,,menexenus  by ,plato  7see ,appendix  
,i7   ,translated by ,benjamin ,jowett  
,,appendix ,i4  ,it seems impossible to 
separate by any exact line the genuine  
writings of ,plato from the spurious4   
,the only external evidence to them     
which is of much value is that of       
,aristotle2 for the ,alexandrian        
catalogues of a century later include   
manifest forgeries4 ,even the value of  
the ,aristotelian authority is a good   
deal impaired by the uncertainty        
concerning the date and authorship of   
the writings which are ascribed to him4 
,and several of the citations of        
,aristotle omit the name of ,plato1 and 
some of them omit the name of the       
dialogue from which they are taken4     
,prior1 however1 to the enquiry about   
the writings of a particular author1    
general considerations which equally    
affect all evidence to the genuineness  
of ancient writings are the following3  
,shorter works are more likely to have  
been forged1 or to have received an     

erroneous designation1 than longer ones2
 and some kinds of composition1 such as 
epistles or panegyrical orations1 are   
more liable to suspicion than others2   
those1 again1 which have a taste of     
sophistry in them1 or the ring of a     
later age1 or the slighter character of 
a rhetorical exercise1 or in which a    
motive or some affinity to spurious     
writings can be detected1 or which seem 
to have originated in a name or         
statement really occurring in some      
classical author1 are also of doubtful  
credit2 while there is no instance of   
any ancient writing proved to be a      
forgery1 which combines excellence with 
length4 ,a really great and original    
writer would have no object in fathering
 his works on ,plato2 and to the forger 
or imitator1 the 'literary hack' of     
,alexandria and ,athens1 the ,gods did  
not grant originality or genius4        
,further1 in attempting to balance the  
evidence for and against a ,platonic    
dialogue1 we must not forget that the   

form of the ,platonic writing was common
 to several of his contemporaries4      
,aeschines1 ,euclid1 ,phaedo1           
,antisthenes1 and in the next generation
 ,aristotle1 are all said to have       
composed dialogues2 and mistakes of     
names are very likely to have occurred4 
,greek literature in the third century  
before ,christ was almost as voluminous 
as our own1 and without the safeguards  
of regular publication1 or printing1 or 
binding1 or even of distinct titles4 ,an
 unknown writing was naturally          
attributed to a known writer whose works
 bore the same character2 and the name  
once appended easily obtained authority4
 ,a tendency may also be observed to    
blend the works and opinions of the     
master with those of his scholars4 ,to a
 later ,platonist1 the difference       
between ,plato and his imitators was not
 so perceptible as to ourselves4 ,the   
,memorabilia of ,xenophon and the       
,dialogues of ,plato are but a part of a
 considerable ,socratic literature which

 has passed away4 ,and we must consider 
how we should regard the question of the
 genuineness of a particular writing1 if
 this lost literature had been preserved
 to us4  ,these considerations lead us  
to adopt the following criteria of      
genuineness3 7#a7 ,that is most         
certainly ,plato's which ,aristotle     
attributes to him by name1 which 7#b7 is
 of considerable length1 of 7#c7 great  
excellence1 and also 7#d7 in harmony    
with the general spirit of the ,platonic
 writings4 ,but the testimony of        
,aristotle cannot always be             
distinguished from that of a later age  
7see above72 and has various degrees of 
importance4 ,those writings which he    
cites without mentioning ,plato1 under  
their own names1 e4g4 the ,hippias1 the 
,funeral ,oration1 the ,phaedo1 etc41   
have an inferior degree of evidence in  
their favour4 ,they may have been       
supposed by him to be the writings of   
another1 although in the case of really 
great works1 e4g4 the ,phaedo1 this is  

not credible2 those again which are     
quoted but not named1 are still more    
defective in their external credentials4
 ,there may be also a possibility that  
,aristotle was mistaken1 or may have    
confused the master and his scholars in 
the case of a short writing2 but this is
 inconceivable about a more important   
work1 e4g4 the ,laws1 especially when we
 remember that he was living at ,athens1
 and a frequenter of the groves of the  
,academy1 during the last twenty years  
of ,plato's life4 ,nor must we forget   
that in all his numerous citations from 
the ,platonic writings he never         
attributes any passage found in the     
extant dialogues to any one but ,plato4 
,and lastly1 we may remark that one or  
two great writings1 such as the         
,parmenides and the ,politicus1 which   
are wholly devoid of ,aristotelian 7#a7 
credentials may be fairly attributed to 
,plato1 on the ground of 7#b7 length1   
7#c7 excellence1 and 7#d7 accordance    
with the general spirit of his writings4

 ,indeed the greater part of the        
evidence for the genuineness of ancient 
,greek authors may be summed up under   
two heads only3 7#a7 excellence2 and    
7#b7 uniformity of tradition--a kind of 
evidence1 which though in many cases    
sufficient1 is of inferior value4       
,proceeding upon these principles we    
appear to arrive at the conclusion that 
nineteen-twentieths of all the writings 
which have ever been ascribed to ,plato1
 are undoubtedly genuine4 ,there is     
another portion of them1 including the  
,epistles1 the ,epinomis1 the dialogues 
rejected by the ancients themselves1    
namely1 the ,axiochus1 ,de justo1 ,de   
virtute1 ,demodocus1 ,sisyphus1         
,eryxias1 which on grounds1 both of     
internal and external evidence1 we are  
able with equal certainty to reject4    
,but there still remains a small portion
 of which we are unable to affirm either
 that they are genuine or spurious4     
,they may have been written in youth1 or
 possibly like the works of some        

painters1 may be partly or wholly the   
compositions of pupils2 or they may have
 been the writings of some contemporary 
transferred by accident to the more     
celebrated name of ,plato1 or of some   
,platonist in the next generation who   
aspired to imitate his master4 ,not that
 on grounds either of language or       
philosophy we should lightly reject     
them4 ,some difference of style1 or     
inferiority of execution1 or            
inconsistency of thought1 can hardly be 
considered decisive of their spurious   
character4 ,for who always does justice 
to himself1 or who writes with equal    
care at all times8 ,certainly not       
,plato1 who exhibits the greatest       
differences in dramatic power1 in the   
formation of sentences1 and in the use  
of words1 if his earlier writings are   
compared with his later ones1 say the   
,protagoras or ,phaedrus with the ,laws4
 ,or who can be expected to think in the
 same manner during a period of         
authorship extending over above fifty   

years1 in an age of great intellectual  
activity1 as well as of political and   
literary transition8 ,certainly not     
,plato1 whose earlier writings are      
separated from his later ones by as wide
 an interval of philosophical           
speculation as that which separates his 
later writings from ,aristotle4  ,the   
dialogues which have been translated in 
the first ,appendix1 and which appear to
 have the next claim to genuineness     
among the ,platonic writings1 are the   
,lesser ,hippias1 the ,menexenus or     
,funeral ,oration1 the ,first           
,alcibiades4 ,of these1 the ,lesser     
,hippias and the ,funeral ,oration are  
cited by ,aristotle2 the first in the   
,metaphysics1 the latter in the         
,rhetoric4 ,neither of them are         
expressly attributed to ,plato1 but in  
his citation of both of them he seems to
 be referring to passages in the extant 
dialogues4 ,from the mention of         
',hippias' in the singular by           
,aristotle1 we may perhaps infer that he

