ,how then can the advocate of 
justice be other than noble8 ,and yet   

upon this profession which is presented 
to us under the fair name of art has    
come an evil reputation4 ,in the first  
place1 we are told that by ingenious    
pleas and the help of an advocate the   
law enables a man to win a particular   
cause1 whether just or unjust2 and that 
both the art1 and the power of speech   
which is thereby imparted1 are at the   
service of him who is willing to pay for
 them4 ,now in our state this so-called 
art1 whether really an art or only an   
experience and practice destitute of any
 art1 ought if possible never to come   
into existence1 or if existing among us 
should listen to the request of the     
legislator and go away into another     
land1 and not speak contrary to justice4
 ,if the offenders obey we say no more2 
but for those who disobey1 the voice of 
the law is as follows3 ,if any one      
thinks that he will pervert the power of
 justice in the minds of the judges1 and
 unseasonably litigate or advocate1 let 
any one who likes indict him for        

malpractices of law and dishonest       
advocacy1 and let him be judged in the  
court of select judges2 and if he be    
convicted1 let the court determine      
whether he may be supposed to act from a
 love of money or from contentiousness4 
,and if he is supposed to act from      
contentiousness1 the court shall fix a  
time during which he shall not be       
allowed to institute or plead a cause2  
and if he is supposed to act as he does 
from love of money1 in case he be a     
stranger1 he shall leave the country1   
and never return under penalty of death2
 but if he be a citizen1 he shall die1  
because he is a lover of money1 in      
whatever manner gained2 and equally1 if 
he be judged to have acted more than    
once from contentiousness1 he shall die4
     ,,book ,,xii4  ,if a herald or an  
ambassador carry a false message from   
our city to any other1 or bring back a  
false message from the city to which he 
is sent1 or be proved to have brought   
back1 whether from friends or enemies1  

in his capacity of herald or ambassador1
 what they have never said1 let him be  
indicted for having violated1 contrary  
to the law1 the commands and duties     
imposed upon him by ,hermes and ,zeus1  
and let there be a penalty fixed1 which 
he shall suffer or pay if he be         
convicted4  ,theft is a mean1 and       
robbery a shameless thing2 and none of  
the sons of ,zeus delight in fraud and  
violence1 or ever practised either4     
,wherefore let no one be deluded by     
poets or mythologers into a mistaken    
belief of such things1 nor let him      
suppose1 when he thieves or is guilty of
 violence1 that he is doing nothing     
base1 but only what the ,gods themselves
 do4 ,for such tales are untrue and     
improbable2 and he who steals or robs   
contrary to the law1 is never either a  
,god or the son of a ,god2 of this the  
legislator ought to be better informed  
than all the poets put together4 ,happy 
is he and may he be for ever happy1 who 
is persuaded and listens to our words2  

but he who disobeys shall have to       
contend against the following law3 ,if a
 man steal anything belonging to the    
public1 whether that which he steals be 
much or little1 he shall have the same  
punishment4 ,for he who steals a little 
steals with the same wish as he who     
steals much1 but with less power1 and he
 who takes up a greater amount1 not     
having deposited it1 is wholly unjust4  
,wherefore the law is not disposed to   
inflict a less penalty on the one than  
on the other because his theft is less1 
but on the ground that the thief may    
possibly be in one case still curable1  
and may in another case be incurable4   
,if any one convict in a court of law a 
stranger or a slave of a theft of public
 property1 let the court determine what 
punishment he shall suffer1 or what     
penalty he shall pay1 bearing in mind   
that he is probably not incurable4 ,but 
the citizen who has been brought up as  
our citizens will have been1 if he be   
found guilty of robbing his country by  

fraud or violence1 whether he be caught 
in the act or not1 shall be punished    
with death2 for he is incurable4  ,now  
for expeditions of war much             
consideration and many laws are         
required2 the great principle of all is 
that no one of either sex should be     
without a commander2 nor should the mind
 of any one be accustomed to do         
anything1 either in jest or earnest1 of 
his own motion1 but in war and in peace 
he should look to and follow his leader1
 even in the least things being under   
his guidance2 for example1 he should    
stand or move1 or exercise1 or wash1 or 
take his meals1 or get up in the night  
to keep guard and deliver messages when 
he is bidden2 and in the hour of danger 
he should not pursue and not retreat    
except by order of his superior2 and in 
a word1 not teach the soul or accustom  
her to know or understand how to do     
anything apart from others4 ,of all     
soldiers the life should be always and  
in all things as far as possible in     

common and together2 there neither is   
nor ever will be a higher1 or better1 or
 more scientific principle than this for
 the attainment of salvation and victory
 in war4 ,and we ought in time of peace 
from youth upwards to practise this     
habit of commanding others1 and of being
 commanded by others2 anarchy should    
have no place in the life of man or of  
the beasts who are subject to man4 ,i   
may add that all dances ought to be     
performed with a view to military       
excellence2 and agility and ease should 
be cultivated for the same object1 and  
also endurance of the want of meats and 
drinks1 and of winter cold and summer   
heat1 and of hard couches2 and1 above   
all1 care should be taken not to destroy
 the peculiar qualities of the head and 
the feet by surrounding them with       
extraneous coverings1 and so hindering  
their natural growth of hair and soles4 
,for these are the extremities1 and of  
all the parts of the body1 whether they 
are preserved or not is of the greatest 

consequence2 the one is the servant of  
the whole body1 and the other the       
master1 in whom all the ruling senses   
are by nature set4 ,let the young men   
imagine that he hears in what has       
preceded the praises of the military    
life2 the law shall be as follows3 ,he  
shall serve in war who is on the roll or
 appointed to some special service1 and 
if any one is absent from cowardice1 and
 without the leave of the generals1 he  
shall be indicted before the military   
commanders for failure of service when  
the army comes home2 and the soldiers   
shall be his judges2 the heavy-armed1   
and the cavalry1 and the other arms of  
the service shall form separate courts2 
and they shall bring the heavy-armed    
before the heavy-armed1 and the horsemen
 before the horsemen1 and the others in 
like manner before their peers2 and he  
who is found guilty shall never be      
allowed to compete for any prize of     
valour1 or indict another for not       
serving on an expedition1 or be an      

accuser at all in any military matters4 
,moreover1 the court shall further      
determine what punishment he shall      
suffer1 or what penalty he shall pay4   
,when the suits for failure of service  
are completed1 the leaders of the       
several kinds of troops shall again hold
 an assembly1 and they shall adjudge the
 prizes of valour2 and he who likes     
searching for judgment in his own branch
 of the service1 saying nothing about   
any former expedition1 nor producing any
 proof or witnesses to confirm his      
statement1 but speaking only of the     
present occasion4 ,the crown of victory 
shall be an olive wreath which the      
victor shall offer up at the temple of  
any war-god whom he likes1 adding an    
inscription for a testimony to last     
during life1 that such an one has       
received the first1 the second1 or the  
third prize4 ,if any one goes on an     
expedition1 and returns home before the 
appointed time1 when the generals have  
not withdrawn the army1 he shall be     

indicted for desertion before the same  
persons who took cognizance of failure  
of service1 and if he be found guilty1  
the same punishment shall be inflicted  
on him4 ,now every man who is engaged in
 any suit ought to be very careful of   
bringing false witness against any one1 
either intentionally or unintentionally1
 if he can help2 for justice is truly   
said to be an honourable maiden1 and    
falsehood is naturally repugnant to     
honour and justice4 ,a witness ought to 
be very careful not to sin against      
justice1 as for example in what relates 
to the throwing away of arms--he must   
distinguish the throwing them away when 
necessary1 and not make that a reproach1
 or bring an action against some        
innocent person on that account4 ,to    
make the distinction may be difficult2  
but still the law must attempt to define
 the different kinds in some way4 ,let  
me endeavour to explain my meaning by an
 ancient tale3 ,if ,patroclus had been  
brought to the tent still alive but     

without his arms 7and this has happened 
to innumerable persons71 the original   
arms1 which the poet says were presented
 to ,peleus by the ,gods as a nuptial   
gift when he married ,thetis1 remaining 
in the hands of ,hector1 then the base  
spirits of that day might have          
reproached the son of ,menoetius with   
having cast away his arms4 ,again1 there
 is the case of those who have been     
thrown down precipices and lost their   
arms2 and of those who at sea1 and in   
stormy places1 have been suddenly       
overwhelmed by floods of water2 and     
there are numberless things of this kind
 which one might adduce by way of       
extenuation1 and with the view of       
justifying a misfortune which is easily 
misrepresented4 ,we must1 therefore1    
endeavour to divide to the best of our  
power the greater and more serious evil 
from the lesser4 ,and a distinction may 
be drawn in the use of terms of         
reproach4 ,a man does not always deserve
 to be called the thrower away of his   

