,,an ,,outline ,,of ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,christian ,,thought ,,since ,,kant ,,by ,,edward ,,caldwell ,,moore ,,parkman ,,professor ,,of ,,theology ,,in ,,harvard ,,university ,,new ,,york ,,charles ,,scribner',s ,,sons #aiab ,,to ,,adolf ,,harnack ,,on ,,his ,,sixtieth ,,birthday ,,by ,,his ,,first ,,american ,,pupil ,,prefatory ,,note ,it is hoped that this book may serve as an outline for a larger work1 in which the ,judgments here expressed may be supported in detail4 ,especially1 the author desires to treat the literature of the social question and of the modernist movement with a fulness which has not been possible within the limits of this sketch4 ,the philosophy of religion and the history of religions should have place1 as also that estimate of the essence of ,christianity which is suggested by the contact of ,christianity with the living religions of the ,orient4 ,,pasque ,,island1 ,,mass41 ,july #bh1 #aiaa4 ,,contents ,,chapter ,i ,a4 ,,introduction4 #a4 ,b4 ,,the ,,background4 #bc4 ,,deism4 #bc4 ,,rationalism4 #be4 ,,pietism4 #cj4 ,,sthetic ,,idealism4 #cc4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,idealistic ,,philosophy4 #ci4 ,,kant4 #ci4 ,,fichte4 #ee4 ,,schelling4 #fj4 ,,hegel4 #ff4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,theological ,,reconstruction4 #gd4 ,,schleiermacher4 #gd4 ,,ritschl ,,and ,,the ,,ritschlians4 #hi ,,chapter ,,iv ,,the ,,critical ,,and ,,historical ,,movement4 #aaj4 ,,strauss4 #aad4 ,,baur4 #aah4 ,,the ,,canon4 #abc4 ,,the ,,life ,,of ,,jesus4 #abg4 ,,the ,,old ,,testament4 #acj4 ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,doctrine4 #acf4 ,,harnack4 #adj4 ,,chapter ,v ,,the ,,contribution ,,of ,,the ,,sciences4 #aea4 ,,positivism4 #aef4 ,,naturalism ,,and ,,agnosticism4 #afb4 ,,evolution4 #agj4 ,,miracles4 #age4 ,,the ,,social ,,sciences4 #agf4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,the ,,english-,,speaking ,,peoples2 ,,action ,,and ,,reaction4 #aia4 ,,the ,,poets4 #aie4 ,,coleridge4 #aig4 ,,the ,,oriel ,,school4 #aii4 ,,ersine ,,and ,,campbell4 #bja4 ,,maurice4 #bjd4 ,,channing4 #bje4 ,,bushnell4 #bjg4 ,,the ,,catholic ,,revival4 #baa4 ,,the ,,oxford ,,movement4 #bab4 ,,newman4 #bad4 ,,modernism4 #bba4 ,,robertson4 #bbc4 ,,phillips ,,brooks4 #bbd4 ,,the ,,broad ,,church4 #bbd4 ,,carlyle4 #bbh4 ,,emerson4 #bcj4 ,,arnold4 #bcb4 ,,martineau4 #bcd4 ,,james4 #bch4 ,,bibliography4 #bdc4 ,,chapter ,i ,a4 ,,introduction ,the ,protestant ,reformation marked an era both in life and thought for the modern world4 ,it ushered in a revolution in ,europe4 ,it established distinctions and initiated tendencies which are still significant4 ,these distinctions have been significant not for ,europe alone4 ,they have had influence also upon those continents which since the ,reformation have come under the dominion of ,europeans4 ,yet few would now regard the ,reformation as epoch-making in the sense in which that pre-eminence has been claimed4 ,no one now esteems that it separates the modern from the medival and ancient world in the manner once supposed4 ,the perspective of history makes it evident that large areas of life and thought remained then untouched by the new spirit4 ,assumptions which had their origin in feudal or even in classical culture continued unquestioned4 ,more than this1 impulses in rational life and in the interpretation of religion1 which showed themselves with clearness in one and another of the reformers themselves1 were lost sight of1 if not actually repudiated1 by their successors4 ,it is possible to view many things in the intellectual and religious life of the nineteenth century1 even some which ,protestants have passionately reprobated1 as but the taking up again of clues which the reformers had let fall1 the carrying out of purposes of their movement which were partly hidden from themselves4 ,men have asserted that the ,renaissance inaugurated a period of paganism4 ,they have gloried that there supervened upon this paganism the religious revival which the ,reformation was4 ,even these men will1 however1 not deny that it was the intellectual rejuvenation which made the religious reformation possible or1 at all events1 effective4 ,nor can it be denied that after the ,revolution1 in the ,protestant communities the intellectual element was thrust into the background4 ,the practical and devotional prevailed4 ,humanism was for a time shut out4 ,there was more room for it in the ,roman ,church than among ,protestants4 ,again1 the ,renaissance itself had been not so much an era of discovery of a new intellectual and spiritual world4 ,it had been1 rather1 the rediscovery of valid principles of life in an ancient culture and civilisation4 ,that thorough-going review of the principles at the basis of all relations of the life of man1 which once seemed possible to ,renaissance and ,reformation1 was postponed to a much later date4 ,when it did take place1 it was under far different auspices4 ,there is a remarkable unity in the history of ,protestant thought in the period from the ,reformation to the end of the eighteenth century4 ,there is a still more surprising unity of ,protestant thought in this period with the thought of the medival and ancient ,church4 ,the basis and methods are the same4 ,upon many points the conclusions are identical4 ,there was nothing of which the ,protestant scholastics were more proud than of their agreement with the ,fathers of the early ,church4 ,they did not perceive in how large degree they were at one with ,christian thinkers of the ,roman communion as well4 ,few seem to have realised how largely ,catholic in principle ,protestant thought has been4 ,the fundamental principles at the basis of the reasoning have been the same4 ,the notions of revelation and inspiration were identical4 ,the idea of authority was common to both1 only the instance in which that authority is lodged was different4 ,the thoughts of ,god and man1 of the world1 of creation1 of providence and prayer1 of the nature and means of salvation1 are similar4 ,newman was right in discovering that from the first he had thought1 only and always1 in what he called ,catholic terms4 ,it was veiled from him that many of those who ardently opposed him thought in those same terms4 ,it is impossible to write upon the theme which this book sets itself without using the terms ,catholic and ,protestant in the conventional sense4 ,the words stand for certain historic magnitudes4 ,it is equally impossible to conceal from ourselves how misleading the language often is4 ,the line between that which has been happily called the religion of authority and the religion of the spirit does not run between ,catholic and ,protestant4 ,it runs through the middle of many ,protestant bodies1 through the border only of some1 and who will say that the ,roman ,church knows nothing of this contrast8 ,the sole use of recurrence here to the historic distinction is to emphasise the fact that this distinction stands for less than has commonly been supposed4 ,in a large way the history of ,christian thought1 from earliest times to the end of the eighteenth century1 presents a very striking unity4 ,in contrast with this1 that modern reflection which has taken the phenomenon known as religion and1 specifically1 that historic form of religion known as ,christianity1 as its object1 has indeed also slowly revealed the fact that it is in possession of certain principles4 ,furthermore1 these principles1 as they have emerged1 have been felt to be new and distinctive principles4 ,they are essentially modern principles4 ,they are the principles which1 taken together1 differentiate the thinker of the nineteenth century from all who have ever been before him4 ,they are principles which unite all thinkers at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries1 in practically every portion of the world1 as they think of all subjects except religion4 ,it comes more and more to be felt that these principles must be reckoned with in our thought concerning religion as well4 ,one of these principles is1 for example1 that of dealing in true critical fashion with problems of history and literature4 ,long before the end of the age of rationalism1 this principle had been applied to literature and history1 other than those called sacred4 ,the thorough going application of this scientific method to the literatures and history of the ,old and ,new ,testaments is almost wholly an achievement of the nineteenth century4 ,it has completely altered the view of revelation and inspiration4 ,the altered view of the nature of the documents of revelation has had immeasurable consequences for dogma4 ,another of these elements is the new view of nature and of man's relation to nature4 ,certain notable discoveries in physics and astronomy had proved possible of combination with traditional religion1 as in the case of ,newton4 ,or again1 they had proved impossible of combination with any religion1 as in the case of ,laplace4 ,the review of the religious and ,christian problem in the light of the ever increasing volume of scientific discoveries--this is the new thing in the period which we have undertaken to describe4 ,a theory of nature as a totality1 in which man1 not merely as physical1 but even also as social and moral and religious being1 has place in a series which suggests no break1 has affected the doctrines of ,god and of man in a way which neither those who revered nor those who repudiated religion at the beginning of the nineteenth century could have imagined4 ,another leading principle grows out of ,kant's distinction of two worlds and two orders of reason4 ,that distinction issued in a new theory of knowledge4 ,it laid a new foundation for an idealistic construing of the universe4 ,in one way it was the answer of a profoundly religious nature to the triviality and effrontery into which the great rationalistic movement had run out4 ,by it the philosopher gave standing forever to much that prophets and mystics in every age had felt to be true1 yet had never been able to prove by any method which the ordered reasoning of man had provided4 ,religion as feeling regained its place4 ,ethics was set once more in the light of the eternal4 ,the soul of man became the object of a scientific study4 ,there have been thus indicated three1 at least1 of the larger factors which enter into an interpretation of ,christianity which may fairly be said to be new in the nineteenth century4 ,they are new in a sense in which the intellectual elements entering into the reconsideration of ,christianity in the age of the ,reformation were not new4 ,they are characteristic of the nineteenth century4 ,they would naturally issue in an interpretation of ,christianity in the general context of the life and thought of that century4 ,the philosophical revolution inaugurated by ,kant1 with the general drift toward monism in the interpretation of the universe1 separates from their forebears men who have lived since ,kant1 by a greater interval than that which divided ,kant from ,plato4 ,the evolutionary view of nature1 as developed from ,schelling and ,comte through ,darwin to ,bergson1 divides men now living from the contemporaries of ,kant in his youthful studies of nature1 as those men were not divided from the followers of ,aristotle4 ,of purpose1 the phrase ,christian thought has been interpreted as thought concerning ,christianity4 ,the problem which this book essays is that of an outline of the history of the thought which has been devoted1 during this period of marvellous progress1 to that particular object in consciousness and history which is known as ,christianity4 ,christianity1 as object of the philosophical1 critical1 and scientific reflection of the age--this it is which we propose to consider4 ,our religion as affected in its interpretation by principles of thought which are already widespread1 and bid fair to become universal among educated men--this it is which in this little volume we aim to discuss4 ,the term religious thought has not always had this significance4 ,philosophy of religion has signified1 often1 a philosophising of which religion was1 so to say1 the atmosphere4 ,we cannot wonder if1 in these circumstances1 to the minds of some1 the atmosphere has seemed to hinder clearness of vision4 ,the whole subject of the philosophy of religion has within the last few decades undergone a revival1 since it has been accepted that the aim is not to philosophise upon things in general in a religious spirit4 ,on the contrary1 the aim is to consider religion itself1 with the best aid which current philosophy and science afford4 ,in this sense only can we give the study of religion and ,christianity a place among the sciences4 ,it remains true1 now as always1 that the majority1 at all events1 of those who have thought profoundly concerning ,christianity will be found to have been ,christian men4 ,religion is a form of consciousness4 ,it will be those who have had experience to which that consciousness corresponds1 whose judgments can be supposed to have weight4 ,that remark is true1 for example1 of sthetic matters as well4 ,to be a good judge of music one must have musical feeling and experience4 ,to speak with any deeper reasonableness concerning faith1 one must have faith4 ,to think profoundly concerning ,christianity one needs to have had the ,christian experience4 ,but this is very different from saying that to speak worthily of the ,christian religion1 one must needs have made his own the statements of religion which men of a former generation may have found serviceable4 ,the distinction between religion itself1 on the one hand1 and the expression of religion in doctrines and rites1 or the application of religion through institutions1 on the other hand1 is in itself one of the great achievements of the nineteenth century4 ,it is one which separates us from ,christian men in previous centuries as markedly as it does any other4 ,it is a simple implication of the ,kantian theory of knowledge4 ,the evidence for its validity has come through the application of historical criticism to all the creeds4 ,mystics of all ages have seen the truth from far4 ,the fact that we may assume the prevalence of this distinction among ,christian men1 and lay it at the base of the discussion we propose1 is assuredly one of the gains which the nineteenth century has to record4 ,it follows that not all of the thinkers with whom we have to deal will have been1 in their own time1 of the number of avowedly ,christian men4 ,some who have greatly furthered movements which in the end proved fruitful for ,christian thought1 have been men who in their own time alienated from professed and official religion4 ,in the retrospect we must often feel that their opposition to that which they took to be religion was justifiable4 ,yet their identification of that with religion itself1 and their frank declaration of what they called their own irreligion1 was often a mistake4 ,it was a mistake to which both they and their opponents in due proportion contributed4 ,a still larger class of those with whom we have to do have indeed asserted for themselves a personal adherence to ,christianity4 ,but their identification with ,christianity1 or with a particular ,christian ,church1 has been often bitterly denied by those who bore official responsibility in the ,church4 ,the heresy of one generation is the orthodoxy of the next4 ,there is something perverse in ,gottfried ,arnold's maxim1 that the true ,church1 in any age1 is to be found with those who have just been excommunicated from the actual ,church4 ,however1 the maxim points in the direction of a truth4 ,by far the larger part of those with whom we have to do have had acknowledged relation to the ,christian tradition and institution4 ,they were ,christians and1 at the same time1 true children of the intellectual life of their own age4 ,they esteemed it not merely their privilege1 but also their duty1 to endeavour to ponder anew the religious and ,christian problem1 and to state that which they thought in a manner congruous with the thoughts which the men of the age would naturally have concerning other themes4 ,it has been to most of these men axiomatic that doctrine has only relative truth4 ,doctrine is but a composite of the content of the religious consciousness with materials which the intellect of a given man or age or nation in the total view of life affords4 ,as such1 doctrine is necessary and inevitable for all those who in any measure live the life of the mind4 ,but the condition of doctrine is its mobile1 its fluid and changing character4 ,it is the combination of a more or less stable and characteristic experience1 with a reflection which1 exactly in proportion as it is genuine1 is transformed from age to age1 is modified by qualities of race and1 in the last analysis1 differs with individual men4 ,dogma is that portion of doctrine which has been elevated by decree of ecclesiastical authority1 or even only by common consent1 into an absoluteness which is altogether foreign to its nature4 ,it is that part of doctrine concerning which men have forgotten that it had a history1 and have decided that it shall have no more4 ,in its very notion dogma confounds a statement of truth1 which must of necessity be human1 with the truth itself1 which is divine4 ,in its identification of statement and truth it demands credence instead of faith4 ,men have confounded doctrine and dogma2 they have been taught so to do4 ,they have felt the history of ,christian doctrine to be an unfruitful and uninteresting theme4 ,but the history of ,christian thought would seek to set forth the series of interpretations put1 by successive generations1 upon the greatest of all human experiences1 the experience of the communion of men with ,god4 ,these interpretations ray out at all edges into the general intellectual life of the age4 ,they draw one whole set of their formative impulses from the general intellectual life of the age4 ,it is this relation of the progress of doctrine to the general history of thought in the nineteenth century1 which the writer designed to emphasise in choosing the title of this work4 ,as was indicated in the closing paragraphs of the preceding volume of this series1 the issue of the age of rationalism had been for the cause of religion on the whole a distressing one4 ,the majority of those who were resolved to follow reason were agreed in abjuring religion4 ,that they had1 as it seems to us1 but a meagre understanding of what religion is1 made little difference in their conclusion4 ,bishop ,butler complains in his ,analogy that religion was in his time hardly considered a subject for discussion among reasonable men4 ,schleiermacher in the very title of his ,discourses makes it plain that in ,germany the situation was not different4 ,if the reasonable eschewed religious protests in ,germany1 evangelicals in ,england1 the men of the great revivals in ,america1 many of them1 took up a corresponding position as towards the life of reason1 especially toward the use of reason in religion4 ,the sinister cast which the word rationalism bears in much of the popular speech is evidence of this fact4 ,to many minds it appeared as if one could not be an adherent both of reason and of faith4 ,that was a contradiction which ,kant1 first of all in his own experience1 and then through his system of thought1 did much to transcend4 ,the deliverance which he wrought has been compared to the deliverance which ,luther in his time achieved for those who had been in bondage to scholasticism in the ,roman ,church4 ,although ,kant has been dead a hundred years1 both the defence of religion and the assertion of the right of reason are still1 with many1 on the ancient lines4 ,there is no such strife between rationality and belief as has been supposed4 ,but the confidence of that fact is still far from being shared by all ,christians at the beginning of the twentieth century4 ,the course in reinterpretation and readjustment of ,christianity1 which that calm conviction would imply1 is still far from being the one taken by all of those who bear the ,christian name4 ,if it is permissible in the writing of a book like this to have an aim besides that of the most objective delineation1 the author may perhaps be permitted to say that he writes with the earnest hope that in some measure he may contribute also to the establishment of an understanding upon which so much both for the ,church and the world depends4 ,we should say a word at this point as to the general relation of religion and philosophy4 ,we realise the evil which ,kant first in clearness pointed out4 ,it was the evil of an apprehension which made the study of religion a department of metaphysics4 ,the tendency of that apprehension was to do but scant justice to the historical content of ,christianity4 ,religion is an historical phenomenon4 ,especially is this true of ,christianity4 ,it is a fact1 or rather1 a vast complex of facts4 ,it is a positive religion4 ,it is connected with personalities1 above all with one transcendent personality1 that of ,jesus4 ,it sprang out of another religion which had already emerged into the light of world-history4 ,it has been associated for two thousand years with portions of the race which have made achievements in culture and left record of those achievements4 ,it is the function of speculation to interpret this phenomenon4 ,when speculation is tempted to spin by its own processes something which it would set beside this historic magnitude or put in place of it1 and still call that ,christianity1 we must disallow the claim4 ,it was the licence of its speculative endeavour1 and the identification of these endeavours with ,christianity1 which finally discredited ,hegelianism with religious men4 ,nor can it be denied that theologians themselves have been sinners in this respect4 ,the disposition to regard ,christianity as a revealed and divinely authoritative metaphysic began early and continued long4 ,when the theologians also set out to interpret ,christianity and end in offering us a substitute1 which1 if it were acknowledged as absolute truth1 would do away with ,christianity as historic fact1 as little can we allow the claim4 ,again1 ,christianity exists not merely as a matter of history4 ,it exists also as a fact in living consciousness4 ,it is the function of psychology to investigate that consciousness4 ,we must say that1 accurately speaking1 there is no such thing as ,christian philosophy4 ,there are philosophies1 good or bad1 current or obsolete4 ,these are ,christian only in being applied to the history of ,christianity and the content of the ,christian consciousness4 ,there is1 strictly speaking1 no such thing as ,christian consciousness4 ,there is the human consciousness1 operating with and operated upon by the impulse of ,christianity4 ,it is the great human experience from which we single out for investigation that part which is concerned with religion1 and call that the religious experience4 ,it is essential1 therefore1 that those general investigations of human consciousness and experience1 as such1 which are being carried on all about us should be reckoned with1 if our ,christian life and thought are not altogether to fall out of touch with advancing knowledge4 ,for this reason we have misgiving about the position of some followers of ,ritschl4 ,their opinion1 pushed to the limit1 seems to mean that we have nothing to do with philosophy1 or with the advance of science4 ,religion is a feeling of which he alone who possesses it can give account4 ,he alone who has it can appreciate such an account when given4 ,we acknowledge that religion is in part a feeling4 ,but that feeling must have rational justification4 ,it must also have rational guidance if it is to be saved from degenerating into fanaticism4 ,to say that we have nothing to do with philosophy ends in our having to do with a bad philosophy4 ,in that case we have a philosophy with which we operate without having investigated it1 instead of having one with which we operate because we have investigated it4 ,the philosophy of which we are aware we have4 ,the philosophy of which we are not aware has us4 ,no doubt1 we may have religion without philosophy1 but we cannot formulate it even in the rudest way to ourselves1 we cannot communicate it in any way whatsoever to others1 except in the terms of a philosophy4 ,in the general sense in which every man has a philosophy1 this is merely the deposit of the regnant notions of the time4 ,it may be amended or superseded1 and our theology with it4 ,yet while it lasts it is our one possible vehicle of expression4 ,it is the interpreter and the critique of what we have experienced4 ,it is not open to a man to retreat within himself and say1 ,i am a ,christian1 ,i feel thus1 ,i think so1 these thoughts are the content of ,christianity4 ,the consequence of that position is that we make the religious experience to be no part of the normal human experience4 ,if we contend that the being a ,christian is the great human experience1 that the religious life is the true human life1 we must pursue the opposite course4 ,we must make the religious life coherent with all the other phases and elements of life4 ,if we would contend that religious thought is the truest and deepest thought1 we must begin at this very point4 ,we must make it conform absolutely to the laws of all other thought4 ,to contend for its isolation1 as an area by itself and a process subject only to its own laws1 is to court the judgment of men1 that in its zeal to be ,christian it has ceased to be thought4 ,our most profitable mode of procedure would seem to be this4 ,we shall seek to follow1 as we may1 those few main movements of thought marking the nineteenth century which have immediate bearing upon our theme4 ,we shall try to register the effect which these movements have had upon religious conceptions4 ,it will not be possible at any point to do more than to select typical examples4 ,perhaps the true method is that we should go back to the beginnings of each one of these movements4 ,we should mark the emergence of a few great ideas4 ,it is the emergence of an idea which is dramatically interesting4 ,it is the moment of emergence in which that which is characteristic appears4 ,our subject is far too complicated to permit that the ramifications of these influences should be followed in detail4 ,modifications1 subtractions1 additions1 the reader must make for himself4 ,these main movements of thought are1 as has been said1 three in number4 ,we shall take them in their chronological order4 ,there is first the philosophical revolution which is commonly associated with the name of ,kant4 ,if we were to seek with arbitrary exactitude to fix a date for the beginning of this movement1 this might be the year of the publication of his first great work1 ,kritik der reinen ,vernunft1 in #agha4a ,kant was indeed himself1 both intellectually and spiritually1 the product of tendencies which had long been gathering strength4 ,he was the exponent of ideas which in fragmentary way had been expressed by others1 but he gathered into himself in amazing fashion the impulses of his age4 ,out from some portion of his works lead almost all the paths which philosophical thinkers since his time have trod4 ,one cannot say even of his work1 ,der ,religion innerhalb der ,grenzen der blossen ,vernunft1 #agic1 that it is the sole source1 or even the greatest source1 of his influence upon religious thinking4 ,but from the body of his work as a whole1 there came a new theory of knowledge which has changed completely the notion of revelation4 ,there came also a view of the universe as an ideal unity which1 especially as elaborated by ,fichte1 ,schelling and ,hegel1 has radically altered the traditional ideas of ,god1 of man1 of nature and of their relations1 the one to the other4 ,footnote #a3 ,in the text the titles of books which are discussed are given for the first time in the language in which they are written4 ,books which are merely alluded to are mentioned in ,english4 ,we shall have then1 secondly1 to note the historical and critical movement4 ,it is the effort to apply consistently and without fear the maxims of historical and literary criticism to the documents of the ,old and ,new ,testaments4 ,with still greater arbitrariness1 and yet with appreciation of the significance of ,strauss' endeavour1 we might set as the date of the full impact of this movement upon cherished religious convictions1 that of the publication of his ,leben ,jesu1 #ahce4 ,this movement has supported with abundant evidence the insight of the philosophers as to the nature of revelation4 ,it has shown that that which we actually have in the ,scriptures is just that which ,kant1 with his reverence for the freedom of the human mind1 had indicated that we must have1 if revelation is to be believed in at all4 ,with this changed view has come an altered attitude toward many statements which devout men had held that they must accept as true1 because these were found in ,scripture4 ,with this changed view the whole history1 whether of the ,jewish people or of ,jesus and the origins of the ,christian ,church1 has been set in a new light4 ,in the third place1 we shall have to deal with the influence of the sciences of nature and of society1 as these have been developed throughout the whole course of the nineteenth century4 ,if one must have a date for an outstanding event in this portion of the history1 perhaps that of the publication of ,darwin's ,origin of ,species1 #ahei1 would serve as well as any other4 ,the principles of these sciences have come to underlie in a great measure all the reflection of cultivated men in our time4 ,in amazing degree they have percolated1 through elementary instruction1 through popular literature1 and through the newspapers1 to the masses of mankind4 ,they are recognised as the basis of a triumphant material civilisation1 which has made everything pertaining to the inner and spiritual life seem remote4 ,through the social sciences there has come an impulse to the transfer of emphasis from the individual to society1 the disposition to see everything in its social bearing1 to do everything in the light of its social antecedents and of its social consequences4 ,here again we have to note the profoundest influence upon religious conceptions4 ,the very notion connected with the words redemption and salvation appears to have been changed4 ,in the case of each of these particular movements the church1 as the organ of ,christianity1 has passed through a period of antagonism to these influences1 of fear of their consequences1 of resistance to their progress4 ,in large portions of the church at the present moment the protest is renewed4 ,the substance of these modern teachings1 which yet seem to be the very warp and woof of the intellectual life of the modern man1 is repudiated and denounced4 ,it is held to imperil the salvation of the soul4 ,it is pronounced impossible of combination with belief in a divinely revealed truth concerning the universe and a saving faith for men4 ,in other churches1 outside the churches1 the forms in which men hold their ,christianity have been in large measure adjusted to the results of these great movements of thought4 ,they have1 as these men themselves believe1 been immensely strengthened and made sure by those very influences which were once considered dangerous4 ,in connection with this indication of the nature of our materials1 we have sought to say something of the time of emergence of the salient elements4 ,it may be in point also to give some intimation of the place of their origins1 that is to say1 of the participation of the various nationalities in this common task of the modern ,christian world4 ,that international quality of scholarship which seems to us natural1 is a thing of very recent date4 ,that a discovery should within a reasonable interval become the property of all educated men1 that scholars of one nation should profit by that which the learned of another land have done1 appears to us a thing to be assumed4 ,it has not always been so1 especially not in matters of religious faith4 ,the ,roman ,church and the ,latin language gave to medieval ,christian thought a certain international character4 ,again the ,renaissance and ,reformation had a certain world wide quality4 ,the relations of the ,english ,church in the reigns of the last ,tudors to ,germany1 ,switzerland1 and ,france are not to be forgotten4 ,but the life of the ,protestant national churches in the eighteenth century shows little of this trait4 ,the barriers of language counted for something4 ,the provincialism of national churches and denominational predilections counted for more4 ,in the philosophical movement we must begin with the ,germans4 ,the movement of ,english thought known as deism was a distinct forerunner of the rationalist movement1 within the particular area of the discussion of religion4 ,however1 it ran into the sand4 ,the rationalist movement1 considered in its other aspects1 never attained in ,england in the eighteenth century the proportions which it assumed in ,france and ,germany4 ,in ,france that movement ran its full course1 both among the learned and1 equally1 as a radical and revolutionary influence among the unlearned4 ,it had momentous practical consequences4 ,in no sphere was it more radical than in that of religion4 ,not in vain had ,voltaire for years cried1 'crasez l'infme1' and ,rousseau preached that the youth would all be wise and pure1 if only the kind of education which he had had in the religious schools were made impossible4 ,there was for many minds no alternative between clericalism and atheism4 ,quite logically1 therefore1 after the downfall of the ,republic and of the ,empire there set in a great reaction4 ,still it was simply a reversion to the absolute religion of the ,roman ,catholic ,church as set forth by the ,jesuit party4 ,there was no real transcending of the rationalist movement in ,france in the interest of religion4 ,there has been no great constructive movement in religious thought in ,france in the nineteenth century4 ,there is relatively little literature of our subject in the ,french language until recent years4 ,in ,germany1 on the other hand1 the rationalist movement had always had over against it the great foil and counterpoise of the pietist movement4 ,rationalism ran a much soberer course than in ,france4 ,it was never a revolutionary and destructive movement as in ,france4 ,it was not a dilettante and aristocratic movement as deism had been in ,england4 ,it was far more creative and constructive than elsewhere4 ,here also before the end of the century it had run its course4 ,yet here the men who transcended the rationalist movement and shaped the spiritual revival in the beginning of the nineteenth century were men who had themselves been trained in the bosom of the rationalist movement4 ,they had appropriated the benefits of it4 ,they did not represent a violent reaction against it1 but a natural and inevitable progress within and beyond it4 ,this it was which gave to the ,germans their leadership at the beginning of the nineteenth century in the sphere of the intellectual life4 ,it is worthy of note that the great heroes of the intellectual life in ,germany1 in the period of which we speak1 were most of them deeply interested in the problem of religion4 ,the first man to bring to ,england the leaven of this new spirit1 and therewith to transcend the old philosophical standpoint of ,locke and ,hume1 was ,coleridge with his ,aids to ,reflection1 published in #ahbe4 ,but even after this impulse of ,coleridge the movement remained in ,england a sporadic and uncertain one4 ,it had nothing of the volume and conservativeness which belonged to it in ,germany4 ,coleridge left among his literary remains a work published in #ahdj under the title of ,confessions of an ,enquiring ,spirit4 ,what is here written is largely upon the basis of intuition and forecast like that of ,remarus and ,lessing a half-century earlier in ,germany4 ,strauss and others were already at work in ,germany upon the problem of the ,new ,testament1 ,vatke and ,reuss upon that of the ,old4 ,this was a different kind of labour1 and destined to have immeasurably greater significance4 ,george ,eliot's maiden literary labour was the translation into ,english of ,strauss' first edition4 ,but the results of that criticism were only slowly appropriated by the ,english4 ,the ostensible results were at first radical and subversive in the extreme4 ,they were fiercely repudiated in ,strauss' own country4 ,yet in the main there was acknowledgement of the correctness of the principle for which ,strauss had stood4 ,hardly before the decade of the sixties was that method accepted in ,england in any wider way1 and hardly before the decade of the seventies in ,america4 ,ronan was the first to set forth1 in #ahfc1 the historical and critical problem in the new spirit1 in a way that the wide public which read ,french understood4 ,when we come to speak of the scientific movement it is not easy to say where the leadership lay4 ,many ,englishmen were in the first rank of investigators and accumulators of material4 ,the first attempt at a systematisation of the results of the modern sciences was that of ,auguste ,comte in his ,philosophie ,positive4 ,this philosophy1 however1 under its name of ,positivism1 exerted a far greater influence1 both in ,comte's time and subsequently1 in ,england than it did in ,france4 ,herbert ,spencer1 after the middle