 was unacquainted with a second dialogue
 bearing the same name4 ,moreover1 the  
mere existence of a ,greater and ,lesser
 ,hippias1 and of a ,first and ,second  
,alcibiades1 does to a certain extent   
throw a doubt upon both of them4 ,though
 a very clever and ingenious work1 the  
,lesser ,hippias does not appear to     
contain anything beyond the power of an 
imitator1 who was also a careful student
 of the earlier ,platonic writings1 to  
invent4 ,the motive or leading thought  
of the dialogue may be detected in ,xen4
 ,mem41 and there is no similar instance
 of a 'motive' which is taken from      
,xenophon in an undoubted dialogue of   
,plato4 ,on the other hand1 the         
upholders of the genuineness of the     
dialogue will find in the ,hippias a    
true ,socratic spirit2 they will compare
 the ,ion as being akin both in subject 
and treatment2 they will urge the       
authority of ,aristotle2 and they will  
detect in the treatment of the ,sophist1
 in the satirical reasoning upon ,homer1

 in the reductio ad absurdum of the     
doctrine that vice is ignorance1 traces 
of a ,platonic authorship4 ,in reference
 to the last point we are doubtful1 as  
in some of the other dialogues1 whether 
the author is asserting or overthrowing 
the paradox of ,socrates1 or merely     
following the argument 'whither the wind
 blows4' ,that no conclusion is arrived 
at is also in accordance with the       
character of the earlier dialogues4 ,the
 resemblances or imitations of the      
,gorgias1 ,protagoras1 and ,euthydemus1 
which have been observed in the         
,hippias1 cannot with certainty be      
adduced on either side of the argument4 
,on the whole1 more may be said in      
favour of the genuineness of the        
,hippias than against it4  ,the         
,menexenus or ,funeral ,oration is cited
 by ,aristotle1 and is interesting as   
supplying an example of the manner in   
which the orators praised 'the          
,athenians among the ,athenians1'       
falsifying persons and dates1 and       

casting a veil over the gloomier events 
of ,athenian history4 ,it exhibits an   
acquaintance with the funeral oration of
 ,thucydides1 and was1 perhaps1 intended
 to rival that great work4 ,if genuine1 
the proper place of the ,menexenus would
 be at the end of the ,phaedrus4 ,the   
satirical opening and the concluding    
words bear a great resemblance to the   
earlier dialogues2 the oration itself is
 professedly a mimetic work1 like the   
speeches in the ,phaedrus1 and cannot   
therefore be tested by a comparison of  
the other writings of ,plato4 ,the      
funeral oration of ,pericles is         
expressly mentioned in the ,phaedrus1   
and this may have suggested the subject1
 in the same manner that the ,cleitophon
 appears to be suggested by the slight  
mention of ,cleitophon and his          
attachment to ,thrasymachus in the      
,republic2 and the ,theages by the      
mention of ,theages in the ,apology and 
,republic2 or as the ,second ,alcibiades
 seems to be founded upon the text of   

,xenophon1 ,mem4 ,a similar taste for   
parody appears not only in the          
,phaedrus1 but in the ,protagoras1 in   
the ,symposium1 and to a certain extent 
in the ,parmenides4  ,to these two      
doubtful writings of ,plato ,i have     
added the ,first ,alcibiades1 which1 of 
all the disputed dialogues of ,plato1   
has the greatest merit1 and is somewhat 
longer than any of them1 though not     
verified by the testimony of ,aristotle1
 and in many respects at variance with  
the ,symposium in the description of the
 relations of ,socrates and ,alcibiades4
 ,like the ,lesser ,hippias and the     
,menexenus1 it is to be compared to the 
earlier writings of ,plato4 ,the motive 
of the piece may1 perhaps1 be found in  
that passage of the ,symposium in which 
,alcibiades describes himself as        
self-convicted by the words of          
,socrates4 ,for the disparaging manner  
in which ,schleiermacher has spoken of  
this dialogue there seems to be no      
sufficient foundation4 ,at the same     

time1 the lesson imparted is simple1 and
 the irony more transparent than in the 
undoubted dialogues of ,plato4 ,we know1
 too1 that ,alcibiades was a favourite  
thesis1 and that at least five or six   
dialogues bearing this name passed      
current in antiquity1 and are attributed
 to contemporaries of ,socrates and     
,plato4 7#a7 ,in the entire absence of  
real external evidence 7for the         
catalogues of the ,alexandrian          
librarians cannot be regarded as        
trustworthy72 and 7#b7 in the absence of
 the highest marks either of poetical or
 philosophical excellence2 and 7#c7     
considering that we have express        
testimony to the existence of           
contemporary writings bearing the name  
of ,alcibiades1 we are compelled to     
suspend our judgment on the genuineness 
of the extant dialogue4  ,neither at    
this point1 nor at any other1 do we     
propose to draw an absolute line of     
demarcation between genuine and spurious
 writings of ,plato4 ,they fade off     

imperceptibly from one class to another4
 ,there may have been degrees of        
genuineness in the dialogues themselves1
 as there are certainly degrees of      
evidence by which they are supported4   
,the traditions of the oral discourses  
both of ,socrates and ,plato may have   
formed the basis of semi-,platonic      
writings2 some of them may be of the    
same mixed character which is apparent  
in ,aristotle and ,hippocrates1 although
 the form of them is different4 ,but the
 writings of ,plato1 unlike the writings
 of ,aristotle1 seem never to have been 
confused with the writings of his       
disciples3 this was probably due to     
their definite form1 and to their       
inimitable excellence4 ,the three       
dialogues which we have offered in the  
,appendix to the criticism of the reader
 may be partly spurious and partly      
genuine2 they may be altogether         
spurious2--that is an alternative which 
must be frankly admitted4 ,nor can we   
maintain of some other dialogues1 such  

as the ,parmenides1 and the ,sophist1   
and ,politicus1 that no considerable    
objection can be urged against them1    
though greatly overbalanced by the      
weight 7chiefly7 of internal evidence in
 their favour4 ,nor1 on the other hand1 
can we exclude a bare possibility that  
some dialogues which are usually        
rejected1 such as the ,greater ,hippias 
and the ,cleitophon1 may be genuine4    
,the nature and object of these         
semi-,platonic writings require more    
careful study and more comparison of    
them with one another1 and with forged  
writings in general1 than they have yet 
received1 before we can finally decide  
on their character4 ,we do not consider 
them all as genuine until they can be   
proved to be spurious1 as is often      
maintained and still more often implied 
in this and similar discussions2 but    
should say of some of them1 that their  
genuineness is neither proven nor       
disproven until further evidence about  
them can be adduced4 ,and we are as     