shield2 he may be only the loser of his 
arms4 ,for there is a great or rather   
absolute difference between him who is  
deprived of his arms by a sufficient    
force1 and him who voluntarily lets his 
shield go4 ,let the law then be as      
follows3 ,if a person having arms is    
overtaken by the enemy and does not turn
 round and defend himself1 but lets them
 go voluntarily or throws them away1    
choosing a base life and a swift escape 
rather than a courageous and noble and  
blessed death--in such a case of the    
throwing away of arms let justice be    
done1 but the judge need take no note of
 the case just now mentioned2 for the   
bad men ought always to be punished1 in 
the hope that he may be improved1 but   
not the unfortunate1 for there is no    
advantage in that4 ,and what shall be   
the punishment suited to him who has    
thrown away his weapons of defence8     
,tradition says that ,caeneus1 the      
,thessalian1 was changed by a ,god from 
a woman into a man2 but the converse    

miracle cannot now be wrought1 or no    
punishment would be more proper than    
that the man who throws away his shield 
should be changed into a woman4 ,this   
however is impossible1 and therefore let
 us make a law as nearly like this as we
 can--that he who loves his life too    
well shall be in no danger for the      
remainder of his days1 but shall live   
for ever under the stigma of cowardice4 
,and let the law be in the following    
terms3 ,when a man is found guilty of   
disgracefully throwing away his arms in 
war1 no general or military officer     
shall allow him to serve as a soldier1  
or give him any place at all in the     
ranks of soldiers2 and the officer who  
gives the coward any place1 shall suffer
 a penalty which the public examiner    
shall exact of him2 and if he be of the 
highest class1 he shall pay a thousand  
drachmae2 or if he be of the second     
class1 five minae2 or if he be of the   
third1 three minae2 or if he be of the  
fourth class1 one mina4 ,and he who is  

found guilty of cowardice1 shall not    
only be dismissed from manly dangers1   
which is a disgrace appropriate to his  
nature1 but he shall pay a thousand     
drachmae1 if he be of the highest class1
 and five minae if he be of the second  
class1 and three if he be of the third  
class1 and a mina1 like the preceding1  
if he be of the fourth class4  ,what    
regulations will be proper about        
examiners1 seeing that some of our      
magistrates are elected by lot1 and for 
a year1 and some for a longer time and  
from selected persons8 ,of such         
magistrates1 who will be a sufficient   
censor or examiner1 if any of them1     
weighed down by the pressure of office  
or his own inability to support the     
dignity of his office1 be guilty of any 
crooked practice8 ,it is by no means    
easy to find a magistrate who excels    
other magistrates in virtue1 but still  
we must endeavour to discover some      
censor or examiner who is more than man4
 ,for the truth is1 that there are many 

elements of dissolution in a state1 as  
there are also in a ship1 or in an      
animal2 they all have their cords1 and  
girders1 and sinews--one nature diffused
 in many places1 and called by many     
names2 and the office of examiner is a  
most important element in the           
preservation and dissolution of states4 
,for if the examiners are better than   
the magistrates1 and their duty is      
fulfilled justly and without blame1 then
 the whole state and country flourishes 
and is happy2 but if the examination of 
the magistrates is carried on in a wrong
 way1 then1 by the relaxation of that   
justice which is the uniting principle  
of all constitutions1 every power in the
 state is rent asunder from every other2
 they no longer incline in the same     
direction1 but fill the city with       
faction1 and make many cities out of    
one1 and soon bring all to destruction4 
,wherefore the examiners ought to be    
admirable in every sort of virtue4 ,let 
us invent a mode of creating them1 which

 shall be as follows3 ,every year1 after
 the summer solstice1 the whole city    
shall meet in the common precincts of   
,helios and ,apollo1 and shall present  
to the ,god three men out of their own  
number in the manner following3 ,each   
citizen shall select1 not himself1 but  
some other citizen whom he deems in     
every way the best1 and who is not less 
than fifty years of age4 ,and out of the
 selected persons who have the greatest 
number of votes1 they shall make a      
further selection until they reduce them
 to one-half1 if they are an even       
number2 but if they are not an even     
number1 they shall subtract the one who 
has the smallest number of votes1 and   
make them an even number1 and then leave
 the half which have the greater number 
of votes4 ,and if two persons have an   
equal number of votes1 and thus increase
 the number beyond one-half1 they shall 
withdraw the younger of the two and do  
away the excess2 and then including all 
the rest they shall again vote1 until   

there are left three having an unequal  
number of votes4 ,but if all the three1 
or two out of the three1 have equal     
votes1 let them commit the election to  
good fate and fortune1 and separate off 
by lot the first1 and the second1 and   
the third2 these they shall crown with  
an olive wreath and give them the prize 
of excellence1 at the same time         
proclaiming to all the world that the   
city of the ,magnetes1 by the providence
 of the ,gods1 is again preserved1 and  
presents to the ,sun and to ,apollo her 
three best men as first-fruits1 to be a 
common offering to them1 according to   
the ancient law1 as long as their lives 
answer to the judgment formed of them4  
,and these shall appoint in their first 
year twelve examiners1 to continue until
 each has completed seventy-five years1 
to whom three shall afterwards be added 
yearly2 and let these divide all the    
magistracies into twelve parts1 and     
prove the holders of them by every sort 
of test to which a freeman may be       

subjected2 and let them live while they 
hold office in the precinct of ,helios  
and ,apollo1 in which they were chosen1 
and let each one form a judgment of some
 things individually1 and of others in  
company with his colleagues2 and let him
 place a writing in the agora about each
 magistracy1 and what the magistrate    
ought to suffer or pay1 according to the
 decision of the examiners4 ,and if a   
magistrate does not admit that he has   
been justly judged1 let him bring the   
examiners before the select judges1 and 
if he be acquitted by their decision1   
let him1 if he will1 accuse the         
examiners themselves2 if1 however1 he be
 convicted1 and have been condemned to  
death by the examiners1 let him die 7and
 of course he can only die once73 but   
any other penalties which admit of being
 doubled let him suffer twice over4     
,and now let us pass under review the   
examiners themselves2 what will their   
examination be1 and how conducted8      
,during the life of these men1 whom the 

whole state counts worthy of the rewards
 of virtue1 they shall have the first   
seat at all public assemblies1 and at   
all ,hellenic sacrifices and sacred     
missions1 and other public and holy     
ceremonies in which they share4 ,the    
chiefs of each sacred mission shall be  
selected from them1 and they only of all
 the citizens shall be adorned with a   
crown of laurel2 they shall all be      
priests of ,apollo and ,helios2 and one 
of them1 who is judged first of the     
priests created in that year1 shall be  
high priest2 and they shall write up his
 name in each year to be a measure of   
time as long as the city lasts2 and     
after their death they shall be laid out
 and carried to the grave and entombed  
in a manner different from the other    
citizens4 ,they shall be decked in a    
robe all of white1 and there shall be no
 crying or lamentation over them2 but a 
chorus of fifteen maidens1 and another  
of boys1 shall stand around the bier on 
either side1 hymning the praises of the 

departed priests in alternate responses1
 declaring their blessedness in song all
 day long2 and at dawn a hundred of the 
youths who practise gymnastic exercises1
 and whom the relations of the departed 
shall choose1 shall carry the bier to   
the sepulchre1 the young men marching   
first1 dressed in the garb of           
warriors--the cavalry with their horses1
 the heavy-armed with their arms1 and   
the others in like manner4 ,and boys    
near the bier and in front of it shall  
sing their national hymn1 and maidens   
shall follow behind1 and with them the  
women who have passed the age of        
child-bearing2 next1 although they are  
interdicted from other burials1 let     
priests and priestesses follow1 unless  
the ,pythian oracle forbid them2 for    
this burial is free from pollution4 ,the
 place of burial shall be an oblong     
vaulted chamber underground1 constructed
 of tufa1 which will last for ever1     
having stone couches placed side by     
side4 ,and here they will lay the       

blessed person1 and cover the sepulchre 
with a circular mound of earth and plant
 a grove of trees around on every side  
but one2 and on that side the sepulchre 
shall be allowed to extend for ever1 and
 a new mound will not be required4      
,every year they shall have contests in 
music and gymnastics1 and in            
horsemanship1 in honour of the dead4    
,these are the honours which shall be   
given to those who at the examination   
are found blameless2 but if any of them1
 trusting to the scrutiny being over1   
should1 after the judgment has been     
given1 manifest the wickedness of human 
nature1 let the law ordain that he who  
pleases shall indict him1 and let the   
cause be tried in the following manner4 
,in the first place1 the court shall be 
composed of the guardians of the law1   
and to them the surviving examiners     
shall be added1 as well as the court of 
select judges2 and let the pursuer lay  
his indictment in this form--he shall   
say that so-and-so is unworthy of the   