of the decade of the sixties1 essayed to do something of the sort which ,comte had attempted4 ,he had far greater advantages for the solution of the problem4 ,comte's foil in all of his discussions of religion was the ,catholicism of the south of ,france4 ,none the less1 the religion which in his later years he created1 bears striking resemblance to that which in his earlier years he had sought to destroy4 ,spencer's attitude toward religion was in his earlier work one of more pronounced antagonism or1 at least1 of more complete agnosticism than in later days he found requisite to the maintenance of his scientific freedom and conscientiousness4 ,both of these men represent the effort to construe the world1 including man1 from the point of view of the natural and also of the social sciences1 and to define the place of religion in that view of the world which is thus set forth4 ,the fact that there had been no such philosophical readjustment in ,great ,britain as in ,germany1 made the acceptance of the evolutionary theory of the universe1 which more and more the sciences enforced1 slower and more difficult4 ,the period of resistance on the part of those interested in religion extended far into the decade of the seventies4 ,a word may be added concerning ,america4 ,the early settlers had been proud of their connection with the ,english universities4 ,an extraordinary number of them1 in ,massachusetts at least1 had been ,cambridge men4 ,yet a tradition of learning was later developed1 which was not without the traits of isolation natural in the circumstances4 ,the residence1 for a time1 even of a man like ,berkeley in this country1 altered that but little4 ,the clergy remained in singular degree the educated and highly influential class4 ,the churches had developed1 in consonance with their ,puritan character1 a theology and philosophy so portentous in their conclusions1 that we can without difficulty understand the reaction which was brought about4 ,wesleyanism had modified it in some portions of the country1 but intensified it in others4 ,deism apparently had had no great influence4 ,when the rationalist movement of the old world began to make itself felt1 it was at first largely through the influence of ,france4 ,the religious life of the country at the beginning of the nineteenth century was at a low ebb4 ,men like ,belaham and ,priestley were known as apostles of a freer spirit in the treatment of the problem of religion4 ,priestley came to ,pennsylvania in his exile4 ,in the large1 however1 one may say that the ,new ,england liberal movement1 which came by and by to be called ,unitarian1 was as truly ,american as was the orthodoxy to which it was opposed4 ,channing reminds one often of ,schleiermacher4 ,there is no evidence that he had learned from ,schleiermacher4 ,the liberal movement by its very impetuosity gave a new lease of life to an orthodoxy which1 without that antagonism1 would sooner have waned4 ,the great revivals1 which were a benediction to the life of the country1 were thought to have closer relation to the theology of those who participated in them than they had4 ,the breach between the liberal and conservative tendencies of religious thought in this country came at a time when the philosophical reconstruction was already well under way in ,europe4 ,the debate continued until long after the biblical-critical movement was in progress4 ,the controversy was conducted upon both sides in practically total ignorance of these facts4 ,there are traces upon both sides of that insight which makes the mystic a discoverer in religion1 before the logic known to him will sustain the conclusion which he draws4 ,there will always be interest in the literature of a discussion conducted by reverent and1 in their own way1 learned and original men4 ,yet there is a pathos about the sturdy originality of good men expended upon a problem which had been already solved4 ,the men in either camp proceeded from assumptions which are now impossible to the men of both4 ,it was not until after the ,civil ,war that ,american students of theology began in numbers to study in ,germany4 ,it is a much more recent thing that one may assume the immediate reading of foreign books1 or boast of current contribution from ,american scholars to the labour of the world's thought upon these themes4 ,we should make a great mistake if we supposed that the progress has been an unceasing forward movement4 ,quite the contrary1 in every aspect of it the life of the early part of the nineteenth century presents the spectacle of a great reaction4 ,the resurgence of old ideas and forces seems almost incredible4 ,in the political world we are wont to attribute this fact to the disillusionment which the ,french ,revolution had wrought1 and the suffering which the ,napoleonic ,empire had entailed4 ,the reaction in the world of thought1 and particularly of religious thought1 was1 moreover1 as marked as that in the world of deeds4 ,the ,roman ,church profited by this swing of the pendulum in the minds of men as much as did the absolute ,state4 ,almost the first act of ,pius ,,vii4 after his return to ,rome in #ahad1 was the revival of the ,society of ,jesus1 which had been after long agony in #aggc dissolved by the papacy itself4 ',altar and throne' became the watchword of an ardent attempt at restoration of all of that which millions had given their lives to do away4 ,all too easily1 one who writes in sympathy with that which is conventionally called progress may give the impression that our period is one in which movement has been all in one direction4 ,that is far from being true4 ,one whose very ideal of progress is that of movement in directions opposite to those we have described may well say that the nineteenth century has had its gifts for him as well4 ,the life of mankind is too complex that one should write of it with one exclusive standard as to loss and gain4 ,and whatever be one's standard the facts cannot be ignored4 ,the ,france of the thirties and the forties saw a liberal movement within the ,roman ,church4 ,the names of ,lamennais1 of ,lacordaire1 of ,montalembert and ,ozanam1 the title l',avenir occur to men's minds at once4 ,perhaps there has never been in ,france a party more truly ,catholic1 more devout1 refined and tolerant1 more fitted to heal the breach between the cultivated and the ,church4 ,however1 before the ,second ,empire1 an end had been made of that4 ,it cannot be said that the ,french ,church exactly favoured the infallibility4 ,it certainly did not stand against the decree as in the old days it would have done4 ,the decree of infallibility is itself the greatest witness of the steady progress of reaction in the ,roman ,church4 ,that action1 theoretically at least1 does away with even that measure of popular constitution in the ,church to which the end of the ,middle ,age had held fast without wavering1 which the mightiest of popes had not been able to abolish and the council of ,trent had not dared earnestly to debate4 ,whether the decree of #ahgj is viewed in the light of the ,syllabus of ,errors of #ahfd1 and again of the ,encyclical of #aijg1 or whether the encyclicals are viewed in the light of the decree1 the fact remains that a power has been given to the ,curia against what has come to be called ,modernism such as ,innocent never wielded against the heresies of his day4 ,meantime1 so hostile are exactly those peoples among whom ,roman ,catholicism has had full sway1 that it would almost appear that the hope of the ,roman ,church is in those countries in which1 in the sequence of the ,reformation1 a religious tolerance obtains1 which the ,roman ,church would have done everything in its power to prevent4 ,again1 we should deceive ourselves if we supposed that the reaction had been felt only in ,roman ,catholic lands4 ,a minister of ,prussia forbade ,kant to speak concerning religion4 ,the ,prussia of ,frederick ,william ,,iii4 and of ,frederick ,william ,,iv4 was almost as reactionary as if ,metternich had ruled in ,berlin as well as in ,vienna4 ,the history of the censorship of the press and of the repression of free thought in ,germany until the year #ahdh is a sad chapter4 ,the ruling influences in the ,lutheran ,church in that era1 practically throughout ,germany1 were reactionary4 ,the universities did indeed in large measure retain their ancient freedom4 ,but the church in which ,hengstenberg could be a leader1 and in which staunch seventeenth-century ,lutheranism could be effectively sustained1 was almost doomed to further that alienation between the life of piety and the life of learning which is so much to be deplored4 ,in the ,church the conservatives have to this moment largely triumphed4 ,in the theological faculties of the universities the liberals in the main have held their own4 ,the fact that both ,church and faculties are functionaries of the ,state is often cited as sure in the end to bring about a solution of this unhappy state of things4 ,for such a solution1 it must be owned1 we wait4 ,the ,england of the period after #ahae had indeed no such cause for reaction as obtained in ,france or even in ,germany4 ,the nation having had its ,revolution in the seventeenth century escaped that of the eighteenth4 ,still the country was exhausted in the conflict against ,napoleon4 ,commercial1 industrial and social problems agitated it4 ,the ,church slumbered4 ,for a time the liberal thought of ,england found utterance mainly through the poets4 ,by the decade of the thirties movement had begun4 ,the opinions of the ,noetics in ,oriel ,college1 ,oxford1 now seem distinctly mild4 ,they were sufficient to awaken ,newman and ,pusey1 ,froude1 ,keble1 and the rest4 ,then followed the most significant ecclesiastical movement which the ,church of ,england in the nineteenth century has seen1 the ,oxford or ,tractarian movement1 as it has been called4 ,there was conscious recurrence of a mind like that of ,newman to the ,catholic position4 ,he had never been able to conceive religion in any other terms than those of dogma1 or the ,christian assurance on any other basis than that of external authority4 ,nothing could be franker than the antagonism of the movement1 from its inception1 to the liberal spirit of the age4 ,by inner logic ,newman found himself at last in the ,roman ,church4 ,yet the ,anglo-,catholic movement is to-day overwhelmingly in the ascendant in the ,english ,church4 ,the ,broad ,churchmen of the middle of the century have had few successors4 ,it is the ,high ,church which stands over against the great mass of the dissenting churches which1 taken in the large1 can hardly be said to be theologically more liberal than itself4 ,it is the ,high ,church which has showed ,franciscanlike devotion in the problems of social readjustment which ,england to-day presents4 ,it has shown in some part of its constituency a power of assimilation of new philosophical1 critical and scientific views1 which makes all comparison of it with the ,roman ,church misleading4 ,and yet it remains in its own consciousness ,catholic to the core4 ,in ,america also the vigour of onset of the liberalising forces at the beginning of this century tended to provoke reaction4 ,the alarm with which the defection of so considerable a portion of the ,puritan ,church was viewed gave coherence to the opposition4 ,there were those who devoutly held that the hope of religion lay in its further liberalisation4 ,equally there were those who deeply felt that the deliverance lay in resistance to liberalisation4 ,one of the concrete effects of the division of the churches was the separation of the education of the clergy from the universities1 the entrusting it to isolated theological schools under denominational control4 ,the system has done less harm than might have been expected4 ,yet at present there would appear to be a general movement of recurrence to the elder tradition4 ,the maintenance of the religious life is to some extent a matter of nurture and observances1 of religious habit and practice4 ,this truth is one which liberals1 in their emphasis upon liberty and the individual1 are always in danger of overlooking4 ,the great revivals of religion in this century1 like those of the century previous1 have been connected with a form of religious thought pronouncedly pietistic4 ,the building up of religious institutions in the new regions of the ,west1 and the participation of the churches of the country in missions1 wear predominantly this cast4 ,antecedently1 one might have said that the lack of ecclesiastical cohesion among the ,christians of the land1 the ease with which a small group might split off for the furtherance of its own particular view1 would tend to liberalisation4 ,it is doubtful whether this is true4 ,isolation is not necessarily a condition of progress4 ,the emphasis upon trivial differences becomes rather a condition of their permanence4 ,the middle of the nineteenth century in the ,united ,states was a period of intense denominationalism4 ,that is synonymous with a period of the stagnation of ,christian thought4 ,the religion of a people absorbed in the practical is likely to be one which they at least suppose to be a practical religion4 ,in one age the most practical thing will appear to men to be to escape hell1 in another to further socialism4 ,the need of adjustment of religion to the great intellectual life of the world comes with contact with that life4 ,what strikes one in the survey of the religious thought of the country1 by and large1 for a century and a quarter1 is not so much that it has been reactionary1 as that it has been stationary4 ,almost every other aspect of the life of our country1 including even that of religious life as distinguished from religious thought1 has gone ahead by leaps and bounds4 ,this it is which in a measure has created the tension which we feel4 ,b4 ,,the ,,background ,deism ,in ,england before the end of the ,civil ,war a movement for the rationalisation of religion had begun to make itself felt4 ,it was in full force in the time of the ,revolution of #afhh4 ,it had not altogether spent itself by the middle of the eighteenth century4 ,the movement has borne the name of ,deism4 ,in so far as it had one watchword1 this came to be 'natural religion4' ,the antithesis had in mind was that to revealed religion1 as this had been set forth in the tradition of the ,church1 and particularly under the bibliolatry of the ,puritans4 ,it is a witness to the liberty of speech enjoyed by ,englishmen in that day and to their interest in religion1 that such a movement could have arisen largely among laymen who were often men of rank4 ,it is an honour to the ,english race that1 in the period of the rising might of the rational spirit throughout the western world1 men should have sought at once to utilise that force for the restatement of religion4 ,yet one may say quite simply that this undertaking of the deists was premature4 ,the time was not ripe for the endeavour4 ,the rationalist movement itself needed greater breadth and deeper understanding of itself4 ,above all1 it needed the salutary correction of opposing principles before it could avail for this delicate and difficult task4 ,religion is the most conservative of human interests4 ,rationalism would be successful in establishing a new interpretation of religion only after it had been successful in many other fields4 ,the arguments of the deists were never successfully refuted4 ,on the contrary1 the striking thing is that their opponents1 the militant divines and writings of numberless volumes of ',evidences for ,christianity1' had come to the same rational basis with the deists4 ,they referred even the most subtle questions to the pure reason1 as no one now would do4 ,the deistical movement was not really defeated4 ,it largely compelled its opponents to adopt its methods4 ,it left a deposit which is more nearly rated at its worth at the present than it was in its own time4 ,but it ceased to command confidence1 or even interest4 ,samuel ,johnson said1 as to the publication of ,bolingbroke's work by his executor1 three years after the author's death3 ',it was a rusty old blunderbuss1 which he need not have been afraid to discharge himself1 instead of leaving a half-crown to a ,scotchman to let it off after his death4' ,it is a great mistake1 however1 in describing the influence of rationalism upon ,christian thought to deal mainly with deism4 ,english deism made itself felt in ,france1 as one may see in the case of ,voltaire4 ,kant was at one time deeply moved by some ,english writers who would be assigned to this class4 ,in a sense ,kant showed traces of the deistical view to the last4 ,the centre of the rationalistic movement had1 however1 long since passed from ,england to the ,continent4 ,the religious problem was no longer its central problem4 ,we quite fail to appreciate what the nineteenth century owes to the eighteenth and to the rationalist movement in general1 unless we view this latter in a far greater way4 ,rationalism ,in #aghd ,kant wrote a tractate entitled1 ,was ist ,aufklrung8 ,he said3 ',aufklrung is the advance of man beyond the stage of voluntary immaturity4 ,by immaturity is meant a man's inability to use his understanding except under the guidance of another4 ,the immaturity is voluntary when the cause is not want of intelligence but of resolution4 ,sapere aude6 ,dare to use thine own understanding1 is therefore the motto of free thought4 ,if it be asked1 ,do we live in a free-thinking age8 the answer is1 ,no1 but we live in an age of free thought4 ,as things are at present1 men in general are very far from possessing1 or even from being able to acquire1 the power of making a sure and right use of their own understanding without the guidance of others4 ,on the other hand1 we have clear indications that the field now lies1 nevertheless1 open before them1 to which they can freely make their way and that the hindrances to general freedom of thought are gradually becoming less4 ,and again he says3 ',if we wish to insure the true use of the understanding by a method which is universally valid1 we must first critically examine the laws which are involved in the very nature of the understanding itself4 ,for the knowledge of a truth which is valid for everyone is possible only when based on laws which are involved in the nature of the human mind1 as such1 and have not been imported into it from without through facts of experience1 which must always be accidental and conditional4' ,there speaks1 of course1 the prophet of the new age which was to transcend the old rationalist movement4 ,men had come to harp in complacency upon reason4 ,they had never inquired into the nature and laws of action of the reason itself4 ,kant1 though in fullest sympathy with its fundamental principles1 was yet aware of the excesses and weaknesses in which the rationalist movement was running out4 ,no man was ever more truly a child of rationalism4 ,no man has ever written1 to whom the human reason was more divine and inviolable4 ,yet no man ever had greater reserves within himself which rationalism1 as it had been1 had never touched4 ,it was he1 therefore1 who could lay the foundations for a new and nobler philosophy for the future4 ,the word ,aufklrung1 which the speech of the ,fatherland furnished him1 is a better word than ours4 ,it is a better word than the ,french l',illuminisme1 the ,enlightenment4 ,still we are apparently committed to the term ,rationalism1 although it is not an altogether fortunate designation which the ,english-speaking race has given to a tendency practically universal in the thinking of ,europe1 from about #afej to the beginning of the nineteenth century4 ,historically1 the rationalistic movement was the necessary preliminary for the modern period of ,european civilization as distinguished from the ecclesiastically and theologically determined culture which had prevailed up to that time4 ,it marks the great cleft between the ancient and medival world of culture on the one hand and the modern world on the other4 ,the ,reformation had but pushed ajar the door to the modern world and then seemed in surprise and fear about to close it again4 ,the thread of the ,renaissance was taken up again only in the ,enlightenment4 ,the stream flowed underground which was yet to fertilise the modern world4 ,we are here mainly concerned to note the breadth and universality of the movement4 ,it was a transformation of culture1 a change in the principles underlying civilisation1 in all departments of life4 ,it had indeed1 as one of its most general traits1 the antagonism to ecclesiastical and theological authority4 ,whatever it was doing1 it was never without a sidelong glance at religion4 ,that was because the alleged divine right of churches and states was the one might which it seemed everywhere necessary to break4 ,the conflict with ecclesiasticism1 however1 was taken up also by ,pietism1 the other great spiritual force of the age4 ,this was in spite of the fact that the ,pietists' view of religion was the opposite of the rationalist view4 ,rationalism was characterised by thorough-going antagonism to supernaturalism with all its consequences4 ,this arose from its zeal for the natural and the human1 in a day when all men1 defenders and assailants of religion alike1 accepted the dictum that what was human could not be divine1 the divine must necessarily be the opposite of the human4 ,in reality this general trait of opposition to religion deceives us4 ,it is superficial4 ,in large part the rationalists were willing to leave the question of religion on one side if the ecclesiastics would let them alone4 ,this is true in spite of the fact that the pot-house rationalism of ,germany and ,france in the eighteenth century found the main butt of its ridicule in the priesthood and the ,church4 ,on its sober side1 in the studies of scholars1 in the bureaux of statesmen1 in the laboratories of discoverers1 it found more solid work4 ,it accomplished results which that other trivial aspect must not hide from us4 ,troeltsch first in our own day has given us a satisfactory account of the vast achievement of the movement in every department of human life4#b ,it annihilated the theological notion of the ,state4 ,in the period after the ,thirty ,years' ,war men began to question what had been the purpose of it all4 ,diplomacy freed itself from ,jesuitical and papal notions4 ,it turned preponderantly to commercial and economic aims4 ,a secular view of the purpose of ,god in history began to prevail in all classes of society4 ,the ,grand ,monarque was ready to proclaim the divine right of the ,state which was himself4 ,still1 not until the period of his dotage did that claim bear any relation to what even he would have called religion4 ,publicists1 both ,catholic and ,protestant1 sought to recur to the lex natur in contradistinction with the old lex divina4 ,the natural rights of man1 the rights of the people1 the rationally conditioned rights of the ,state1 a natural1 prudential1 utilitarian morality interested men4 ,one of the consequences of this theory of the ,state was a complete alteration in the thought of the relation of ,state and ,church4 ,the nature of the ,church itself as an empirical institution in the midst of human society was subjected to the same criticism with the ,state4 ,men saw the ,church in a new light4 ,as the ,state was viewed as a kind of contract in men's social interest1 so the ,church was regarded as but a voluntary association to care for their religious interests4 ,it was to be judged according to the practical success with which it performed this function4 ,footnote #b3 ,troeltsch1 ,art4 ',aufklrung' in ,herzog-,hauck1 ,realencylopdie1 #c ,aufl41 ,bd4 ii41 s4 #bbe f4 ,then also1 in the economic and social field the rational spirit made itself felt4 ,commerce and the growth of colonies1 the extension of the middle class1 the redistribution of wealth1 the growth of cities1 the dependence in relations of trade of one nation upon another1 all these things shook the ancient organisation of society4 ,the industrial system grew up upon the basis of a naturalistic theory of all economic relations4 ,unlimited freedom in labour and in the use of capital were claimed4 ,there came a great revolution in public opinion upon all matters of morals4 ,the ferocity of religious wars1 the cruelty of religious controversies1 the bigotry of the confessional1 these all1 which1 only a generation earlier1 had been taken by long-suffering humanity as if they had been matters of course1 were now viewed with contrition by the more exalted spirits and with contempt and embitterment by the rest4 ,men said1 if religion can give us not better morality than this1 it is high time we looked to the natural basis of morality4 ,natural morality came to be the phrase ever on the lips of the leading spirits4 ,too frequently they had come to look askance at the morality of those who alleged a supernatural sanction for that which they at least enjoined upon others4 ,we come in this field also1 as in others1 upon the assertion of the human as nobler and more beautiful than that which had by the theologians been alleged to be divine4 ,the assertion came indeed to be made in ribald and blasphemous forms1 but it was not without a great measure of provocation4 ,then there was the altered view of nature which came through the scientific discoveries of the age4 ,bacon1 ,copernicus1 ,kepler1 ,galileo1 ,gassendi1 ,newton1 are the fathers of the modern sciences4 ,these are the men who brought new worlds to our knowledge and new methods to our use4 ,that the sun does not move about the earth1 that the earth is but a speck in space1 that heaven cannot be above nor hell beneath1 these are thoughts which have consequences4 ,instead of the old deductive method1 that of the medival ,aristotelianism1 which had been worse than fruitless in the study of nature1 men now set out with a great enthusiasm to study facts1 and to observe their laws4 ,modern optics1 acoustics1 chemistry1 geology1 zoology1 psychology and medicine1 took their rises within the period of which we speak4 ,the influence was indescribable4 ,newton might maintain his own simple piety side by side1 so to say1 with his character1 as a scientific man1 though even he did not escape the accusation of being a ,unitarian4 ,in the resistance which official religion offered at every step to the advance of the sciences1 it is small wonder if natures less placid found the maintenance of their ancestral faith too difficult4 ,natural science was deistic with ,locke and ,voltaire1 it was pantheistic in the antique sense with ,shaftesbury1 it was pantheistic-mystical with ,spinoza1 spiritualistic with ,descartes1 theistic with ,leibnitz1 materialistic with the men of the ,encyclopdia4 ,it was orthodox with nobody4 ,the miracle as traditionally defined became impossible4 ,at all events it became the millstone around the neck of the apologists4 ,the movement went to an extreme4 ,all the evils of excess upon this side from which we since have suffered were forecast4 ,they were in a measure called out by the evils and errors which had so long reigned upon the other side4 ,again1 in the field of the writing of history and of the critique of ancient literatures1 the principles of rational criticism were worked out and applied in all seriousness4 ,then these maxims began to be applied1 sometimes timidly and sometimes in scorn and shallowness1 to the sacred history and literature as well4 ,to claim1 as the defenders of the faith were fain to do1 that this one department of history was exempt1 was only to tempt historians to say that this was equivalent to confession that we have not here to do with history at all4 ,nor can we overlook the fact that the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries witnessed a great philosophical revival4 ,here again it is the rationalist principle which is everywhere at work4 ,the observations upon nature1 the new feeling concerning man1 the vast complex of facts and impulses which we have been able in these few words to suggest1 demanded a new philosophical treatment4 ,the philosophy which now took its rise was no longer the servant of theology4 ,it was1 at most1 the friend1 and even possibly the enemy1 of theology4 ,before the end of the rationalist period it was the master of theology1 though often wholly indifferent to theology1 exactly because of its sense of mastery4 ,the great philosophers of the eighteenth century1 ,hume1 ,berkeley1 and ,kant1 belong with a part only of their work and tendency to the rationalist movement4 ,still their work rested upon that which had already been done by ,spinoza and ,malebranche1 by ,hobbes and ,leibnitz1 by ,descartes and ,bayle1 by ,locke and ,wolff1 by ,voltaire and the ,encyclopdists4 ,with all of the contrasts among these men there are common elements4 ,there is an ever increasing antipathy to the thought of original sin and of supernatural revelation1 there is the confidence of human reason1 the trust in the will of man1 the enthusiasm for the simple1 the natural1 the intelligible and practical1 the hatred of what was scholastic and1 above all1 the repudiation of authority4 ,all these elements led1 toward the end of the period1 to the effort at the construction of a really rational theology4 ,leibnitz and ,lessing both worked at that problem4 ,however1 not until after the labours of ,kant was it possible to utilise the results of the rationalist movement for the reconstruction of theology4 ,if evidence for this statement were wanting1 it could be abundantly given from the work of ,herder4 ,he was younger than ,kant1 yet the latter seems to have exerted but slight influence upon him4 ,he earnestly desired to reinterpret ,christianity in the new light of his time1 yet perhaps no part of his work is so futile4 ,pietism ,allusion has been made to pietism4 ,we have no need to set forth its own achievements4 ,we must recur to it merely as one of the influences which made the transition from the century of rationalism to bear1 in ,germany1 an aspect different from that which it bore in any other land4 ,pietism had at first much in common with rationalism4 ,it shared with the latter its opposition to the whole administration of religion established by the ,state1 its antagonism to the social distinctions which prevailed1 its individualism1 its emphasis upon the practical4 ,it was part of a general religious reaction against ecclesiasticism1 as were also ,jansenism in ,france1 and ,methodism in ,england1 and the ,whitefieldian revival in ,america4 ,but1 through the character of ,spener1 and through the peculiarity of ,german social relations1 it gained an influence over the educated classes1 such as ,methodism never had in ,england1 nor1 on the whole1 the ,great ,awakening in ,america4 ,in virtue of this1 ,german pietism was able1 among influential persons1 to present victorious opposition to the merely secular tendencies of the rationalistic movement4 ,in no small measure it breathed into that movement a religious quality which in other lands was utterly lacking4 ,it gave to it an ethical seriousness from which in other places it had too often set itself free4 ,in ,england there had followed upon the age of the great religious conflict one of astounding ebb of spiritual interest4 ,men turned with all energy to the political and economic interests of a wholly modern civilisation4 ,they retained1 after a short period of friction1 a smug and latitudinarian orthodoxy1 which ,methodism did little to change4 ,in ,france not only was the ,huguenot ,church annihilated1 but the ,jansenist movement was savagely suppressed4 ,the tyranny of the ,bourbon ,state and the corruption of the ,gallican ,church which was so deeply identified with it caused the rationalist movement to bear the trait of a passionate opposition to religion4 ,in the time of ,pascal1 ,jansenism had a moment when it bade fair to be to ,france what pietism was to ,germany4 ,later1 in the anguish and isolation of the conflict the movement lost its poise and intellectual quality4 ,in ,germany1 even after the temporary alliance of pietism and rationalism against the ,church had been transcended1 and the length and breadth of their mutual antagonism had been revealed1 there remained a deep mutual respect and salutary interaction4 ,obscurantists and sentimentalists might denounce rationalism4 ,vulgar ranters like ,dippel and ,barth might defame religion4 ,that had little weight as compared with the fact that ,klopstock1 ,hamann and ,herder1 ,jacobi1 ,goethe and ,jean ,paul1 had all passed at some time under the influence of pietism4 ,lessing learned from the ,moravians the undogmatic essence of religion4 ,schleiermacher was bred among the devoted followers of ,zinzendorf4 ,even the radicalism of ,kant retained from the teaching of his pietistic youth the stringency of its ethic1 the sense of the radical evil of human nature and of the categorical imperative of duty4 ,it would be hard to find anything to surpass his testimony to the purity of character and spirit of his parents1 or the beauty of the home life in which he was bred4 ,such facts as these made themselves felt both in the philosophy and in the poetry of the age4 ,the rationalist movement itself came to have an ethical and spiritual trait4 ,the triviality1 the morbidness and superstition of pietism received their just condemnation4 ,but among the leaders of the nation in every walk of life were some who felt the drawing to deal with ethical and religious problems in the untrammelled fashion which the century had taught4 ,we may be permitted to try to show the meaning of pietism by a concrete example4 ,no one can read the correspondence between the youthful ,schleiermacher and his loving but mistaken father1 or again1 the lifelong correspondence of ,schleiermacher with his sister1 without receiving1 if he has any religion of his own1 a touching impression of what the pietistic religion meant4 ,the father had long before1 unknown to the son1 passed through the torments of the rational assault upon a faith which was sacred to him4 ,he had preached1 through years1 in the misery of contradiction with himself4 ,he had rescued his drowning soul in the ark of the most intolerant confessional orthodoxy4 ,in the crisis of his son's life he pitiably concealed these facts4 ,they should have been the bond of sympathy4 ,the son1 a sorrowful little motherless boy1 was sent to the ,moravian school at ,niesky1 and then to ,barby4 ,he was to escape the contamination of the universities1 and the woes through which his father had passed4 ,even there the spirit of the age pursued him4 ,the precocious lad1 in his loneliness1 raised every question which the race was wrestling with4 ,he long concealed these facts1 dreading to wound the man he so revered4 ,then in a burst of filial candour1 he threw himself upon his father's mercy1 only to be abused and measurelessly condemned4 ,he had his way4 ,he resorted to ,halle1 turned his back on sacred things1 worked in titanic fashion at everything but the problem of religion4 ,at least he kept his life clean and his soul sensitive among the flagrantly immoral who were all about him1 even in the pietists' own university4 ,he laid the foundations for his future philosophical construction4 ,he bathed in the sentiments and sympathies1 poetic1 artistic and humanitarian1 of the romanticist movement4 ,in his early ,berlin period he was almost swept from his feet by its flood4 ,he rescued himself1 however1 by his rationalism and romanticism into a breadth and power of faith which made him the prophet of the new age4 ,by him1 for a generation1 men like-minded saved their souls4 ,as one reads1 one realises that it was the pietists' religion which saved him1 and which1 in another sense1 he saved4 ,his recollections of his instruction among the ,herrnhuter are full of beauty and pathos4 ,his sister never advanced a step upon the long road which he travelled4 ,yet his sympathy with her remained unimpaired4 ,the two poles of the life of the age are visible here4 ,the episode1 full of exquisite personal charm1 is a veritable miniature of the first fifty years of the movement which we have to record4 ,no one did for ,england or for ,france what ,schleiermacher had done for the ,fatherland4 sthetic ,idealism ,besides pietism1 the ,germany of the end of the eighteenth century possessed still another foil and counterpoise to its decadent rationalism4 ,this was the so-called sthetic-idealistic movement1 which shades off into romanticism4 ,the debt of ,schleiermacher to that movement has been already hinted at4 ,it was the revolt of those who had this in common with the pietists1 that they hated and despised the outworn rationalism4 ,they thought they wanted no religion4 ,it is open to us to say that they misunderstood religion4 ,it was this misunderstanding which ,schleiermacher sought to bring home to them4 ,what religion they understood1 ecclesiasticism1 ,roman or ,lutheran1 or again1 the banalities and fanaticisms of middle-class pietism1 they despised4 ,their war with rationalism was not because it had deprived man of religion4 ,it had been equally destructive of another side of the life of feeling1 the sthetic4 ,their war was not on behalf of the good1 it was in the name of the beautiful4 ,rationalism had starved the soul1 it had minimised and derided feeling4 ,it had suppressed emotion4 ,it had been fatal to art4 ,it was barren of poetry4 ,it had had no sympathy with history and no understanding of history4 ,it had reduced everything