confident that the ,epistles are        
spurious1 as that the ,republic1 the    
,timaeus1 and the ,laws are genuine4    
,on the whole1 not a twentieth part of  
the writings which pass under the name  
of ,plato1 if we exclude the works      
rejected by the ancients themselves and 
two or three other plausible inventions1
 can be fairly doubted by those who are 
willing to allow that a considerable    
change and growth may have taken place  
in his philosophy 7see above74 ,that    
twentieth debatable portion scarcely in 
any degree affects our judgment of      
,plato1 either as a thinker or a writer1
 and though suggesting some interesting 
questions to the scholar and critic1 is 
of little importance to the general     
reader4     ,,menexenus                 
,,introduction4  ,the ,menexenus has    
more the character of a rhetorical      
exercise than any other of the ,platonic
 works4 ,the writer seems to have wished
 to emulate ,thucydides1 and the far    
slighter work of ,lysias4 ,in his       

rivalry with the latter1 to whom in the 
,phaedrus ,plato shows a strong         
antipathy1 he is entirely successful1   
but he is not equal to ,thucydides4 ,the
 ,menexenus1 though not without real    
,hellenic interest1 falls very far short
 of the rugged grandeur and political   
insight of the great historian4 ,the    
fiction of the speech having been       
invented by ,aspasia is well sustained1 
and is in the manner of ,plato1         
notwithstanding the anachronism which   
puts into her mouth an allusion to the  
peace of ,antalcidas1 an event occurring
 forty years after the date of the      
supposed oration4 ,but ,plato1 like     
,shakespeare1 is careless of such       
anachronisms1 which are not supposed to 
strike the mind of the reader4 ,the     
effect produced by these grandiloquent  
orations on ,socrates1 who does not     
recover after having heard one of them  
for three days and more1 is truly       
,platonic4  ,such discourses1 if we may 
form a judgment from the three which are

 extant 7for the so-called ,funeral     
,oration of ,demosthenes is a bad and   
spurious imitation of ,thucydides and   
,lysias71 conformed to a regular type4  
,they began with ,gods and ancestors1   
and the legendary history of ,athens1 to
 which succeeded an almost equally      
fictitious account of later times4 ,the 
,persian war usually formed the centre  
of the narrative2 in the age of         
,isocrates and ,demosthenes the         
,athenians were still living on the     
glories of ,marathon and ,salamis4 ,the 
,menexenus veils in panegyric the weak  
places of ,athenian history4 ,the war of
 ,athens and ,boeotia is a war of       
liberation2 the ,athenians gave back the
 ,spartans taken at ,sphacteria out of  
kindness--indeed1 the only fault of the 
city was too great kindness to their    
enemies1 who were more honoured than the
 friends of others 7compare ,thucyd41   
which seems to contain the germ of the  
idea72 we democrats are the aristocracy 
of virtue1 and the like4 ,these are the 

platitudes and falsehoods in which      
history is disguised4 ,the taking of    
,athens is hardly mentioned4  ,the      
author of the ,menexenus1 whether ,plato
 or not1 is evidently intending to      
ridicule the practice1 and at the same  
time to show that he can beat the       
rhetoricians in their own line1 as in   
the ,phaedrus he may be supposed to     
offer an example of what ,lysias might  
have said1 and of how much better he    
might have written in his own style4    
,the orators had recourse to their      
favourite loci communes1 one of which1  
as we find in ,lysias1 was the shortness
 of the time allowed them for           
preparation4 ,but ,socrates points out  
that they had them always ready for     
delivery1 and that there was no         
difficulty in improvising any number of 
such orations4 ,to praise the ,athenians
 among the ,athenians was easy1--to     
praise them among the ,lacedaemonians   
would have been a much more difficult   
task4 ,socrates himself has turned      

rhetorician1 having learned of a woman1 
,aspasia1 the mistress of ,pericles2 and
 any one whose teachers had been far    
inferior to his own--say1 one who had   
learned from ,antiphon the              
,rhamnusian--would be quite equal to the
 task of praising men to themselves4    
,when we remember that ,antiphon is     
described by ,thucydides as the best    
pleader of his day1 the satire on him   
and on the whole tribe of rhetoricians  
is transparent4  ,the ironical          
assumption of ,socrates1 that he must be
 a good orator because he had learnt of 
,aspasia1 is not coarse1 as             
,schleiermacher supposes1 but is rather 
to be regarded as fanciful4 ,nor can we 
say that the offer of ,socrates to dance
 naked out of love for ,menexenus1 is   
any more un-,platonic than the threat of
 physical force which ,phaedrus uses    
towards ,socrates4 ,nor is there any    
real vulgarity in the fear which        
,socrates expresses that he will get a  
beating from his mistress1 ,aspasia3    

this is the natural exaggeration of what
 might be expected from an imperious    
woman4 ,socrates is not to be taken     
seriously in all that he says1 and      
,plato1 both in the ,symposium and      
elsewhere1 is not slow to admit a sort  
of ,aristophanic humour4 ,how a great   
original genius like ,plato might or    
might not have written1 what was his    
conception of humour1 or what limits he 
would have prescribed to himself1 if    
any1 in drawing the picture of the      
,silenus ,socrates1 are problems which  
no critical instinct can determine4  ,on
 the other hand1 the dialogue has       
several ,platonic traits1 whether       
original or imitated may be uncertain4  
,socrates1 when he departs from his     
character of a 'know nothing' and       
delivers a speech1 generally pretends   
that what he is speaking is not his own 
composition4 ,thus in the ,cratylus he  
is run away with2 in the ,phaedrus he   
has heard somebody say something--is    
inspired by the genius loci2 in the     

,symposium he derives his wisdom from   
,diotima of ,mantinea1 and the like4    
,but he does not impose on ,menexenus by
 his dissimulation4 ,without violating  
the character of ,socrates1 ,plato1 who 
knows so well how to give a hint1 or    
some one writing in his name1 intimates 
clearly enough that the speech in the   
,menexenus like that in the ,phaedrus is
 to be attributed to ,socrates4 ,the    
address of the dead to the living at the
 end of the oration may also be compared
 to the numerous addresses of the same  
kind which occur in ,plato1 in whom the 
dramatic element is always tending to   
prevail over the rhetorical4 ,the remark
 has been often made1 that in the       
,funeral ,oration of ,thucydides there  
is no allusion to the existence of the  
dead4 ,but in the ,menexenus a future   
state is clearly1 although not strongly1
 asserted4  ,whether the ,menexenus is a
 genuine writing of ,plato1 or an       
imitation only1 remains uncertain4 ,in  
either case1 the thoughts are partly    

borrowed from the ,funeral ,oration of  
,thucydides2 and the fact that they are 
so1 is not in favour of the genuineness 
of the work4 ,internal evidence seems to
 leave the question of authorship in    
doubt4 ,there are merits and there are  
defects which might lead to either      
conclusion4 ,the form of the greater    
part of the work makes the enquiry      
difficult2 the introduction and the     
finale certainly wear the look either of
 ,plato or of an extremely skilful      
imitator4 ,the excellence of the forgery
 may be fairly adduced as an argument   
that it is not a forgery at all4 ,in    
this uncertainty the express testimony  
of ,aristotle1 who quotes1 in the       
,rhetoric1 the well-known words1 ',it is
 easy to praise the ,athenians among the
 ,athenians1' from the ,funeral         
,oration1 may perhaps turn the balance  
in its favour4 ,it must be remembered   
also that the work was famous in        
antiquity1 and is included in the       
,alexandrian catalogues of ,platonic    