prize of virtue and of his office2 and  
if the defendant be convicted let him be
 deprived of his office1 and of the     
burial1 and of the other honours given  
him4 ,but if the prosecutor do not      
obtain the fifth part of the votes1 let 
him1 if he be of the first-class1 pay   
twelve minae1 and eight if he be of the 
second class1 and six if he be of the   
third class1 and two minae if he be of  
the fourth class4  ,the so-called       
decision of ,rhadamanthus is worthy of  
all admiration4 ,he knew that the men of
 his own time believed and had no doubt 
that there were ,gods1 which was a      
reasonable belief in those days1 because
 most men were the sons of ,gods1 and   
according to tradition he was one       
himself4 ,he appears to have thought    
that he ought to commit judgment to no  
man1 but to the ,gods only1 and in this 
way suits were simply and speedily      
decided by him4 ,for he made the two    
parties take an oath respecting the     
points in dispute1 and so got rid of the

 matter speedily and safely4 ,but now   
that a certain portion of mankind do not
 believe at all in the existence of the 
,gods1 and others imagine that they have
 no care of us1 and the opinion of most 
men1 and of the worst men1 is that in   
return for a small sacrifice and a few  
flattering words they will be their     
accomplices in purloining large sums and
 save them from many terrible           
punishments1 the way of ,rhadamanthus is
 no longer suited to the needs of       
justice2 for as the opinions of men     
about the ,gods are changed1 the laws   
should also be changed--in the granting 
of suits a rational legislation ought to
 do away with the oaths of the parties  
on either side--he who obtains leave to 
bring an action should write down the   
charges1 but should not add an oath2 and
 the defendant in like manner should    
give his denial to the magistrates in   
writing1 and not swear2 for it is a     
dreadful thing to know1 when many       
lawsuits are going on in a state1 that  

almost half the people who meet one     
another quite unconcernedly at the      
public meals and in other companies and 
relations of private life are perjured4 
,let the law1 then1 be as follows3 ,a   
judge who is about to give judgment     
shall take an oath1 and he who is       
choosing magistrates for the state shall
 either vote on oath or with a voting   
tablet which he brings from a temple2 so
 too the judge of dances and of all     
music1 and the superintendents and      
umpires of gymnastic and equestrian     
contests1 and any matters in which1 as  
far as men can judge1 there is nothing  
to be gained by a false oath2 but all   
cases in which a denial confirmed by an 
oath clearly results in a great         
advantage to the taker of the oath1     
shall be decided without the oath of the
 parties to the suit1 and the presiding 
judges shall not permit either of them  
to use an oath for the sake of          
persuading1 nor to call down curses on  
himself and his race1 nor to use        

unseemly supplications or womanish      
laments4 ,but they shall ever be        
teaching and learning what is just in   
auspicious words2 and he who does       
otherwise shall be supposed to speak    
beside the point1 and the judges shall  
again bring him back to the question at 
issue4 ,on the other hand1 strangers in 
their dealings with strangers shall as  
at present have power to give and       
receive oaths1 for they will not often  
grow old in the city or leave a fry of  
young ones like themselves to be the    
sons and heirs of the land4  ,as to the 
initiation of private suits1 let the    
manner of deciding causes between all   
citizens be the same as in cases in     
which any freeman is disobedient to the 
state in minor matters1 of which the    
penalty is not stripes1 imprisonment1 or
 death4 ,but as regards attendance at   
choruses or processions or other shows1 
and as regards public services1 whether 
the celebration of sacrifice in peace1  
or the payment of contributions in      

war--in all these cases1 first comes the
 necessity of providing a remedy for the
 loss2 and by those who will not obey1  
there shall be security given to the    
officers whom the city and the law      
empower to exact the sum due2 and if    
they forfeit their security1 let the    
goods which they have pledged be sold   
and the money given to the city2 but if 
they ought to pay a larger sum1 the     
several magistrates shall impose upon   
the disobedient a suitable penalty1 and 
bring them before the court1 until they 
are willing to do what they are ordered4
  ,now a state which makes money from   
the cultivation of the soil only1 and   
has no foreign trade1 must consider what
 it will do about the emigration of its 
own people to other countries1 and the  
reception of strangers from elsewhere4  
,about these matters the legislator has 
to consider1 and he will begin by trying
 to persuade men as far as he can4 ,the 
intercourse of cities with one another  
is apt to create a confusion of manners2

 strangers are always suggesting        
novelties to strangers4 ,when states are
 well governed by good laws the mixture 
causes the greatest possible injury2 but
 seeing that most cities are the reverse
 of well-ordered1 the confusion which   
arises in them from the reception of    
strangers1 and from the citizens        
themselves rushing off into other       
cities1 when any one either young or old
 desires to travel anywhere abroad at   
whatever time1 is of no consequence4 ,on
 the other hand1 the refusal of states  
to receive others1 and for their own    
citizens never to go to other places1 is
 an utter impossibility1 and to the rest
 of the world is likely to appear       
ruthless and uncivilised2 it is a       
practice adopted by people who use harsh
 words1 such as xenelasia or banishment 
of strangers1 and who have harsh and    
morose ways1 as men think4 ,and to be   
thought or not to be thought well of by 
the rest of the world is no light       
matter2 for the many are not so far     

wrong in their judgment of who are bad  
and who are good1 as they are removed   
from the nature of virtue in themselves4
 ,even bad men have a divine instinct   
which guesses rightly1 and very many who
 are utterly depraved form correct      
notions and judgments of the differences
 between the good and bad4 ,and the     
generality of cities are quite right in 
exhorting us to value a good reputation 
in the world1 for there is no truth     
greater and more important than         
this--that he who is really good 7,i am 
speaking of the men who would be        
perfect7 seeks for reputation with1 but 
not without1 the reality of goodness4   
,and our ,cretan colony ought also to   
acquire the fairest and noblest         
reputation for virtue from other men2   
and there is every reason to expect     
that1 if the reality answers to the     
idea1 she will be one of the few        
well-ordered cities which the sun and   
the other ,gods behold4 ,wherefore1 in  
the matter of journeys to other         

countries and the reception of          
strangers1 we enact as follows3 ,in the 
first place1 let no one be allowed to go
 anywhere at all into a foreign country 
who is less than forty years of age2 and
 no one shall go in a private capacity1 
but only in some public one1 as a       
herald1 or on an embassy1 or on a sacred
 mission4 ,going abroad on an expedition
 or in war is not to be included among  
travels of the class authorised by the  
state4 ,to ,apollo at ,delphi and to    
,zeus at ,olympia and to ,nemea and to  
the ,isthmus1 citizens should be sent to
 take part in the sacrifices and games  
there dedicated to the ,gods2 and they  
should send as many as possible1 and the
 best and fairest that can be found1 and
 they will make the city renowned at    
holy meetings in time of peace1         
procuring a glory which shall be the    
converse of that which is gained in war2
 and when they come home they shall     
teach the young that the institutions of
 other states are inferior to their own4

 ,and they shall send spectators of     
another sort1 if they have the consent  
of the guardians1 being such citizens as
 desire to look a little more at leisure
 at the doings of other men2 and these  
no law shall hinder4 ,for a city which  
has no experience of good and bad men or
 intercourse with them1 can never be    
thoroughly and perfectly civilised1 nor1
 again1 can the citizens of a city      
properly observe the laws by habit only1
 and without an intelligent             
understanding of them4 ,and there always
 are in the world a few inspired men    
whose acquaintance is beyond price1 and 
who spring up quite as much in          
ill-ordered as in well-ordered cities4  
,these are they whom the citizens of a  
well-ordered city should be ever seeking
 out1 going forth over sea and over land
 to find him who is incorruptible--that 
he may establish more firmly            
institutions in his own state which are 
good already1 and amend what is         
deficient2 for without this examination 

and enquiry a city will never continue  
perfect any more than if the examination
 is ill-conducted4  ,,cleinias3 ,how can
 we have an examination and also a good 
one8  ,,athenian3 ,in this way3 ,in the 
first place1 our spectator shall be of  
not less than fifty years of age2 he    
must be a man of reputation1 especially 
in war1 if he is to exhibit to other    
cities a model of the guardians of the  
law1 but when he is more than sixty     
years of age he shall no longer continue
 in his office of spectator4 ,and when  
he has carried on his inspection during 
as many out of the ten years of his     
office as he pleases1 on his return home
 let him go to the assembly of those who
 review the laws4 ,this shall be a mixed
 body of young and old men1 who shall be
 required to meet daily between the hour
 of dawn and the rising of the sun4     
,they shall consist1 in the first place1
 of the priests who have obtained the   
rewards of virtue2 and1 in the second   
place1 of guardians of the law1 the ten 