to the process by which two and two make four4 ,the pietists said that the frenzy for reason had made man oblivious of the element of the divine4 ,the sthetic idealists said that it had been fatal to the element of the human4 ,from this point of view their movement has been called the new humanism4 ,the glamour of life was gone1 they said4 ,mystery had vanished4 ,and mystery is the womb of every art4 ,rationalism had been absolutely uncreative1 only and always destructive4 ,rousseau had earlier uttered this wail in ,france1 and had greatly influenced certain minds in ,germany4 ,shelley and ,keats were saying something of the sort in ,england4 ,even as to ,wordsworth1 it may be an open question if his religion was not mainly romanticism4 ,all these men used language which had been conventionally associated with religion1 to describe this other emotion4 ,rationalism had ended in proving deadly to ideals4 ,this was true4 ,but men forgot for the moment how glorious an ideal it had once been to be rational and to assert the rationality of the universe4 ,still the time had come when1 in ,germany at all events1 the great cry was1 'back to the ideal4' ,it is curious that men always cry 'back' when they mean 'forward4' ,for it was not the old idealism1 either religious or sthetic1 which they were seeking4 ,it was a new one in which the sober fruits of rationalism should find place4 ,still1 for the moment1 as we have seen1 the air was full of the cry1 'back to the ,state by divine right1 back to the ,church1 back to the ,middle ,age1 back to the beauty of classical antiquity4' ,the poetry1 the romance1 the artistic criticism of this movement set themselves free at a stroke from theological bondage and from the externality of conventional ethics4 ,it shook off the dust of the doctrinaires4 ,it ridiculed the petty utilitarianism which had been the vogue4 ,it had such an horizon as men had never dreamed before4 ,it owed that horizon to the rationalism it despised4 ,from its new elevation it surveyed all the great elements of the life of man4 ,it saw morals and religion1 language and society1 along with art and itself1 as the free and unconscious product through the ages1 of the vitality of the human spirit4 ,it must be said that it neither solved nor put away the ancient questions4 ,especially through its one-sided stheticism it veiled that element of dualism in the world which ,kant clearly saw1 and we now see again1 after a century which has sometimes leaned to easy pantheism4 ,however1 it led to a study of the human soul and of all its activities1 which came closer to living nature than anything which the world had yet seen4 ,to this group of sthetic idealists belong1 not to mention lesser names1 ,lessing and ,hamann and ,winckelmann1 but above all ,herder and ,goethe4 ,herder was surely the finest spirit among the elder contemporaries of ,goethe4 ,bitterly hostile to the rationalists1 he had been moved by ,rousseau to enthusiasm for the free creative life of the human spirit4 ,with ,lessing he felt the worth of every art in and for itself1 and the greatness of life in its own fulfilment4 ,he sets out from the analysis of the poetic and artistic powers1 the appreciation of which seemed to him to be the key to the understanding of the spiritual world4 ,then first he approaches the analysis of the ethical and religious feeling4 ,all the knowledge and insight thus gained he gathers together into a history of the spiritual life of mankind4 ,this life of the human spirit comes forth everywhere from nature1 is bound to nature4 ,it constitutes one whole with a nature which the devout soul calls ,god1 and apprehends within itself as the secret of all that it is and does4 ,even in the period in which he had become passionately ,christian1 ,herder never was able to attain to a scientific establishing of his ,christianity1 or to any sense of the specific aim of its development4 ,he felt himself to be separated from ,kant by an impassable gulf4 ,all the sharp antinomies among which ,kant moved1 contrasts of that which is sensuous with that which is reasonable1 of experience with pure conception1 of substance and form in thought1 of nature and freedom1 of inclination and duty1 seemed to ,herder grossly exaggerated1 if not absolutely false4 ,sometimes ,herder speaks as if the end of life were simply the happiness which a man gets out of the use of all his powers and out of the mere fact of existence4 ,deeper is ,kant's contention1 that the true aim of life can be only moral culture1 even independent of happiness1 or rather one must find his noblest happiness in that moral culture4 ,at a period in his life when ,herder had undergone conversion to court orthodoxy at ,bckeburg and threatened to throw away that for which his life had stood1 he was greatly helped by ,goethe4 ,the identification of ,herder with ,christianity continued to be more deep and direct than that of ,goethe ever became1 yet ,goethe has also his measure of significance for our theme4 ,if he steadied ,herder in his religious experience1 he steadied others in their poetical emotionalism and artistic sentimentality1 which were fast becoming vices of the time4 ,the classic repose of his spirit1 his apparently unconscious illustration of the ancient maxim1 'nothing too much1' was the more remarkable1 because there were few influences in the whole gamut of human life to which he did not sooner or later surrender himself1 few experiences which he did not seek1 few areas of thought upon which he did not enter4 ,systems and theories were never much to his mind4 ,a fact1 even if it were inexplicable1 interested him much more4 ,to the evolution of formal thought in his age he held himself receptive rather than directing4 ,he kept1 to the last1 his own manner of brooding and creating1 within the limits of a poetic impressionableness which instinctively viewed the material world and the life of the soul in substantially similar fashion4 ,there is something almost humorous in the way in which he eagerly appropriated the results of the philosophising of his time1 in so far as he could use these to sustain his own positions1 and caustically rejected those which he could not thus use4 ,he soon got by heart the negative lessons of ,voltaire and found1 to use the words which he puts into the mouth of ,faust1 that while it freed him from his superstitions1 at the same time it made the world empty and dismal beyond endurance4 ,in the mechanical philosophy which presented itself in the ,systme de la ,nature as a positive substitute for his lost faith1 he found only that which filled his poet's soul with horror4 ',it appeared to us1' he says1 'so grey1 so cimmerian and so dead that we shuddered at it as at a ghost4 ,we thought it the very quintessence of old age4 ,all was said to be necessary1 and therefore there was no ,god4 ,why not a necessity for a ,god to take its place among the other necessities6' ,on the other hand1 the ordinary teleological theology1 with its external architect of the world and its externally determined designs1 could not seem to ,goethe more satisfactory than the mechanical philosophy4 ,he joined for a time in ,rousseau's cry for the return to nature4 ,but ,goethe was far too well balanced not to perceive that such a cry may be the expression of a very artificial and sophisticated state of mind4 ,it begins indeed in the desire to throw off that which is really oppressive4 ,it ends in a fretful and reckless revolt against the most necessary conditions of human life4 ,goethe lived long enough to see in ,france that dissolution of all authority1 whether of ,state or ,church1 for which ,rousseau had pined4 ,he saw it result in the return of a portion of mankind to what we now believe to have been their primitive state1 a state in which they were 'red in tooth and claw4' ,it was not that paradisaic state of love and innocence1 which1 curiously enough1 both ,rousseau and the theologians seem to have imagined was the primitive state4 ,the thought of the discipline and renunciation of our lower nature in order to the realisation of a higher nature of mankind is written upon the very face of the second part of ,faust4 ,certain passages in ,dichtung and ,wahrheit are even more familiar4 ',our physical as well as our social life1 morality1 custom1 knowledge of the world1 philosophy1 religion1 even many an accidental occurrence in our daily life1 all tell us that we must renounce4' ',renunciation1 once for all1 in view of the eternal1' that was the lesson which he said made him feel an atmosphere of peace breathed upon him4 ,he perceived the supreme moral prominence of certain ,christian ideas1 especially that of the atonement as he interpreted it4 ',it is altogether strange to me1' he writes to ,jacobi1 'that ,i1 an old heathen1 should see the cross planted in my own garden1 and hear ,christ's blood preached without its offending me4' ,goethe's quarrel with ,christianity was due to two causes4 ,in the first place1 it was due to his viewing ,christianity as mainly1 if not exclusively1 a religion of the other world1 as it has been called1 a religion whose ,god is not the principle of all life and nature and for which nature and life are not divine4 ,in the second place1 it was due to the prominence of the negative or ascetic element in ,christianity as commonly presented1 to the fact that in that presentation the law of self-sacrifice bore no relation to the law of self-realisation4 ,in both of these respects he would have found himself much more at home with the apprehension of ,christianity which we have inherited from the nineteenth century4 ,the programme of charity which he outlines in the ,wanderjahre as a substitute for religion would be taken to-day1 so far as it goes1 as a rather moderate expression of the very spirit of the ,christian religion4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,idealistic ,,philosophy ,the causes which we have named1 religious and sthetic1 as well as purely speculative1 led to such a revision of philosophical principles in ,germany as took place in no other land4 ,the new idealistic philosophy1 as it took shape primarily at the hands of ,kant1 completed the dissolution of the old rationalism4 ,it laid the foundation for the speculative thought of the western world for the century which was to come4 ,the answers which stheticism and pietism gave to rationalism were incomplete4 ,they consisted largely in calling attention to that which rationalism had overlooked4 ,kant's idealism1 however1 met the intellectual movement on its own grounds4 ,it triumphed over it with its own weapons4 ,the others set feeling over against thought4 ,he taught men a new method in thinking4 ,the others put emotion over against reason4 ,he criticised in drastic fashion the use which had been made of reason4 ,he inquired into the nature of reason4 ,he vindicated the reasonableness of some truths which men had indeed felt to be indefeasibly true1 but which they had not been able to establish by reasoning4 ,,kant ,immanuel ,kant was born in #agbd in ,knigsberg1 possibly of remoter ,scottish ancestry4 ,his father was a saddler1 as ,melanchthon's had been an armourer and ,wolff's a tanner4 ,his native city with its university was the scene of his whole life and labour4 ,he was never outside of ,prussia except for a brief interval when ,knigsberg belonged to ,russia4 ,he was a ,german professor of the old style4 ,studying1 teaching1 writing books1 these were his whole existence4 ,he was the fourth of nine children of a devoted pietist household4 ,two of his sisters served in the houses of friends4 ,the consistorial-rath opened the way to the university4 ,an uncle aided him to publish his first books4 ,his earlier interest was in the natural sciences4 ,he was slow in coming to promotion4 ,only after #aggj was he full professor of logic and metaphysics4 ,in #agha he published the first of the books upon which rests his world-wide fame4 ,nevertheless1 he lived to see the triumph of his philosophy in most of the ,german universities4 ,his subjects are abstruse1 his style involved4 ,it never occurred to him to make the treatment of his themes easier by use of the imagination4 ,he had but a modicum of that quality4 ,he was hostile to the pride of intellect often manifested by petty rationalists4 ,he was almost equally hostile to excessive enthusiasm in religion4 ,the note of his life1 apart from his intellectual power1 was his ethical seriousness4 ,he was in conflict with ecclesiastical personages and out of sympathy with much of institutional religion4 ,none the less1 he was in his own way one of the most religious of men4 ,his brief conflict with ,wllner's government was the only instance in which his peace and public honour were disturbed4 ,he never married4 ,he died in ,knigsberg in #ahjd4 ,he had been for ten years so much enfeebled that his death was a merciful release4 ,kant used the word 'critique' so often that his philosophy has been called the 'critical philosophy4' ,the word therefore needs an explanation4 ,kant himself distinguished two types of philosophy1 which he called the dogmatic and critical types4 ,the essence of a dogmatic philosophy is that it makes belief to rest upon knowledge4 ,its endeavour is to demonstrate that which is believed4 ,it brings out as its foil the characteristically sceptical philosophy4 ,this esteems that the proofs advanced in the interest of belief are inadequate4 ,the belief itself is therefore an illusion4 ,the essence of a critical philosophy1 on the other hand1 consists in this1 that it makes a distinction between the functions of knowing and believing4 ,it distinguishes between the perception of that which is in accordance with natural law and the understanding of the moral meaning of things4#c ,kant thus uses his word critique in accordance with the strict etymological meaning of the root4 ,he seeks to make a clear separation between the provinces of belief and knowledge1 and thus to find an adjustment of their claims4 ,of an object of belief we may indeed say that we know it4 ,yet we must make clear to ourselves that we know it in a different sense from that in which we know physical fact4 ,faith1 since it does not spring from the pure reason1 cannot indeed1 as the old dogmatisms1 both philosophical and theological1 have united in asserting1 be demonstrated by the reason4 ,equally it cannot1 as scepticism has declared1 be overthrown by the pure reason4 ,the ancient positive dogmatism had been the idealistic philosophy of ,plato and ,aristotle4 ,the old negative dogmatism had been the materialism of the ,epicureans4 ,to ,plato the world was the realisation of ideas4 ,ideas1 spiritual entities1 were the counterparts and necessary antecedents of the natural objects and actual facts of life4 ,to the ,epicureans1 on the other hand1 there are only material bodies and natural laws4 ,there are no ideas or purposes4 ,in the footsteps of the former moved all the scholastics of the ,middle ,age1 and again1 even ,locke and ,leibnitz in their so-called 'natural theology4' ,in the footsteps of the latter moved the men who had made materialism and scepticism to be the dominant philosophy of ,france in the latter half of the eighteenth century4 ,the aim of ,kant was to resolve this age-long contradiction4 ,free1 unprejudiced investigation of the facts and laws of the phenomenal world can never touch the foundations of faith4 ,natural science can lead in the knowledge only of the realm of the laws of things4 ,it cannot give us the inner moral sense of those things4 ,to speak of the purposes of nature as men had done was absurd4 ,natural theology1 as men had talked of it1 was impossible4 ,what science can give is a knowledge of the facts about us in the world1 of the growth of the cosmos1 of the development of life1 of the course of history1 all viewed as necessary sequences of cause and effect4 ,footnote #c3 ,paulsen1 ,kant1 a4 #b4 ,on the other hand1 with the idealists1 ,kant is fully persuaded that there is a meaning in things and that we can know it4 ,there is a sense in life4 ,with immediate certainty we set moral good as the absolute aim in life4 ,this is done1 however1 not through the pure reason or by scientific thinking1 but primarily through the will1 or as ,kant prefers to call it1 the practical reason4 ,what is meant by the practical reason is the intelligence1 the will and the affections operating together2 that is to say1 the whole man and not merely his intellect1 directed to those problems upon which1 in sympathy and moral reaction1 the whole man must be directed and upon which the pure reason1 the mere faculty of ratiocination1 does not adequately operate4 ,in the practical reason the will is the central thing4 ,the will is that faculty of man to which moral magnitudes appeal4 ,it is with moral magnitudes that the will is primarily concerned4 ,the pure reason may operate without the will and the affections4 ,the will1 as a source of knowledge1 never works without the intelligence and the affections4 ,but it is the will which alone judges according to the predicates good and evil4 ,the pure reason judges according to the predicates true and false4 ,it is the practical reason which ventures the credence that moral worth is the supreme worth in life4 ,it then confirms this ventured credence in a manifold experience that yields a certainty with which no certainty of objects given in the senses is for a moment to be compared4 ,we know that which we have believed4 ,we know it as well as that two and two make four4 ,still we do not know it in the same way4 ,nor can we bring knowledge of it to others save through an act of freedom on their part1 which is parallel to the original act of freedom on our own part4 ,how can these two modes of thought stand related the one to the other8 ,kant's answer is that they correspond to the distinction between two worlds1 the world of sense and the transcendental or supersensible world4 ,the pure and the practical reason are the faculties of man for dealing with these two worlds respectively1 the phenomenal and the noumenal4 ,the world which is the object of scientific investigation is not the actuality itself4 ,this is true in spite of the fact that to the common man the material and sensible is always1 as he would say1 the real4 ,on the contrary1 in ,kant's opinion the material world is only the presentation to our senses of something deeper1 of which our senses are no judge4 ,the reality lies behind this sensible presentation and appearance4 ,the world of religious belief is the world of this transcendent reality4 ,the spirit of man1 which is not pure reason only1 but moral will as well1 recognises itself also as part of this reality4 ,it expresses the essence of that mysterious reality in terms of its own essence4 ,its own essence as free spirit is the highest aspect of reality of which it is aware4 ,it may be unconscious of the symbolic nature of its language in describing that which is higher than anything which we know1 by the highest which we do know4 ,yet1 granting that1 and supposing that it is not a contradiction to attempt a description of the transcendent at all1 there is no description which carries us so far4 ,this series of ideas was perhaps that which gave to ,kant's philosophy its immediate and immense effect upon the minds of men wearied with the endless strife and insoluble contradiction of the dogmatic and sceptical spirits4 ,we may disagree with much else in the ,kantian system4 ,even here we may say that we have not two reasons1 but only two functionings of one4 ,we have not two worlds4 ,the philosophical myth of two worlds has no better standing than the religious myth of two worlds4 ,we have two characteristic aspects of one and the same world4 ,these perfectly interpenetrate the one the other1 if we may help ourselves with the language of space4 ,each is everywhere present4 ,furthermore1 these actions of reason and aspects of world shade into one another by imperceptible degrees4 ,almost all functionings of reason have something of the qualities of both4 ,however1 when all is said1 it was of greatest worth to have had these two opposite poles of thought brought clearly to mind4 ,the dogmatists1 in the interest of faith1 were resisting at every step the progress of the sciences1 feeling that that progress was inimical to faith4 ,the devotees of science were saying that its processes were of universal validity1 its conclusions irresistible1 the gradual dissolution of faith was certain4 ,kant made plain that neither party had the right to such conclusions4 ,each was attempting to apply the processes appropriate to one form of rational activity within the sphere which belonged to the other4 ,nothing but confusion could result4 ,the religious man has no reason to be jealous of the advance of the sciences4 ,the interests of faith itself are furthered by such investigation4 ,illusions as to fact which have been mistakenly identified with faith are thus done away4 ,nevertheless1 its own eternal right is assured to faith4 ,with it lies the interpretation of the facts of nature and of history1 whatever those facts may be found to be4 ,with the practical reason is the interpretation of these facts according to their moral worth1 a worth of which the pure reason knows nothing and scientific investigation reveals nothing4 ,here was a deliverance not unlike that which the ,reformation had brought4 ,the mingling of ,aristotelianism and religion in the scholastic theology ,luther had assailed4 ,instead of assent to human dogmas ,luther had the immediate assurance of the heart that ,god was on his side4 ,and what is that but a judgment of the practical reason1 the response of the heart in man to the spiritual universe8 ,it is given in experience4 ,it is not mediated by argument4 ,it cannot be destroyed by syllogism4 ,it needs no confirmation from science4 ,it is capable of combination with any of the changing interpretations which science may put upon the outward universe4 ,the ,reformation had1 however1 not held fast to its great truth4 ,it had gone back to the old scholastic position4 ,it had rested faith in an essentially rationalistic manner upon supposed facts in nature and alleged events of history in connection with the revelation4 ,it had thus jeopardised the whole content of faith1 should these supposed facts of nature or events in history be at any time disproved4 ,men had made faith to rest upon statements of ,scripture1 alleging such and such acts and events4 ,they did not recognise these as the nave and childlike assumptions concerning nature and history which the authors of ,scripture would naturally have4 ,when1 therefore1 these statements began with the progress of the sciences to be disproved1 the defenders of the faith presented always the feeble spectacle of being driven from one form of evidence to another1 as the old were in turn destroyed4 ,the assumption was rife at the end of the eighteenth century that ,christianity was discredited in the minds of all free and reasonable men4 ,its tenets were incompatible with that which enlightened men infallibly knew to be true4 ,it could be no long time until the hollowness and sham would be patent to all4 ,even the interested and the ignorant would be compelled to give it up4 ,of course1 the invincibly devout in every nation felt of instinct that this was not true4 ,they felt that there is an inexpugnable truth of religion4 ,still that was merely an intuition of their hearts4 ,they were right4 ,but they were unable to prove that they were right1 or even to get a hearing with many of the cultivated of their age4 ,to ,kant we owe the debt1 that he put an end to this state of things4 ,he made the real evidence for religion that of the moral sense1 of the nonscience and hearts of men themselves4 ,the real ground of religious conviction is the religious experience4 ,he thus set free both science and religion from an embarrassment under which both laboured1 and by which both had been injured4 ,kant parted company with the empirical philosophy which had held that all knowledge arises from without1 comes from experienced sensations1 is essentially perception4 ,this theory had not been able to explain the fact that human experience always conforms to certain laws4 ,on the other hand1 the philosophy of so-called innate ideas had sought to derive all knowledge from the constitution of the mind itself4 ,it left out of consideration the dependence of the mind upon experience4 ,it tended to confound the creations of its own speculation with reality1 or rather1 to claim correspondence with fact for statements which had no warrant in experience4 ,there was no limit to which this speculative process might not be pushed4 ,by this process the medieval theologians1 with all gravity1 propounded the most absurd speculations concerning nature4 ,by this process men made the most astonishing declarations upon the basis1 as they supposed1 of revelation4 ,they made allegations concerning history and the religious experience which the most rudimentary knowledge of history or reflection upon consciousness proved to be quite contrary to fact4 ,both empiricism and the theory of innate ideas had agreed in regarding all knowledge as something given1 from without or from within4 ,the knowing mind was only a passive recipient of impressions thus imparted to it4 ,it was as wax under the stylus1 tabula rasa1 clean paper waiting to be written upon4 ,kant departed from this radically4 ,he declared that all cognition rests upon the union of the mind's activity with its receptivity4 ,the material of thought1 or at least some of the materials of thought1 must be given us in the multiformity of our perceptions1 through what we call experience from the outer world4 ,on the other hand1 the formation of this material into knowledge is the work of the activity of our own minds4 ,knowledge is the result of the systematising of experience and of reflection upon it4 ,this activity of the mind takes place always in accordance with the mind's own laws4 ,kant held them to the absolute dependence of knowledge upon material applied in experience4 ,he compared himself to ,copernicus who had taught men that they themselves revolved around a central fact of the universe4 ,they had supposed that the facts revolved about them4 ,the central fact of the intellectual world is experience4 ,this experience seems to be given us in the forms of time and space and cause4 ,these are merely forms of the mind's own activity4 ,it is not possible for us to know 'the thing in itself1' the ,ding an sich in ,kant's phrase1 which is the external factor in any sensation or perception4 ,we cannot distinguish that external factor from the contribution to it1 as it stands in our perception1 which our own minds have made4 ,if we cannot do that even for ourselves1 how much less can we do it for others6 ,it is the subject1 the thinking being who says ',i1' which1 by means of its characteristic and necessary active processes1 in the perception of things under the forms of time and space1 converts the chaotic material of knowledge into a regular and ordered world of reasoned experience4 ,in this sense the understanding itself imposes laws1 if not upon nature1 yet1 at least1 upon nature as we can ever know it4 ,there is thus in ,kant's philosophy a sceptical aspect4 ,knowledge is limited to phenomena4 ,we cannot by pure reason know anything of the world which lies beyond experience4 ,this thought had been put forth by ,locke and ,berkeley1 and by ,hume also1 in a different way4 ,but with ,kant this scepticism was not the gist of his philosophy4 ,it was urged rather as the basis of the unconditioned character which he proposed to assert for the practical reason4 ,kant's scepticism is therefore very different from that of ,hume4 ,it does not militate against the profoundest religious conviction4 ,yet it prepared the way for some of the just claims of modern agnosticism4 ,according to ,kant1 it is as much the province of the practical reason to lay down laws for action as it is the province of pure reason to determine the conditions of thought1 though the practical reason can define only the form of action which shall be in the spirit of duty4 ,it cannot present duty to us as an object of desire4 ,desire can be only a form of self-love4 ,in the end it reckons with the advantage of having done one's duty4 ,it thus becomes selfish and degraded4 ,the identification of duty and interest was particularly offensive to ,kant4 ,he was at war with every form of hedonism4 ,to do one's duty because one expects to reap advantage is not to have done one's duty4 ,the doing of duty in this spirit simply resolves itself into a subtler and more pervasive form of selfishness4 ,he castigates the popular presentation of religion as fostering this same fault4 ,on the other hand1 there is a trait of rigorism in ,kant1 a survival of the ancient dualism1 which was not altogether consistent with the implications of his own philosophy4 ,this philosophy afforded1 as we have seen1 the basis for a monistic view of the universe4 ,but to his mind the natural inclinations of man are opposed to good conscience and sound reason4 ,he had contempt for the shallow optimism of his time1 according to which the nature of man was all good1 and needed only to be allowed to run its natural course to produce highest ethical results4 ,he does not seem to have penetrated to the root of ,rousseau's fallacy1 the double sense in which he constantly used the words 'nature' and 'natural4' ,otherwise1 ,kant would have been able to repudiate the preposterous doctrine of ,rousseau1 without himself falling back upon the doctrine of the radical evil of human nature4 ,in this doctrine he is practically at one with the popular teaching of his own pietistic background1 and with ,calvinism as it prevailed with many of the religiously-minded of his day4 ,in its extreme statements the latter reminds one of the pagan and oriental dualisms which so long ran parallel to the development of ,christian thought and so profoundly influenced it4 ,kant's system is not at one with itself at this point4 ,according to him the natural inclinations of men are such as to produce a never-ending struggle between duty and desire4 ,to desire to do a thing made him suspicious that he was not actuated by the pure spirit of duty in doing it4 ,the sense in which man may be in his nature both a child of ,god1 and1 at the same time1 part of the great complex of nature1 was not yet clear either to ,kant or to his opponents4 ,his pessimism was a reflection of his moral seriousness4 ,yet it failed to reckon with that which is yet a glorious fact4 ,one of the chief results of doing one's duty is the gradual escape from the desire to do the contrary4 ,it is the gradual fostering by us1 the ultimate dominance in us1 of the desire to do that duty4 ,even to have seen one's duty is the dawning in us of this high desire4 ,in the lowest man there is indeed the superficial desire to indulge his passions4 ,there is also the latent longing to be conformed to the good4 ,there is the sense that he fulfils himself then only when he is obedient to the good4 ,one of the great facts of spiritual experience is this gradual1 or even sudden1 inversion of standard within us4 ,we do really cease to desire the things which are against right reason and conscience4 ,we come to desire the good1 even if it shall cost us pain and sacrifice to do it4 ,paul could write3 ',when ,i would do good1 evil is present with me4' ,but1 in the vividness of his identification of his willing self with his better self against his sinning self1 he could also write3 ',so then it is no more ,i that do the sin4' ,das radicale ,bse of human nature is less radical than ,kant supposed1 and 'the categorical imperative' of duty less externally categorical than he alleged4 ,still it is the great merit of ,kant's philosophy to have brought out with all possible emphasis1 not merely as against the optimism of the shallow1 but as against the hedonism of soberer people1 that our life is a conflict between inclination and duty4 ,the claims of duty are the higher ones4 ,they are mandatory1 absolute4 ,we do our duty whether or not we superficially desire to do it4 ,we do our duty whether or not we foresee advantage in having done it4 ,we should do it if we foresaw with clearness disadvantage4 ,we should find our satisfaction in having done it1 even at the cost of all our other satisfactions4 ,there is a must which is over and above all our desires4 ,this is what ,kant really means by the categorical imperative4 ,nevertheless1 his statement comes in conflict with the principle of freedom1 which is one of the most fundamental in his system4 ,the phrases above used only eddy about the one point which is to be held fast4 ,there may be that in the universe which destroys the man who does not conform to it1 but in the last analysis he is self-destroyed1 that is1 he chooses not to conform4 ,if he is saved1 it is because he chooses thus to conform4 ,man would be then most truly man in resisting that which would merely overpower him1 even if it were goodness4 ,of course1 there can be no goodness which overpowers4 ,there can be no goodness which is not willed4 ,nothing can be a motive except through awakening our desire4 ,that which one desires is never wholly external to oneself4 ,according to ,kant1 morality becomes religion when that which the former shows to be the end of man is conceived also to be the end of the supreme law-giver1 ,god4 ,religion is the recognition of our duties as divine commands4 ,the distinction between revealed and natural religion is stated thus3 ,in the former we know a thing to be a divine command before we recognise it as our duty4 ,in the latter we know it to be our duty before we recognise it as a divine command4 ,religion may be both natural and revealed4 ,its tenets may be such that man can be conceived as arriving at them by unaided reason4 ,but he would thus have arrived at them at a later period in the evolution of the race4 ,hence revelation might be salutary or even necessary for certain times and places without being essential at all times or1 for that matter1 a permanent guarantee of the truth of religion4 ,there is nothing here which is new or original with ,kant4 ,this line of reasoning was one by which men since ,lessing had helped themselves over certain difficulties4 ,it is cited only to show how ,kant1 too1 failed to transcend his age in some matters1 although he so splendidly transcended it in others4 ,the orthodox had immemorially asserted that revelation imparted information not otherwise attainable1 or not then attainable4 ,the rationalists here allege the same4 ,kant is held fast in this view4 ,assuredly what revelation imparts is not information of any sort whatsoever1 not even information concerning ,god4 ,what revelation imparts is ,god himself1 through the will and the affection1 the practical reason4 ,revelation is experience1 not instruction4 ,the revealers are those who have experienced ,god1 ,jesus the foremost among them4 ,they have experienced ,god1 whom then they have manifested as best they could1 but far more significantly in what they were than in what they said4 ,there is surely the gravest exaggeration of what is statutory and external in that which ,kant says of the relation of ethics and religion4 ,how can we know that to be a command of ,god1 which does not commend itself in our own heart and conscience8 ,the traditionalist would have said1 by documents miraculously confirmed4 ,it was not in consonance with his noblest ideas for ,kant to say that4 ,on the other hand1 that which ,i perceive to be my duty ,i1 as religious man1 feel to be a command of ,god1 whether or not a mandate of ,god to that effect can be adduced4 ,whether an alleged revelation from ,god inculcates such a truth or duty may be incidental4 ,in a sense it is accidental4 ,the content of all historic revelation is conditioned in the circumstances of the man to whom the revelation is addressed4 ,it is clear that the whole matter of revelation is thus apprehended by ,kant with more externality than we should have believed4 ,his thought is still essentially archaic and dualistic4 ,he is1 therefore1 now and then upon the point of denying that such a thing as revelation is possible4 ,the very idea of revelation1 in this form1 does violence to his fundamental principle of the autonomy of the human reason and will4 ,at many points in his reflection it is transparently clear that nothing can ever come to a man1 or be given forth by him1 which is not creatively shaped by himself4 ,as regards revelation1 however1 ,kant never frankly took that step4 ,the implications of his own system would have led him to that step4 ,they led to an idea of revelation which was psychologically in harmony with the assumptions of his system1 and historically could be conceived as taking place without the interjection of the miraculous in the ordinary sense4 ,if the divine revelation is to be thought as taking place within the human spirit1 and in consonance with the laws of all other experience1 then the human spirit must itself be conceived as standing in such relation to the divine that the eternal reason may express and reveal itself in the regular course of the mind's own activity4 ,then the manifold moral and religious ideals of mankind in all history must take their place as integral factors also in the progress of the divine revelation4 ,when we come to the more specific topics of his religious teaching1 freedom1 immortality1 ,god1 ,kant is