writings4     ,,persons ,,of ,,the      
,,dialogue3 ,socrates and ,menexenus4   
,,socrates3 ,whence come you1           
,menexenus8 ,are you from the ,agora8   
,,menexenus3 ,yes1 ,socrates2 ,i have   
been at the ,council4  ,,socrates3 ,and 
what might you be doing at the ,council8
 ,and yet ,i need hardly ask1 for ,i see
 that you1 believing yourself to have   
arrived at the end of education and of  
philosophy1 and to have had enough of   
them1 are mounting upwards to things    
higher still1 and1 though rather young  
for the post1 are intending to govern us
 elder men1 like the rest of your       
family1 which has always provided some  
one who kindly took care of us4         
,,menexenus3 ,yes1 ,socrates1 ,i shall  
be ready to hold office1 if you allow   
and advise that ,i should1 but not if   
you think otherwise4 ,i went to the     
council chamber because ,i heard that   
the ,council was about to choose some   
one who was to speak over the dead4 ,for
 you know that there is to be a public  

funeral8  ,,socrates3 ,yes1 ,i know4    
,and whom did they choose8  ,,menexenus3
 ,no one2 they delayed the election     
until tomorrow1 but ,i believe that     
either ,archinus or ,dion will be       
chosen4  ,,socrates3 ,o ,menexenus6     
,death in battle is certainly in many   
respects a noble thing4 ,the dead man   
gets a fine and costly funeral1 although
 he may have been poor1 and an elaborate
 speech is made over him by a wise man  
who has long ago prepared what he has to
 say1 although he who is praised may not
 have been good for much4 ,the speakers 
praise him for what he has done and for 
what he has not done--that is the beauty
 of them--and they steal away our souls 
with their embellished words2 in every  
conceivable form they praise the city2  
and they praise those who died in war1  
and all our ancestors who went before   
us2 and they praise ourselves also who  
are still alive1 until ,i feel quite    
elevated by their laudations1 and ,i    
stand listening to their words1         

,menexenus1 and become enchanted by     
them1 and all in a moment ,i imagine    
myself to have become a greater and     
nobler and finer man than ,i was before4
 ,and if1 as often happens1 there are   
any foreigners who accompany me to the  
speech1 ,i become suddenly conscious of 
having a sort of triumph over them1 and 
they seem to experience a corresponding 
feeling of admiration at me1 and at the 
greatness of the city1 which appears to 
them1 when they are under the influence 
of the speaker1 more wonderful than     
ever4 ,this consciousness of dignity    
lasts me more than three days1 and not  
until the fourth or fifth day do ,i come
 to my senses and know where ,i am2 in  
the meantime ,i have been living in the 
,islands of the ,blest4 ,such is the art
 of our rhetoricians1 and in such manner
 does the sound of their words keep     
ringing in my ears4  ,,menexenus3 ,you  
are always making fun of the            
rhetoricians1 ,socrates2 this time1     
however1 ,i am inclined to think that   

the speaker who is chosen will not have 
much to say1 for he has been called upon
 to speak at a moment's notice1 and he  
will be compelled almost to improvise4  
,,socrates3 ,but why1 my friend1 should 
he not have plenty to say8 ,every       
rhetorician has speeches ready made2 nor
 is there any difficulty in improvising 
that sort of stuff4 ,had the orator to  
praise ,athenians among ,peloponnesians1
 or ,peloponnesians among ,athenians1 he
 must be a good rhetorician who could   
succeed and gain credit4 ,but there is  
no difficulty in a man's winning        
applause when he is contending for fame 
among the persons whom he is praising4  
,,menexenus3 ,do you think not1         
,socrates8  ,,socrates3 ,certainly      
'not4'  ,,menexenus3 ,do you think that 
you could speak yourself if there should
 be a necessity1 and if the ,council    
were to choose you8  ,,socrates3 ,that  
,i should be able to speak is no great  
wonder1 ,menexenus1 considering that ,i 
have an excellent mistress in the art of

 rhetoric1--she who has made so many    
good speakers1 and one who was the best 
among all the ,hellenes--,pericles1 the 
son of ,xanthippus4  ,,menexenus3 ,and  
who is she8 ,i suppose that you mean    
,aspasia4  ,,socrates3 ,yes1 ,i do2 and 
besides her ,i had ,connus1 the son of  
,metrobius1 as a master1 and he was my  
master in music1 as she was in rhetoric4
 ,no wonder that a man who has received 
such an education should be a finished  
speaker2 even the pupil of very inferior
 masters1 say1 for example1 one who had 
learned music of ,lamprus1 and rhetoric 
of ,antiphon the ,rhamnusian1 might make
 a figure if he were to praise the      
,athenians among the ,athenians4        
,,menexenus3 ,and what would you be able
 to say if you had to speak8            
,,socrates3 ,of my own wit1 most likely 
nothing2 but yesterday ,i heard ,aspasia
 composing a funeral oration about these
 very dead4 ,for she had been told1 as  
you were saying1 that the ,athenians    
were going to choose a speaker1 and she 

repeated to me the sort of speech which 
he should deliver1 partly improvising   
and partly from previous thought1       
putting together fragments of the       
funeral oration which ,pericles spoke1  
but which1 as ,i believe1 she composed4 
,,menexenus3 ,and can you remember what 
,aspasia said8  ,,socrates3 ,i ought to 
be able1 for she taught me1 and she was 
ready to strike me because ,i was always
 forgetting4  ,,menexenus3 ,then why    
will you not rehearse what she said8    
,,socrates3 ,because ,i am afraid that  
my mistress may be angry with me if ,i  
publish her speech4  ,,menexenus3 ,nay1 
,socrates1 let us have the speech1      
whether ,aspasia's or any one else's1 no
 matter4 ,i hope that you will oblige   
me4  ,,socrates3 ,but ,i am afraid that 
you will laugh at me if ,i continue the 
games of youth in old age4  ,,menexenus3
 ,far otherwise1 ,socrates2 let us by   
all means have the speech4  ,,socrates3 
,truly ,i have such a disposition to    
oblige you1 that if you bid me dance    

naked ,i should not like to refuse1     
since we are alone4 ,listen then3 ,if ,i
 remember rightly1 she began as follows1
 with the mention of the                
dead3--7,thucyd47  ,there is a tribute  
of deeds and of words4 ,the departed    
have already had the first1 when going  
forth on their destined journey they    
were attended on their way by the state 
and by their friends2 the tribute of    
words remains to be given to them1 as is
 meet and by law ordained4 ,for noble   
words are a memorial and a crown of     
noble actions1 which are given to the   
doers of them by the hearers4 ,a word is
 needed which will duly praise the dead 
and gently admonish the living1         
exhorting the brethren and descendants  
of the departed to imitate their virtue1
 and consoling their fathers and mothers
 and the survivors1 if any1 who may     
chance to be alive of the previous      
generation4 ,what sort of a word will   
this be1 and how shall we rightly begin 
the praises of these brave men8 ,in     