eldest being chosen2 the general        
superintendent of education shall also  
be a member1 as well as the last        
appointed as those who have been        
released from the office2 and each of   
them shall take with him as his         
companion a young man1 whomsoever he    
chooses1 between the ages of thirty and 
forty4 ,these shall be always holding   
conversation and discourse about the    
laws of their own city or about any     
specially good ones which they may hear 
to be existing elsewhere2 also about    
kinds of knowledge which may appear to  
be of use and will throw light upon the 
examination1 or of which the want will  
make the subject of laws dark and       
uncertain to them4 ,any knowledge of    
this sort which the elders approve1 the 
younger men shall learn with all        
diligence2 and if any one of those who  
have been invited appear to be unworthy1
 the whole assembly shall blame him who 
invited him4 ,the rest of the city shall
 watch over those among the young men   

who distinguish themselves1 having an   
eye upon them1 and especially honouring 
them if they succeed1 but dishonouring  
them above the rest if they turn out to 
be inferior4 ,this is the assembly to   
which he who has visited the            
institutions of other men1 on his return
 home shall straightway go1 and if he   
have discovered any one who has anything
 to say about the enactment of laws or  
education or nurture1 or if he have     
himself made any observations1 let him  
communicate his discoveries to the whole
 assembly4 ,and if he be seen to have   
come home neither better nor worse1 let 
him be praised at any rate for his      
enthusiasm2 and if he be much better1   
let him be praised so much the more2 and
 not only while he lives but after his  
death let the assembly honour him with  
fitting honours4 ,but if on his return  
home he appear to have been corrupted1  
pretending to be wise when he is not1   
let him hold no communication with any  
one1 whether young or old2 and if he    

will hearken to the rulers1 then he     
shall be permitted to live as a private 
individual2 but if he will not1 let him 
die1 if he be convicted in a court of   
law of interfering about education and  
the laws4 ,and if he deserve to be      
indicted1 and none of the magistrates   
indict him1 let that be counted as a    
disgrace to them when the rewards of    
virtue are decided4  ,let such be the   
character of the person who goes abroad1
 and let him go abroad under these      
conditions4 ,in the next place1 the     
stranger who comes from abroad should be
 received in a friendly spirit4 ,now    
there are four kinds of strangers1 of   
whom we must make some mention--the     
first is he who comes and stays         
throughout the summer2 this class are   
like birds of passage1 taking wing in   
pursuit of commerce1 and flying over the
 sea to other cities1 while the season  
lasts2 he shall be received in          
market-places and harbours and public   
buildings1 near the city but outside1 by

 those magistrates who are appointed to 
superintend these matters2 and they     
shall take care that a stranger1 whoever
 he be1 duly receives justice2 but he   
shall not be allowed to make any        
innovation4 ,they shall hold the        
intercourse with him which is necessary1
 and this shall be as little as         
possible4 ,the second kind is just a    
spectator who comes to see with his eyes
 and hear with his ears the festivals of
 the ,muses2 such ought to have         
entertainment provided them at the      
temples by hospitable persons1 and the  
priests and ministers of the temples    
should see and attend to them4 ,but they
 should not remain more than a          
reasonable time2 let them see and hear  
that for the sake of which they came1   
and then go away1 neither having        
suffered nor done any harm4 ,the priests
 shall be their judges1 if any of them  
receive or do any wrong up to the sum of
 fifty drachmae1 but if any greater     
charge be brought1 in such cases the    

suit shall come before the wardens of   
the agora4 ,the third kind of stranger  
is he who comes on some public business 
from another land1 and is to be received
 with public honours4 ,he is to be      
received only by the generals and       
commanders of horse and foot1 and the   
host by whom he is entertained1 in      
conjunction with the ,prytanes1 shall   
have the sole charge of what concerns   
him4 ,there is a fourth class of persons
 answering to our spectators1 who come  
from another land to look at ours4 ,in  
the first place1 such visits will be    
rare1 and the visitor should be at least
 fifty years of age2 he may possibly be 
wanting to see something that is rich   
and rare in other states1 or himself to 
show something in like manner to another
 city4 ,let such an one1 then1 go       
unbidden to the doors of the wise and   
rich1 being one of them himself3 let him
 go1 for example1 to the house of the   
superintendent of education1 confident  
that he is a fitting guest of such a    

host1 or let him go to the house of some
 of those who have gained the prize of  
virtue and hold discourse with them1    
both learning from them1 and also       
teaching them2 and when he has seen and 
heard all1 he shall depart1 as a friend 
taking leave of friends1 and be honoured
 by them with gifts and suitable        
tributes of respect4 ,these are the     
customs1 according to which our city    
should receive all strangers of either  
sex who come from other countries1 and  
should send forth her own citizens1     
showing respect to ,zeus1 the ,god of   
hospitality1 not forbidding strangers at
 meals and sacrifices1 as is the manner 
which prevails among the children of the
 ,nile1 nor driving them away by savage 
proclamations4  ,when a man becomes     
surety1 let him give the security in a  
distinct form1 acknowledging the whole  
transaction in a written document1 and  
in the presence of not less than three  
witnesses if the sum be under a thousand
 drachmae1 and of not less than five    

witnesses if the sum be above a thousand
 drachmae4 ,the agent of a dishonest or 
untrustworthy seller shall himself be   
responsible2 both the agent and the     
principal shall be equally liable4 ,if a
 person wishes to find anything in the  
house of another1 he shall enter naked1 
or wearing only a short tunic and       
without a girdle1 having first taken an 
oath by the customary ,gods that he     
expects to find it there2 he shall then 
make his search1 and the other shall    
throw open his house and allow him to   
search things both sealed and unsealed4 
,and if a person will not allow the     
searcher to make his search1 he who is  
prevented shall go to law with him1     
estimating the value of the goods after 
which he is searching1 and if the other 
be convicted he shall pay twice the     
value of the article4 ,if the master be 
absent from home1 the dwellers in the   
house shall let him search the unsealed 
property1 and on the sealed property the
 searcher shall set another seal1 and   

shall appoint any one whom he likes to  
guard them during five days2 and if the 
master of the house be absent during a  
longer time1 he shall take with him the 
wardens of the city1 and so make his    
search1 opening the sealed property as  
well as the unsealed1 and then1 together
 with the members of the family and the 
wardens of the city1 he shall seal them 
up again as they were before4 ,there    
shall be a limit of time in the case of 
disputed things1 and he who has had     
possession of them during a certain time
 shall no longer be liable to be        
disturbed4 ,as to houses and lands there
 can be no dispute in this state of     
ours2 but if a man has any other        
possessions which he has used and openly
 shown in the city and in the agora and 
in the temples1 and no one has put in a 
claim to them1 and some one says that he
 was looking for them during this time1 
and the possessor is proved to have made
 no concealment1 if they have continued 
for a year1 the one having the goods and

 the other looking for them1 the claim  
of the seeker shall not be allowed after
 the expiration of the year2 or if he   
does not use or show the lost property  
in the market or in the city1 but only  
in the country1 and no one offers       
himself as the owner during five years1 
at the expiration of the five years the 
claim shall be barred for ever after2 or
 if he uses them in the city but within 
the house1 then the appointed time of   
claiming the goods shall be three years1
 or ten years if he has them in the     
country in private4 ,and if he has them 
in another land1 there shall be no limit
 of time or prescription1 but whenever  
the owner finds them he may claim them4 
,if any one prevents another by force   
from being present at a trial1 whether a
 principal party or his witnesses2 if   
the person prevented be a slave1 whether
 his own or belonging to another1 the   
suit shall be incomplete and invalid2   
but if he who is prevented be a freeman1
 besides the suit being incomplete1 the 

other who has prevented him shall be    
imprisoned for a year1 and shall be     
prosecuted for kidnapping by any one who
 pleases4 ,and if any one hinders by    
force a rival competitor in gymnastic or
 music1 or any other sort of contest1   
from being present at the contest1 let  
him who has a mind inform the presiding 
judges1 and they shall liberate him who 
is desirous of competing2 and if they   
are not able1 and he who hinders the    
other from competing wins the prize1    
then they shall give the prize of       
victory to him who is prevented1 and    
inscribe him as the conqueror in any    
temples which he pleases2 and he who    
hinders the other shall not be permitted
 to make any offering or inscription    
having reference to that contest1 and in
 any case he shall be liable for        
damages1 whether he be defeated or      
whether he conquer4  ,if any one        
knowingly receives anything which has   
been stolen1 he shall undergo the same  
punishment as the thief1 and if a man   