prompt to assert that these cannot be objects of theoretical knowledge4 ,insoluble contradictions arise whenever a proof of them is attempted4 ,if an object of faith could be demonstrated it would cease to be an object of faith4 ,it would have been brought down out of the transcendental world4 ,were ,god to us an object among other objects1 he would cease to be a ,god4 ,were the soul a demonstrable object like any other object1 it would cease to be the transcendental aspect of ourselves4 ,kant makes short work of the so-called proofs for the existence of ,god which had done duty in the scholastic theology4 ,with subtilty1 sometimes also with bitter irony1 he shows that they one and all assume that which they set out to prove4 ,they are theoretically insufficient and practically unnecessary4 ,they have such high-sounding names--the ontological argument1 the cosmological1 the physico-theological--that almost in spite of ourselves we bring a reverential mood to them4 ,they have been set forth with solemnity by such redoubtable thinkers that there is something almost startling in the way that ,kant knocks them about4 ,the fact that the ordinary man among us easily perceives that ,kant was right shows only how the climate of the intellectual world has changed4 ,freedom1 immortality1 ,god1 are not indeed provable4 ,if given at all1 they can be given only in the practical reason4 ,still they are postulates in the moral order which makes man the citizen of an intelligible world4 ,there can be no 'ought' for a being who is necessitated4 ,we can perceive1 and do perceive1 that we ought to do a thing4 ,it follows that we can do it4 ,however1 the hindrances to the realisation of the moral ideal are such that it cannot be realised in a finite time4 ,hence the postulate of eternal life for the individual4 ,finally1 reason demands realisation of a supreme good1 both a perfect virtue and a corresponding happiness4 ,man is a final end only as a moral subject4 ,there must be ,one who is not only a law-giver1 but in himself also the realisation of the law of the moral world4 ,kant's moral argument thus steps off the line of the others4 ,it is not a proof at all in the sense in which they attempted to be proofs4 ,the existence of ,god appears as a necessary assumption1 if the highest good and value in the world are to be fulfilled4 ,but the conception and possibility of realisation of a highest good is itself something which cannot be concluded with theoretical evidentiality4 ,it is the object of a belief which in entire freedom is directed to that end4 ,kant lays stress upon the fact that among the practical ideas of reason1 that of freedom is the one whose reality admits most nearly of being proved by the laws of pure reason1 as well as in conduct and experience4 ,upon an act of freedom1 then1 belief rests4 ',it is the free holding that to be true1 which for the fulfilment of a purpose we find necessary4' ,now1 as object of this 'free holding something to be true1' he sets forth the conception of the highest good in the world1 to be realised through freedom4 ,it is clear that before this argument would prove that a ,god is necessary to the realisation of the moral order1 it would have to be shown that there are no adequate forces immanent within society itself for the establishment and fulfilment of that order4 ,as a matter of fact1 reflexion in the nineteenth century1 devoted as it has been to the evolution of society1 has busied itself with hardly anything more than with the study of those immanent elements which make for morality4 ,it is therefore not an external guarantor of morals1 such as ,kant thought1 which is here given4 ,it is the immanent ,god who is revealed in the history and life of the race1 even as also it is the immanent ,god who is revealed in the consciousness of the individual soul4 ,even the moral argument1 therefore1 in the form in which ,kant puts it1 sounds remote and strange to us4 ,his reasoning strains and creaks almost as if he were still trying to do that which he had just declared could not be done4 ,what remains of significance for us1 is this4 ,all the debate about first causes1 absolute beings1 and the rest1 gives us no ,god such as our souls need4 ,if a man is to find the witness for soul1 immortality and ,god at all1 he must find it within himself and in the spiritual history of his fellows4 ,he must venture1 in freedom1 the belief in these things1 and find their corroboration in the contribution which they make to the solution of the mystery of life4 ,one must venture to win them4 ,one must continue to venture1 to keep them4 ,if it were not so1 they would not be objects of faith4 ,the source of the radical evil in man is an intelligible act of human freedom not further to be explained4 ,moral evil is not1 as such1 transmitted4 ,moral qualities are inseparable from the responsibility of the person who commits the deeds4 ,yet this radical disposition to evil is to be changed into a good one1 not altogether by a process of moral reformation4 ,there is such a thing as a fundamental revolution of a man's habit of thought1 a conscious and voluntary transference of a man's intention to obey1 from the superficial and selfish desires which he has followed1 to the deep and spiritual ones which he will henceforth allow4 ,there is an epoch in a man's life when he makes the transition4 ,he probably does it under the spell of personal influence1 by the power of example1 through the beauty of another personality4 ,to ,kant salvation was character4 ,it was of and in and by character4 ,to no thinker has the moral participation of a man in the regeneration of his own character been more certain and necessary than to ,kant4 ,yet1 the change in direction of the will generally comes by an impulse from without4 ,it comes by the impress of a noble personality4 ,it is sustained by enthusiasm for that personality4 ,kant has therefore a perfectly rational and ethical and vital meaning for the phrase 'new birth4' ,for the purpose of this impulse to goodness1 nothing is so effective as the contemplation of an historical example of such surpassing moral grandeur as that which we behold in ,jesus4 ,for this reason we may look to ,jesus as the ideal of goodness presented to us in flesh and blood4 ,yet the assertion that ,jesus' historical personality altogether corresponds with the complete and eternal ethical ideal is one which we have no need to make4 ,we do not possess in our own minds the absolute ideal with which in that assertion we compare him4 ,the ethical ideal of the race is still in process of development4 ,jesus has been the greatest factor urging forward that development4 ,we ourselves stand at a certain point in that development4 ,we have the ideals which we have because we stand at that point at which we do4 ,the men who come after us will have a worthier ideal than we do4 ,again1 to say that ,jesus in his words and conduct expressed in its totality the eternal ethical ideal1 would make of his life something different from the real1 human life4 ,every real1 human life is lived within certain actual antitheses which call out certain qualities and do not call out others4 ,they demand certain reactions and not others4 ,this is the concrete element without which nothing historical can be conceived4 ,to say that ,jesus lived in entire conformity to the ethical ideal so far as we are able to conceive it1 and within the circumstances which his own time and place imposed1 is the most that we can say4 ,but in any case1 ,kant insists1 the real object of our religious faith is not the historic man1 but the ideal of humanity well-pleasing to ,god4 ,since this ideal is not of our own creation1 but is given us in our super-sensible nature1 it may be conceived as the ,son of ,god come down from heaven4 ,the turn of this last phrase is an absolutely characteristic one1 and brings out another quality of ,kant's mind in dealing with the ,christian doctrines4 ,they are to him but symbols1 forms into which a variety of meanings may be run4 ,he had no great appreciation of the historical element in doctrine4 ,he had no deep sense of the social element and of that for which ,christian institutions stand4 ,we may illustrate with that which he says concerning ,christ's vicarious sacrifice4 ,substitution cannot take place in the moral world4 ,ethical salvation could not be conferred through such a substitution1 even if this could take place4 ,still1 the conception of the vicarious suffering of ,christ may be taken as a symbolical expression of the idea that in the pain of self-discipline1 of obedience and patience1 the new man in us suffers1 as it were vicariously1 for the old4 ,the atonement is a continual ethical process in the heart of the religious man4 ,it is a grave defect of ,kant's religious philosophy1 that it was so absolutely individualistic4 ,had he realised more deeply than he did the social character of religion and the meaning of these doctrines1 not alone as between man and ,god1 but as between man and man1 he surely would have drawn nearer to that interpretation of the doctrine of the atonement which has come more and more to prevail4 ,this is the solution which finds in the atonement of ,christ the last and most glorious example of a universal law of human life and history4 ,that law is that no redemptive good for men is ever secured without the suffering and sacrifice of those who seek to confer that good upon their fellows4 ,kant was disposed to regard the traditional forms of ,christian doctrine1 not as the old rationalism had done1 as impositions of a priesthood or inherently absurd4 ,he sought to divest them indeed of that which was speculatively untrue1 though he saw in them only symbols of the great moral truths which lie at the heart of religion4 ,the historical spirit of the next fifty years was to teach men a very different way of dealing with these same doctrines4 99 99 99 99 99 ,kant had said that the primary condition1 fundamental not merely to knowledge1 but to all connected experience1 is the knowing1 experiencing1 thinking1 acting self4 ,it is that which says ',i1' the ego1 the permanent subject4 ,but that is not enough4 ,the knowing self demands in turn a knowable world4 ,it must have something outside of itself to which it yet stands related1 the object of knowledge4 ,knowledge is somehow the combination of those two1 the result of their co-operation4 ,how have we to think of this co-operation8 ,both ,hume and ,berkeley had ended in scepticism as to the reality of knowledge4 ,hume was in doubt as to the reality of the subject1 ,berkeley as to that of the object4 ,kant dissented from both4 ,he vindicated the undoubted reality of the impression which we have concerning a thing4 ,yet how far that impression is the reproduction of the thing as it is in itself1 we can never perfectly know4 ,what we have in our minds is not the object4 ,it is a notion of that object1 although we may be assured that we could have no such notion were there no object4 ,equally1 the notion is what it is because the subject is what it is4 ,we can never get outside the processes of our own thought4 ,we cannot know the thing as it is1 the ,ding-an-sich1 in ,kant's phrase4 ,we know only that there must be a 'thing in itself4' ,,fichte ,fichte asked1 ,why8 ,why must there be a ,ding-an-sich8 ,why is not that also the result of the activity of the ego8 ,why is not the ego1 the thinking subject1 all that is1 the creator of the world1 according to the laws of thought8 ,if so much is reduced to idea1 why not all8 ,this was ,fichte's rather forced resolution of the old dualism of thought and thing4 ,it is not the denial of the reality of things1 but the assertion that their ideal element1 that part of them which is not mere 'thing1' the action and subject of the action1 is their underlying reality4 ,according to ,kant things exist in a world beyond us4 ,man has no faculty by which he can penetrate into that world4 ,still1 the farther we follow ,kant in his analysis the more does the contribution to knowledge from the side of the mind tend to increase1 and the more does the factor in our impressions from the side of things tend to fade away4 ,this basis of impression being wholly unknowable is as good as non-existent for us4 ,yet it never actually disappears4 ,there would seem to be inevitable a sort of kernel of matter or prick of sense about which all our thoughts are generated4 ,yet this residue is a vanishing quantity4 ,this seemed to ,fichte to be a self-contradiction and a half-way measure4 ,only two positions appeared to him thorough-going and consequent4 ,either one posits as fundamental the thing itself1 matter1 independent of any consciousness of it4 ,so ,spinoza had taught4 ,or else one takes consciousness1 the conscious subject1 independent of any matter or thing as fundamental4 ,this last ,fichte claimed to be the real issue of ,kant's thought4 ,he asserts that from the point of view of the thing in itself we can never explain knowledge4 ,we may be as skilful as possible in placing one thing behind another in the relation of cause to effect4 ,it is1 however1 an unending series4 ,it is like the cosmogony of the ,eastern people which fabled that the earth rests upon the back of an elephant4 ,the elephant stands upon a tortoise4 ,the question is1 upon what does the tortoise stand8 ,so here1 we may say1 in the conclusive manner in which men have always said1 that ,god made the world4 ,yet sooner or later we come to the child's question3 ,who made ,god8 ,fichte rightly replied3 ',if ,god is for us only an object of knowledge1 the ,ding-an-sich at the end of the series1 there is no escape from the answer that man1 the thinker1 in thinking ,god made him4' ,all the world1 including man1 is but the reflexion1 the revelation in forms of the finite1 of an unceasing action of thought of which the ego is the object4 ,nothing more paradoxical than this conclusion can be imagined4 ,it seems to make the human subject1 the man myself1 the creator of the universe1 and the universe only that which ,i happen to think it to be4 ,this interpretation was at first put upon ,fichte's reasoning with such vigour that he was accused of atheism4 ,he was driven from his chair in ,jena4 ,only after several years was he called to a corresponding post in ,berlin4 ,later1 in his ,vocation of ,man1 he brought his thought to clearness in this form3 ',if ,god be only the object of thought1 it remains true that he is then but the creation of man's thought4 ,god is1 however1 to be understood as subject1 as the real subject1 the transcendent thinking and knowing subject1 indwelling in the world and making the world what it is1 indwelling in us and making us what we are4 ,we ourselves are subjects only in so far as we are parts of ,god4 ,we think and know only in so far as ,god thinks and knows and acts and lives in us4 ,the world1 including ourselves1 is but the reflection of the thought of ,god1 who thus only has existence4 ,neither the world nor we have existence apart from him4' ,johann ,gottlieb ,fichte was born at ,rammenau in #agfb4 ,his father was a ribbon weaver4 ,he came of a family distinguished for piety and uprightness4 ,he studied at ,jena1 and became an instructor there in #agic4 ,he was at first a devout disciple of ,kant1 but gradually separated himself from his master4 ,there is a humorous tale as to one of his early books which was1 through mistake of the publisher1 put forth without the author's name4 ,for a brief time it was hailed as a work of ,kant--his ,critique of ,revelation4 ,fichte was a man of high moral enthusiasm1 very uncompromising1 unable to put himself in the place of an opponent1 in incessant strife4 ,the great work of his ,jena period was his ,wissenschaftslehre1 #agid4 ,his popular ,works1 ,die ,bestimmung des ,menschen and ,anweisung zum seligen ,leben1 belong to his ,berlin period4 ,the disasters of #ahjf drove him out of ,berlin4 ,amidst the dangers and discouragements of the next few years he wrote his famous ,reden an die deutsche ,nation4 ,he drew up the plan for the founding of the ,university of ,berlin4 ,in #ahaj he was called to be rector of the newly established university4 ,he was1 perhaps1 the chief adviser of ,frederick ,william ,,iii in the laying of the foundations of the university1 which was surely a notable venture for those trying years4 ,in the autumn of #ahab and again in #ahac1 when the hospitals were full of sick and wounded after the ,russian and ,leipzig campaigns1 ,fichte and his wife were unceasing in their care of the sufferers4 ,he died of fever contracted in the hospital in ,january #ahad4 ,according to ,fichte1 as we have seen1 the world of sense is the reflection of our own inner activity4 ,it exists for us as the sphere and material of our duty4 ,the moral order only is divine4 ,we1 the finite intelligences1 exist only in and through the infinite intelligence4 ,all our life is thus ,god's life4 ,we are immortal because he is immortal4 ,our consciousness is his consciousness4 ,our life and moral force is his1 the reflection and manifestation of his being1 individuation of the infinite reason which is everywhere present in the finite4 ,in ,god we see the world also in a new light4 ,there is no longer any nature which is external to ourselves and unrelated to ourselves4 ,there is only ,god manifesting himself in nature4 ,even the evil is only a means to good and1 therefore1 only an apparent evil4 ,we are ,god's immediate manifestation1 being spirit like himself4 ,the world is his mediate manifestation4 ,the world of dead matter1 as men have called it1 does not exist4 ,god is the reality within the forms of nature and within ourselves1 by which alone we have reality4 ,the duty to which a ,god outside of ourselves could only command us1 becomes a privilege to which we need no commandment1 but to the fulfilment of which1 rather1 we are drawn in joy by the forces of our own being4 ,how a man could1 even in the immature stages of these thoughts1 have been persecuted for atheism1 it is not easy to see1 although we may admit that his earlier forms of statement were bewildering4 ,when we have his whole thought before us we should say rather that it borders on acosmic pantheism1 for which everything is ,god and the world does not exist4 ,we have no need to follow ,fichte farther4 ,suffice it to say1 with reference to the theory of knowledge1 that he had discovered that one could not stand still with ,kant4 ,one must either go back toward the position of the old empiricism which assumed the reality of the world exactly as it appeared1 or else one must go forward to an idealism more thorough-going than ,kant had planned4 ,of the two paths which1 with all the vast advance of the natural sciences1 the thought of the nineteenth century might traverse1 that of the denial of everything except the mechanism of nature1 and that of the assertion that nature is but the organ of spirit and is instinct with reason1 ,fichte chose the latter and blazed out the path along which all the idealists have followed him4 ,in reference to the philosophy of religion1 we must say that1 with all the extravagance1 the pantheism and mysticism of his phrases1 ,fichte's great contribution was his breaking down of the old dualism between ,god and man which was still fundamental to ,kant4 ,it was his assertion of the unity of man and ,god and of the life of ,god in man4 ,this thought has been appropriated in all of modern theology4 ,,schelling ,it was the meagreness of ,fichte's treatment of nature which impelled ,schelling to what he called his outbreak into reality4 ,nature will not be dismissed1 as simply that which is not ,i4 ,you cannot say that nature is only the sphere of my self-realisation4 ,individuals are in their way the children of nature4 ,they are this in respect of their souls as much as of their bodies4 ,nature was before they were4 ,nature is1 moreover1 not alien to intelligence4 ,on the contrary1 it is a treasure-house of intelligible forms which demand to be treated as such4 ,it appeared to ,schelling1 therefore1 a truer idealism to work out an intelligible system of nature1 exhibiting its essential oneness with personality4 ,friedrich ,wilhelm ,joseph von ,schelling was born in #agge at ,leonberg in ,wrttemberg4 ,his father was a clergyman4 ,he was precocious in his intellectual development and much spoiled by vanity4 ,before he was twenty years old he had published three works upon problems suggested by ,fichte4 ,at twenty-three he was extraordinarius at ,jena4 ,he had apparently a brilliant career before him4 ,he published his ,erster ,entwurf eines ,systems der ,naturphilosophe1 #agii1 and also his ,system des transcendentalen ,idealismus1 #ahjj4 ,even his short residence at ,jena was troubled by violent conflicts with his colleagues4 ,it was brought to an end by his marriage with the wife of ,augustus von ,schlegel1 who had been divorced for the purpose4 ,from #ahjf to #ahda he lived in ,munich in retirement4 ,the long-expected books which were to fulfil his early promise never appeared4 ,hegel's stricture was just4 ,schelling had no taste for the prolonged and intense labour which his brilliant early works marked out4 ,he died in #ahed1 having reached the age of seventy-nine years1 of which at least fifty were as melancholy and fruitless as could well be imagined4 ,the dominating idea of ,schelling's philosophy of nature may be said to be the exhibition of nature as the progress of intelligence toward consciousness and personality4 ,nature is the ego in evolution1 personality in the making4 ,all natural objects are visible analogues and counterparts of mind4 ,the intelligence which their structure reveals1 men had interpreted as residing in the mind of a maker of the world4 ,nature had been spoken of as if it were a watch4 ,god was its great artificer4 ,no one asserted that its intelligence and power of development lay within itself4 ,on the contrary1 nature is always in the process of advance from lower1 less highly organised and less intelligible forms1 to those which are more highly organised1 more nearly the counterpart of the active intelligence in man himself4 ,the personality of man had been viewed as standing over against nature1 this last being thought of as static and permanent4 ,on the contrary1 the personality of man1 with all of its intelligence and free will1 is but the climax and fulfilment of a long succession of intelligible forms in nature1 passing upward from the inorganic to the organic1 from the unconscious to the conscious1 from the non-moral to the moral1 as these are at last seen in man4 ,of course1 it was the life of organic nature which first suggested this notion to ,schelling4 ,an organism is a self-moving1 self-producing whole4 ,it is an idea in process of self-realisation4 ,what was observed in the organism was then made by ,schelling the root idea of universal nature4 ,nature is in all its parts living1 self-moving along the lines of its development1 productivity and product both in one4 ,empirical science may deal with separate products of nature4 ,it may treat them as objects of analysis and investigation4 ,it may even take the whole of nature as an object4 ,but nature is not mere object4 ,philosophy has to treat of the inner life which moves the whole of nature as intelligible productivity1 as subject1 no longer as object4 ,personality has slowly arisen out of nature4 ,nature was going through this process of self-development before there were any men to contemplate it4 ,it would go through this process were there no longer men to contemplate it4 ,schelling has here rounded out the theory of absolute idealism which ,fichte had carried through in a one-sided way4 ,he has given us also a wonderful anticipation of certain modern ideas concerning nature's preparation for the doctrine of evolution1 which was a stroke of genius in its way4 ,he attempted to arrange the realm of unconscious intelligences in an ascending series which should bridge the gulf between the lowest of natural forms and the fully equipped organism in which self consciousness1 with the intellectual1 the emotional1 and moral life1 at last integrated4 ,inadequate material and a fondness for analogies led ,schelling into vagaries in following out this scheme4 ,nevertheless1 it is only in detail that we can look askance at his attempt4 ,in principle our own conception of the universe is the same4 ,it is the dynamic view of nature and an application of the principle of evolution in the widest sense4 ,his errors were those into which a man was bound to fall who undertook to forestall by a sweep of the imagination that which has been the result of the detailed and patient investigation of three generations4 ,what ,schelling attempted was to take nature as we know it and to exhibit it as in reality a function of intelligence1 pointing1 through all the gradations of its varied forms1 towards its necessary goal in self-conscious personality4 ,instead1 therefore1 of our having in nature and personality two things which cannot be brought together1 these become members of one great organism of intelligence of which the immanent ,god is the source and the sustaining power4 ,these ideas constitute ,schelling's contribution to an idealistic and1 of course1 an essentially monistic view of the universe4 ,the unity of man with ,god1 ,fichte had asserted4 ,schelling set forth the oneness of ,god and nature1 and again of man and nature4 ,the circle was complete4 99 99 99 99 99 ,if we have succeeded in conveying a clear idea of the movement of thought from ,kant to ,hegel1 that idea might be stated thus4 ,there are but three possible objects which can engage the thought of man4 ,these are nature and man and ,god4 ,there is the universe1 of which we become aware through experience from our earliest childhood4 ,then there is man1 the man given in self-consciousness1 primarily the man myself4 ,in this sense man seems to stand over against nature4 ,then1 as the third possible object of thought1 we have ,god4 ,upon the thought of ,god we usually come from the point of view of the category of cause4 ,god is the name which men give to that which lies behind nature and man as the origin and explanation of both4 ,plato's chief interest was in man4 ,he talked much concerning a ,god who was somehow the speculative postulate of the spiritual nature in man4 ,aristotle began a real observation of nature4 ,but the ancient and1 still more1 the medival study of nature was dominated by abstract and theological assumptions4 ,these prevented any real study of that nature in the midst of which man lives1 in reaction against which he develops his powers1 and to which1 on one whole side of his nature1 he belongs4 ,even in respect of that which men reverently took to be thought concerning ,god1 they seem to have been unaware how much of their material was imaginative and poetic symbolism drawn from the experience of man4 ,the traditional idea of revelation proved a disturbing factor4 ,assuming that revelation gave information concerning ,god1 and not rather the religious experience of communion with ,god himself1 men accepted statements of the documents of revelation as if they had been definitions graciously given from out the realm of the unseen4 ,in reality1 they were but fetches from out the world of the known into the world of the unknown4 ,the point of interest is this3--,in all possible combinations in which1 throughout the history of thought1 these three objects had been set1 the one with the others1 they had always remained three objects4 ,there was no essential relation of the one to the other4 ,they were like the points of a triangle of which any one stood over against the other two4 ,god stood over against the man whom he had fashioned1 man over against the ,god to whom he was responsible4 ,the consequences for theology are evident4 ,when men wished to describe1 for example1 ,jesus as the ,son of ,god1 they laid emphasis upon every quality which he had1 or was supposed to have1 which was not common to him with other men4 ,they lost sight of that profound interest of religion which has always claimed that1 in some sense1 all men are sons of ,god and ,jesus was the son of man4 ,jesus was then only truly honoured as divine when every trait of his humanity was ignored4 ,similarly1 when men spoke of revelation they laid emphasis upon those particulars in which this supposed method of coming by information was unlike all other methods4 ,knowledge derived directly from ,god through revelation was in no sense the parallel of knowledge derived by men in any other way4 ,so also ,god stood over against nature4 ,god was indeed declared to have made nature4 ,he had1 however1 but given it1 so to say1 an original impulse4 ,that impulse also it had in some strange way lost or perverted1 so that the world1 though it had been made by ,god1 was not good4 ,for the most part it moved itself1 although ,god's sovereignty was evidenced in that he could still supervene upon it1 if he chose4 ,the supernatural was the realm of ,god4 ,natural and supernatural were mutually exclusive terms1 just as we saw that divine and human were exclusive terms4 ,so also1 on the third side of our triangle1 man stood over against nature4 ,nature was to primitive men the realm of caprice1 in which they imagined demons1 spirits and the like4 ,these were antagonistic to men1 as also hostile to ,god4 ,then1 when with the advance of reflexion these spirits1 and equally their counterparts1 the good genii and angels1 had all died1 nature became the realm of iron necessity1 of regardless law1 of all-destroying force1 of cruel and indifferent fate4 ,from this men took refuge in the thought of a compassionate ,god1 though they could not withdraw themselves or those whom they loved from the inexorable laws of nature4 ,they could not see that ,god always1 or even often1 intervened on their behalf4 ,it cannot be denied that these ideas prevail to some extent in the popular theology at the present moment4 ,much of our popular religious language is an inheritance from a time when they universally prevailed4 ,the religious intuition even of psalmists and prophets opposed many of these notions4 ,the pure religious intuition of ,jesus opposed almost every one of them4 ,mystics in every religion have had1 at times1 insight into an altogether different scheme of things4 ,the philosophy1 however1 even of the learned1 would1 in the main1 have supported the views above described1 from the dawn of reflexion almost to our own time4 ,it was ,kant who first began the resolution of this three-cornered difficulty4 ,when he pointed out that into the world1 as we know it1 an element of spirit goes1 that in it an element of the ideal inheres1 he began a movement which has issued in modern monism4 ,he affirmed that that element from my thought which enters into the world1 as ,i know it1 may be so great that only just a point of matter and a prick of sense remains4 ,fichte said3 ',why do we put it all in so perverse a way8 ,why reduce the world of matter to just a point8 ,why is it not taken for what it is1 and yet understood to be all alive with ,god and we able to think of it1 because we are parts of the great thinker ,god8' ,still ,fichte had busied himself almost wholly with consciousness4 ,schelling endeavoured to correct that4 ,nature lives and moves in ,god1 just as truly in one way as does man in another4 ,men arise out of nature4 ,a circle has been drawn through the points of our triangle4 ,nature and man are in a new and deeper sense revelations of ,god4 ,in fact1 supplementing one another1 they constitute the only possible channels for the manifestation of ,god4 ,it hardly needs to be said that these thoughts are widely appropriated in our modern world4 ,these once novel speculations of the kings of thought have made their way slowly to all strata of society4 ,remote and difficult in their first expression in the language of the schools1 their implications are to-day on everybody's lips4 ,it is this unitary view of the universe which has made difficult the acceptance of a theology1 the understandlng of a religion1 which are still largely phrased in the language of a philosophy to which these ideas did not belong4 ,there is not an historic creed1 there is hardly a greater system of theology1 which is not stated in terms of a philosophy and science which no longer reign4 ,men are asking3 'cannot ,christianity be so stated and interpreted that it shall meet the needs of men of the twentieth century1 as truly as it met those of men of the first or of the sixteenth8' ,hegel1 the last of this great group of idealistic philosophers whom we shall name1 enthusiastically believed in this new interpretation of the faith which was profoundly dear to him4 ,he made important contribution to that interpretation4 ,,hegel ,georg ,wilhelm ,friedrich ,hegel was born in ,stuttgart in #aggj4 ,his father was in the fiscal service of the ,king of ,wrttemberg4 ,he studied in ,tbingen4 ,he was heavy and slow of development1 in striking contrast with ,schelling4 ,he served as tutor in ,bern and ,frankfort1 and began to lecture in ,jena in #ahja4 ,he was much overshadowed by ,schelling4 ,the victory of ,napoleon at ,jena in #ahjf closed the university for a time4 ,in #ahah he was called to ,fichte's old chair in ,berlin4 ,never on very good terms with the ,prussian ,government1 he yet showed his large sympathy with life in every way4 ,after #ahbj a school of philosophical thinkers began to gather about him4 ,his first great book1 his ,phenomenologie des ,geistes #ahjg 7translated1 ,baillie1 ,london1 #aiaj71 was published at the end of his ,jena period4 ,his ,philosophie der ,religion and ,philosophie der ,geschichte were edited after his death4 ,they are mainly in the form which his notes took between #ahbc and #ahbg4 ,he died during an epidemic of cholera in ,berlin in #ahca4 ,besides his deep interest in history the most striking feature of ,hegel's preliminary training was his profound study of ,christianity4 ,he might almost be said to have turned to philosophy as a means of formulating the ideas which he had conceived concerning the development of the religious consciousness1 which seemed to him to have been the bearer of all human culture4 ,no one could fail to see that the idea of the relation of ,god and man1 of which we have been speaking1 was bound to make itself felt in the interpretation of the doctrine of the incarnation and of all the dogmas1 like that of the trinity1 which are connected with it4 ,characteristically1 ,hegel had pure joy in the speculative aspects of the problem4 ,if one may speak in all reverence1 and1 at the same time1 not without a shade of humour1 ,hegel rejoiced to find himself able1 as he supposed1 to rehabilitate the dogma of the trinity1 rationalised in approved fashion4 ,it is as if the dogma had been a revered form or mould1 which was for him indeed emptied of its original content4 ,he felt bound to fill it anew4 ,or to speak more justly1 he was really convinced that the new meaning which he poured into the dogma was the true meaning which the ,church ,fathers had been seeking all the while4 ,in the light of two generations of sober dealing1 as historians1 with such problems1 we can but view his solution in a manner very different from that which he indulged4 ,he was even disposed mildly to censure the professional theologians for leaving the defence of the doctrine of the trinity to the philosophers4 ,there were then1 and have since been1 defenders of the doctrine who have thought that ,hegel tendered them great aid4 ,as a matter of fact1 despite his own utter seriousness and reverent desire1 his solution was a complete dissolution of the doctrine and of much else besides4 ,his view would have been fatal1 not merely to that particular form of orthodox thought1 but1 what is much more serious1 to the religious meaning for which it stood4 ,sooner or later men have seen that the whole drift of ,hegelianism was to transform religion into intellectualism4 ,one might say that it was exactly this which the ancient metaphysicians1 in the classic doctrine of the trinity1 had done4 ,they had transformed religion into metaphysics4 ,the matter would not have been remedied by having a modern metaphysician do the same thing in another way4 ,hegel was weary of ,fichte's endless discussion of the ego and ,schelling's of the absolute4 ,it was not the abyss of the unknowable from which things said to come1 or that into which they go1 which interested ,hegel4 ,it was their process and progress which we can know4 ,it was that part of their movement which is observable within actual experience1 with which he was concerned4 ,now one of the laws of the movement of all things1 he said1 is that by which every thought suggests1 and every force tends directly to produce1 its opposite4 ,nothing stands alone4 ,everything exists by the balance and friction of opposing tendencies4 ,we have the universal contrasts of heat and cold1 of light and darkness1 of inward and outward1 of static and dynamic1 of yes and no4 ,there are two sides to every case1 democratic government and absolutism1 freedom of religion and authority1 the individualistic and the social principles1 a materialistic and a spiritual interpretation of the universe4 ,only things which are dead have ceased to have this tide and alternation4 ,christ is for living religion now a man1 now ,god1 revelation now natural1 now supernatural4 ,religion in the eternal conflict between reason and faith1 morals the struggle of good and evil1 ,god now mysterious and now