their life they rejoiced their own      
friends with their valour1 and their    
death they gave in exchange for the     
salvation of the living4 ,and ,i think  
that we should praise them in the order 
in which nature made them good1 for they
 were good because they were sprung from
 good fathers4 ,wherefore let us first  
of all praise the goodness of their     
birth2 secondly1 their nurture and      
education2 and then let us set forth how
 noble their actions were1 and how      
worthy of the education which they had  
received4  ,and first as to their birth4
 ,their ancestors were not strangers1   
nor are these their descendants         
sojourners only1 whose fathers have come
 from another country2 but they are the 
children of the soil1 dwelling and      
living in their own land4 ,and the      
country which brought them up is not    
like other countries1 a stepmother to   
her children1 but their own true mother2
 she bore them and nourished them and   
received them1 and in her bosom they now

 repose4 ,it is meet and right1         
therefore1 that we should begin by      
praising the land which is their mother1
 and that will be a way of praising     
their noble birth4  ,the country is     
worthy to be praised1 not only by us1   
but by all mankind2 first1 and above    
all1 as being dear to the ,gods4 ,this  
is proved by the strife and contention  
of the ,gods respecting her4 ,and ought 
not the country which the ,gods praise  
to be praised by all mankind8 ,the      
second praise which may be fairly       
claimed by her1 is that at the time when
 the whole earth was sending forth and  
creating diverse animals1 tame and wild1
 she our mother was free and pure from  
savage monsters1 and out of all animals 
selected and brought forth man1 who is  
superior to the rest in understanding1  
and alone has justice and religion4 ,and
 a great proof that she brought forth   
the common ancestors of us and of the   
departed1 is that she provided the means
 of support for her offspring4 ,for as a

 woman proves her motherhood by giving  
milk to her young ones 7and she who has 
no fountain of milk is not a mother71 so
 did this our land prove that she was   
the mother of men1 for in those days she
 alone and first of all brought forth   
wheat and barley for human food1 which  
is the best and noblest sustenance for  
man1 whom she regarded as her true      
offspring4 ,and these are truer proofs  
of motherhood in a country than in a    
woman1 for the woman in her conception  
and generation is but the imitation of  
the earth1 and not the earth of the     
woman4 ,and of the fruit of the earth   
she gave a plenteous supply1 not only to
 her own1 but to others also2 and       
afterwards she made the olive to spring 
up to be a boon to her children1 and to 
help them in their toils4 ,and when she 
had herself nursed them and brought them
 up to manhood1 she gave them ,gods to  
be their rulers and teachers1 whose     
names are well known1 and need not now  
be repeated4 ,they are the ,gods who    

first ordered our lives1 and instructed 
us in the arts for the supply of our    
daily needs1 and taught us the          
acquisition and use of arms for the     
defence of the country4  ,thus born into
 the world and thus educated1 the       
ancestors of the departed lived and made
 themselves a government1 which ,i ought
 briefly to commemorate4 ,for government
 is the nurture of man1 and the         
government of good men is good1 and of  
bad men bad4 ,and ,i must show that our 
ancestors were trained under a good     
government1 and for this reason they    
were good1 and our contemporaries are   
also good1 among whom our departed      
friends are to be reckoned4 ,then as    
now1 and indeed always1 from that time  
to this1 speaking generally1 our        
government was an aristocracy--a form of
 government which receives various      
names1 according to the fancies of men1 
and is sometimes called democracy1 but  
is really an aristocracy or government  
of the best which has the approval of   

the many4 ,for kings we have always had1
 first hereditary and then elected1 and 
authority is mostly in the hands of the 
people1 who dispense offices and power  
to those who appear to be most deserving
 of them4 ,neither is a man rejected    
from weakness or poverty or obscurity of
 origin1 nor honoured by reason of the  
opposite1 as in other states1 but there 
is one principle--he who appears to be  
wise and good is a governor and ruler4  
,the basis of this our government is    
equality of birth2 for other states are 
made up of all sorts and unequal        
conditions of men1 and therefore their  
governments are unequal2 there are      
tyrannies and there are oligarchies1 in 
which the one party are slaves and the  
others masters4 ,but we and our citizens
 are brethren1 the children all of one  
mother1 and we do not think it right to 
be one another's masters or servants2   
but the natural equality of birth       
compels us to seek for legal equality1  
and to recognize no superiority except  

in the reputation of virtue and wisdom4 
,and so their and our fathers1 and      
these1 too1 our brethren1 being nobly   
born and having been brought up in all  
freedom1 did both in their public and   
private capacity many noble deeds famous
 over the whole world4 ,they were the   
deeds of men who thought that they ought
 to fight both against ,hellenes for the
 sake of ,hellenes on behalf of freedom1
 and against barbarians in the common   
interest of ,hellas4 ,time would fail me
 to tell of their defence of their      
country against the invasion of         
,eumolpus and the ,amazons1 or of their 
defence of the ,argives against the     
,cadmeians1 or of the ,heracleids       
against the ,argives2 besides1 the poets
 have already declared in song to all   
mankind their glory1 and therefore any  
commemoration of their deeds in prose   
which we might attempt would hold a     
second place4 ,they already have their  
reward1 and ,i say no more of them2 but 
there are other worthy deeds of which no

 poet has worthily sung1 and which are  
still wooing the poet's muse4 ,of these 
,i am bound to make honourable mention1 
and shall invoke others to sing of them 
also in lyric and other strains1 in a   
manner becoming the actors4 ,and first  
,i will tell how the ,persians1 lords of
 ,asia1 were enslaving ,europe1 and how 
the children of this land1 who were our 
fathers1 held them back4 ,of these ,i   
will speak first1 and praise their      
valour1 as is meet and fitting4 ,he who 
would rightly estimate them should place
 himself in thought at that time1 when  
the whole of ,asia was subject to the   
third king of ,persia4 ,the first king1 
,cyrus1 by his valour freed the         
,persians1 who were his countrymen1 and 
subjected the ,medes1 who were their    
lords1 and he ruled over the rest of    
,asia1 as far as ,egypt2 and after him  
came his son1 who ruled all the         
accessible part of ,egypt and ,libya2   
the third king was ,darius1 who extended
 the land boundaries of the empire to   