receives an exile he shall be punished  
with death4 ,every man should regard the
 friend and enemy of the state as his   
own friend and enemy2 and if any one    
makes peace or war with another on his  
own account1 and without the authority  
of the state1 he1 like the receiver of  
the exile1 shall undergo the penalty of 
death4 ,and if any fraction of the city 
declare war or peace against any1 the   
generals shall indict the authors of    
this proceeding1 and if they are        
convicted death shall be the penalty4   
,those who serve their country ought to 
serve without receiving gifts1 and there
 ought to be no excusing or approving   
the saying1 ',men should receive gifts  
as the reward of good1 but not of evil  
deeds'2 for to know which we are doing1 
and to stand fast by our knowledge1 is  
no easy matter4 ,the safest course is to
 obey the law which says1 ',do no       
service for a bribe1' and let him who   
disobeys1 if he be convicted1 simply    
die4 ,with a view to taxation1 for      

various reasons1 every man ought to have
 had his property valued3 and the       
tribesmen should likewise bring a       
register of the yearly produce to the   
wardens of the country1 that in this way
 there may be two valuations2 and the   
public officers may use annually        
whichever on consideration they deem the
 best1 whether they prefer to take a    
certain portion of the whole value1 or  
of the annual revenue1 after subtracting
 what is paid to the common tables4     
,touching offerings to the ,gods1 a     
moderate man should observe moderation  
in what he offers4 ,now the land and the
 hearth of the house of all men is      
sacred to all ,gods2 wherefore let no   
man dedicate them a second time to the  
,gods4 ,gold and silver1 whether        
possessed by private persons or in      
temples1 are in other cities provocative
 of envy1 and ivory1 the product of a   
dead body1 is not a proper offering2    
brass and iron1 again1 are instruments  
of war2 but of wood let a man bring what

 offering he likes1 provided it be a    
single block1 and in like manner of     
stone1 to the public temples2 of woven  
work let him not offer more than one    
woman can execute in a month4 ,white is 
a colour suitable to the ,gods1         
especially in woven works1 but dyes     
should only be used for the adornments  
of war4 ,the most divine of gifts are   
birds and images1 and they should be    
such as one painter can execute in a    
single day4 ,and let all other offerings
 follow a similar rule4  ,now that the  
whole city has been divided into parts  
of which the nature and number have been
 described1 and laws have been given    
about all the most important contracts  
as far as this was possible1 the next   
thing will be to have justice done4 ,the
 first of the courts shall consist of   
elected judges1 who shall be chosen by  
the plaintiff and the defendant in      
common3 these shall be called arbiters  
rather than judges4 ,and in the second  
court there shall be judges of the      

villages and tribes corresponding to the
 twelvefold division of the land1 and   
before these the litigants shall go to  
contend for greater damages1 if the suit
 be not decided before the first judges2
 the defendant1 if he be defeated the   
second time1 shall pay a fifth more than
 the damages mentioned in the           
indictment2 and if he find fault with   
his judges and would try a third time1  
let him carry the suit before the select
 judges1 and if he be again defeated1   
let him pay the whole of the damages and
 half as much again4 ,and the plaintiff1
 if when defeated before the first      
judges he persist in going on to the    
second1 shall if he wins receive in     
addition to the damages a fifth part    
more1 and if defeated he shall pay a    
like sum2 but if he is not satisfied    
with the previous decision1 and will    
insist on proceeding to a third court1  
then if he win he shall receive from the
 defendant the amount of the damages    
and1 as ,i said before1 half as much    

again1 and the plaintiff1 if he lose1   
shall pay half of the damages claimed4  
,now the assignment by lot of judges to 
courts and the completion of the number 
of them1 and the appointment of servants
 to the different magistrates1 and the  
times at which the several causes should
 be heard1 and the votings and delays1  
and all the things that necessarily     
concern suits1 and the order of causes1 
and the time in which answers have to be
 put in and parties are to appear--of   
these and other things akin to these we 
have indeed already spoken1 but there is
 no harm in repeating what is right     
twice or thrice3 ,all lesser and easier 
matters which the elder legislator has  
omitted may be supplied by the younger  
one4 ,private courts will be            
sufficiently regulated in this way1 and 
the public and state courts1 and those  
which the magistrates must use in the   
administration of their several offices1
 exist in many other states4 ,many very 
respectable institutions of this sort   

have been framed by good men1 and from  
them the guardians of the law may by    
reflection derive what is necessary for 
the order of our new state1 considering 
and correcting them1 and bringing them  
to the test of experience1 until every  
detail appears to be satisfactorily     
determined2 and then putting the final  
seal upon them1 and making them         
irreversible1 they shall use them for   
ever afterwards4 ,as to what relates to 
the silence of judges and the abstinence
 from words of evil omen and the        
reverse1 and the different notions of   
the just and good and honourable which  
exist in our own as compared with other 
states1 they have been partly mentioned 
already1 and another part of them will  
be mentioned hereafter as we draw near  
the end4 ,to all these matters he who   
would be an equal judge shall justly    
look1 and he shall possess writings     
about them that he may learn them4 ,for 
of all kinds of knowledge the knowledge 
of good laws has the greatest power of  

improving the learner2 otherwise there  
would be no meaning in the divine and   
admirable law possessing a name akin to 
mind 7nous1 nomos74 ,and of all other   
words1 such as the praises and censures 
of individuals which occur in poetry and
 also in prose1 whether written down or 
uttered in daily conversation1 whether  
men dispute about them in the spirit of 
contention or weakly assent to them1 as 
is often the case--of all these the one 
sure test is the writings of the        
legislator1 which the righteous judge   
ought to have in his mind as the        
antidote of all other words1 and thus   
make himself and the city stand upright1
 procuring for the good the continuance 
and increase of justice1 and for the    
bad1 on the other hand1 a conversion    
from ignorance and intemperance1 and in 
general from all unrighteousness1 as far
 as their evil minds can be healed1 but 
to those whose web of life is in reality
 finished1 giving death1 which is the   
only remedy for souls in their          

condition1 as ,i may say truly again and
 again4 ,and such judges and chiefs of  
judges will be worthy of receiving      
praise from the whole city4  ,when the  
suits of the year are completed the     
following laws shall regulate their     
execution3 ,in the first place1 the     
judge shall assign to the party who wins
 the suit the whole property of him who 
loses1 with the exception of mere       
necessaries1 and the assignment shall be
 made through the herald immediately    
after each decision in the hearing of   
the judges2 and when the month arrives  
following the month in which the courts 
are sitting1 7unless the gainer of the  
suit has been previously satisfied7 the 
court shall follow up the case1 and hand
 over to the winner the goods of the    
loser2 but if they find that he has not 
the means of paying1 and the sum        
deficient is not less than a drachma1   
the insolvent person shall not have any 
right of going to law with any other man
 until he have satisfied the debt of the

 winning party2 but other persons shall 
still have the right of bringing suits  
against him4 ,and if any one after he is
 condemned refuses to acknowledge the   
authority which condemned him1 let the  
magistrates who are thus deprived of    
their authority bring him before the    
court of the guardians of the law1 and  
if he be cast1 let him be punished with 
death1 as a subverter of the whole state
 and of the laws4  ,thus a man is born  
and brought up1 and after this manner he
 begets and brings up his own children1 
and has his share of dealings with other
 men1 and suffers if he has done wrong  
to any one1 and receives satisfaction if
 he has been wronged1 and so at length  
in due time he grows old under the      
protection of the laws1 and his end     
comes in the order of nature4           
,concerning the dead of either sex1 the 
religious ceremonies which may fittingly
 be performed1 whether appertaining to  
the ,gods of the under-world or of this1
 shall be decided by the interpreters   

with absolute authority4 ,their         
sepulchres are not to be in places which
 are fit for cultivation1 and there     
shall be no monuments in such spots1    
either large or small1 but they shall   
occupy that part of the country which is
 naturally adapted for receiving and    
concealing the bodies of the dead with  
as little hurt as possible to the       
living4 ,no man1 living or dead1 shall  
deprive the living of the sustenance    
which the earth1 their foster-parent1 is
 naturally inclined to provide for them4
 ,and let not the mound be piled higher 
than would be the work of five men      
completed in five days2 nor shall the   
stone which is placed over the spot be  
larger than would be sufficient to      
receive the praises of the dead included
 in four heroic lines4 ,nor shall the   
laying out of the dead in the house     
continue for a longer time than is      
sufficient to distinguish between him   
who is in a trance only and him who is  
really dead1 and speaking generally1 the