manifest4 ,fichte had said3 ,the essence of the universe is spirit4 ,hegel said3 ,yes1 but the true notion of spirit is that of the resolution of contradiction1 of the exhibition of opposites as held together in their unity4 ,this is the meaning of the trinity4 ,in the trinity we have ,god who wills to manifest himself1 ,jesus in whom he is manifest1 and the spirit common to them both4 ,god's existence is not static1 it is dynamic4 ,it is motion1 not rest4 ,god is revealer1 recipient1 and revelation all in one4 ,the trinity was for ,hegel the central doctrine of ,christianity4 ,popular orthodoxy had drawn near to the assertion of three ,gods4 ,the revolt1 however1 in asserting the unity of ,god1 had made of ,god a meaningless absolute as foundation of the universe4 ,the orthodox1 in respect to the person of ,christ1 had always indeed asserted in laboured way that ,jesus was both ,god and man4 ,starting from their own abstract conception of ,god1 and attributing to ,jesus the qualities of that abstraction1 they had ended in making of the humanity of ,jesus a perfectly unreal thing4 ,on the other hand1 those who had set out from ,jesus's real humanity had been unable to see that he was anything more than a mere man1 as their phrase was4 ,on their own assumption of the mutual exclusiveness of the conceptions of ,god and man1 they could not do otherwise4 ,hegel saw clearly that ,god can be known to us only in and through manifestation4 ,we can certainly make no predication as to how ,god exists1 in himself1 as men say1 and apart from our knowledge4 ,he exists for our knowledge only as manifest in nature and man4 ,man is for ,hegel part of nature and ,jesus is the highest point which the nature of ,god as manifest in man has reached4 ,in this sense ,hegel sometimes even calls nature the ,son of ,god1 and mankind and ,jesus are thought of as parts of this one manifestation of ,god4 ,if the ,scripture asserts1 as it seemed to the framers of the creeds to do1 that ,god manifested himself from before all worlds in and to a self-conscious personality like his own1 ,hegel would answer3 ,but the ,scripture is no third source of knowledge1 besides nature and man4 ,scripture is only the record of ,god's revelation of himself in and to men4 ,if these men framed their profoundest thought in this way1 that is only because they lived in an age when men had all their thoughts of this sort in a form which we can historically trace4 ,for ,platonists and ,neoplatonists1 such as the makers of the creeds--and some portions of the ,scripture show this influence1 as well--the divine1 the ideal1 was always thought of as eternal4 ,it always existed as pure archetype before it ever existed as historic fact4 ,the rabbins had a speculation to the same effect4 ,the divine which exists must have pre-existed4 ,jesus as ,son of ,god could not be thought of by the ancient world in any terms but these4 ,the divine was static1 changelessly perfect4 ,for the modern man the divinest of all things is the mystery of growth4 ,the perfect man is not at the beginning1 but far down the immeasurable series of approaches to perfection4 ,the perfection of other men is the work of still other ages1 in which this extraordinary and inexplicable moral magnitude which ,jesus is1 has had its influence1 and conferred upon them power to aid them in the fulfilment of ,god's intent for themselves1 which is like that intent for himself which ,jesus has fulfilled4 ,surely enough has been said to show that what we have here is only the absorption of even the profoundest religious meanings into the vortex of an all-dissolving metaphysical system4 ,the most obvious meaning of the phrase ',son of ,god1' its moral and spiritual1 its real religious meaning1 is dwelt on1 here in ,hegel1 as little as ,hegel claimed that the ,nicene trinitarians had dwelt upon it4 ,nothing marks more clearly the distance we have travelled since ,hegel than does the general recognition that his attempted solution does not even lie in the right direction4 ,it is an attempt within the same area as that of the ,nicene ,council and the creeds1 namely1 the metaphysical area4 ,what is at stake is not the pre-existence or the two natures4 ,hegel was right in what he said concerning these4 ,the pre-existence cannot be thought of except as ideal4 ,the two natures we assert for every man1 only not in such a manner as to destroy unity in the personality4 ,the heart of the dogma is not in these4 ,it is the oneness of ,god and man1 a moral and spiritual oneness1 oneness in conduct and consciousness1 the presence and realisation of ,god1 who is spirit1 in a real man1 the divineness of ,jesus1 in a sense which sees no meaning any longer in the old debate as between his divinity and his deity4 ,in the light of the new theory of the universe which we have reviewed1 it flashes upon us that both defenders and assailants of the doctrine of the incarnation1 in the age-long debate1 have proceeded from the assumption that ,god and man are opposites4 ,men contended for the divineness of ,jesus in terms which by definition shut out his true humanity4 ,they asserted the identity of a real man1 a true historic personage1 with an abstract notion of ,god which had actually been framed by the denial of all human qualities4 ,their opponents with a like helplessness merely reversed the situation4 ,to admit the deity of ,jesus would have been for them1 in all candour and clear-sightedness1 absolutely impossible1 because the admission would have shut out his true humanity4 ,on the old definitions we cannot wonder that the struggle was a bitter one4 ,each party was on its own terms right4 ,if ,god is by definition other than man1 and man the opposite of ,god1 then it is not surprising that the attempt to say that ,jesus of ,nazareth was both1 remained mysticism to the one and seemed folly to the other4 ,now1 within the area of the philosophy which begins with ,kant this old antinomy has been resolved4 ,an actual circle of clear relations joins the points of the old hopeless triangle4 ,men are men because of ,god indwelling in them1 working through them4 ,the phrase 'mere man' is seen to be a mere phrase4 ,to say that the ,nazarene1 in some way not genetically to be explained1 but which is hidden within the recesses of his own personality1 shows forth in incomparable fulness that relation of ,god and man which is the ideal for us all1 seems only to be saying over again what ,jesus said when he proclaimed3 ',i and ,my ,father are one4' ,that ,jesus actualised1 not absolutely in the sense that he stood out of relation to history1 but still perfectly within his relation to history1 that which in us and for us is potential1 the sonship of ,god--that seems a very simple and intelligible assertion4 ,it certainly makes a large part of the debate of ages seem remote from us4 ,it brings home to us that we live in a new world4 ,interesting and fruitful is ,hegel's expansion of the idea of redemption beyond that of the individual to that of the whole humanity1 and in every aspect of its life4 ,in my relation to the world are given my duties4 ,the renunciation of outward duty makes the inward life barren4 ,the principle which is to transform the world wears an aspect very different from that of stoicism1 of asceticism or even of the individualism which has sought soul-salvation4 ,in the midst of unworthiness and helplessness there springs up the consciousness of reconciliation4 ,man1 with all his imperfections1 becomes aware that he is the object of the loving purpose of ,god4 ,still this redemption of a man is something which is to be worked out1 in the individual life and on the stage of universal history4 ,the first step beyond the individual life is that of the ,church4 ,it is from within this community of believers that men1 in the rule1 receive the impulse to the good4 ,the community is1 in its idea1 a society in which the conquest of evil is already being achieved1 where the individual is spared much bitter conflict and loneliness4 ,nevertheless1 so long as this unity of the life of man with ,god is realised in the ,church alone there remains a false and harmful opposition between the ,church and the world4 ,religion is faced by a hostile power to which its principles have no application4 ,the world is denounced as unholy4 ,with this stigma cast upon it1 it may be unholy4 ,yet the retribution falls also upon the ,church1 in that it becomes artificial1 clerical1 pharisaical4 ,the end is never that what have been called the standards of the ,church shall prevail4 ,the end is that the ,church shall be the shrine and centre of an influence by virtue of which the standard of truth and goodness which naturally belongs to any relation of life shall prevail4 ,the distinction between religion and secular life must be abandoned4 ,nothing is less sacred than a ,church set on its own aggrandisement4 ,the relations of family and of the ,state1 of business and social life1 are to be restored to the divineness which belongs to them1 or rather1 the divineness which is inalienable from them is to be recognised4 ,in the laws and customs of a true ,state1 ,christianity first penetrates with its principles the real world4 ,one sees how large a portion of these thoughts have been taken up into the programme of modern social movements4 ,they are the basis of what men call a social theology4 ,a book like ,fremantle's ,world as the ,subject of ,redemption is their thorough-going exposition in the ,english tongue4 ,we have no cause to pursue the philosophical movement beyond this point4 ,its exponents are not without interest4 ,especially is this true of ,schopenhauer4 ,but the deposit from their work is for our particular purpose not great4 ,the wonderful impulse had spent itself4 ,these four brilliant men stand together1 almost as much isolated from the generation which followed them as from that which went before4 ,the historian of ,christian thought in the nineteenth century cannot overestimate the significance of their personal interest in religion4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,theological ,,reconstruction ,the outstanding trait of ,kant's reflection upon religion is its supreme interest in morals and conduct4 ,metaphysician that he was1 ,kant saw the evil which intellectualism had done to religion4 ,religion was a profoundly real thing to him in his own life4 ,religion is a life4 ,it is a system of thought only because life is a whole4 ,it is a system of thought only in the way of deposit from a vivid and vigorous life4 ,a man normally reflects on the conditions and aims of what he does4 ,religion is conduct4 ,ends in character are supreme4 ,religions and the many interpretations of ,christianity have been good or bad1 according as they ministered to character4 ,so strong was this ethical trait in ,kant that it dwarfed all else4 ,he was not himself a man of great breadth or richness of feeling4 ,he was not a man of imagination4 ,his religion was austere1 not to say arid4 ,hegel was before all things an intellectualist4 ,speculation was the breath of life to him4 ,he had metaphysical genius4 ,he tended to transform in this direction everything which he touched4 ,religion is thought4 ,he criticised the rationalist movement from the height of vantage which idealism had reached4 ,but as pure intellectualist he would put most rationalists to shame4 ,we owe to this temperament his zeal for an interpretation of the universe 'all in one piece4' ,its highest quality would be its abstract truth4 ,his understanding of religion had the glory and the limitations which attend this view4 ,,schleiermacher ,between ,kant and ,hegel came another1 ,schleiermacher4 ,he too was no mean philosopher4 ,but he was essentially a theologian1 the founder of modern theology4 ,he served in the same faculty with ,hegel and was overshadowed by him4 ,his influence upon religious thought was less immediate4 ,it has been more permanent4 ,it was characteristically upon the side which ,kant and ,hegel had neglected4 ,that was the side of feeling4 ,his theology has been called the theology of feeling4 ,he defined religion as feeling4 ,christianity is for him a specific feeling4 ,because he made so much of feeling1 his name has been made a theological household word by many who appropriated little else of all he had to teach4 ,his warmth and passion1 his enthusiasm for ,christ1 the central place of ,christ in his system1 made him loved by many who1 had they understood him better1 might have loved him less4 ,for his real greatness lay1 not in the fact that he possessed these qualities alone1 but that he possessed them in a singularly beautiful combination with other qualities4 ,the emphasis is1 however1 correct4 ,he was the prophet of feeling1 as ,kant had been of ethical religion and ,hegel of the intellectuality of faith4 ,the entire ,protestant theology of the nineteenth century has felt his influence4 ,the ,english-speaking race is almost as much his debtor as is his own4 ,the ,french ,huguenots of the revival felt him to be one of themselves4 ,even to ,amiel and ,scherer he was a kindred spirit4 ,it is a true remark of ,dilthey that in unusual degree an understanding of the man's personality and career is necessary to the appreciation of his thought4 ,friedrich ,ernst ,daniel ,schleiermacher was born in #agfh in ,breslau1 the son of a chaplain in the ,reformed ,church4 ,he never connected himself officially with the ,lutheran ,church4 ,we have alluded to an episode broadly characteristic of his youth4 ,he was tutor in the house of one of the landed nobility of ,prussia1 curate in a country parish1 preacher at the ,charit in ,berlin in #agie1 professor extraordinarius at ,halle in #ahjd1 preacher at the ,church of the ,dreifaltigkeit in ,berlin in #ahjg1 professor of theology and organiser of that faculty in the newly-founded ,university of ,berlin in #ahaj4 ,he never gave up his position as pastor and preacher1 maintaining this activity along with his unusual labours as teacher1 executive and author4 ,he died in #ahcd4 ,in his earlier years in ,berlin he belonged to the circle of brilliant men and women who made ,berlin famous in those years4 ,it was a fashionable society composed of persons more or less of the rationalistic school4 ,not a few of them1 like the ,schlegels1 were deeply tinged with romanticism4 ,there were also among them ,jews of the house of the elder ,mendelssohn4 ,morally it was a society not altogether above reproach4 ,its opposition to religion was a by-word4 ,an affection of the susceptible youth for a woman unhappily married brought him to the verge of despair4 ,it was an affection which his passing pride as romanticist would have made him think it prudish to discard1 while the deep1 underlying elements of his nature made it inconceivable that he should indulge4 ,only in later years did he heal his wound in a happy married life4 ,the episode was typical of the experience he was passing through4 ,he understood the public with which his first book dealt4 ,that book bears the striking title1 ,reden ber die ,religion1 an die ,gebildeten unter ihren ,verchtern 7translated1 ,oman1 ,oxford1 #ahic74 ,his public understood him4 ,he could reach them as perhaps no other man could do4 ,if he had ever concealed what religion was to him1 he now paid the price4 ,if they had made light of him1 he now made war on them4 ,this meed they could hardly withhold from him1 that he understood most other things quite as well as they1 and religion much better than they4 ,the rhetorical form is a fiction4 ,the addresses were never delivered4 ,their tension and straining after effect is palpable4 ,they are a cry of pain on the part of one who sees that assailed which is sacred to him1 of triumph as he feels himself able to repel the assault1 of brooding persuasiveness lest any should fail to be won for his truth4 ,he concedes everything4 ,it is part of his art to go further than his detractors4 ,he is so well versed in his subject that he can do that with consummate mastery1 where they are clumsy or dilettante4 ,it is but a pale ghost of religion that he has left4 ,but he has attained his purpose4 ,he has vindicated the place of religion in the life of culture4 ,he has shown the relation of religion to every great thing in civilisation1 its affinity with art1 its common quality with poetry1 its identity with all profound activities of the soul4 ,these all are religion1 though their votaries know it not4 ,these are reverence for the highest1 dependence on the highest1 self-surrender to the highest4 ,no great man ever lived1 no great work was ever done1 save in an attitude toward the universe1 which is identical with that of the religious man toward ,god4 ,the universe is ,god4 ,god is the universe4 ,that religionists have obscured this simple truth and denied this grand relation is true1 and nothing to the point4 ,the cultivated should be ashamed not to know this4 ,then1 with a sympathy with institutional religion and a knowledge of history in which he stood almost alone1 he retracts much that he has yielded1 he rebuilds much that he has thrown down1 proclaims much which they must now concede4 ,the book was published in #agii4 ,twenty years later he said sadly that if he were rewriting it1 its shafts would be directed against some very different persons1 against glib and smug people who boasted the form of godliness1 conventional1 even fashionable religionists and loveless ecclesiastics4 ,vast and various influences in the ,germany of the first two decades of the century had wrought for the revival of religion4 ,of those influences1 not the least had been that of ,schleiermacher's book4 ,among the greatest had been ,schleiermacher himself4 ,the religion of feeling1 as advocated in the ,reden1 had left much on the ethical side to be desired4 ,this defect the author sought to remedy in his ,monologen1 published in #ahjj4 ,the programme of theological studies for the new ,university of ,berlin1 ,kurze ,darstellung des ,theologischen ,studiums1 #ahaa1 shows his theological system already in large part matured4 ,his ,der christliche ,glaube1 published in #ahba1 revised three years before his death in #ahcd1 is his monumental work4 ,his ,ethik1 his lectures upon many subjects1 numerous volumes of sermons1 all published after his death1 witness his versatility4 ,his sermons have the rare note which one finds in ,robertson and ,brooks4 ,all of the immediacy of religion1 its independence of rational argument1 of historical tradition or institutional forms1 which was characteristic of ,schleiermacher to his latest day1 is felt in the ,reden4 ,by it he thrilled the hearts of men as they have rarely been thrilled4 ,it is not forms and traditions which create religion4 ,it is religion which creates these4 ,they cannot exist without it4 ,it may exist without them1 though not so well or so effectively4 ,religion is the sense of ,god4 ,that sense we have1 though many call it by another name4 ,it would be more true to say that that sense has us4 ,it is inescapable4 ,all who have it are the religious4 ,those who hold to dogmas1 rites1 institutions in such a way as to obscure and overlay this sense of ,god1 those who hold those as substitute for that sense1 are the nearest to being irreligious4 ,any form1 the most outr1 bizarre and unconventional1 is good1 so only that it helps a man to ,god4 ,all forms are evil1 the most accredited the most evil1 if they come between a man and ,god4 ,the pantheism of the thought of ,god in all of ,schleiermacher's early work is undeniable4 ,he never wholly put it aside4 ,the personality of ,god seemed to him a limitation4 ,language is here only symbolical1 a mere expression from an environment which we know1 flung out into the depths of that we cannot see4 ,if the language of personal relations helps men in living with their truth--well and good4 ,it hinders also4 ,for himself he felt that it hindered more than helped4 ,his definition of religion as the feeling of dependence upon ,god1 is cited as evidence of the effect upon him of his contention against the personalness of ,god4 ,religion is also1 it is alleged1 the sentiment of fellowship with ,god4 ,fellowship implies persons4 ,but to no man was the fellowship with the soul of his own soul and of all the universe more real than was that fellowship to ,schleiermacher4 ,this was the more true in his maturer years1 the years of the magnificent rounding out of his thought4 ,god was to him indeed not 'a man in the next street4' ,what he says about the problem of the personalness of ,god is true4 ,we see1 perhaps1 more clearly than did he that the debate is largely about words4 ,similarly1 we may say that ,schleiermacher's passing denial of the immortality of the soul was directed1 in the first instance1 against the crass1 unsocial and immoral view which has disfigured much of the teaching of religion4 ,his contention was directed toward that losing of oneself in ,god through ideals and service now1 which in more modern phrase we call the entrance upon the immortal life here1 the being in eternity now4 ,for a soul so disposed1 for a life thus inspired1 death is but an episode4 ,for himself he rejoices to declare it one to the issue of which he is indifferent4 ,if he may thus live with ,god now1 he cares little whether or not he shall live by and by4 ,in his ,monologues ,schleiermacher first sets forth his ethical thought4 ,as it is religion that a man feels himself dependent upon ,god1 so is it the beginning of morality that a man feels his dependence upon his fellows and their dependence on him4 ,slaves of their own time and circumstance1 men live out their lives in superficiality and isolation4 ,they are a prey to their own selfishness4 ,they never come into those relations with their fellows in which the moral ideal can be realised4 ,man in his isolation from his fellows is nothing and accomplishes nothing4 ,the interests of the whole humanity are his private interests4 ,his own happiness and welfare are not possible to be secured save through his co-operation with others1 his work and service for others4 ,the happiness and welfare of others not merely react upon his own4 ,they are in a large sense identical with his own4 ,this oneness of a man with all men is the basis of morality1 just as the oneness of man with ,god is the basis of religion4 ,in both cases the oneness exists whether or not we know it4 ,the contradictions and miseries into which immoral or unmoral conduct plunges us1 are the witness of the fact that this inviolable unity of a man with humanity is operative1 even if he ignores it4 ,often it is his ignoring of this relation which brings him through misery to consciousness of it4 ,man as moral being is but an individuation of humanity1 just as1 again1 as religious being he is but an individuation of ,god4 ,the goal of the moral life is the absorption of self1 the elimination of self1 which is at the same time the realisation of self1 through the life and service for others4 ,the goal of religion is the elimination of self1 the swallowing up of self1 in the service of ,god4 ,in truth1 the unity of man with man is at bottom only another form of his unity with ,god1 and the service of humanity is the identical service of ,god4 ,other so-called services of ,god are a means to this1 or else an illusion4 ,this parallel of religion and morals is to be set over against other passages1 easily to be cited1 in which ,schleiermacher speaks of passivity and contemplation as the means of the realisation of the unity of man and ,god1 as if the elimination of self meant a sort of ,nirvana4 ,schleiermacher was a pantheist and mystic4 ,no philosopher save ,kant ever influenced him half so much as did ,spinoza4 ,there is something almost oriental in his mood at times4 ,an occasional fragment of description of religion might pass as a better delineation of ,buddhism than of ,christianity4 ,this universality of his mind is interesting4 ,these elements have not been unattractive to some portions of his following4 ,one wearied with the ,philistinism of the modern popular urgency upon practicality turns to ,schleiermacher1 as indeed sometimes to ,spinoza1 and says1 here is a man who at least knows what religion is4 ,yet nothing is further from the truth than to say that ,schleiermacher had no sense for the meaning of religion in the outward life and present world4 ,in the ,reden ,schleiermacher had contended that religion is a condition of devout feeling1 specifically the feeling of dependence upon ,god4 ,this view dominates his treatment of ,christianity4 ,it gives him his point of departure4 ,a ,christian is possessed of the devout feeling of dependence upon ,god through ,jesus ,christ or1 as again he phrases it1 of dependence upon ,christ4 ,christianity is a positive religion in the sense that it has direct relation to certain facts in the history of the race1 most of all to the person of ,jesus of ,nazareth4 ,but it does not consist in any positive propositions whatsoever4 ,these have arisen in the process of interpretation of the faith4 ,the substance of the faith is the experience of renewal in ,christ1 of redemption through ,christ4 ,this inward experience is neither produced by pure thought nor dependent upon it4 ,like all other experience it is simply an object to be described and reckoned with4 ,orthodox dogmatists had held that the content of the ,christian faith is a doctrine given in revelation4 ,schleiermacher held that it is a consciousness inspired primarily by the personality of ,jesus4 ,it must be connected with the other data and acta of our consciousness under the general laws of the operation of the mind4 ,against rationalism and much so-called liberal ,christianity1 ,schleiermacher contended that ,christianity is not a new set of propositions periodically brought up to date and proclaimed as if these alone were true4 ,new propositions can have only the same relativity of truth which belonged to the old ones in their day4 ,they may stand between men and religion as seriously as the others had done4 ,the condition of the heart1 which is religion1 the experience through ,jesus which is ,christianity1 is primarily an individual matter4 ,but it is not solely such4 ,it is a common experience also4 ,schleiermacher recognises the common element in the ,christian consciousness1 the element which shows itself in the ,christian experience of all ages1 of different races and of countless numbers of men4 ,by this recognition of the ,christian ,church in its deep and spiritual sense1 ,schleiermacher hopes to escape the vagaries and eccentricities1 and again the narrowness and bigotries of pure individualism4 ,no liberal theologian until ,schleiermacher had had any similar sense of the meaning of the ,christian ,church1 and of the privilege and duty of ,christian thought to contribute to the welfare of that body of men believing in ,god and following ,christ which is meant by the ,church4 ,this is in marked contrast with the individualism of ,kant4 ,of course1 ,schleiermacher would never have recognised as the ,church that part of humanity which is held together by adherence to particular dogmas1 since1 for him1 ,christianity is not dogma4 ,still less could he recognise as the ,church that part of mankind which is held together by a common tradition of worship1 or by a given theory of organisation1 since these also are historical and incidental4 ,he meant by the ,church that part of humanity1 in all places and at all times1 which has been held together by the common possession of the ,christian consciousness and the ,christian experience4 ,the outline of this experience1 the content of this consciousness1 can never be so defined as to make it legislatively operative4 ,if it were so defined we should have dogma and not ,christianity4 ,nevertheless1 it may be practically potent4 ,the degree in which a given man may justly identify his own consciousness and experience with that of the ,christian world is problematical4 ,in ,schleiermacher's own case1 the identification of some of his contentions as1 for example1 the thought that ,god is not personal with the great ,christian consciousness of the past1 is more than problematical4 ,to this ,schleiermacher would reply that if these contentions were true1 they would become the possession of spiritual ,christendom with the lapse of time4 ,advance always originated with one or a few4 ,if1 however1 in the end1 a given portion found no place in the consciousness of generation truly evidencing their ,christian life1 that position would be adjudged an idiosyncrasy1 a negligible quantity4 ,this view of ,schleiermacher's as to the ,church is suggestive4 ,it is the undertone of a view which widely prevails in our own time4 ,it is somewhat difficult of practical combination with the traditional marks of the churches1 as these have been inherited even in ,protestantism from the ,catholic age4 ,in a very real sense ,jesus occupied the central place in ,schleiermacher's system4 ,the centralness of ,jesus ,christ he himself was never weary of emphasising4 ,it became in the next generation a favorite phrase of some who followed ,schleiermacher's pure and bounteous spirit afar off4 ,too much of a mystic to assert that it is through ,jesus alone that we know ,god1 he yet accords to ,jesus an absolutely unique place in revelation4 ,it is through the character and personality of ,jesus that the change in the character of man1 which is redemption1 is marshalled and sustained4 ,redemption is a man's being brought out of the condition in which all higher self consciousness was dimmed and enfeebled1 into one in which this higher consciousness is vivid and strong and the power of self-determination toward the good has been restored4 ,salvation is thus moral and spiritual1 present as well as future4 ,it is possible in the future only because actual in the present4 ,it is the reconstruction of a man's nature and life by the action of the spirit of ,god1 conjointly with that of man's own free spirit4 ,it is intelligible in ,schleiermacher's context that ,jesus should be spoken of as the sole redeemer of men1 their only hope1 and that the ,christian's dependence upon him should be described as absolute4 ,as a matter of fact1 however1 the idea of dependence upon ,christ alone has been often1 indeed1 one may say generally1 associated with a conception of salvation widely different from that of ,schleiermacher4 ,it has been oftenest associated with the notion of something purely external1 forensic1 even magical4 ,it is connected1 even down to our own time1 with reliance upon the blood of ,christ1 almost as if this were externally applied4 ,it has postulated a propitiatory sacrifice1 a vicarious atonement1 a completed transaction1 something which was laid up for all and waiting to be availed of by some4 ,now every external1 forensic1 magical notion of salvation1 as something purchased for us1 imputed to us1 conferred upon us1 would have been utterly impossible to ,schleiermacher4 ,it is within the soul of man that redemption takes place4 ,conferment from the side of ,god and ,christ1 or from ,god through ,christ1 can be nothing more1 as also it can be nothing less1 than the imparting of wisdom and grace and spiritual power from the personality of ,jesus1 which a man then freely takes up within himself and gives forth as from himself4 ,the ,christian consciousness contains1 along with the sense of dependence upon ,jesus1 the sense of moral alliance and spiritual sympathy with him1 of a free relation of the will of man to the will of ,god as revealed in ,jesus4 ,the will of man is set upon the reproduction within himself1 so far as possible1 of the consciousness1 experience and character of ,jesus4 ,the sin from which man is to be delivered is described by ,schleiermacher thus3 ,it is the dominance of the lower nature in us1 of the sense-consciousness4 ,it is the determination of our course of life by the senses4 ,this preponderance of the senses over the consciousness of ,god is the secret of unhappiness1 of the feeling of defeat and misery in men1 of the need of salvation4 ,one has to read ,schleiermacher's phrase1 'the senses' here1 as we read ,paul's phrase1 'the flesh4' ,on the other hand1 the preponderance of the consciousness of ,god1 the willing obedience to it in every act of life1 becomes to us the secret of strength and of blessedness in life4 ,this is the special experience of the ,christian4 ,it is the effect of the impulse and influence of ,christ4 ,we receive this impulse in a manner wholly consistent with the laws of our psychological and moral being4 ,we carry forward this impulse with varying fortunes and by free will4 ,it comes to us1 however1 from without and from above1 through one who was indeed true man1 but who is also1 in a manner not further explicable1 to be identified with the moral ideal of humanity4 ,this identification of ,jesus with the moral ideal is complete and unquestioning with ,schleiermacher4 ,it is visible in the interchangeable use of the titles ,jesus and ,christ4 ,our saving consciousness of ,god could proceed from the person of ,jesus only if that consciousness were actually present in ,jesus in an absolute measure4 ,ideal and person in him perfectly coincide4 ,as typical and ideal man1 according to ,schleiermacher1 ,jesus was distinguished from all other founders of religions4 ,these come before us as men chosen from the number of their fellows1 receiving1 quite as much for themselves as for others1 that which they received from ,god4 ,it is nowhere implied that ,jesus himself was in need of redemption1 but rather that he alone possessed from earliest years the fulness of redemptive power4 ,he was distinguished from other men by his absolute moral perfection4 ,this excluded not merely actual sin1 but all possibility of sin and1 accordingly1 all real moral struggle4 ,this perfection was characterised also by his freedom from error4 ,he never originated an erroneous notion nor adopted one from others as a conviction of his own4 ,in this respect his person was a moral miracle in the midst of the common life of our humanity1 of an order to be explained only by a new spiritually creative act of ,god4 ,on the other hand1 ,schleiermacher says squarely that the absence of the natural paternal participation in the origin of the physical life of ,jesus1 according to the account in the first and third ,gospels1 would add nothing to the moral miracle if it could be proved and detract nothing if it should be taken away4 ,singular is this ability on the part of ,schleiermacher to believe in the moral miracle1 not upon its own terms1 of which we shall speak later1 but upon terms upon which the outward and physical miracle1 commonly so-called1 had become1 we need not say incredible1 but unnecessary to ,schleiermacher himself4 ,singular is this whole part of ,schleiermacher's construction1 with its lapse into abstraction of the familiar sort1 of which1 in general1 the working of his mind had been so free4 ,for surely what we here have is abstraction4 ,it is an undissolved fragment of metaphysical theology4 ,it is impossible of combination with the historical4 ,it is wholly unnecessary for the religious view of salvation which ,schleiermacher had distinctly taken4 ,it is surprising how slow men have been to learn that the absolute cannot be historic nor the historic absolute4 ,surely the claim that ,jesus was free from error in intellectual conception is unnecessary1 from the point of view of the saving influence upon character which ,schleiermacher had asserted4 ,it is in contradiction with the view of revelation to which ,schleiermacher had already advanced4 ,it is to be accounted for only from the point of view of the mistaken assumption that the divine1 even in manifestation1 must be perfect1 in the sense of that which is static and not of that which is dynamic4 ,the assertion is not sustained from the ,gospel itself4 ,it reduces many aspects of the life of ,jesus to mere semblance4 ,that also which is claimed in regard to the abstract impossibility of sin upon the part of ,jesus is in hopeless contradiction with that which ,schleiermacher had said as to the normal and actual development of ,jesus1 in moral as also in all other ways4 ,such development is impossible without struggle4 ,struggle is not real when failure is impossible4 ,so far as we know1 it is in struggle only that character is made4 ,even as to the actual commission of sin on ,jesus' part1 the assertion of the abstract necessity of his sinlessness1 for the work of moral redemption1 goes beyond anything which we know4 ,the question of the sinlessness of ,jesus is not an a priori question4 ,to say that he was by conception free from sin is to beg the question4 ,we thus form a conception and then read the ,gospels to find evidence to sustain it4 ,to say that he did1 though tempted in all points like as we are1 yet so conduct himself in the mystery of life as to remain unstained1 is indeed to allege that he achieved that which1 so far us we know1 is without parallel in the history of the race4 ,but it is to leave him true man1 and so the moral redeemer of men who would be true4 ,to say that1 if he were true man1 he must have sinned1 is again to beg the question4 ,let us repeat that the question is one of evidence4 ,to say that he was1 though true man1 so far as we have any evidence in fact1 free from sin1 is only to say that his humanity was uniquely penetrated by the spirit of ,god for the purposes of the life which he had to live4 ,that heart-broken recollection of his own sin which one hears in ,the ,scarlet ,letter1 giving power to the preacher who would reach men in their sins1 has not the remotest parallel in any reminiscence of ,jesus which we possess4 ,there is every evidence of the purity of ,jesus' consciousness4 ,there is no evidence of the consciousness of sin4 ,there is a passage in the ,discourses1 in which ,schleiermacher himself declared that the identification of the fundamental idea of religion with the historical fact in which that religion had its rise1 was a mistake4 ,surely it is exactly this mistake which ,schleiermacher has here made4 ,it will be evident from all that has been said that to ,schleiermacher the ,scripture was not the foundation of faith4 ,as such it was almost universally regarded in his time4 ,the ,new ,testament1 he declared1 is itself but a product of the ,christian consciousness4 ,it is a record of the ,christian experience of the men of the earlier time4 ,to us it is a means of grace because it is the vivid and original register of that experience4 ,the ,scriptures can be regarded as the work of the ,holy ,spirit only in so far as this was this common spirit of the early ,church4 ,this spirit has borne witness to ,christ in these writings not essentially otherwise than in later writings1 only more at first hand1 more under the impression of intercourse with ,jesus4 ,least of all may we base the authority of ,scripture upon a theory of inspiration such as that generally current in ,schleiermacher's time4 ,it is the personality of ,jesus which is the inspiration of the ,new ,testament4 ,christian faith1 including the faith in the ,scriptures1 can rest only upon the total impression of the character of ,jesus4 ,in the same manner ,schleiermacher speaks of miracles4 ,these cannot be regarded in the conventional manner as supports of religion1 for the simplest of all reasons4 ,they presuppose religion and faith and must be understood by means of those4 ,the accounts of external miracles contained in the ,gospels are matters for unhesitating criticism4 ,the ,christian finds1 for moral reasons and because of the response of his own heart1 the highest revelation of ,god in ,jesus ,christ4 ,extraordinary events may be expected in ,jesus' career4 ,yet these can be called miracles only relatively1 as containing something extraordinary for contemporary knowledge4 ,they may remain to us events wholly inexplicable1 illustrating a law higher than any which we yet know4 ,therewith they are not taken out of the realm of the orderly phenomena of nature4 ,in other words1 the notion of the miraculous is purely subjective4 ,what is a miracle for one age may be no miracle in the view of the next4 ,whatever the deeds of ,jesus may have been1 however inexplicable all ages may find them1 we can but regard them as merely natural consequences of the personality of ,jesus1 unique because he was unique4 ',in the interests of religion the necessity can never arise of regarding an event as taken out of its connection with nature1 in consequence of its dependence upon ,god4' ,it is not possible within the compass of this book to do more than deal with typical and representative persons4 ,schleiermacher was epoch-making4 ,he gathered in himself the creative impulses of the preceding period4 ,the characteristic theological tendencies of the two succeeding generations may be traced back to him4 ,many men worked in seriousness upon the theological problem4 ,no one of them marks an era again until we come to ,ritschl4 ,the theologians of the interval between ,schleiermacher and ,ritschl have been divided into three groups4 ,the first group is of distinctly philosophical tendency4 ,the influence of ,hegel was felt upon them all4 ,to this group belong ,schweitzer1 ,biedermann1 ,lipsius1 and ,pfleiderer4 ,the influence of ,hegel was greatest upon ,biedermann1 least upon ,lipsius4 ,an estimate of the influence of ,schleiermacher would reverse that order4 ,especially did ,lipsius seek to lay at the foundation of his work that exact psychological study of the phenomena of religion which ,schleiermacher had declared requisite4 ,it is possible that ,lipsius will more nearly come to his own when the enthusiasm for ,ritschl has waned4 ,the second group of ,schleiermacher's followers took the direction opposite to that which we have named4 ,they were the confessional theologians4 ,hoffmann shows himself learned1 acute and full of power4 ,one does not see1 however1 why his method should not prove anything which any confession ever claimed4 ,he sets out from ,schleiermacher's declaration concerning the content of the ,christian consciousness4 ,in ,hoffmann's own devout consciousness there had been response1 since his childhood1 to every item which the creed alleged4 ,therefore these items must have objective truth4 ,one is reminded of an ,english parallel in ,newman's ,grammar of ,assent4 ,yet another group1 that of the so-called mediating theologians1 contains some well-known names4 ,here belong ,nitzsch1 ,rothe1 ,mller1 ,dorner4 ,the name had originally described the effort to find1 in the ,union1 common ground between ,lutherans and ,reformed4 ,in the fact that it made the creeds of little importance and fell back on ,schleiermacher's emphasis upon feeling1 the movement came to have the character also of an attempt to find a middle way between confessionalists and rationalists4 ,its representatives had often the kind of breadth of sympathy which goes with lack of insight1 rather than that breadth of sympathy which is due to the possession of insight4 ,yet ,rothe rises to real distinction1 especially in his forecast of the social interpretation of religion4 ,with the men of this group arose a speculation concerning the person of ,christ which for a time had some currency4 ,it was called the theory of the kenosis4 ,jesus is spoken of in a famous passage of the letter to the ,philippians2 as having emptied himself of divine qualities that he might be found in fashion as a man4 ,in this speculation the divine attributes were divided into two classes4 ,of the one class it was held ,christ had emptied himself in becoming flesh1 or at least he had them in abeyance4 ,he had them1 but did not use them4 ,what we have here is but a despairing effort to be just to ,jesus' humanity and yet to assert his deity in the ancient metaphysical terms4 ,it is but saying yes and no in the same breath4 ,biedermann said sadly of the speculation that it represented the kenosis1 not of the divine nature1 but of the human understanding4 ,,ritschl ,,and ,,the ,,ritschlians ,if any man in the department of theology in the latter half of the nineteenth century attained a position such as to entitle him to be compared with ,schleiermacher1 it was ,ritschl4 ,he was long the most conspicuous figure in any chair of dogmatic theology in ,germany4 ,he established a school of theological thinkers in a sense in which ,schleiermacher never desired to gain a following4 ,he exerted ecclesiastical influence of a kind which ,schleiermacher never sought4 ,he was involved in controversy in a degree to which the life of ,schleiermacher presents no parallel4 ,he was not a preacher1 he was no philosopher4 ,he was not a man of ,schleiermacher's breadth of interest4 ,his intellectual history presents more than one breach within itself1 as that of ,schleiermacher presented none1 despite the wide arc which he traversed4 ,of ,ritschl1 as of ,schleiermacher1 it may be said that he exerted a great influence over many who have only in part agreed with him4 ,albrecht ,ritschl was born in #ahbb in ,berlin1 the son of a bishop in the ,lutheran ,church4 ,he was educated at ,bonn and at ,tbingen4 ,he established himself at ,bonn1 where1 in #ahec1 he became professor extraordinarius and in #ahfj ordinaries4 ,in #ahfd he was called to ,gttingen4 ,in #ahgd he became consistorialrath in the new ,prussian establishment for the ,hanoverian ,church4 ,he died in #ahhh4 ,these are the simple outward facts of a somewhat stormy professional career4 ,there was pietistic influence in ,ritschl's ancestry1 as also in ,schleiermacher's4 ,ritschl had1 however1 reacted violently against it4 ,his attitude was that of repudiation of everything mystical4 ,he had strong aversion to the type of piety which rested its assurance solely upon inward experience4 ,this aversion is one root of the historic positivism which makes him1 at the last1 assert the worthlessness of all supposed revelations outside of the ,bible and of all supposed ,christian experience apart from the influence of the historical ,christ4 ,he began his career under the influence of ,hegel4 ,he came to the position in which he felt that the sole hope for theology was in the elimination from it of all metaphysical elements4 ,he felt that none of his predecessors had carried out ,schleiermacher's dictum1 that religion is not thought1 but religious thought only one of the functions of religion4 ,yet1 of course1 he was not able to discuss fundamental theological questions without philosophical basis1 particularly an explicit theory of knowledge4 ,his theory of knowledge he had derived eclectically and somewhat eccentrically1 from ,lotze and ,kant4 ,to this day not all1 either of his friends or foes1 are quite certain what it was4 ,it is open to doubt whether ,ritschl really arrived at his theory of cognition and then made it one of the bases of his theology4 ,it is conceivable that he made his theology and then propounded his theory of cognition in its defence4 ,in a word1 the basis of distinction between religious and scientific knowledge is not to be sought in its object4 ,it is to be found in the sphere of the subject1 in the difference of attitude of the subject toward the object4 ,religion is concerned with what he calls ,werthurtheile1 judgments of value1 considerations of our relation to the world1 which are of moment solely in accordance with their value in awakening feelings of pleasure or of pain4 ,the thought of ,god1 for example1 must be treated solely as a judgment of value4 ,it is a conception which is of worth for the attainment of good1 for our spiritual peace and victory over the world4 ,what ,god is in himself we cannot know1 an existential ,judgment we cannot form without going over to the metaphysicians4 ,what ,god is to us we can know simply as religious men and solely upon the basis of religious experience4 ,god is holy love4 ,that is a religious value-judgment4 ,but what sort of a being ,god must be in order that we may assign to him these attributes1 we cannot say without leaving the basis of experience4 ,this is pragmatism indeed4 ,it opens up boundless possibilities of subjectivism in a man who was apparently only too matter-of-fact4 ,there was a time in his career when ,ritschl was popular with both conservatives and liberals4 ,there were long years in which he was bitterly denounced by both4 ,yet there was something in the man and in his teaching which went beyond all the antagonisms of the schools4 ,there can be no doubt that it was the intention of ,ritschl to build his theology solely upon the gospel of ,jesus ,christ4 ,the joy and confidence with which this theology could be preached1 ,ritschl awakened in his pupils in a degree which had not been equalled by any theologian since ,schleiermacher himself4 ,numbers who1 in the time of philosophical and scientific uncertainty1 had lost their courage1 regained it in contact with his confident and deeply religious spirit4 ,a wholesome nature1 eminently objective in temper1 concentrated with all his force upon his task1 of rare dialectical gifts1 he had a great sense of humour and occasionally also the faculty of bitterly sarcastic speech4 ,his very figure radiated the delight of conflict as he walked the ,gttingen wall4 ,a devoted pupil1 writing immediately after ,ritschl's death1 used concerning ,schleiermacher a phrase which we may transfer to ,ritschl himself4 ',one wonders whether such a theology ever existed as a connected whole1 except in the mind of its originator4 ,neither by those about him1 nor by those after him1 has it been reproduced in its entirety or free from glaring contradictions4' ,it was not free from contradictions in ,ritschl's own mind4 ,his pupils divided his inheritance among them4 ,each appropriated that which accorded with his own way of looking at things and viewed the remainder as something which might be left out of the account4 ,it is long since one could properly speak of a ,ritschlian school4 ,it will be long until we shall cease to reckon with a ,ritschlian influence4 ,he did yeoman service in breaking down the high ,lutheran confessionalism which had been the order of the day4 ,in his recognition of the excesses of the ,tbingen school all would now agree4 ,in his feeling against mere sentimentalities of piety many sympathise4 ,in his emphasis upon the ethical and practical1 in his urgency upon the actual problem of a man's vocation in the world1 he meets in striking manner the temper of our age4 ,in his emphasis upon the social factor in religion1 he represents a popular phase of thought4 ,with all of this1 it is strange to find a man of so much learning who had so little sympathy with the comparative study of religions1 who was such a dogmatist on behalf of his own inadequate notion of revelation1 the logical effect of whose teaching concerning the ,church would be the revival of an institutionalism and externalism such as ,protestantism has hardly known4 ,since ,schleiermacher the ,german theologians had made the problem of the person of ,christ the centre of discussion4 ,in the same period the problem of the person of ,christ had been the central point of debate in ,america4 ,here1 as there1 all the other points arranged themselves about this one4 ,the new movement which went out from ,ritschl took as its centre the work of ,christ in redemption4 ,this is obvious from the very title of ,ritschl's great book1 ,die ,christliche ,lehre von der ,rechtfertigung und ,vershnung4 ,of this work the first edition of the third and significant volume was published in #ahgd4 ,before that time the formal treatises on theology had followed a traditional order of topics4 ,it had been assumed as self-evident that one should speak of a person before one talked of his work4 ,it did not occur to the theologians that in the case of the divine person1 at all events1 we can securely say that we know something as to his work4 ,much concerning his person must remain a mystery to us1 exactly because he is divine4 ,our safest course1 therefore1 would be to infer the unknown qualities of his person from the known traits of his work4 ,certainly this would be true as to the work of ,god in nature4 ,this was not the way1 however1 in which the minds of theologians worked4 ,the habit of dealing with conceptions as if they were facts had too deep hold upon them4 ,so long as men believed in revelation as giving them1 not primarily ,god and the transcendental world itself1 but information about ,god and the transcendental1 they naturally held that they knew as much of the persons of ,god and ,christ as of their works4 ,schleiermacher had opened men's eyes to the fact that the great work of ,christ in redemption is an inward one1 an ethical and spiritual work1 the transformation of character4 ,he had said1 not merely that the transformation of man's character follows upon the work of redemption4 ,it is the work of redemption4 ,the primary witness to the work of ,christ is1 therefore1 in the facts of consciousness and history4 ,these are capable of empirical scrutiny4 ,they demand psychological investigation4 ,when thus investigated they yield our primary material for any assertion we may make concerning ,god4 ,above all1 it is the nature of ,jesus1 as learned on the evidence of his work in the hearts of men1 which is our great revelation and source of inference concerning the nature of ,god4 ,instead of saying in the famous phrase1 that the ,christians think of ,christ as ,god1 we say that we are able to think of ,god1 as a religious magnitude1 in no other terms than in those of his manifestation and redemptive activity in ,jesus4 ,none since ,kant1 except extreme confessionalists1 and those in diminishing degree1 have held that the great effect of the work of ,christ was upon the mind and attitude of ,god4 ,less and less have men thought of justification as forensic and judicial1 a declaring sinners righteous in the eye of the divine law1 the attribution of ,christ's righteousness to men1 so far at least as to relieve these last of penalty4 ,this was the ,anselmic scheme4 ,indeed1 it had been ,tertullian's4 ,less and less have men thought of reconciliation as that of an angry ,god to men1 more and more as of alienated men with ,god4 ,the phrases of the orthodoxy of the seventeenth century1 ,lutheran as well as ,calvinistic1 survive4 ,more and more new meaning1 not always consistent1 is injected into them4 ,no one would deny that the loftiest moral enthusiasm1 the noblest sense of duty1 animated the hearts of many who thought in the terms of ,calvinism4 ,the delineation of ,god as unreconciled1 of the work and sufferings of ,christ as a substitution1 of salvation as a conferment1 caused gratitude1 tender devotion1 heroic allegiance in some4 ,it worked revulsion in others4 ,it was protested against most radically by ,kant1 as indeed it had been condemned by many before him4 ,for ,kant the renovation of character was the essential salvation4 ,yet the development of his doctrine was deficient through the individualistic form which it took4 ,salvation was essentially a change in the individual mind1 brought about through the practical reason1 and having its ideal in ,jesus4 ,yet for ,kant our salvation had no closer relation to the historic revelation in ,jesus4 ,furthermore1 so much was this change an individual issue that we may say that the actualisation of redemption would be the same for a given man1 were he the only man in the universe4 ,to hold fast to the ethical idealism of ,kant1 and to overcome its subjectivity and individualism1 was the problem4 ,the reference to experience which underlies all that was said above was particularly congruous with the mood of an age grown weary of ,hegelianism and much impressed with the value of the empirical method in all the sciences4 ,another great contention of our age is for the recognition of the value of what is social4 ,its emphasis is upon that which binds men together4 ,salvation is not normally achieved except in the life of a man among and for his fellows4 ,it is by doing one's duty that one becomes good4 ,one is saved1 not in order to become a citizen of heaven by and by1 but in order to be an active citizen of a kingdom of real human goodness here and now4 ,in reality no man is being saved1 except as he does actively and devotedly belong to that kingdom4 ,the individual would hardly be in ,god's eyes worth the saving1 except in order that he might be the instrumentality of the realisation of the kingdom4 ,those are ideas which it is possible to exaggerate in statement or1 at least1 to set forth in all the isolation of their quality as half-truths4 ,but it is hardly possible to exaggerate their significance as a reversal of the immemorial one-sidedness1 inadequacy1 and artificiality both of the official statement and of the popular apprehension of ,christianity4 ,these ideas appeal to men in our time4 ,they are popular because men think them already4 ,men are pleased1 even when somewhat incredulous1 to learn that ,christianity will bear this social interpretation4 ,most ,christians are in our time overwhelmingly convinced that in this direction lies the interpretation which ,christianity must bear1 if it is to do the work and meet the needs of the age4 ,its consonance with some of the truths underlying socialism may account1 in a measure1 for the influence which the ,ritschlian theology has had4 ,as was indicated1 ,ritschl's epoch-making book bears the title1 ,the ,christian ,doctrine of ,justification and ,reconciliation4 ,the book might be described in the language of the schools as a monograph upon one great dogma of the ,christian faith1 around which1 as the author treats it1 all the other doctrines are arranged4 ,the familiar topic of justification1 of which ,luther made so much1 was thus given again the central place4 ,what the book really offered was something quite different from this4 ,it was a complete system of theology1 but it differed from the traditional systems of theology4 ,these had followed helplessly a logical scheme which begins with ,god as he is in himself and apart from any knowledge which we have of him4 ,they then slowly proceeded to man and sin and redemption1 one empirical object and two concrete experiences which we may know something about4 ,ritschl reversed the process4 ,he aimed to begin with certain facts of life4 ,such facts are sin and the consciousness of forgiveness1 awareness of restoration to the will and power of goodness1 the gift of love and of a spirit which can feel itself victorious even in the midst of ills in life1 confidence that this life is not all4 ,these phrases1 taken together1 would describe the consciousness of salvation4 ,this consciousness of sin and salvation is a fact in individual men4 ,it has evidently been a fact in the life of masses of men for many generations4 ,the facts have thus a psychology and a history from which reflection on the phenomenon of faith must take its departure4 ,there is no reason why1 upon this basis1 and until it departs from the scientific methods which are given with the nature of its object1 theology should not be as truly a science as is any other known among men4 ,this science starts with man1 who in the object of many other sciences4 ,it confines itself to man in this one aspect of his relation to moral life and to the transcendent meaning of the universe4 ,it notes the fact that men1 when awakened1 usually have the sense of not being in harmony with the life of the universe or on the way to realisation of its meaning4 ,it notes the fact that many men have had the consciousness of progressive restoration to that harmony4 ,it inquires as to the process of that restoration4 ,it asks as to the power of it4 ,it discovers that that power is a personal one4 ,men have believed that this power has been exerted over them1 either in personal contact1 or across the ages and through generations of believers1 by one ,jesus1 whom they call ,saviour4 ,they have believed that it was ,god who through ,jesus saved them4 ,jesus' consciousness thus became to them a revelation of ,god4 ,the thought leads on to the consideration of that which a saved man does1 or ought to do1 in the life of the world and among his fellows1 of the institution in which this attitude of mind is cherished and of the sum total of human institutions and relations of which the saved life should be the inward force4 ,there is room even for a clause in which to compress the little that we know of anything beyond this life4 ,we have written in unconventional words4 ,there is no one place1 either in ,ritschl's work or elsewhere1 where this grand and simple scheme stands together in one context4 ,this is unfortunate4 ,were this the case1 even wayfaring men might have understood somewhat better than they have what ,ritschl was aiming at4 ,it is a still greater pity that the execution of the scheme should have left so much to be desired4 ,that this execution would prove difficult needs hardly to be said4 ,that it could never be the work of one man is certainly true4 ,to have had so great an insight is title enough to fame4 ,ritschl falls off from his endeavour as often as did ,schleiermacher--more often and with less excuse4 ,the might of the past is great4 ,the lumber which he meekly carries along with him is surprising1 as one feels his lack of meekness in the handling of the lumber which he recognised as such4 ,the putting of new wine into old bottles is so often reprobated by ,ritschl that the reader is justly surprised when he nevertheless recognises the bottles4 ,the system is not 'all of one piece'--distinctly not4 ,there are places where the rent is certainly made worse by the old cloth on the new garment4 ,the work taken as a whole is so bewildering that one finds himself asking1 ',what is ,ritschl's method8' ,if what is meant is not a question of detail1 but of the total apprehension of the problem to be solved1 the apprehension which we strove to outline above1 then ,ritschl's courageous and complete inversion of the ancient method1 his demand that we proceed from the known to the unknown1 is a contribution so great that all shortcomings in the execution of it are insignificant4 ,his first volume deals with the history of the doctrine of justification1 beginning with ,anselm and ,abelard4 ,in it ,ritschl's eminent qualities as historian come out4 ,in it also his prejudices have their play4 ,the second volume deals with the ,biblical foundations for the doctrine4 ,ritschl was bred in the ,tbingen school4 ,yet here is much forced exegesis4 ,ritschl's positivistic view of the ,scripture and of the whole question of revelation1 was not congruous with his well-learned biblical criticism4 ,the third volume is the constructive one4 ,it is of immeasurably greater value than the other two4 ,it is this third volume which has frequently been translated4 ,in respect of his contention against metaphysics it is hardly necessary that we should go into detail4 ,with his empirical and psychological point of departure1 given above1 most men will find themselves in entire sympathy4 ,the confusion of religion1 which is an experience1 with dogma which is reasoning about it1 and the acceptance of statements in ,scripture which are metaphysical in nature1 as if they were religious truths--these two things have1 in time past1 prevented many earnest thinkers from following the true road4 ,when it comes to the constructive portion of his work1 it is1 of course1 impossible for ,ritschl to build without the theoretical supports which philosophy gives1 or to follow up certain of the characteristic magnitudes of religion without following them into the realm of metaphysics1 to which1 quite as truly as to that of religion1 they belong4 ,it would be unjust to ,ritschl to suppose that these facts were hidden from him4 ,as to his attitude toward mysticism1 there is a word to say4 ,in the long history of religious thought those who have revolted against metaphysical interpretation1 orthodox or unorthodox1 have usually taken refuge in mysticism4 ,hither the prophet ,augustine takes refuge when he would flee the ecclesiastic ,augustine1 himself4 ,the ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit1 ,tauler1 ,kempis1 ,suso1 the author of the ,theologia ,germanica1 ,molinos1 ,madame ,gayon1 illustrate the thing we mean4 ,ritschl had seen much of mysticism in pietist circles4 ,he knew the history of the movement well4 ,what impressed his sane mind was the fact that unhealthy minds have often claimed1 as their revelation from ,god1 an experience which might1 with more truth1 be assigned to almost any other source4 ,he desired to cut off the possibility of what seemed to him often a tragic delusion4 ,the margin of any mystical movement stretches out toward monstrosities and absurdities4 ,for that matter1 what prevents a ,buddhist from declaring his thoughts and feelings to be ,christianity8 ,indeed1 ,ritschl asks1 why is not ,buddhism as good as such ,christianity8 ,he is1 therefore1 suspicious of revelations which have nothing by which they can be measured and checked4 ,the claim of mystics that they came1 in communion with ,god1 to the point where they have no need of ,christ1 seemed to him impious4 ,there is no way of knowing that we are in fellowship with ,god1 except by comparing what we feel that this fellowship has given us1 with that which we historically learn that the fellowship with ,god gave to ,christ4 ,this is the sense and this the connexion in which ,ritschl says that we cannot come to ,god save in and through the historic ,christ as he is given us in the ,gospels4 ,the inner life1 at least1 which is there depicted for us is1 in this outward and authoritative sense1 our norm and guide4 ,large difficulties loom upon the horizon of this positivistic insistence upon history4 ,can we know the inner life of ,christ well enough to use it thus as test in every1 or even in any case8 ,does not the use of such a test1 or of any test in this external way1 take us out of the realm of the religion of the spirit8 ,men once said that the ,church was their guide4 ,others said the ,scripture was their guide4 ,now1 in the sense of the outwardness of its authority1 we repudiate even this4 ,it rings devoutly if we say ,christ is our guide4 ,yet1 as ,ritschl describes this guidance1 in the exigency of his contention against mysticism1 have we anything different8 ,what becomes of ,confucianists and ,shintoists1 who have never heard of the historic ,christ8 ,and all the while we have the sense of a query in our minds4 ,is it open to any man to repudiate mysticism absolutely and with contumely1 and then leave us to discover that he does not mean mysticism as historians of every faith have understood it1 but only the margin of evil which is apparently inseparable from it8 ,that margin of evil others see and deplore4 ,against it other remedies have been suggested1 as1 for example1 intelligence4 ,some would feel that in ,ritschl's remedy the loss is greater than the gain4 ,this historical character of revelation is so truly one of the fountain heads of the theology which takes its rise in ,ritschl1 that it deserves to be considered somewhat more at length4 ,the ,ritschlian movement has engaged a generation of more or less notable thinkers in the period since ,ritschl's death4 ,these have dissented at many points from ,ritschl's views1 diverged from his path and marked out courses of their own4 ,we shall do well in the remainder of this chapter to attempt the delineation in terms1 not exclusively of ,ritschl1 but of that which may with some laxity be styled ,ritschlianism4 ,the value judgments of religion indicate only the subjective form of religious knowledge1 as the ,ritschlians understand it4 ,faith1 however1 does not invent its own contents4 ,historical facts1 composing the revelation1 actually exist1 quite independent of the use which the believer makes of them4 ,no group of thinkers have more truly sought to draw near to the person of the historic ,jesus4 ,the historical person1 ,jesus of ,nazareth1 is the divine revelation4 ,that sums up this aspect of the ,ritschlian position4 ,some negative consequences of this position we have already noted4 ,let us turn to its positive significance4 ,herrmann is the one of the ,ritschlians who has dealt with this matter not only with great clearness1 but also with deep ,christian feeling in his ,verkehr des ,christen mit ,gott1 #ahhf1 and notably in his address1 ,der ,begriff der ,offenbarung1 #ahhg4 ,if the motive of religion were an intellectual curiosity1 a verbal communication would suffice4 ,as it is a practical necessity1 this must be met by actual impulse in life4 ,that passing out of the unhappiness of sin1 into the peace and larger life which is salvation1 does indeed imply the movement of ,god's spirit on our hearts1 in conversion and thereafter4 ,this is essentially mediated to us through the ,scriptures1 especially through those of the ,new ,testament1 because the ,new ,testament contains the record of the personality of ,jesus4 ,in that our personality is filled with the spirit which breathes in him1 our salvation is achieved4 ,the image of ,jesus which we receive acts upon us as something indubitably real4 ,it vindicates itself as real1 in that it takes hold upon our manhood4 ,of course1 this assumes that the ,church has been right in accepting the ,gospels as historical4 ,herrmann candidly faces this question4 ,not every word or deed1 he says1 which is recorded concerning ,jesus1 belongs to this central and dynamic revelation of which we speak4 ,we do not help men to see ,jesus in a saving way if1 on the strength of accounts in the ,new ,testament1 we insist concerning ,jesus that he was born of a virgin1 that he raised the dead1 that he himself rose from the dead4 ,we should not put these things before men with the declaration that they must assent to them4 ,we must not try to persuade ourselves that that which acted upon the disciples as indubitably real must of necessity act similarly upon us4 ,we are to allow ourselves to be seized and uplifted by that which1 in our position1 touches us as indubitably real4 ,this is1 in the first place1 the moral character of ,jesus4 ,it is his inner life which1 on the testimony of the disciples1 meets us as something real and active in the world1 as truly now as then4 ,what are some facts of this inner life8 ,the ,jesus of the ,new ,testament shows a firmness of religious conviction1 a clearness of moral judgment1 a purity and force of will1 such as are not found united in any other figure in history4 ,we have the image of a man who is conscious that he does not fall short of the ideal for which he offers himself4 ,it is this consciousness which is yet united in him with the most perfect humility4 ,he lives out his life and faces death in a confidence and independence which have never been approached4 ,he has confidence that he can lift men to such a height that they also will partake with him in the highest good1 through their full surrender to ,god and their life of love for their fellows4 ,it is clear that ,herrmann aims to bring to the front only those elements in the life of ,jesus which are likely to prove most effectual in meeting the need and winning the faith of the men of our age4 ,he would cast into the background those elements which are likely to awaken doubt and to hinder the approach of men's souls to ,god4 ,for ,herrmann himself the virgin birth has the significance that the spiritual life of ,jesus did not proceed from the sinful race4 ,but ,herrmann admits that a man could hold even that without needing to allege that the physical life of ,jesus did not come into being in the ordinary way4 ,the distinction between the inner and outward life of ,jesus1 and the declaration that belief in the former alone is necessary1 has the result of thus ridding us of questions which can scarcely fail to be present to the mind of every modern man4 ,yet it would be unjust to imply that this is the purpose4 ,quite the contrary1 the distinction is logical for this theology4 ,redemption is an affair of the inner life of a man4 ,it is the force of the inner life of the ,redeemer which avails for it4 ,it is from the belief that such an inner and spiritual life was once realised here on earth1 that our own faith gathers strength1 and gets guidance in the conflict for the salvation of our souls4 ,the belief in the historicity of such an inner life is necessary4 ,so ,harnack also declares in his ,wesen des ,christenthums1 #aijj4 ,it is noteworthy that in this connexion neither of these writers advances to a form of speculation concerning the exalted ,christ1 which in recent years has had some currency4 ,according to this doctrine1 there is ascribed to the risen and ascended ,jesus an existence with ,god which is thought of in terms different from those which we associate with the idea of immortality4 ,in other words1 this continued existence of ,christ as ,god is a counterpart of that existence before the incarnation1 which the doctrine of the pre-existence alleged4 ,but surely this speculation can have no better standing than that of the pre-existence4 ,sin in the language of religion is defection from the law of ,god4 ,it is the transgression of the divine command4 ,in what measure1 therefore1 the life of man can be thought of as sinful1 depends upon his knowledge of the will of ,god4 ,in ,scripture1 as in the legends of the early history of the race1 this knowledge stands in intimate connexion with the witness to a primitive revelation4 ,this thought has had a curious history4 ,the ideas of mankind concerning ,god and his will have grown and changed as much as have any other ideas4 ,the rudimentary idea of the good is probably of social origin4 ,it first emerges in the conflict of men one with another4 ,as the personalised ideal of conduct1 the god then reacts upon conduct1 as the conduct reacts upon the notion of the god4 ,only slowly has the ideal of the good been clarified4 ,only slowly have the gods been ethicised4 ',an honest ,god is the noblest work of man4' ,the moralising and spiritualising of the idea of ,jahve lies right upon the face of the ,old ,testament4 ,the ascent of man on his ethical and spiritual side is as certain as is that on his physical side4 ,long struggle upward through ignorance1 weakness1 sin1 gradual elevating of the standard of what ought to he1 growingly successful effort to conform to that standard--this is what the history of the race has seen4 ,athwart this lies the traditional dogma4 ,the dogma took up into itself a legend of the childhood of the world4 ,it elaborated that which in ,genesis is vague and poetic into a vast scheme which has passed as a sacred philosophy of history4 ,it postulated an original revelation4 ,it affirmed the created state of man as one of holiness before a fall4 ,to the framers of the dogma1 if sin is the transgression of ,god's will1 then it must be in light of a revelation of that will4 ,in the ,scriptures we have vague intimations concerning ,god's will1 growingly clearer knowledge of that will1 evolving through history to ,jesus4 ,in the dogma we have this grand assumption of a paradisaic state of perfectness in which the will of ,god was from the beginning perfectly known4 ,in the ,platonic1 as in the rabbinic1 speculation the idea must precede the fact4 ,every step of progress is a defection from that idea4 ,the dogma suffers from an insoluble contradiction within itself4 ,it aims to give us the point of departure by which we are to recognise the nature of sin4 ,at the same moment it would describe the perfection of man at which ,god has willed that by age-long struggle he should arrive4 ,now1 if we place this perfection at the beginning of human history1 before all human self-determination1 we divest it of ethical quality4 ,whatever else it may be1 it is not character4 ,on the other hand1 if we would make this perfection really that of moral character1 then we cannot place it at the beginning of human history1 but far down the course of the evolution of the higher human traits1 of the consciousness of sin and of the struggle for redemption4 ,it is not revelation from ,god1 but nave imagination1 later giving place to adventurous speculation concerning the origin of the universe1 which we have in the doctrine of the primeval perfection of man4 ,we do not really make earnest with our ,christian claim that in ,jesus we have our paramount revelation1 until we admit this4 ,it is through ,jesus1 and not from ,adam that we know sin4 ,so we might go on to say that the dogma of inherited guilt is a contradiction in terms4 ,disadvantage may be inherited1 weakness1 proclivity to sin1 but not guilt1 not sin in the sense of that which entails guilt4 ,what entails guilt is action counter to the will of ,god which we know4 ,that is always the act of the individual man myself4 ,it cannot by any possibility be the act of another4 ,it may be the consequence of the sins of my ancestors that ,i do moral evil without knowing it to be such4 ,even my fellows view this as a mitigation1 if not as an exculpation4 ,the very same act1 however1 which up to this point has been only an occasion for pity1 becomes sin and entails guilt1 when it passes through my own mind and will as a defection from a will of ,god in which ,i believe1 and as a righteousness which ,i refuse4 ,the confusion of guilt and sin in order to the inclusion of all under the need of salvation1 as in the ,augustinian scheme1 ended in bewilderment and stultification of the moral sense4 ,it caused men to despair of themselves and gravely to misrepresent ,god4 ,it is no wonder if in the age of rationalism this dogma was largely done away with4 ,the religious sense of sin was declared to be an hallucination4 ,nothing is more evident in the rationalist theology than its lack of the sense of sin4 ,this alone is sufficient explanation of the impotency and inadequacy of that theology4 ,kant's doctrine of radical evil testifies to his deep sense that the rationalists were wrong4 ,he could see also the impossibility of the ancient view4 ,but he had no substitute4 ,hegel1 much as he prided himself upon the restoration of dogma1 viewed evil as only relative1 good in the making4 ,schleiermacher made a beginning of construing the thought of sin from the point of view of the ,christian consciousness4 ,ritschl was the first consistently to carry out ,schleiermacher's idea1 placing the ,christian consciousness in the centre and claiming that the revelation of the righteousness of ,god and of the perfection of man is in ,jesus4 ,all men being sinners1 there is a vast solidarity1 which he describes as the ,kingdom of ,evil and sets over against the ,kingdom of ,god1 yet not so that the freedom or responsibility of man is impaired4 ,god forgives all sin save that of wilful resistance to the spirit of the good4 ,that is1 ,ritschl regards all sin1 short of this last1 as mainly ignorance and weakness4 ,it is from ,ritschl1 and more particularly from ,kaftan1 that the phrases have been mainly taken which served as introduction to this paragraph4 ,for the work of ,god through ,christ1 in the salvation of men from the guilt and power of sin1 various terms have been used4 ,different aspects of the work have been described by different names4 ,redemption1 regeneration1 justification1 reconciliation and election or predestination--these are the familiar words4 ,this is the order in which the conceptions stand1 if we take them as they occur in consciousness4 ,election then means nothing more than the ultimate reference to ,god of the mystery of an experience in which the believer already rejoices4 ,on the other hand1 in the dogma the order is reversed4 ,election must come first1 since it is the decree of ,god upon which all depends4 ,redemption and reconciliation have1 in ,christian doctrine1 been traditionally regarded as completed transactions1 waiting indeed to be applied to the individual or appropriated by him through faith1 but of themselves without relation to faith4 ,reconciliation was long thought of as that of an angry ,god to man4 ,especially was this last the characteristic view of the ,west1 where juristic notions prevailed4 ,origen talked of a right of the devil over the soul of man until bought off by the sacrifice of ,christ4 ,this is pure paganism1 of course4 ,the doctrine of ,anselm marks a great advance4 ,it runs somewhat thus3 ,the divine honour is offended in the sin of man4 ,satisfaction corresponding to the greatness of the guilt must be rendered4 ,man is under obligation to render this satisfaction2 yet he is unable so to do4 ,a sin against ,god is an infinite offence4 ,it demands an infinite satisfaction4 ,man can render no satisfaction which is not finite4 ,the way out of this dilemma is the incarnation of the divine ,logos4 ,for the god-man1 as man1 is entitled to bring this satisfaction for men4 ,on the other hand1 as ,god he is able so to do4 ,in his death this satisfaction is embodied4 ,he gave his life freely4 ,god having received satisfaction through him demands nothing more from us4 ,abelard had1 almost at the same time with ,anselm1 interpreted the death of ,christ in far different fashion4 ,it was a revelation of the love of ,god which wins men to love in turn4 ,this notion of ,abelard was far too subtle4 ,the crass objective dogma of ,anselm prevailed4 ,the death of ,christ was a sacrifice4 ,the purpose was the propitiation of an angry ,god4 ,the effect was that1 on the side of ,god1 a hindrance to man's salvation was removed4 ,the doctrine accurately reflects the feudal ideas of the time which produced it4 ,in ,grotius was done away the notion of private right1 which lies at the basis of the theory of ,anselm4 ,that of public duty took its place4 ,a sovereign need not stand upon his offended honour1 as in ,anselm's thought4 ,still1 he cannot1 like a private citizen1 freely forgive4 ,he must maintain the dignity of his office1 in order not to demoralise the world4 ,the sufferings of ,christ did not effect a necessary private satisfaction4 ,they were an example which satisfied the moral order of the world4 ,apart from this change1 the conception remains the same4 ,as ,kaftan argues1 we can escape the dreadful externality and artificiality of this scheme1 only as redemption and regeneration are brought back to their primary place in consciousness4 ,these are the initial experiences in which we become aware of ,god's work through ,christ in us and for us4 ,the reconciliation is of us4 ,the redemption is from our sins4 ,the regeneration is to a new moral life4 ,through the influence of ,jesus1 reconciled on our part to ,god and believing in ,his unchanging love to us1 we are translated into ,god's kingdom and live for the eternal in our present existence4 ,redemption is indeed the work of ,god through ,christ1 but it has intelligible parallel in the awakening of the life of the mind1 or again of the spirit of self-sacrifice1 through the personal influence of the wise and good4 ,salvation begins in such an awakening through the personal influence of the wisest and best4 ,it is transformation of our personality through the personality of ,jesus1 by the personal ,god of truth1 of goodness and of love4 ,all that which ,god through ,jesus has done for us is futile1 save as we make the actualisation of our deliverance from sin our continuous and unceasing task4 ,when this connexion of thought is broken through1 we transfer the whole matter of salvation from the inner to the outer world and make of it a transaction independent of the moral life of man4 ,justification and reconciliation also are primarily acts and gifts of ,god4 ,justification is a forensic act4 ,the sense is not that in justification we are made just4 ,we are1 so to say1 temporarily thus regarded1 not that leniency may become the occasion of a new offence1 but that in grateful love we may make it the starting point of a new life4 ,we must justify our justification4 ,it is easy to see the objections to such a course on the part of a civil judge4 ,he must consider the rights of others4 ,it was this which brought ,grotius and the rest1 with the ,new ,england theologians down to ,park1 to feel that forgiveness could not be quite free4 ,if we acknowledge that this symbolism of ,god as judge or sovereign is all symbolism1 mere figure of speech1 not fact at all1 then that objection--and much else--falls away4 ,if we assert that another figure of speech1 that of ,god as ,father1 more perfectly suggests the relation of ,god and man1 then forgiveness may be free4 ,then justification and forgiveness are only two words for one and the same idea4 ,then the nightmare of a ,god who would forgive and cannot1 of a ,god who will forgive but may not justify until something further happens1 is all done away4 ,then the relation of the death of ,jesus to the forgiveness of our sins cannot be other than the relation of his life to that forgiveness4 ,both the one and the other are a revelation of the forgiving love of ,god4 ,we may say that in his death the whole meaning of his life was gathered4 ,we may say that his death was the consummation of his life1 that without it his life would not have been what it is4 ,this is1 however1 very far from being the ordinary statement of the relation of ,jesus' death1 either to his own life or to the forgiveness of our sins4 ,the doctrinal tradition made much also of the deliverance from punishment which follows after the forgiveness of sin4 ,in fact1 in many forms of the dogma1 it has been the escape from punishment which was chiefly had in mind4 ,along with the forensic notion of salvation we largely or wholly discard the notion of punishment4 ,we retain only the sense that the consequence of continuing in sin is to become more sinful4 ,god himself is powerless to prevent that4 ,punishment is immanent1 vital1 necessary4 ,the penalty is gradually taken away if the sin itself is taken away--not otherwise4 ,it returns with the sin1 it continues in the sin1 it is inseparable from the sin4 ,punishment is no longer the right word4 ,reward is not the true description of that growing better which is the consequence of being good4 ,reward or punishment as quid pro quo1 as arbitrary assignments1 as external equivalents1 do not so much as belong to the world of ideas in which we move4 ,for this view the idea that ,god laid upon ,jesus penalties due to us1 fades into thin air4 ,jesus could by no possibility have met the punishment of sin1 except he himself had been a sinner4 ,then he must have met the punishment of his own sin and not that of others4 ,that portion which one may gladly bear of the consequences of another's sin may rightfully be called by almost any other name4 ,it cannot be called punishment since punishment is immanent4 ,even eternal death is not a judicial assignment for our obstinate sinfulness4 ,eternal death is the obstinate sinfulness1 and the sinfulness the death4 ,it must be evident that reconciliation can have1 in this scheme1 no meaning save that man's being reconciled to ,god4 ,jesus reveals a ,god who has no need to be reconciled to us4 ,the alienation is not on the side of ,god4 ,that1 being alienated from ,god1 man may imagine that ,god is hostile to him1 is only the working of a familiar law of the human mind4 ,the fiction of an angry ,god is the most awful survival among us of primitive paganism4 ,that which ,jesus by his revelation of ,god brought to pass was a true 'at-one-ment1' a causing of ,god and man to be at one again4 ,to the word atonement1 as currently pronounced1 and as1 until a half century ago1 almost universally apprehended1 the notion of that which is sacrificial attached4 ,to the life and death of ,jesus1 as revelation of ,god and ,saviour of men1 we can no longer attach any sacrificial meaning whatsoever4 ,there is indeed the perfectly general sense in which so beautiful a life and so heroic a death were1 of course1 a grand exemplification of self-sacrifice4 ,yet this is a sense so different from the other and in itself so obvious1 that one hesitates to use the same word in the immediate context with that other1 lest it should appear that the intention was to obscure rather than to make clear the meaning4 ,for atonement in a sense different from that of reconciliation1 we have no significance whatever4 ,reconciliation and atonement describe one and the same fact4 ,in the dogma the words were as far as possible from being synonyms4 ,they referred to two facts1 the one of which was the means and essential prerequisite of the other4 ,the vicarious sacrifice was the antecedent condition of the reconciling of ,god4 ,in our thought it is not a reconciliation of ,god which is aimed at4 ,no sacrifice is necessary4 ,no sacrifice such as that postulated is possible4 ,of the reconciliation of man to ,god the only condition is the revelation of the love of ,god in the life and death of ,jesus and the obedient acceptance of that revelation on the part of men4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,the ,,critical ,,and ,,historical ,,movement ,it has been said that in ,christian times the relation of philosophy and religion may be determined by the attitude of reason toward a single matter1 namely1 the churchly doctrine of revelation4#d ,there are three possible relations of reason to this doctrine4 ,first1 it may be affirmed that the content of religion and theology is matter communicated to man in extraordinary fashion1 truth otherwise unattainable1 on which it is beyond the competence of reason to sit in judgment4 ,we have then the two spheres arbitrarily separated4 ,as regards their relation1 theology is at first supreme4 ,reason is the handmaiden of faith4 ,it is occupied in applying the principles which it receives at the hands of theology4 ,these are the so-called ,ages of ,faith4 ,notably was this the attitude of the ,middle ,age4 ,but in the long run either authoritative revelation1 thus conceived1 must extinguish reason altogether1 or else reason must claim the whole man4 ,after all1 it is in virtue of his having some reason that man is the subject of revelation4 ,he is continually asked to exercise his reason upon certain parts of the revelation1 even by those who maintain that he must do so only within limits4 ,it is only because there in a certain reasonableness in the conceptions of revealed religion that man has ever been able to make them his own or to find in them meaning and edification4 ,this external relation of reason to revelation cannot continue4 ,nor can the encroachments of reason be met by temporary distinctions such as that between the natural and the supernatural4 ,the antithesis to the natural is not the supernatural1 but the unnatural4 ,the antithesis to reason is not faith1 but irrationality4 ,the antithesis to human truth is not the divine truth4 ,it is falsehood4 ,footnote #d3 ,seth ,pringle-,pattison1 ,the ,philosophical ,radicals1 p4 #baf4 ,when men have made this discovery1 a revulsion carries their minds to the second position of which we spoke4 ,this is1 namely1 the position of extreme denial4 ,it is an attitude of negation toward revelation1 such as prevailed in the barren and trivial rationalism of the end of the eighteenth century4 ,the reason having been long repressed revenges itself1 usurping everything4 ,the explanation of the rise of positive religion and of the claim of revelation is sought in the hypothesis of deceit1 of ambitious priestcraft and incurable credulity4 ,the religion of those who thus argue1 in so far as they claim any religion1 is merely the current morality4 ,their explanation of the religion of others is that it is merely the current morality plus certain unprovable assumptions4 ,indeed1 they may think it to be but the obstinate adherence to these assumptions minus the current morality4 ,it is impossible that this shallow view should prevail4 ,to overcome it1 however1 there is need of a philosophy which shall give not less1 but greater scope to reason and at the same time an inward meaning to revelation4 ,this brings us to the third possible position1 to which the best thinkers of the nineteenth century have advanced4 ,so long as deistic views of the relation of ,god to man and the world held the field1 revelation meant something interjected ab extra into the established order of things4 ,the popular theology which so abhorred deism was yet essentially deistic in its notion of ,god and of his separation from the world4 ,men did not perceive that by thus separating ,god from the world they set up alongside of him a sphere and an activity to which his relations were transient and accidental4 ,no wonder that other men1 finding their satisfying activity within the sphere which was thus separated from ,god1 came to think of this absentee ,god as an appendage to the scheme of things4 ,but if man himself be inexplicable1 save as sharing in the wider life of universal reason1 if the process of history be realised as but the working out of an inherent divine purpose1 the manifestation of an indwelling divine force1 then revelation denotes no longer an interference with that evolution4 ,it is a factor in that evolution4 ,it is but the normal relation of the immanent spirit of ,god to the children of men at the crises of their fate4 ,then revelation is an experience of men precisely in the line and according to the method of all their nobler experiences4 ,it is itself reasonable and moral4 ,inspiration is the normal and continuous effect of the contact of the ,god who is spirit with man who is spirit too4 ,the relation is never broken4 ,but there are times in which it has been more particularly felt4 ,there have been personalities to whom in eminent degree this depth of communion with ,god has been vouchsafed4 ,to such persons and eras the religious sense of mankind1 by a true instinct1 has tended to restrict the words 'revelation' and 'inspiration4' ,this restriction1 however1 signifies the separation of the grand experience from the ordinary1 only in degree and not in kind4 ,such an experience was that of prophets and law-givers under the ancient covenant4 ,such an experience1 in immeasurably greater degree1 was that of ,jesus himself4 ,such a turning-point in the life of the race was the advent of ,christianity4 ,the world has not been wrong in calling the documents of these revelations sacred books and in attributing to them divine authority4 ,it has been largely wrong in the manner in which it construed their authority4 ,it has been wholly wrong in imagining that the documents themselves were the revelation4 ,they are merely the record of a personal communion with the transcendent4 ,it was ,lessing who first cast these fertile ideas into the soil of modern thought4 ,they were never heartily taken up by ,kant4 ,one can think1 however1 with what enthusiasm men recurred to them after their postulates had been verified and the idea of ,god1 of man and of the world which they implied1 had been confirmed by ,fichte and ,schelling4 ,in the philosophical movement1 the outline of which we have suggested1 what one may call the nidus of a new faith in ,scripture had been prepared4 ,the quality had been forecast which the ,scripture must be found to possess1 if it were to retain its character as document of revelation4 ,in those very same years the great movement of biblical criticism was gathering force which1 in the course of the nineteenth century1 was to prove by stringent literary and historical methods1 what qualities the documents which we know as ,scripture do possess4 ,it was to prove in the most objective fashion that the ,scripture does not possess those qualities which men had long assigned to it4 ,it was to prove that1 as a matter of fact1 the literature does possess the qualities which the philosophic forecast1 above hinted1 required4 ,it was thus actually to restore the ,bible to an age in which many reasonable men had lost their faith in it4 ,it was to give a genetic reconstruction of the literature and show the progress of the history which the ,scripture enshrines4 ,after a contest in which the very foundations of faith seemed to be removed1 it was to afford a basis for a belief in ,scripture and revelation as positive and secure as any which men ever enjoyed1 with the advantage that it is a foundation upon which the modern man can and does securely build4 ,the synchronism of the two endeavours is remarkable4 ,the convergence upon one point1 of studies starting1 so to say1 from opposite poles and having no apparent interest in common1 is instructive4 ,it is an illustration of that which ,comte said1 that all the great intellectual movements of a given time are but the manifestation of a common impulse1 which pervades and possesses the minds of the men of that time4 ,the attempt to rationalise the narrative of ,scripture was no new one4 ,it grew in intensity in the early years of the nineteenth century4 ,the conflict which was presently precipitated concerned primarily the ,gospels4 ,it was natural that it should do so4 ,these contain the most important ,scripture narrative1 that of the life of ,jesus4 ,strauss had in good faith turned his attention to the ,gospels1 precisely because he felt their central importance4 ,his generation was to learn that they presented also the greatest difficulties4 ,the old rationalistic interpretation had started from the assumption that what we have in the gospel narrative is fact4 ,yet1 of course1 for the rationalists1 the facts must be natural4 ,they had the appearance of being supernatural only through the erroneous judgment of the narrators4 ,it was for the interpreter to reduce everything which is related to its simple1 natural cause4 ,the water at ,cana was certainly not turned into wine4 ,it must have been brought by ,jesus as a present and opened thus in jest4 ,jesus was1 of course1 begotten in the natural manner4 ,a simple maiden must have been deceived4 ,the execution of this task of the rationalising of the narratives by one ,dr4 ,paulus1 was the reductio ad absurdum of the claim4 ,the most spiritual of the narratives1 the finest flower of religious poetry1 was thus turned into the meanest and most trivial incident without any religious significance whatsoever4 ,the obtuseness of the procedure was exceeded only by its vulgarity4 ,,strauss ,on the other hand1 as ,pfleiderer has said1 we must remember the difficulty which beset the men of that age4 ,their general culture made it difficult for them to accept the miraculous element in the gospel narrative as it stood4 ,yet their theory of ,scripture gave them no notion as to any other way in which the narratives might be understood4 ,the men had never asked themselves how the narratives arose4 ,in the preface to his ,leben ,jesu1 ,strauss said3 ',orthodox and rationalists alike proceed from the false assumption that we have always in the ,gospels testimony1 sometimes even that of eye-witnesses1 to fact4 ,they are1 therefore1 reduced to asking themselves what can have been the real and natural fact which is here witnessed to in such extraordinary way4 ,we have to realise1' ,strauss proceeds1 'that the narrators testify sometimes1 not to outward facts1 but to ideas1 often most poetical and beautiful ideas1 constructions which even eye-witnesses had unconsciously put upon facts1 imagination concerning them1 reflexions upon them1 reflexions and imaginings such as were natural to the time and at the author's level of culture4 ,what we have here is not falsehood1 not misrepresentation of the truth4 ,it is a plastic1 nave1 and1 at the same time1 often most profound apprehension of truth1 within the area of religious feeling and poetic insight4 ,it results in narrative1 legendary1 mythical in nature1 illustrative often of spiritual truth in a manner more perfect than any hard1 prosaic statement could achieve4' ,before ,strauss men had appreciated that particular episodes1 like the virgin birth and the bodily resurrection1 might have some such explanation as this4 ,no one had ever undertaken to apply this method consistently1 from one end to the other of the gospel narrative4 ,what was of more significance1 no one had clearly defined the conception of legend4 ,strauss was sure that in the application of this notion to certain portions of the ,scripture no irreverence was shown4 ,no moral taint was involved4 ,nothing which could detract from the reverence in which we hold the ,scripture was implied4 ,rather1 in his view1 the history of ,jesus is more wonderful than ever1 when some1 at least1 of its elements are viewed in this way1 when they are seen as the product of the poetic spirit1 working all unconsciously at a certain level of culture and under the impulse of a great enthusiasm4 ,there is no doubt that ,strauss1 who was at that time an earnest ,christian1 felt the relief from certain difficulties in the biography of ,jesus which this theory affords4 ,he put it forth in all sincerity as affording to others like relief4 ,he said that while rationalists and supernaturalists alike1 by their methods1 sacrificed the divine content of the story and clung only to its form1 his hypothesis sacrificed the historicity of the narrative form1 but kept the eternal and spiritual truth4 ,in his opinion1 the lapse of a single generation was enough to give room for this process of the growth of the legendary elements which have found place in the written ,gospels which we have4 ,ideas entertained by primitive ,christians relative to their lost ,master1 have been1 all unwittingly1 transformed into facts and woven into the tale of his career4 ,the legends of a people are in their basal elements never the work of a single individual4 ,they are never intentionally produced4 ,the imperceptible growth of a joint creative work of this kind was possible1 however1 only on the supposition that oral tradition was1 for a time1 the means of transmission of the reminiscences of ,jesus4 ,strauss' explanation of his theory has been given above1 to some extent in his own words4 ,we may see how he understood himself4 ,we may appreciate also the genuineness of the religious spirit of his work4 ,at the same time the thorough-going way in which he applied his principle1 the relentless march of his argument1 the character of his results1 must sometimes have been startling even to himself4 ,they certainly startled others4 ,the effect of his work was instantaneous and immense4 ,it was not at all the effect which he anticipated4 ,the issue of the furious controversy which broke out was disastrous both to ,strauss' professional career and to his whole temperament and character4 ,david ,friedrich ,strauss was born in #ahjh in ,ludwigsburg in ,wrttemberg4 ,he studied in ,tbingen and in ,berlin4 ,he became an instructor in the theological faculty in ,tbingen in #ahcb4 ,he published his ,leben ,jesu in #ahce4 ,he was almost at once removed from his portion4 ,in #ahcf he withdrew altogether from the professorial career4 ,his answer to his critics1 written in #ahcg1 was in bitter tone4 ,more conciliatory was his book1 ber ,vergngliches und ,bleibendes im ,christenthum1 published in #ahci4 ,indeed there were some concessions in the third edition of his ,leben ,jesu in #ahch1 but these were all repudiated in #ahdj4 ,his ,leben ,jesu fr das deutsche ,volk1 published in #ahff was the effort to popularise that which he had done4 ,it is1 however1 in point of method1 superior to his earlier work1 ,comments were met with even greater bitterness4 ,finally1 not long before his death in #ahgd1 he published ,der ,alte und der ,neue ,glaube1 in which he definitely broke with ,christianity altogether and went over to materialism and pessimism4 ,pfleiderer1 who had personal acquaintance with ,strauss and held him in regard1 once wrote3 ',strauss' error did not lie in his regarding some of the gospel stories as legends1 and some of the narratives of the miraculous as symbols of ideal truths4 ,so far ,strauss was right4 ,the contribution which he made is one which we have all appropriated and built upon4 ,his error lay in his looking for those religious truths which are thus symbolised1 outside of religion itself1 in adventurous metaphysical speculations4 ,he did not seek them in the facts of the devout heart and moral will1 as these are illustrated in the actual life of ,jesus4' ,if ,strauss1 after the disintegration in criticism of certain elements in the biography of ,jesus1 had given us a positive picture of ,jesus as the ideal of religious character and ethical force1 his work would indeed have been attacked4 ,but it would have outlived the attack and conferred a very great benefit4 ,it conferred a great benefit as it was1 although not the benefit which ,strauss supposed4 ,the benefit which it really conferred was in its critical method1 and not at all in its results4 ,of the mass of polemic and apologetic literature which ,strauss' ,leben ,jesu called forth1 little is at this distance worth the mentioning4 ,ullmann1 who was far more appreciative than most of his adversaries1 points out the real weakness of ,strauss' work4 ,that weakness lay in the failure to draw any distinction between the historical and the mythical4 ,he threatened to dissolve the whole history into myth4 ,he had no sense for the ethical element in the personality and teaching of ,jesus nor of the creative force which this must have exerted4 ,ullmann says with cogency that1 according to ,strauss1 the ,church created its ,christ virtually out of pure imagination4 ,but we are then left with the query3 ,what created the ,church8 ,to this query ,strauss has absolutely no answer to give4 ,the answer is1 says ,ullmann1 that the ethical personality of ,jesus created the ,church4 ,this ethical personality is thus a supreme historic fact and a sublime historic cause1 to which we must endeavour to penetrate1 if need be through the veil of legend4 ,the old rationalists had made themselves ridiculous by their effort to explain everything in some natural way4 ,strauss and his followers often appeared frivolous1 since1 according to them1 there was little left to be explained4 ,if a portion of the narrative presented a difficulty1 it was declared mythical4 ,what was needed was such a discrimination between the legendary and historical elements in the ,gospels as could be reached only by patient1 painstaking study of the actual historical quality and standing of the documents4 ,no adequate study of this kind had ever been undertaken4 ,strauss did not undertake it1 nor even perceive that it was to be undertaken4 ,there had been many men of vast learning in textual and philological criticism4 ,here1 however1 a new sort of critique was applied to a problem which had but just now been revealed in all its length and breadth4 ,the establishing of the principles of this historical criticism--the so-called ,higher ,criticism--was the herculean task of the generation following ,strauss4 ,to the development of that science another ,tbingen professor1 ,baur1 made permanent contribution4 ,with ,strauss himself1 sadder than the ruin of his career1 was the tragedy of the uprooting of his faith4 ,this tragedy followed in many places in the wake of the recognition of ,strauss' fatal half-truth4 ,,baur ,baur1 ,strauss' own teacher in ,tbingen1 afterward famous as biblical critic and church-historian1 said of ,strauss' book1 that through it was revealed in startling fashion to that generation of scholars1 how little real knowledge they had of the problem which the ,gospels present4 ,to ,baur it was clear that if advance was to be made beyond ,strauss' negative results1 the criticism of the gospel history must wait upon an adequate criticism of the documents which are our sources for that history4 ,strauss' failure had brought home to the minds of men the fact that there were certain preliminary studies which must needs be taken up4 ,meantime the other work must wait4 ,as one surveys the literature of the next thirty years this fact stands out4 ,many apologetic lives of ,jesus had to be written in reply to ,strauss4 ,but they are almost completely negligible4 ,no constructive work was done in this field until nearly a generation had passed4 ,since all history1 said ,baur1 before it reaches us must pass through the medium of a narrator1 our first question as to the gospel history is not1 what objective reality can be accorded to the narrative itself4 ,there is a previous question4 ,this concerns the relation of the narrative to the narrator4 ,it might be very difficult for us to make up our minds as to what it was that1 in a given case1 the witness saw4 ,we have not material for such a judgment4 ,we have probably much evidence1 up and down his writings1 as to what sort of man the witness was1 in what manner he would be likely to see anything and with what personal equation he would relate that which he saw4 ,baur would seem to have been the first vigorously and consistently to apply this principle to the gospel narratives4 ,before we can penetrate deeply into the meaning of an author we must know1 if we may1 his purpose in writing4 ,every author belongs to the time in which he lives4 ,the greater the importance of his subject for the parties and struggles of his day1 the safer is the assumption that both he and his work will bear the impress of these struggles4 ,he will represent the interests of one or another of the parties4 ,his work will have a tendency of some kind4 ,this was one of ,baur's oft-used words--the tendency of a writer and of his work4 ,we must ascertain that tendency4 ,the explanation of many things both in the form and substance of a writing would be given could we but know that4 ,the letters of ,paul1 for example1 are written in palpable advocacy of opinions which were bitterly opposed by other apostles4 ,the biographies of ,jesus suggest that they also represent1 the one this tendency1 the other that4 ,we have no cause to assert that this trait of which we speak implies conscious distortion of the facts which the author would relate4 ,the simple-minded are generally those least aware of the bias in the working of their own minds4 ,it is obvious that until we have reckoned with such elements as these1 we cannot truly judge of that which the ,gospels say4 ,to the elaboration of the principles of this historical criticism ,baur gave the labour of his life4 ,his biblical work alone would have been epoch-making4 ,ferdinand ,christian ,baur was born in #agic in ,schmieden1 near ,stuttgart4 ,he became a professor in ,tbingen in #ahbf and died there in #ahfj4 ,he was an ardent disciple of ,hegel4 ,his greatest work was surely in the field of the history of dogma4 ,his works1 ,die ,christliche ,lehre von der ,verehnung1 #ahch1 ,die ,christliche ,lehre von der ,dreieinigkeit und ,menschwerdung ,gottes1 #ahda-ahdc1 his ,lehrbuch der ,christlichen ,dogmengeschichte1 #ahdg1 together constitute a contribution to which ,harnack's work in our own time alone furnishes a parallel4 ,baur had begun his thorough biblical studies before the publication of ,strauss' book4 ,the direction of those studies was more than ever confirmed by his insight of the shortcomings of ,strauss' work4 ,very characteristically also he had begun his investigations1 not at the most difficult point1 that of the ,gospels1 as ,strauss had done1 but at the easiest point1 the ,epistles of ,paul4 ,as early as #ahca he had published a tractate1 ,die ,christus-,partei in der ,corinthischen ,gemeinde4 ,in that book he had delineated the bitter contest between ,paul and the ,judaising element in the ,apostolic ,church which opposed ,paul whithersoever he went4 ,in #ahce his disquisition1 ,die sogenannten ,pastoral-,briefe1 appeared4 ,in the teachings of these letters he discovered the antithesis to the gnostic heresies of the second century4 ,he thought also that the stage of organisation of the ,church which they imply1 accorded better with this supposition than with that of their apostolic authorship4 ,the same general theme is treated in a much larger way in ,baur's ,paulus1 der ,apostel ,jesu ,christi1 in #ahde4 ,here the results of his study of the book of the ,acts are combined with those of his inquiries as to the ,pauline ,epistles4 ,in the history of the apostolic age men had been accustomed to see the evidence only of peace and harmony4 ,baur sought to show that the period had been one of fierce struggle1 between the narrow ,judaic and legalistic form of faith in the ,messiah and that conception1 introduced by ,paul1 of a world-religion free from the law4 ,out of this conflict1 which lasted a hundred and fifty years1 went forth the ,catholic ,church4 ,the monuments of this struggle and witnesses of this process of growth are the ,new ,testament writings1 most of