,scythia1 and with his fleet held the   
sea and the islands4 ,none presumed to  
be his equal2 the minds of all men were 
enthralled by him--so many and mighty   
and warlike nations had the power of    
,persia subdued4 ,now ,darius had a     
quarrel against us and the ,eretrians1  
because1 as he said1 we had conspired   
against ,sardis1 and he sent #ejj1jjj   
men in transports and vessels of war1   
and #cjj ships1 and ,datis as commander1
 telling him to bring the ,eretrians and
 ,athenians to the king1 if he wished to
 keep his head on his shoulders4 ,he    
sailed against the ,eretrians1 who were 
reputed to be amongst the noblest and   
most warlike of the ,hellenes of that   
day1 and they were numerous1 but he     
conquered them all in three days2 and   
when he had conquered them1 in order    
that no one might escape1 he searched   
the whole country after this manner3 his
 soldiers1 coming to the borders of     
,eretria and spreading from sea to sea1 
joined hands and passed through the     

whole country1 in order that they might 
be able to tell the king that no one had
 escaped them4 ,and from ,eretria they  
went to ,marathon with a like intention1
 expecting to bind the ,athenians in the
 same yoke of necessity in which they   
had bound the ,eretrians4 ,having       
effected one-half of their purpose1 they
 were in the act of attempting the      
other1 and none of the ,hellenes dared  
to assist either the ,eretrians or the  
,athenians1 except the ,lacedaemonians1 
and they arrived a day too late for the 
battle2 but the rest were panic-stricken
 and kept quiet1 too happy in having    
escaped for a time4 ,he who has present 
to his mind that conflict will know what
 manner of men they were who received   
the onset of the barbarians at          
,marathon1 and chastened the pride of   
the whole of ,asia1 and by the victory  
which they gained over the barbarians   
first taught other men that the power of
 the ,persians was not invincible1 but  
that hosts of men and the multitude of  

riches alike yield to valour4 ,and ,i   
assert that those men are the fathers   
not only of ourselves1 but of our       
liberties and of the liberties of all   
who are on the continent1 for that was  
the action to which the ,hellenes looked
 back when they ventured to fight for   
their own safety in the battles which   
ensued3 they became disciples of the men
 of ,marathon4 ,to them1 therefore1 ,i  
assign in my speech the first place1 and
 the second to those who fought and     
conquered in the sea fights at ,salamis 
and ,artemisium2 for of them1 too1 one  
might have many things to say--of the   
assaults which they endured by sea and  
land1 and how they repelled them4 ,i    
will mention only that act of theirs    
which appears to me to be the noblest1  
and which followed that of ,marathon and
 came nearest to it2 for the men of     
,marathon only showed the ,hellenes that
 it was possible to ward off the        
barbarians by land1 the many by the few2
 but there was no proof that they could 

be defeated by ships1 and at sea the    
,persians retained the reputation of    
being invincible in numbers and wealth  
and skill and strength4 ,this is the    
glory of the men who fought at sea1 that
 they dispelled the second terror which 
had hitherto possessed the ,hellenes1   
and so made the fear of numbers1 whether
 of ships or men1 to cease among them4  
,and so the soldiers of ,marathon and   
the sailors of ,salamis became the      
schoolmasters of ,hellas2 the one       
teaching and habituating the ,hellenes  
not to fear the barbarians at sea1 and  
the others not to fear them by land4    
,third in order1 for the number and     
valour of the combatants1 and third in  
the salvation of ,hellas1 ,i place the  
battle of ,plataea4 ,and now the        
,lacedaemonians as well as the          
,athenians took part in the struggle2   
they were all united in this greatest   
and most terrible conflict of all2      
wherefore their virtues will be         
celebrated in times to come1 as they are

 now celebrated by us4 ,but at a later  
period many ,hellenic tribes were still 
on the side of the barbarians1 and there
 was a report that the great king was   
going to make a new attempt upon the    
,hellenes1 and therefore justice        
requires that we should also make       
mention of those who crowned the        
previous work of our salvation1 and     
drove and purged away all barbarians    
from the sea4 ,these were the men who   
fought by sea at the river ,eurymedon1  
and who went on the expedition to       
,cyprus1 and who sailed to ,egypt and   
divers other places2 and they should be 
gratefully remembered by us1 because    
they compelled the king in fear for     
himself to look to his own safety       
instead of plotting the destruction of  
,hellas4  ,and so the war against the   
barbarians was fought out to the end by 
the whole city on their own behalf1 and 
on behalf of their countrymen4 ,there   
was peace1 and our city was held in     
honour2 and then1 as prosperity makes   

men jealous1 there succeeded a jealousy 
of her1 and jealousy begat envy1 and so 
she became engaged against her will in a
 war with the ,hellenes4 ,on the        
breaking out of war1 our citizens met   
the ,lacedaemonians at ,tanagra1 and    
fought for the freedom of the           
,boeotians2 the issue was doubtful1 and 
was decided by the engagement which     
followed4 ,for when the ,lacedaemonians 
had gone on their way1 leaving the      
,boeotians1 whom they were aiding1 on   
the third day after the battle of       
,tanagra1 our countrymen conquered at   
,oenophyta1 and righteously restored    
those who had been unrighteously exiled4
 ,and they were the first after the     
,persian war who fought on behalf of    
liberty in aid of ,hellenes against     
,hellenes2 they were brave men1 and     
freed those whom they aided1 and were   
the first too who were honourably       
interred in this sepulchre by the state4
 ,afterwards there was a mighty war1 in 
which all the ,hellenes joined1 and     

devastated our country1 which was very  
ungrateful of them2 and our countrymen1 
after defeating them in a naval         
engagement and taking their leaders1 the
 ,spartans1 at ,sphagia1 when they might
 have destroyed them1 spared their      
lives1 and gave them back1 and made     
peace1 considering that they should war 
with the fellow-countrymen only until   
they gained a victory over them1 and not
 because of the private anger of the    
state destroy the common interest of    
,hellas2 but that with barbarians they  
should war to the death4 ,worthy of     
praise are they also who waged this war1
 and are here interred2 for they proved1
 if any one doubted the superior prowess
 of the ,athenians in the former war    
with the barbarians1 that their doubts  
had no foundation--showing by their     
victory in the civil war with ,hellas1  
in which they subdued the other chief   
state of the ,hellenes1 that they could 
conquer single-handed those with whom   
they had been allied in the war against 

the barbarians4 ,after the peace there  
followed a third war1 which was of a    
terrible and desperate nature1 and in   
this many brave men who are here        
interred lost their lives--many of them 
had won victories in ,sicily1 whither   
they had gone over the seas to fight for
 the liberties of the ,leontines1 to    
whom they were bound by oaths2 but1     
owing to the distance1 the city was     
unable to help them1 and they lost heart
 and came to misfortune1 their very     
enemies and opponents winning more      
renown for valour and temperance than   
the friends of others4 ,many also fell  
in naval engagements at the ,hellespont1
 after having in one day taken all the  
ships of the enemy1 and defeated them in
 other naval engagements4 ,and what ,i  
call the terrible and desperate nature  
of the war1 is that the other ,hellenes1
 in their extreme animosity towards the 
city1 should have entered into          
negotiations with their bitterest enemy1
 the king of ,persia1 whom they1        

together with us1 had expelled2--him1   
without us1 they again brought back1    
barbarian against ,hellenes1 and all the
 hosts1 both of ,hellenes and           
barbarians1 were united against ,athens4
 ,and then shone forth the power and    
valour of our city4 ,her enemies had    
supposed that she was exhausted by the  
war1 and our ships were blockaded at    
,mitylene4 ,but the citizens themselves 
embarked1 and came to the rescue with   
sixty other ships1 and their valour was 
confessed of all men1 for they conquered
 their enemies and delivered their      
friends4 ,and yet by some evil fortune  
they were left to perish at sea1 and    
therefore are not interred here4 ,ever  
to be remembered and honoured are they1 
for by their valour not only that       
sea-fight was won for us1 but the entire
 war was decided by them1 and through   
them the city gained the reputation of  
being invincible1 even though attacked  
by all mankind4 ,and that reputation was
 a true one1 for the defeat which came  