 third day after death will be a fair   
time for carrying out the body to the   
sepulchre4 ,now we must believe the     
legislator when he tells us that the    
soul is in all respects superior to the 
body1 and that even in life what makes  
each one of us to be what we are is only
 the soul2 and that the body follows us 
about in the likeness of each of us1 and
 therefore1 when we are dead1 the bodies
 of the dead are quite rightly said to  
be our shades or images2 for the true   
and immortal being of each one of us    
which is called the soul goes on her way
 to other ,gods1 before them to give an 
account--which is an inspiring hope to  
the good1 but very terrible to the bad1 
as the laws of our fathers tell us2 and 
they also say that not much can be done 
in the way of helping a man after he is 
dead4 ,but the living--he should be     
helped by all his kindred1 that while in
 life he may be the holiest and justest 
of men1 and after death may have no     
great sins to be punished in the world  

below4 ,if this be true1 a man ought not
 to waste his substance under the idea  
that all this lifeless mass of flesh    
which is in process of burial is        
connected with him2 he should consider  
that the son1 or brother1 or the beloved
 one1 whoever he may be1 whom he thinks 
he is laying in the earth1 has gone away
 to complete and fulfil his own destiny1
 and that his duty is rightly to order  
the present1 and to spend moderately on 
the lifeless altar of the ,gods below4  
,but the legislator does not intend     
moderation to be taken in the sense of  
meanness4 ,let the law1 then1 be as     
follows3 ,the expenditure on the entire 
funeral of him who is of the highest    
class1 shall not exceed five minae2 and 
for him who is of the second class1     
three minae1 and for him who is of the  
third class1 two minae1 and for him who 
is of the fourth class1 one mina1 will  
be a fair limit of expense4 ,the        
guardians of the law ought to take      
especial care of the different ages of  

life1 whether childhood1 or manhood1 or 
any other age4 ,and at the end of all1  
let there be some one guardian of the   
law presiding1 who shall be chosen by   
the friends of the deceased to          
superintend1 and let it be glory to him 
to manage with fairness and moderation  
what relates to the dead1 and a         
discredit to him if they are not well   
managed4 ,let the laying out and other  
ceremonies be in accordance with custom1
 but to the statesman who adopts custom 
as his law we must give way in certain  
particulars4 ,it would be monstrous for 
example that he should command any man  
to weep or abstain from weeping over the
 dead2 but he may forbid cries of       
lamentation1 and not allow the voice of 
the mourner to be heard outside the     
house2 also1 he may forbid the bringing 
of the dead body into the open streets1 
or the processions of mourners in the   
streets1 and may require that before    
daybreak they should be outside the     
city4 ,let these1 then1 be our laws     

relating to such matters1 and let him   
who obeys be free from penalty2 but he  
who disobeys even a single guardian of  
the law shall be punished by them all   
with a fitting penalty4 ,other modes of 
burial1 or again the denial of burial1  
which is to be refused in the case of   
robbers of temples and parricides and   
the like1 have been devised and are     
embodied in the preceding laws1 so that 
now our work of legislation is pretty   
nearly at an end2 but in all cases the  
end does not consist in doing something 
or acquiring something or establishing  
something--the end will be attained and 
finally accomplished1 when we have      
provided for the perfect and lasting    
continuance of our institutions2 until  
then our creation is incomplete4        
,,cleinias3 ,that is very good1         
,stranger2 but ,i wish you would tell me
 more clearly what you mean4            
,,athenian3 ,o ,cleinias1 many things of
 old time were well said and sung2 and  
the saying about the ,fates was one of  

them4  ,,cleinias3 ,what is it8         
,,athenian3 ,the saying that ,lachesis  
or the giver of the lots is the first of
 them1 and that ,clotho or the spinster 
is the second of them1 and that ,atropos
 or the unchanging one is the third of  
them2 and that she is the preserver of  
the things which we have spoken1 and    
which have been compared in a figure to 
things woven by fire1 they both 7i4e4   
,atropos and the fire7 producing the    
quality of unchangeableness4 ,i am      
speaking of the things which in a state 
and government give not only health and 
salvation to the body1 but law1 or      
rather preservation of the law1 in the  
soul2 and1 if ,i am not mistaken1 this  
seems to be still wanting in our laws3  
we have still to see how we can implant 
in them this irreversible nature4       
,,cleinias3 ,it will be no small matter 
if we can only discover how such a      
nature can be implanted in anything4    
,,athenian3 ,but it certainly can be2 so
 much ,i clearly see4  ,,cleinias3 ,then

 let us not think of desisting until we 
have imparted this quality to our laws2 
for it is ridiculous1 after a great deal
 of labour has been spent1 to place a   
thing at last on an insecure foundation4
  ,,athenian3 ,i approve of your        
suggestion1 and am quite of the same    
mind with you4  ,,cleinias3 ,very good3 
,and now what1 according to you1 is to  
be the salvation of our government and  
of our laws1 and how is it to be        
effected8  ,,athenian3 ,were we not     
saying that there must be in our city a 
council which was to be of this sort3   
,the ten oldest guardians of the law1   
and all those who have obtained prizes  
of virtue1 were to meet in the same     
assembly1 and the council was also to   
include those who had visited foreign   
countries in the hope of hearing        
something that might be of use in the   
preservation of the laws1 and who1      
having come safely home1 and having been
 tested in these same matters1 had      
proved themselves to be worthy to take  

part in the assembly--each of the       
members was to select some young man of 
not less than thirty years of age1 he   
himself judging in the first instance   
whether the young man was worthy by     
nature and education1 and then          
suggesting him to the others1 and if he 
seemed to them also to be worthy they   
were to adopt him2 but if not1 the      
decision at which they arrived was to be
 kept a secret from the citizens at     
large1 and1 more especially1 from the   
rejected candidate4 ,the meeting of the 
council was to be held early in the     
morning1 when everybody was most at     
leisure from all other business1 whether
 public or private--was not something of
 this sort said by us before8           
,,cleinias3 ,true4  ,,athenian3 ,then1  
returning to the council1 ,i would say  
further1 that if we let it down to be   
the anchor of the state1 our city1      
having everything which is suitable to  
her1 will preserve all that we wish to  
preserve4  ,,cleinias3 ,what do you     

mean8  ,,athenian3 ,now is the time for 
me to speak the truth in all            
earnestness4  ,,cleinias3 ,well said1   
and ,i hope that you will fulfil your   
intention4  ,,athenian3 ,know1          
,cleinias1 that everything1 in all that 
it does1 has a natural saviour1 as of an
 animal the soul and the head are the   
chief saviours4  ,,cleinias3 ,once more1
 what do you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,the    
well-being of those two is obviously the
 preservation of every living thing4    
,,cleinias3 ,how is that8  ,,athenian3  
,the soul1 besides other things1        
contains mind1 and the head1 besides    
other things1 contains sight and        
hearing2 and the mind1 mingling with the
 noblest of the senses1 and becoming one
 with them1 may be truly called the     
salvation of all4  ,,cleinias3 ,yes1    
quite so4  ,,athenian3 ,yes1 indeed2 but
 with what is that intellect concerned  
which1 mingling with the senses1 is the 
salvation of ships in storms as well as 
in fair weather8 ,in a ship1 when the   

pilot and the sailors unite their       
perceptions with the piloting mind1 do  
they not save both themselves and their 
craft8  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4         
,,athenian3 ,we do not want many        
illustrations about such matters3 ,what 
aim would the general of an army1 or    
what aim would a physician propose to   
himself1 if he were seeking to attain   
salvation8  ,,cleinias3 ,very good4     
,,athenian3 ,does not the general aim at
 victory and superiority in war1 and do 
not the physician and his assistants aim
 at producing health in the body8       
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and a physician who is ignorant about  
the body1 that is to say1 who knows not 
that which we just now called health1 or
 a general who knows not victory1 or any
 others who are ignorant of the         
particulars of the arts which we        
mentioned1 cannot be said to have       
understanding about any of these        
matters4  ,,cleinias3 ,they cannot4     
,,athenian3 ,and what would you say of  

the state8 ,if a person proves to be    
ignorant of the aim to which the        
statesman should look1 ought he1 in the 
first place1 to be called a ruler at    
all2 and further1 will he ever be able  
to preserve that of which he does not   
even know the aim8  ,,cleinias3         
,impossible4  ,,athenian3 ,and          
therefore1 if our settlement of the     
country is to be perfect1 we ought to   
have some institution1 which1 as ,i was 
saying1 will tell what is the aim of the
 state1 and will inform us how we are to
 attain this1 and what law or what man  
will advise us to that end4 ,any state  
which has no such institution is likely 
to be devoid of mind and sense1 and in  
all her actions will proceed by mere    
chance4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true4        
,,athenian3 ,in which1 then1 of the     
parts or institutions of the state is   
any such guardian power to be found8    
,can we say8  ,,cleinias3 ,i am not     
quite certain1 ,stranger2 but ,i have a 
suspicion that you are referring to the 

assembly which you just now said was to 
meet at night4  ,,athenian3 ,you        
understand me perfectly1 ,cleinias2 and 
we must assume1 as the argument implies1
 that this council possesses all virtue2
 and the beginning of virtue is not to  
make mistakes by guessing many things1  
but to look steadily at one thing1 and  
on this to fix all our aims4            
,,cleinias3 ,quite true4  ,,athenian3   
,then now we shall see why there is     
nothing wonderful in states going       
astray--the reason is that their        
legislators have such different aims2   
nor is there anything wonderful in some 
laying down as their rule of justice1   
that certain individuals should bear    
rule in the state1 whether they be good 
or bad1 and others that the citizens    
should be rich1 not caring whether they 
are the slaves of other men or not4 ,the
 tendency of others1 again1 is towards  
freedom2 and some legislate with a view 
to two things at once--they want to be  
at the same time free and the lords of  

other states2 but the wisest men1 as    
they deem themselves to be1 look to all 
these and similar aims1 and there is no 
one of them which they exclusively      
honour1 and to which they would have all
 things look4  ,,cleinias3 ,then1       
,stranger1 our former assertion will    
hold2 for we were saying that laws      
generally should look to one thing only2
 and this1 as we admitted1 was rightly  
said to be virtue4  ,,athenian3 ,yes4   
,,cleinias3 ,and we said that virtue was
 of four kinds8  ,,athenian3 ,quite     
true4  ,,cleinias3 ,and that mind was   
the leader of the four1 and that to her 
the three other virtues and all other   
things ought to have regard8            
,,athenian3 ,you follow me capitally1   
,cleinias1 and ,i would ask you to      
follow me to the end1 for we have       
already said that the mind of the pilot1
 the mind of the physician and of the   
general look to that one thing to which 
they ought to look2 and now we may turn 
to mind political1 of which1 as of a    

human creature1 we will ask a question3 
,o wonderful being1 and to what are you 
looking8 ,the physician is able to tell 
his single aim in life1 but you1 the    
superior1 as you declare yourself to be1
 of all intelligent beings1 when you are
 asked are not able to tell4 ,can you1  
,megillus1 and you1 ,cleinias1 say      
distinctly what is the aim of mind      
political1 in return for the many       
explanations of things which ,i have    
given you8  ,,cleinias3 ,we cannot1     
,stranger4  ,,athenian3 ,well1 but ought
 we not to desire to see it1 and to see 
where it is to be found8  ,,cleinias3   
,for example1 where8  ,,athenian3 ,for  
example1 we were saying that there are  
four kinds of virtue1 and as there are  
four of them1 each of them must be one4 
,,cleinias3 ,certainly4  ,,athenian3    
,and further1 all four of them we call  
one2 for we say that courage is virtue1 
and that prudence is virtue1 and the    
same of the two others1 as if they were 
in reality not many but one1 that is1   

virtue4  ,,cleinias3 ,quite so4         
,,athenian3 ,there is no difficulty in  
seeing in what way the two differ from  
one another1 and have received two      
names1 and so of the rest4 ,but there is
 more difficulty in explaining why we   
call these two and the rest of them by  
the single name of virtue4  ,,cleinias3 
,how do you mean8  ,,athenian3 ,i have  
no difficulty in explaining what ,i     
mean4 ,let us distribute the subject    
into questions and answers4  ,,cleinias3
 ,once more1 what do you mean8          
,,athenian3 ,ask me what is that one    
thing which ,i call virtue1 and then    
again speak of as two1 one part being   
courage and the other wisdom4 ,i will   
tell you how that occurs3 ,one of them  
has to do with fear2 in this the beasts 
also participate1 and quite young       
children--,i mean courage2 for a        
courageous temper is a gift of nature   
and not of reason4 ,but without reason  
there never has been1 or is1 or will be 
a wise and understanding soul2 it is of 

a different nature4  ,,cleinias3 ,that  
is true4  ,,athenian3 ,i have now told  
you in what way the two are different1  
and do you in return tell me in what way
 they are one and the same4 ,suppose    
that ,i ask you in what way the four are
 one1 and when you have answered me1 you
 will have a right to ask of me in      
return in what way they are four2 and   
then let us proceed to enquire whether  
in the case of things which have a name 
and also a definition to them1 true     
knowledge consists in knowing the name  
only and not the definition4 ,can he who
 is good for anything be ignorant of all
 this without discredit where great and 
glorious truths are concerned8          
,,cleinias3 ,i suppose not4  ,,athenian3
 ,and is there anything greater to the  
legislator and the guardian of the law1 
and to him who thinks that he excels all
 other men in virtue1 and has won the   
palm of excellence1 than these very     
qualities of which we are now           
speaking--courage1 temperance1 wisdom1  

justice8  ,,cleinias3 ,how can there be 
anything greater8  ,,athenian3 ,and     
ought not the interpreters1 the         
teachers1 the lawgivers1 the guardians  
of the other citizens1 to excel the rest
 of mankind1 and perfectly to show him  
who desires to learn and know or whose  
evil actions require to be punished and 
reproved1 what is the nature of virtue  
and vice8 ,or shall some poet who has   
found his way into the city1 or some    
chance person who pretends to be an     
instructor of youth1 show himself to be 
better than him who has won the prize   
for every virtue8 ,and can we wonder    
that when the guardians are not adequate
 in speech or action1 and have no       
adequate knowledge of virtue1 the city  
being unguarded should experience the   
common fate of cities in our day8       
,,cleinias3 ,wonder6 no4  ,,athenian3   
,well1 then1 must we do as we said8 ,or 
can we give our guardians a more precise
 knowledge of virtue in speech and      
action than the many have8 or is there  

any way in which our city can be made to
 resemble the head and senses of        
rational beings because possessing such 
a guardian power8  ,,cleinias3 ,what1   
,stranger1 is the drift of your         
comparison8  ,,athenian3 ,do we not see 
that the city is the trunk1 and are not 
the younger guardians1 who are chosen   
for their natural gifts1 placed in the  
head of the state1 having their souls   
all full of eyes1 with which they look  
about the whole city8 ,they keep watch  
and hand over their perceptions to the  
memory1 and inform the elders of all    
that happens in the city2 and those whom
 we compared to the mind1 because they  
have many wise thoughts--that is to say1
 the old men--take counsel1 and making  
use of the younger men as their         
ministers1 and advising with them--in   
this way both together truly preserve   
the whole state3 ,shall this or some    
other be the order of our state8 ,are   
all our citizens to be equal in         
acquirements1 or shall there be special 

persons among them who have received a  
more careful training and education8    
,,cleinias3 ,that they should be equal1 
my good sir1 is impossible4  ,,athenian3
 ,then we ought to proceed to some more 
exact training than any which has       
preceded4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly4      
,,athenian3 ,and must not that of which 
we are in need be the one to which we   
were just now alluding8  ,,cleinias3    
,very true4  ,,athenian3 ,did we not say
 that the workman or guardian1 if he be 
perfect in every respect1 ought not only
 to be able to see the many aims1 but he
 should press onward to the one8 ,this  
he should know1 and knowing1 order all  
things with a view to it4  ,,cleinias3  
,true4  ,,athenian3 ,and can any one    
have a more exact way of considering or 
contemplating anything1 than the being  
able to look at one idea gathered from  
many different things8  ,,cleinias3     
,perhaps not4  ,,athenian3 ,not         
',perhaps not1' but ',certainly not1' my
 good sir1 is the right answer4 ,there  

never has been a truer method than this 
discovered by any man4  ,,cleinias3 ,i  
bow to your authority1 ,stranger2 let us
 proceed in the way which you propose4  
,,athenian3 ,then1 as would appear1 we  
must compel the guardians of our divine 
state to perceive1 in the first place1  
what that principle is which is the same
 in all the four--the same1 as we       
affirm1 in courage and in temperance1   
and in justice and in prudence1 and     
which1 being one1 we call as we ought1  
by the single name of virtue4 ,to this1 
my friends1 we will1 if you please1 hold
 fast1 and not let go until we have     
sufficiently explained what that is to  
which we are to look1 whether to be     
regarded as one1 or as a whole1 or as   
both1 or in whatever way4 ,are we likely
 ever to be in a virtuous condition1 if 
we cannot tell whether virtue is many1  
or four1 or one8 ,certainly1 if we take 
counsel among ourselves1 we shall in    
some way contrive that this principle   
has a place amongst us2 but if you have 