upon us was our own doing4 ,we were     
never conquered by others1 and to this  
day we are still unconquered by them2   
but we were our own conquerors1 and     
received defeat at our own hands4       
,afterwards there was quiet and peace   
abroad1 but there sprang up war at home2
 and1 if men are destined to have civil 
war1 no one could have desired that his 
city should take the disorder in a      
milder form4 ,how joyful and natural was
 the reconciliation of those who came   
from the ,piraeus and those who came    
from the city2 with what moderation did 
they order the war against the tyrants  
in ,eleusis1 and in a manner how unlike 
what the other ,hellenes expected6 ,and 
the reason of this gentleness was the   
veritable tie of blood1 which created   
among them a friendship as of kinsmen1  
faithful not in word only1 but in deed4 
,and we ought also to remember those who
 then fell by one another's hands1 and  
on such occasions as these to reconcile 
them with sacrifices and prayers1       

praying to those who have power over    
them1 that they may be reconciled even  
as we are reconciled4 ,for they did not 
attack one another out of malice or     
enmity1 but they were unfortunate4 ,and 
that such was the fact we ourselves are 
witnesses1 who are of the same race with
 them1 and have mutually received and   
granted forgiveness of what we have done
 and suffered4 ,after this there was    
perfect peace1 and the city had rest2   
and her feeling was that she forgave the
 barbarians1 who had severely suffered  
at her hands and severely retaliated1   
but that she was indignant at the       
ingratitude of the ,hellenes1 when she  
remembered how they had received good   
from her and returned evil1 having made 
common cause with the barbarians1       
depriving her of the ships which had    
once been their salvation1 and          
dismantling our walls1 which had        
preserved their own from falling4 ,she  
thought that she would no longer defend 
the ,hellenes1 when enslaved either by  

one another or by the barbarians1 and   
did accordingly4 ,this was our feeling1 
while the ,lacedaemonians were thinking 
that we who were the champions of       
liberty had fallen1 and that their      
business was to subject the remaining   
,hellenes4 ,and why should ,i say more8 
for the events of which ,i am speaking  
happened not long ago and we can all of 
us remember how the chief peoples of    
,hellas1 ,argives and ,boeotians and    
,corinthians1 came to feel the need of  
us1 and1 what is the greatest miracle of
 all1 the ,persian king himself was     
driven to such extremity as to come     
round to the opinion1 that from this    
city1 of which he was the destroyer1 and
 from no other1 his salvation would     
proceed4  ,and if a person desired to   
bring a deserved accusation against our 
city1 he would find only one charge     
which he could justly urge--that she was
 too compassionate and too favourable to
 the weaker side4 ,and in this instance 
she was not able to hold out or keep her

 resolution of refusing aid to her      
injurers when they were being enslaved1 
but she was softened1 and did in fact   
send out aid1 and delivered the         
,hellenes from slavery1 and they were   
free until they afterwards enslaved     
themselves4 ,whereas1 to the great king 
she refused to give the assistance of   
the state1 for she could not forget the 
trophies of ,marathon and ,salamis and  
,plataea2 but she allowed exiles and    
volunteers to assist him1 and they were 
his salvation4 ,and she herself1 when   
she was compelled1 entered into the war1
 and built walls and ships1 and fought  
with the ,lacedaemonians on behalf of   
the ,parians4 ,now the king fearing this
 city and wanting to stand aloof1 when  
he saw the ,lacedaemonians growing weary
 of the war at sea1 asked of us1 as the 
price of his alliance with us and the   
other allies1 to give up the ,hellenes  
in ,asia1 whom the ,lacedaemonians had  
previously handed over to him1 he       
thinking that we should refuse1 and that

 then he might have a pretence for      
withdrawing from us4 ,about the other   
allies he was mistaken1 for the         
,corinthians and ,argives and           
,boeotians1 and the other states1 were  
quite willing to let them go1 and swore 
and covenanted1 that1 if he would pay   
them money1 they would make over to him 
the ,hellenes of the continent1 and we  
alone refused to give them up and swear4
 ,such was the natural nobility of this 
city1 so sound and healthy was the      
spirit of freedom among us1 and the     
instinctive dislike of the barbarian1   
because we are pure ,hellenes1 having no
 admixture of barbarism in us4 ,for we  
are not like many others1 descendants of
 ,pelops or ,cadmus or ,egyptus or      
,danaus1 who are by nature barbarians1  
and yet pass for ,hellenes1 and dwell in
 the midst of us2 but we are pure       
,hellenes1 uncontaminated by any foreign
 element1 and therefore the hatred of   
the foreigner has passed unadulterated  
into the life-blood of the city4 ,and   

so1 notwithstanding our noble           
sentiments1 we were again isolated1     
because we were unwilling to be guilty  
of the base and unholy act of giving up 
,hellenes to barbarians4 ,and we were in
 the same case as when we were subdued  
before2 but1 by the favour of ,heaven1  
we managed better1 for we ended the war 
without the loss of our ships or walls  
or colonies2 the enemy was only too glad
 to be quit of us4 ,yet in this war we  
lost many brave men1 such as were those 
who fell owing to the ruggedness of the 
ground at the battle of ,corinth1 or by 
treason at ,lechaeum4 ,brave men1 too1  
were those who delivered the ,persian   
king1 and drove the ,lacedaemonians from
 the sea4 ,i remind you of them1 and you
 must celebrate them together with me1  
and do honour to their memories4  ,such 
were the actions of the men who are here
 interred1 and of others who have died  
on behalf of their country2 many and    
glorious things ,i have spoken of them1 
and there are yet many more and more    

glorious things remaining to be         
told--many days and nights would not    
suffice to tell of them4 ,let them not  
be forgotten1 and let every man remind  
their descendants that they also are    
soldiers who must not desert the ranks  
of their ancestors1 or from cowardice   
fall behind4 ,even as ,i exhort you this
 day1 and in all future time1 whenever  
,i meet with any of you1 shall continue 
to remind and exhort you1 ,o ye sons of 
heroes1 that you strive to be the       
bravest of men4 ,and ,i think that ,i   
ought now to repeat what your fathers   
desired to have said to you who are     
their survivors1 when they went out to  
battle1 in case anything happened to    
them4 ,i will tell you what ,i heard    
them say1 and what1 if they had only    
speech1 they would fain be saying1      
judging from what they then said4 ,and  
you must imagine that you hear them     
saying what ,i now repeat to you3--     
',sons1 the event proves that your      
fathers were brave men2 for we might    

have lived dishonourably1 but have      
preferred to die honourably rather than 
bring you and your children into        
disgrace1 and rather than dishonour our 
own fathers and forefathers2 considering
 that life is not life to one who is a  
dishonour to his race1 and that to such 
a one neither men nor ,gods are         
friendly1 either while he is on the     
earth or after death in the world below4
 ,remember our words1 then1 and whatever
 is your aim let virtue be the condition
 of the attainment of your aim1 and know
 that without this all possessions and  
pursuits are dishonourable and evil4    
,for neither does wealth bring honour to
 the owner1 if he be a coward2 of such a
 one the wealth belongs to another1 and 
not to himself4 ,nor does beauty and    
strength of body1 when dwelling in a    
base and cowardly man1 appear comely1   
but the reverse of comely1 making the   
possessor more conspicuous1 and         
manifesting forth his cowardice4 ,and   
all knowledge1 when separated from      