made up your mind that we should let the
 matter alone1 we will4  ,,cleinias3 ,we
 must not1 ,stranger1 by the ,god of    
strangers ,i swear that we must not1 for
 in our opinion you speak most truly2   
but we should like to know how you will 
accomplish your purpose4  ,,athenian3   
,wait a little before you ask2 and let  
us1 first of all1 be quite agreed with  
one another that the purpose has to be  
accomplished4  ,,cleinias3 ,certainly1  
it ought to be1 if it can be4           
,,athenian3 ,well1 and about the good   
and the honourable1 are we to take the  
same view8 ,are our guardians only to   
know that each of them is many1 or also 
how and in what way they are one8       
,,cleinias3 ,they must consider also in 
what sense they are one4  ,,athenian3   
,and are they to consider only1 and to  
be unable to set forth what they think8 
,,cleinias3 ,certainly not2 that would  
be the state of a slave4  ,,athenian3   
,and may not the same be said of all    
good things--that the true guardians of 

the laws ought to know the truth about  
them1 and to be able to interpret them  
in words1 and carry them out in action1 
judging of what is and of what is not   
well1 according to nature8  ,,cleinias3 
,certainly4  ,,athenian3 ,is not the    
knowledge of the ,gods which we have set
 forth with so much zeal one of the     
noblest sorts of knowledge--to know that
 they are1 and know how great is their  
power1 as far as in man lies8 ,we do    
indeed excuse the mass of the citizens1 
who only follow the voice of the laws1  
but we refuse to admit as guardians any 
who do not labour to obtain every       
possible evidence that there is         
respecting the ,gods2 our city is       
forbidden and not allowed to choose as a
 guardian of the law1 or to place in the
 select order of virtue1 him who is not 
an inspired man1 and has not laboured at
 these things4  ,,cleinias3 ,it is      
certainly just1 as you say1 that he who 
is indolent about such matters or       
incapable should be rejected1 and that  

things honourable should be put away    
from him4  ,,athenian3 ,are we assured  
that there are two things which lead men
 to believe in the ,gods1 as we have    
already stated8  ,,cleinias3 ,what are  
they8  ,,athenian3 ,one is the argument 
about the soul1 which has been already  
mentioned--that it is the eldest and    
most divine of all things1 to which     
motion attaining generation gives       
perpetual existence2 the other was an   
argument from the order of the motion of
 the stars1 and of all things under the 
dominion of the mind which ordered the  
universe4 ,if a man look upon the world 
not lightly or ignorantly1 there was    
never any one so godless who did not    
experience an effect opposite to that   
which the many imagine4 ,for they think 
that those who handle these matters by  
the help of astronomy1 and the          
accompanying arts of demonstration1 may 
become godless1 because they see1 as far
 as they can see1 things happening by   
necessity1 and not by an intelligent    

will accomplishing good4  ,,cleinias3   
,but what is the fact8  ,,athenian3     
,just the opposite1 as ,i said1 of the  
opinion which once prevailed among men1 
that the sun and stars are without soul4
 ,even in those days men wondered about 
them1 and that which is now ascertained 
was then conjectured by some who had a  
more exact knowledge of them--that if   
they had been things without soul1 and  
had no mind1 they could never have moved
 with numerical exactness so wonderful2 
and even at that time some ventured to  
hazard the conjecture that mind was the 
orderer of the universe4 ,but these same
 persons again mistaking the nature of  
the soul1 which they conceived to be    
younger and not older than the body1    
once more overturned the world1 or      
rather1 ,i should say1 themselves2 for  
the bodies which they saw moving in     
heaven all appeared to be full of       
stones1 and earth1 and many other       
lifeless substances1 and to these they  
assigned the causes of all things4 ,such

 studies gave rise to much atheism and  
perplexity1 and the poets took occasion 
to be abusive--comparing the            
philosophers to she-dogs uttering vain  
howlings1 and talking other nonsense of 
the same sort4 ,but now1 as ,i said1 the
 case is reversed4  ,,cleinias3 ,how so8
  ,,athenian3 ,no man can be a true     
worshipper of the ,gods who does not    
know these two principles--that the soul
 is the eldest of all things which are  
born1 and is immortal and rules over all
 bodies2 moreover1 as ,i have now said  
several times1 he who has not           
contemplated the mind of nature which is
 said to exist in the stars1 and gone   
through the previous training1 and seen 
the connexion of music with these       
things1 and harmonized them all with    
laws and institutions1 is not able to   
give a reason of such things as have a  
reason4 ,and he who is unable to acquire
 this in addition to the ordinary       
virtues of a citizen1 can hardly be a   
good ruler of a whole state2 but he     

should be the subordinate of other      
rulers4 ,wherefore1 ,cleinias and       
,megillus1 let us consider whether we   
may not add to all the other laws which 
we have discussed this further one--that
 the nocturnal assembly of the          
magistrates1 which has also shared in   
the whole scheme of education proposed  
by us1 shall be a guard set according to
 law for the salvation of the state4    
,shall we propose this8  ,,cleinias3    
,certainly1 my good friend1 we will if  
the thing is in any degree possible4    
,,athenian3 ,let us make a common effort
 to gain such an object2 for ,i too will
 gladly share in the attempt4 ,of these 
matters ,i have had much experience1 and
 have often considered them1 and ,i dare
 say that ,i shall be able to find      
others who will also help4  ,,cleinias3 
,i agree1 ,stranger1 that we should     
proceed along the road in which ,god is 
guiding us2 and how we can proceed      
rightly has now to be investigated and  
explained4  ,,athenian3 ,o ,megillus and

 ,cleinias1 about these matters we      
cannot legislate further until the      
council is constituted2 when that is    
done1 then we will determine what       
authority they shall have of their own2 
but the explanation of how this is all  
to be ordered would only be given       
rightly in a long discourse4            
,,cleinias3 ,what do you mean1 and what 
new thing is this8  ,,athenian3 ,in the 
first place1 a list would have to be    
made out of those who by their ages and 
studies and dispositions and habits are 
well fitted for the duty of a guardian4 
,in the next place1 it will not be easy 
for them to discover themselves what    
they ought to learn1 or become the      
disciple of one who has already made the
 discovery4 ,furthermore1 to write down 
the times at which1 and during which1   
they ought to receive the several kinds 
of instruction1 would be a vain thing2  
for the learners themselves do not know 
what is learned to advantage until the  
knowledge which is the result of        

learning has found a place in the soul  
of each4 ,and so these details1 although
 they could not be truly said to be     
secret1 might be said to be incapable of
 being stated beforehand1 because when  
stated they would have no meaning4      
,,cleinias3 ,what then are we to do1    
,stranger1 under these circumstances8   
,,athenian3 ,as the proverb says1 the   
answer is no secret1 but open to all of 
us3 ,we must risk the whole on the      
chance of throwing1 as they say1 thrice 
six or thrice ace1 and ,i am willing to 
share with you the danger by stating and
 explaining to you my views about       
education and nurture1 which is the     
question coming to the surface again4   
,the danger is not a slight or ordinary 
one1 and ,i would advise you1 ,cleinias1
 in particular1 to see to the matter2   
for if you order rightly the city of the
 ,magnetes1 or whatever name ,god may   
give it1 you will obtain the greatest   
glory2 or at any rate you will be       
thought the most courageous of men in   

the estimation of posterity4 ,dear      
companions1 if this our divine assembly 
can only be established1 to them we will
 hand over the city2 none of the present
 company of legislators1 as ,i may call 
them1 would hesitate about that4 ,and   
the state will be perfected and become a
 waking reality1 which a little while   
ago we attempted to create as a dream   
and in idea only1 mingling together     
reason and mind in one image1 in the    
hope that our citizens might be duly    
mingled and rightly educated2 and being 
educated1 and dwelling in the citadel of
 the land1 might become perfect         
guardians1 such as we have never seen in
 all our previous life1 by reason of the
 saving virtue which is in them4        
,,megillus3 ,dear ,cleinias1 after all  
that has been said1 either we must      
detain the ,stranger1 and by            
supplications and in all manner of ways 
make him share in the foundation of the 
city1 or we must give up the            
undertaking4  ,,cleinias3 ,very true1   

,megillus2 and you must join with me in 
detaining him4  ,,megillus3 ,i will4