justice and virtue1 is seen to be       
cunning and not wisdom2 wherefore make  
this your first and last and constant   
and all-absorbing aim1 to exceed1 if    
possible1 not only us but all your      
ancestors in virtue2 and know that to   
excel you in virtue only brings us      
shame1 but that to be excelled by you is
 a source of happiness to us4 ,and we   
shall most likely be defeated1 and you  
will most likely be victors in the      
contest1 if you learn so to order your  
lives as not to abuse or waste the      
reputation of your ancestors1 knowing   
that to a man who has any self-respect1 
nothing is more dishonourable than to be
 honoured1 not for his own sake1 but on 
account of the reputation of his        
ancestors4 ,the honour of parents is a  
fair and noble treasure to their        
posterity1 but to have the use of a     
treasure of wealth and honour1 and to   
leave none to your successors1 because  
you have neither money nor reputation of
 your own1 is alike base and            

dishonourable4 ,and if you follow our   
precepts you will be received by us as  
friends1 when the hour of destiny brings
 you hither2 but if you neglect our     
words and are disgraced in your lives1  
no one will welcome or receive you4     
,this is the message which is to be     
delivered to our children4  ',some of us
 have fathers and mothers still living1 
and we would urge them1 if1 as is       
likely1 we shall die1 to bear the       
calamity as lightly as possible1 and not
 to condole with one another2 for they  
have sorrows enough1 and will not need  
any one to stir them up4 ,while we      
gently heal their wounds1 let us remind 
them that the ,gods have heard the chief
 part of their prayers2 for they prayed1
 not that their children might live for 
ever1 but that they might be brave and  
renowned4 ,and this1 which is the       
greatest good1 they have attained4 ,a   
mortal man cannot expect to have        
everything in his own life turning out  
according to his will2 and they1 if they

 bear their misfortunes bravely1 will be
 truly deemed brave fathers of the      
brave4 ,but if they give way to their   
sorrows1 either they will be suspected  
of not being our parents1 or we of not  
being such as our panegyrists declare4  
,let not either of the two alternatives 
happen1 but rather let them be our chief
 and true panegyrists1 who show in their
 lives that they are true men1 and had  
men for their sons4 ,of old the saying1 
,nothing too much1 appeared to be1 and  
really was1 well said4 ,for he whose    
happiness rests with himself1 if        
possible1 wholly1 and if not1 as far as 
is possible1--who is not hanging in     
suspense on other men1 or changing with 
the vicissitude of their fortune1--has  
his life ordered for the best4 ,he is   
the temperate and valiant and wise2 and 
when his riches come and go1 when his   
children are given and taken away1 he   
will remember the proverb--,neither     
rejoicing overmuch nor grieving         
overmuch1 for he relies upon himself4   

,and such we would have our parents to  
be--that is our word and wish1 and as   
such we now offer ourselves1 neither    
lamenting overmuch1 nor fearing         
overmuch1 if we are to die at this time4
 ,and we entreat our fathers and mothers
 to retain these feelings throughout    
their future life1 and to be assured    
that they will not please us by         
sorrowing and lamenting over us4 ,but1  
if the dead have any knowledge of the   
living1 they will displease us most by  
making themselves miserable and by      
taking their misfortunes too much to    
heart1 and they will please us best if  
they bear their loss lightly and        
temperately4 ,for our life will have the
 noblest end which is vouchsafed to man1
 and should be glorified rather than    
lamented4 ,and if they will direct their
 minds to the care and nurture of our   
wives and children1 they will soonest   
forget their misfortunes1 and live in a 
better and nobler way1 and be dearer to 
us4  ',this is all that we have to say  

to our families3 and to the state we    
would say--,take care of our parents and
 of our sons3 let her worthily cherish  
the old age of our parents1 and bring up
 our sons in the right way4 ,but we know
 that she will of her own accord take   
care of them1 and does not need any     
exhortation of ours4'  ,this1 ,o ye     
children and parents of the dead1 is the
 message which they bid us deliver to   
you1 and which ,i do deliver with the   
utmost seriousness4 ,and in their name  
,i beseech you1 the children1 to imitate
 your fathers1 and you1 parents1 to be  
of good cheer about yourselves2 for we  
will nourish your age1 and take care of 
you both publicly and privately in any  
place in which one of us may meet one of
 you who are the parents of the dead4   
,and the care of you which the city     
shows1 you know yourselves2 for she has 
made provision by law concerning the    
parents and children of those who die in
 war2 the highest authority is specially
 entrusted with the duty of watching    

over them above all other citizens1 and 
they will see that your fathers and     
mothers have no wrong done to them4 ,the
 city herself shares in the education of
 the children1 desiring as far as it is 
possible that their orphanhood may not  
be felt by them2 while they are children
 she is a parent to them1 and when they 
have arrived at man's estate she sends  
them to their several duties1 in full   
armour clad2 and bringing freshly to    
their minds the ways of their fathers1  
she places in their hands the           
instruments of their fathers' virtues2  
for the sake of the omen1 she would have
 them from the first begin to rule over 
their own houses arrayed in the strength
 and arms of their fathers4 ,and as for 
the dead1 she never ceases honouring    
them1 celebrating in common for all     
rites which become the property of each2
 and in addition to this1 holding       
gymnastic and equestrian contests1 and  
musical festivals of every sort4 ,she is
 to the dead in the place of a son and  

heir1 and to their sons in the place of 
a father1 and to their parents and elder
 kindred in the place of a              
guardian--ever and always caring for    
them4 ,considering this1 you ought to   
bear your calamity the more gently2 for 
thus you will be most endeared to the   
dead and to the living1 and your sorrows
 will heal and be healed4 ,and now do   
you and all1 having lamented the dead in
 common according to the law1 go your   
ways4  ,you have heard1 ,menexenus1 the 
oration of ,aspasia the ,milesian4      
,,menexenus3 ,truly1 ,socrates1 ,i      
marvel that ,aspasia1 who is only a     
woman1 should be able to compose such a 
speech2 she must be a rare one4         
,,socrates3 ,well1 if you are           
incredulous1 you may come with me and   
hear her4  ,,menexenus3 ,i have often   
met ,aspasia1 ,socrates1 and know what  
she is like4  ,,socrates3 ,well1 and do 
you not admire her1 and are you not     
grateful for her speech8  ,,menexenus3  
,yes1 ,socrates1 ,i am very grateful to 

her or to him who told you1 and still   
more to you who have told me4           
,,socrates3 ,very good4 ,but you must   
take care not to tell of me1 and then at
 some future time ,i will repeat to you 
many other excellent political speeches 
of hers4  ,,menexenus3 ,fear not1 only  
let me hear them1 and ,i will keep the  
secret4  ,,socrates3 ,then ,i will keep 
my promise4