which were produced in the second century4 ,the only documents which we have which were written before ,a4,d4 #gj1 were the four great ,epistles of ,paul1 those to the ,galatians1 to the ,romans1 and to the ,corinthians1 together with the ,apocalypse4 ,many details in ,baur's view are now seen to have been overstated and others false4 ,yet this was the first time that a true historical method had been applied to the ,new ,testament literature as a whole4 ,baur's contribution lay in the originality of his conception of ,christianity1 in his emphasis upon ,paul1 in his realisation of the magnitude of the struggle which ,paul inaugurated against ,jewish prejudices in the primitive ,church4 ,in his idea1 the issue of that struggle was1 on the one hand1 the freeing of ,christianity from ,judaism and on the other1 the developing of ,christian thought into a system of dogma and of the scattered ,christian communities into an organised ,church4 ,the ,fourth ,gospel contains1 according to ,baur1 a ,christian gnosis parallel to the gnosis which was more and more repudiated by the ,church as heresy4 ,the ,logos1 the divine principle of life and light1 appears bodily in the phenomenal world in the person of ,jesus4 ,it enters into conflict with the darkness and evil of the world4 ,this speculation is but thinly clothed in the form of a biography of ,jesus4 ,that an account completely dominated by speculative motives gives but slight guarantee of historical truth1 was for ,baur self-evident4 ,the author remains unknown1 the age uncertain4 ,the book1 however1 can hardly have appeared before the time of the ,montanist movement1 that is1 toward the end of the second century4 ,scholars now rate far more highly than did ,baur the element of genuine ,johannine tradition which may lie behind the ,fourth ,gospel and account for its name4 ,they do not find traces of ,montanism or of paschal controversies4 ,but the main contention stands4 ,the ,fourth ,gospel represents the beginning of elaborate reflexion upon the life and work of ,jesus4 ,it is what it is because of the fusion of the ethical and spiritual content of the revelation in the personality of ,jesus1 with metaphysical abstractions and philosophical interpretation4 ,baur was by no means so fortunate in the solution which he offered of the problem which the synoptic ,gospels present4 ,his opinions are of no interest except as showing that he too worked diligently upon a question which for a long time seemed only to grow in complexity and which has busied scholars practically from ,baur's day to our own4 ,his zeal here also to discover dogmatic purposes led him astray4 ,the ,tendenzkritik had its own tendencies4 ,the chief was to exaggeration and one-sidedness4 ,baur had the kind of ear which hears grass grow4 ,there is much overstrained acumen4 ,many radically false conclusions are reached by prejudiced operation with an historical formula1 which in the last analysis is that of ,hegel4 ,everything is to be explained on the principle of antithesis4 ,again1 the assumption of conscious purpose in everything which men do or write is a grave exaggeration4 ,it is often in contradiction of that wonderful unconsciousness with which men and institutions move to the fulfilment of a purpose for the good1 the purpose of ,god1 into which their own life is grandly taken up4 ,to make each phase of such a movement the contribution of some one man's scheme or endeavour is1 as was once said1 to make ,god act like a professor4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the method of this book is that it seeks to deal only with men who have inaugurated movements1 or marked some turning-point in their course which has proved of more than usual significance4 ,the compass of the book demands such a limitation4 ,but by this method whole chapters in the life of learning are passed over1 in which the substance of achievement has been the carrying out of a plan of which we have been able to note only the inception4 ,there is a sense in which the carrying out of a plan is both more difficult and more worthy than the mere setting it in motion4 ,when one thinks of the labour and patience which have been expended1 for example1 upon the problem of the ,gospels in the past seventy years1 those truths come home to us4 ,when one reminds himself of the hypotheses which have been made but to be abandoned1 which have yet had the value that they at least indicated the area within which solutions do not lie1--when one thinks of the wellnigh immeasurable toil by which we have been led to large results which now seem secure1 one is made to realise that the conditions of the advance of science are1 for theologians1 not different from those which obtain for scholars who1 in any other field1 would establish truth and lead men4 ,in a general way1 however1 it may be said that the course of opinion in these two generations1 in reference to such questions as those of the dates and authorship of the ,new ,testament writings1 has been one of rather noteworthy retrogression from many of the ,tbingen positions4 ,harnack's ,geschichte der altchristlichen ,literatur1 #ahic1 and his ,chronologie der altchristlichen ,literatur1 #ahig1 present a marked contrast to ,baur's scheme4 ,,the ,,canon ,the minds of ,new ,testament scholars in the last generation have been engaged with a question which1 in its full significance1 was hardly present to the attention of ,baur's school4 ,it is the question of the ,new ,testament as a whole4 ,it is the question as to the time and manner and motives of the gathering together of the separate writings into a canon of ,scripture which1 despite the diversity of its elements1 exerted its influence as a unit and to which an authority was ascribed1 which the particular writings cannot originally have had4 ,when and how did the ,christians come to have a sacred book which they placed on an equality with the ,old ,testament1 which last they had taken over from the synagogue8 ,how did they choose the writings which were to belong to this new collection8 ,why did they reject books which we know were read for edification in the early churches8 ,deeper even than the question of the growth of the collection is that of the growth of the apprehension concerning it4 ,this apprehension of these twenty-seven different writings as constituting the sole document of ,christian revelation1 given by the ,holy ,spirit1 the identical holy book of the ,christian ,church1 gave to the book a significance altogether different from that which its constituent elements must have had for men to whom they had appeared as but the natural literary deposit of the religious movement of the apostolic age4 ,this apprehension took possession of the mind of the ,christian community4 ,it was made the subject of deliverances by councils of the ,church4 ,how did this great transformation take place8 ,was it an isolated achievement1 or was it part of a general movement8 ,did not this development of life in the ,christian communities which gave them a ,new ,testament belong to an evolution which gave them also the so-called ,apostles' ,creed and a monarchical organisation of the ,church and the beginnings of a ritual of worship8 ,it is clear that we have here a question of greatest moment4 ,with the rise of this idea of the canon1 with the assigning to this body of literature the character of ,scripture1 we have the beginning of the larger mastery which the ,new ,testament has exerted over the minds and life of men4 ,compared with this question1 investigations as to the authorship and as to the time1 place and circumstance of the production of particular books1 came1 for the time1 to occupy a secondary rank4 ,as they have emerged again1 they wear a new aspect and are approached in a different spirit4 ,the writings are revealed as belonging to a far larger context1 that of the whole body of the ,christian literature of the age4 ,it in no way follows from that which we have said that the body of documents1 which ultimately found themselves together in the ,new ,testament1 have not a unity other than the outward one which was by consensus of opinion or conciliar decree imposed upon them4 ,they do represent1 in the large and in varying degrees1 an inward and spiritual unity4 ,there was an inspiration of the main body of these writings1 the outward condition of which1 at all events1 was the nearness of their writers to ,jesus or to his eye-witnesses1 and the consequence of which was the unique relation which the more important of these documents historically bore to the formation of the ,christian ,church4 ,there was a heaven which lay about the infancy of ,christianity which only slowly faded into the common light of day4 ,that heaven was the spirit of the ,master himself4 ,the chief of these writings do centrally enshrine the first pure illumination of that spirit4 ,but the churchmen who made the canon and the ,fathers who argued about it very often gave mistaken reasons for facts in respect of which they nevertheless were right4 ,they gave what they considered sound external reasons4 ,they alleged apostolic authorship4 ,they should have been content with internal evidence and spiritual effectiveness4 ,the apostles had come1 in the mind of the early ,church1 to occupy a place of unique distinction4 ,writings long enshrined in affection for their potent influence1 but whose origin had not been much considered1 were now assigned to apostles1 that they might have authority and distinction4 ,the theory of the canon came after the fact4 ,the theory was often wrong4 ,the canon had been1 in the main and in its inward principle1 soundly constituted4 ,modern critics reversed the process4 ,they began where the ,church ,fathers left off4 ,they tore down first that which had been last built up4 ,modern criticism1 too1 passed through a period in which points like those of authorship and date of ,gospels and ,epistles seemed the only ones to be considered4 ,the results being here often negative1 complete disintegration of the canon seemed threatened1 through discovery of errors in the processes by which the canon had been outwardly built up4 ,men realise now that that was a mistake4 ,two things have been gained in this discussion4 ,there is first the recognition that the canon is a growth4 ,the holy book and the conception of its holiness1 as well1 were evolved4 ,christianity was not primarily a book-religion save in the sense that almost all ,christians revered the ,old ,testament4 ,other writings than those which we esteem canonical were long used in churches4 ,some of those afterward canonical were not used in all the churches4 ,in similar fashion we have learned that identical statements of faith were not current in the earliest churches4 ,nor was there one uniform system of organisation and government4 ,there was a time concerning which we cannot accurately use the word ,church4 ,there were churches1 very simple1 worshipping communities4 ,but the ,church1 as outward magnitude1 as triumphant organisation1 grew4 ,so there were many creeds or1 at least1 informally accredited and current beginnings of doctrine4 ,by and by there was a formally accepted creed4 ,so there were first dearly loved memorials of ,jesus and letters of apostolic men4 ,only by and by was there a ,new ,testament4 ,the first gain is the recognition of this state of things4 ,the second follows4 ,it is the recognition that1 despite a sense in which this literature is unique1 there is also a sense in which it is but a part of the whole body of early ,christian literature4 ,from the exact and exhaustive study of the early ,christian literature as a whole1 we are to expect a clearer understanding and a juster estimate of the canonical part of it4 ,it is not easy to say to whom we have to ascribe the discovery and elaboration of these truths4 ,the historians of dogma have done much for this body of opinion4 ,the historians of ,christian literature have perhaps done more4 ,students of institutions and of the canon law have had their share4 ,baur had more than an inkling of the true state of things4 ,but by far the most conspicuous teacher of our generation1 in two at least of these particular fields1 has been ,harnack4 ,in his lifelong labour upon the sources of ,christian history1 he had come upon this question of the canon again and again4 ,in his ,lehrbuch der ,dogmengeschichte1 #ahhg-ahij1 #dte4 ,aufl41 #aiaj1 the view of the canon1 which was given above1 is absolutely fundamental4 ,in his ,geschichte der altchristlichen ,literatur bis ,eusebius1 #ahic1 and ,chronologic der allchristlichen ,literatur1 #ahig-aijd1 the evidence is offered in rich detail4 ,it was in his tractate1 ,das ,neue ,testament um das ,jahr #bjj1 #ahhi1 that he contended for the later date against ,zahn1 who had urged that the outline of the ,new ,testament was established and the conception of it as ,scripture present1 by the end of the first century4 ,harnack argues that the decision practically shaped itself between the time of ,justin ,martyr1 c4 ,a4,d4 #aej1 and that of ,irenus1 c4 ,a4,d4 #ahj4 ,the studies of the last twenty years have more and more confirmed this view4 ,,life ,,of ,,jesus ,we said that the work of ,strauss revealed nothing so clearly as the ignorance of his time concerning the documents of the early ,christian movement4 ,the labours of ,baur and of his followers were directed toward overcoming this difficulty4 ,suddenly the public interest was stirred1 and the earlier excitement recalled by the publication of a new life of ,jesus4 ,the author was a ,frenchman1 ,ernest ,renan1 at one time a candidate for the priesthood in the ,roman ,church4 ,he was a man of learning and literary skill1 who made his ,vie de ,jsus1 which appeared in #ahfc1 the starting-point for a series of historical works under the general title1 ,les ,origines de ,christianisme4 ,in the next year appeared ,strauss' popular work1 ,leben ,jesu fr das deutsche ,volk4 ,in #ahfd was published also ,weizscker's contribution to the life of ,christ1 his ,untersuchungen ber die evangelische ,geschichte4 ,to the same year belonged ,schenkel's ,charakterbild ,jesu4 ,in the years from #ahfg-ahgb appeared ,keim's ,geschichte ,jesu von ,nazara4 ,there is something very striking in this recurrence to the topic4 ,after ail1 this was the point for the sake of which those laborious investigations had been undertaken4 ,this was and is the theme of undying religious interest1 the character and career of the ,nazarene4 ,renan's philosophical studies had been mainly in ,english1 studies of ,locke and ,hume4 ,but ,herder also had been his beloved guide4 ,for his biblical and oriental studies he had turned almost exclusively to the ,germans4 ,there is a deep religious spirit in the work of the period of his conflict with the ,church4 ,the enthusiasm for ,christ sustained him in his struggle4 ,of the days before he withdrew from the ,church he wrote3 ',for two months ,i was a ,protestant like a professor in ,halle or ,tbingen4' ,french was at that time a language much better known in the world at large1 particularly the ,english-speaking world1 than was ,german4 ,renan's book had great art and charm4 ,it took a place almost at once as a bit of world-literature4 ,the number of editions in ,french and of translations into other languages is amazing4 ,beyond question1 the critical position was made known through ,renan to multitudes who would never have been reached by the ,german works which were really ,renan's authorities4 ,it is idle to say with ,pfleiderer that it is a pity that1 having possessed so much learning1 ,renan had not possessed more4 ,that is not quite the point4 ,the book has much breadth and solidity of learning4 ,yet ,renan has scarcely the historian's quality4 ,his work is a work of art4 ,it has the halo of romance4 ,imagination and poetical feeling make it in a measure what it is4 ,renan was born in #ahbc in ,treguier in ,brittany4 ,he set out for the priesthood1 but turned aside to the study of oriental languages and history4 ,he made long sojourn in the ,east4 ,he spoke of ,palestine as having been to him a fifth ,gospel4 ,he became ,professor of ,hebrew in the ,college de ,france4 ,he was suspended from his office in #ahfc1 and permitted to read again only in #ahga4 ,he had formally separated himself from the ,roman ,church in #ahde4 ,he was a member of the ,academy4 ,his diction is unsurpassed4 ,he died in #ahid4 ,in his own phrase1 he sought to bring ,jesus forth from the darkness of dogma into the midst of the life of his people4 ,he paints him first as an idyllic national leader1 then as a struggling and erring hero1 always aiming at the highest1 but doomed to tragic failure through the resistance offered by reality to his ideal4 ,he calls the traditional ,christ an abstract being who never was alive4 ,he would bring the marvellous human figure before our eyes4 ,he heightens the brilliancy of his delineation by the deep shadows of mistakes and indiscretion upon ,jesus' part4 ,in some respects an epic or an historical romance1 without teaching us history in detail1 may yet enable us by means of the artist's intuition to realise an event or period1 or make presentation to ourselves of a personality1 better than the scant records acknowledged by the strict historian could ever do4 ,our materials for a real biography of ,jesus are inadequate4 ,this was the fact which1 by all these biographies of ,jesus1 was brought home to men's minds4 ,keim's book1 the most learned of those mentioned1 is hardly more than a vast collection of material for the history of ,jesus' age1 which has now been largely superseded by ,schrer's ,geschichte des ,judischen ,volkes im ,zeitalier ,jesu ,christi1 #b ,bde41 #ahhf-ahij4 ,there have been again1 since the decade of the sixties1 periods of approach to the great problem4 ,weiss and ,beyschlag published at the end of the eighties lives of ,jesus which1 especially the former1 are noteworthy in their treatment of the critical material4 ,they do not for a moment face the question of the person of ,christ4 ,the same remark might be made1 almost without exception1 as to those lives of ,jesus which have appeared in numbers in ,england and ,america4 ,the best books of recent years are ,albert ,reville's ,jesus de ,nazareth1 #ahig1 and ,oscar ,holtzmann's ,leben ,jesu1 #aija4 ,so great are the difficulties and in such disheartening fashion are they urged from all sides1 that one cannot withhold enthusiastic recognition of the service which ,holtzmann particularly has here rendered1 in a calm1 objective1 and withal deeply devout handling of his theme4 ,meantime new questions have arisen1 questions of the relation of ,jesus to ,messianism1 like those touched upon by ,wrede in his ,das ,messias ,geheimniss in den ,evangelien1 #aija1 and questions as to the eschatological trait in ,jesus' own teaching4 ,schweitzer's book1 ,von ,reimarus zu ,wrede3 eine ,geschichte der ,leben ,jesu-,forschung1 #aijf1 not merely sets forth this deeply interesting chapter in the history of the thought of modern men1 but has also serious interpretative value in itself4 ,for ,english readers ,sanday's ,life of ,christ in ,recent ,research1 #aijg1 follows the descriptive aspect1 at least1 of the same purpose with ,schweitzer's book1 covering1 however1 only the last twenty years4 ,it is characteristic that ,ritschl1 notwithstanding his emphasis upon the historical ,jesus1 asserted the impossibility of a biography of ,jesus4 ,the understanding of ,jesus is through faith4 ,for ,wrede1 on the other hand1 such a biography is impossible because of the nature of our sources4 ,not alone are they scant1 but they are not biographical4 ,they are apologetic1 propagandist1 interested in everything except those problems which a biographer must raise4 ,the last few years have even conjured up the question whether ,jesus ever lived4 ,one may say with all simplicity1 that the question has1 of course1 as much rightfulness as has any other question any man could raise4 ,the somewhat extended discussion has1 however1 done nothing to make evident how it could arise1 save in minds unfamiliar with the materials and unskilled in historical research4 ,the conditions which beset us when we ask for a biography of ,jesus that shall answer scientific requirement are not essentially different from those which meet us in the case of any other personage equally remote in point of time1 and equally woven about--if any such have been--by the love and devotion of men4 ,bousset's little book1 ,was ,wissen wir von ,jesus8 #aijd1 convinces a quiet mind that we know a good deal4 ,qualities in the personality of ,jesus obviously worked in transcendent measure to call out devotion4 ,no understanding of history is adequate which has no place for the unfathomed in personality4 ,exactly because we ourselves share this devotion1 we could earnestly wish that the situation as to the biography of ,jesus were other than it is4 ,,the ,,old ,,testament ,we have spoken thus far as if the whole biblical-critical problem had been that of the ,new ,testament4 ,in reality the same impulses which had opened up that question to the minds of men had set them working upon the problem of the ,old ,testament as well4 ,we have seen how the ,christians made for themselves a canon of the ,new ,testament4 ,by the force of that conception of the canon1 and through the belief that1 almost in a literal sense1 ,god was the author of the whole book1 the obvious differences among the writings had been obscured4 ,men forgot the evolution through which the writings had passed4 ,the same thing had happened for the ,old ,testament in the ,jewish synagogues and for the rabbis before the ,christian movement4 ,when the ,christians took over the ,old ,testament they took it over in this sense4 ,it was a closed book wherein all appreciation of the long road which the religion of ,israel had traversed in its evolution had been lost4 ,the relation of the old covenant to the new was obscured4 ,the ,old ,testament became a ,christian book4 ,not merely were the ,christian facts prophesied in the ,old ,testament1 but its doctrines also were implied4 ,almost down to modern times texts have been drawn indifferently from either ,testament to prove doctrine and sustain theology4 ,moses and ,jesus1 prophets and ,paul1 are cited to support an argument1 without any sense of difference4 ,what we have said is hardly more true of ,augustine or ,anselm than of the classic ,puritan divines4 ,this was the state of things which the critics faced4 ,the ,old ,testament critical movement is a parallel at all points of the one which we have described in reference to the ,new4 ,of course1 elder scholars1 even ,spinoza1 had raised the question as to the ,mosaic authorship of certain portions of the ,pentateuch4 ,roman ,catholic scholars in the seventeenth century1 for whom the stringent theory of inspiration had less significance than for ,protestants1 had set forth views which showed an awakening to the real condition4 ,yet1 at the beginning of the nineteenth century1 no one would have forecast a revolution in opinion which would recognise the legendary quality of considerable portions of the ,pentateuch and historical books1 which would leave but little that is of undisputed ,mosaic authorship1 which would place the prophets before the law1 which would concede the growth of the ,jewish canon1 which would perceive the relation of ,judaism to the religions of the other ,semite peoples and would seek to establish the true relation of ,judaism to ,christianity4 ,in the year #ahce1 the same year in which ,strauss' ,leben ,jesu saw the light1 ,wilhelm ,vatke published his ,religion des ,alten ,testaments4 ,vatke was born in #ahjf1 began to teach in ,berlin in #ahcj1 was professor extraordinarius there in #ahcg and died in #ahhb1 not yet holding a full professorship4 ,his book was obscurely written and scholastic4 ,public attention was largely occupied by the conflict which ,strauss' work had caused4 ,reuss in ,strassburg was working on the same lines1 but published the main body of his results much later4 ,the truth for which these scholars and others like them argued1 worked its way slowly by force of its own merit4 ,perhaps it was due to this fact that the development of ,old ,testament critical views was subject to a fluctuation less marked than that which characterised the case of the ,new ,testament4 ,it is not necessary to describe the earlier stages of the discussion in ,vatke's own terms4 ,to his honour be it said that the views which he thus early enunciated were in no small degree identical with those which were in masterful fashion substantiated in ,holland by ,kuenen about #ahgj1 in ,germany by ,wellhausen after #ahgh1 and made known to ,english readers by ,robertson ,smith ,in #ahha4 ,budde has shown in his ,kanon des ,alten ,testaments1 #aijj1 that the ,old ,testament which lies before us finished and complete1 assumed its present form only as the result of the growth of several centuries4 ,at the beginning of this process of the canonisation stands that strange event1 the sudden appearance of a holy book of the law under ,king ,josiah1 in #fba ,b4,c4 ,the end of the process1 through the decisions of the scribes1 falls after the destruction of ,jerusalem1 possibly even in the second century4 ,lagarde seems to have proved that the rabbis of the second century succeeded in destroying all copies of the ,scripture which differed from the standard then set up4 ,this state of things has enormously increased a difficulty which was already great enough1 that of the detection and separation of the various elements of which many of the books in this ancient literature are made up4 ,certain books of the ,new ,testament also present the problem of the discrimination of elements of different ages1 which have been wrought together into the documents as we now have them1 in a way that almost defies our skill to disengage4 ,the synoptic ,gospels are1 of course1 the great example4 ,the book of the ,acts presents a problem of the same kind4 ,but the ,pentateuch1 or rather ,hexateuch1 the historical books in less degree1 the writings even of some of the prophets1 the codes which formulate the law and ritual1 are composites which have been whole centuries in the making and remaking4 ,there was no such thing as right of authorship in ancient ,israel1 little of it in the ancient world at all4 ,what was once written was popular or priestly property4 ,histories were newly narrated1 laws enlarged and rearranged1 prophecies attributed to conspicuous persons4 ,all this took place not in deliberate intention to pervert historic truth1 but because there was no interest in historic truth and no conception of it4 ,the rewriting of a nation's history from the point of view of its priesthood bore1 to the ancient ,israelite1 beyond question1 an aspect altogether different from that which the same transaction would bear to us4 ,the difficulty of the separation of these materials1 great in any case1 is enhanced by the fact alluded to1 that we have none but internal evidence4 ,the success of the achievement1 and the unanimity attained with reference to the most significant questions1 is one of the marvels of the life of learning of our age4 ,in the ,jewish tradition it had been assumed that the ,mosaic law was written down in the wilderness4 ,then1 in the times of the ,judges and of the ,kings1 the historical books took shape1 with ,david's ,psalms and the wise words of ,solomon4 ,at the end of the period of the ,kings we have the prophetic literature and finally ,ezra and ,nehemiah4 ,de ,wette had disputed this order1 but ,wellhausen in his ,prolegomena zur ,geshichte ,israels1 #ahhc1 may be said to have proved that this view was no longer tenable4 ,men ask1 could the law1 or even any greater part of it1 have been given to nomads in the wilderness8 ,do not all parts of it assume a settled state of society and an agricultural life8 ,do the historical books from ,judges to the ,,ii4 ,kings know anything about the law8 ,are the practices of worship which they imply consonant with the supposition that the law was in force8 ,how is it that that law appears both under ,josiah and again under ,ezra1 as something new1 thus far unknown1 and yet as ruling the religious life of the people from that day forth8 ,it seems impossible to escape the conclusion that only after ,josiah's reformation1 more completely after the restoration under ,ezra1 did the religion of the law exist4 ,the centralisation of worship at one point1 such as the book of ,deuteronomy demands1 seems to have been the thing achieved by the reform under ,josiah4 ,the establishment of the priestly hierarchy such as the code ordains was the issue of the religious revolution wrought in ,ezra's time4 ,to put it differently1 the so-called ,book of the ,covenant1 the nucleus of the law-giving1 itself implies the multiplicity of the places of worship4 ,deuteronomy demands the centralisation of the worship as something which is yet to take place4 ,the priestly ,code declares that the limitation of worship to one place was a fact already in the time of the journeys of ,israel in the wilderness4 ,it is assumed that the ,hebrews in the time of ,moses shared the almost universal worship of the stars4 ,moses may indeed have concluded a covenant between his people and ,jahve1 their ,god1 hallowing the judicial and moral life of the people1 bringing these into relation to the divine will4 ,jahve was a holy ,god whose will was to guide the people coming up out of the degradation of nature-worship4 ,that part of the people held to the old nature-worship is evident in the time of ,elijah4 ,the history of ,israel is not that of defection from a pure revelation4 ,it is the history of a gradual attainment of purer revelation1 of enlargement in the application of it1 of discovery of new principles contained in it4 ,it is the history also of the decline of spiritual religion4 ,the zeal of the prophets against the ceremonial worship shows that4 ,their protest reveals at that early date the beginning of that antithesis which had become so sharp in ,jesus' time4 ,this determination of the relative positions of law and prophets was the first step in the reconstruction of the history1 both of the nation of ,israel and of its literature4 ,at the beginning1 as in every literature1 are songs of war and victory1 of praise and grief1 hymns1 even riddles and phrases of magic4 ,everywhere poetry precedes prose4 ,then come myths relating to the worship and tales of the fathers and heroes4 ,elements of both these sorts are embedded in the simple chronicles which began now to be written1 primitive historical works1 such as those of the ,jahvist and ,elohist1 of the narrators of the deeds of the judges and of ,david and of ,saul4 ,perhaps at this point belong the earliest attempts at fixing the tradition of family and clan rights1 and of the regulation of personal conduct1 as in the ,book of the ,covenant4 ,then comes the great outburst of the prophetic spirit1 the preaching of an age of great religious revival4 ,then follows the law1 with its minute regulation of all details of life upon which would depend the favour of the ,god who had brought punishment upon the people in the exile4 ,the prophecy runs on into apocalyptic like that of the book of ,daniel4 ,the contact with the outside world makes possible a phase of literature such as that to which the books of ,job and ,ecclesiastes belong4 ,the deepening of the inner life gave the world the lyric of the ,psalms1 some of which are credibly assigned to a period so late as that of the ,maccabees4 ,in this which has been said of the literature we have the clue also for the reconstruction of the nation's history4 ,the nave assumption in the writing of all history had once been that one must begin with the beginning4 ,but to ,wellhausen1 ,stade1 ,eduard ,meyer and ,kittel and ,cornill1 it has been clear that the history of the earliest times is the most uncertain4 ,it is the least adapted to furnish a secure point of departure for historical inquiry4 ,there exist for it usually no contemporary authorities1 or only such as are of problematical worth4 ,this earliest period constitutes a problem1 the solution of which1 so far as any solution is possible1 can be hoped for only through approach from the side of ascertained facts4 ,we must start from a period which is historically known4 ,for the history of the ,hebrews1 this is the time of the first prophets of whom we have written records1 or from whom we have written prophecies4 ,we get from these1 as also from the earliest direct attempts at history writing1 only that conception of ,israel's pre-historic life which was entertained in prophetic circles in the eighth century4 ,we learn the heroic legends in the interpretation which the prophets put upon them4 ,we have still to seek to interpret them for ourselves4 ,we must begin in the middle and work both backward and forward4 ,such a view of the history of ,israel affords every opportunity for the connecting of the history and religion of ,israel with those of the other ,semite stocks4 ,some of these have in recent years been discovered to offer extraordinary parallels to that which the ,old ,testament relates4 ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,doctrine ,when speaking of ,baur's contribution to ,new ,testament criticism1 we alluded to his historical works4 ,he was in a distinct sense a reformer of the method of the writing of church history4 ,to us the notions of the historical and of that which is genetic are identical4 ,of course1 nave religious chronicles do not meet that test4 ,a glance at the histories produced by the age of rationalism will show that these also fall short of it4 ,the perception of the relativity of institutions like the papacy is here wholly wanting4 ,men and things are brought summarily to the bar of the wisdom of the author's year of grace4 ,they are approved or condemned by this criterion4 ,for ,baur1 all things had come to pass in the process of the great life of the world4 ,there must have been a rationale of their becoming4 ,it is for the historian with sympathy and imagination to find out what their inherent reason was4 ,one other thing distinguishes ,baur as church historian from his predecessors4 ,he realised that before one can delineate one must investigate4 ,one must go to the sources4 ,one must estimate the value of those sources4 ,one must have ground in the sources for every judgment4 ,baur was himself a great investigator4 ,yet the movement for the investigation of the sources of biblical and ecclesiastical history which his generation initialed has gone on to such achievements that1 in some respects1 we can but view the foundations of ,baur's own work as precarious1 the results at which he arrived as unwarranted4 ,new documents have come to light since his day4 ,forgeries have been proved to be such1 ,the whole state of learning as to the literature of the ,christian origins has been vastly changed4 ,there is still another other thing to say concerning ,baur4 ,he was a ,hegelian4 ,he has the disposition always to interpret the movements of the religious spirit in the sense of philosophical ideas4 ,he frankly says that without speculation every historical investigation remains but a play upon the surface of things4 ,baur's fault was that in his search for1 or rather in his confident discovery of1 the great connecting forces of history1 the biographical element1 the significance of personality1 threatened altogether to disappear4 ,the force in the history was the absolute1 the immanent divine will4 ,the method everywhere was that of advance by contrasts and antagonisms4 ,one gets an impression1 for example1 that the ,nicene dogma became what it did by the might of the idea1 that it could not by any possibility have had any other issue4 ,the foil to much of this in ,baur's own age was represented in the work of ,neander1 a converted ,jew1 professor of church history in ,berlin1 who exerted great influence upon a generation of ,english and ,american scholars4 ,he was not an investigator of sources4 ,he had no talent for the task4 ,he was a delineator1 one of the last of the great painters of history1 if one may so describe the type4 ,he had imagination1 sympathy1 a devout spirit4 ,his great trait was his insight into personality4 ,he wrote history with the biographical interest4 ,he almost resolves history into a series of biographical types4 ,he has too little sense for the connexion of things1 for the laws of the evolution of the religious spirit4 ,the great dramatic elements tend to disappear behind the emotions of individuals4 ,the old delineators were before the age of investigation4 ,since that impulse became masterful1 some historians have been completely absorbed in the effort to make contribution to this investigation4 ,others1 with a sense of the impossibility of mastering the results of investigation in all fields1 have lost the zeal for the writing of church history on a great scale4 ,they have contented themselves with producing monographs upon some particular subject1 in which1 at the most1 they may hope to embody all that is known as to some specific question4 ,we spoke above of the new conception of the relation of the canonical literature of the ,new ,testament to the extracanonical4 ,we alluded to the new sense of the continuity of the history of the apostolic churches with that of the ,church of the succeeding age4 ,the influence of these ideas has been to set all problems here involved in a new light4 ,until #ahhf it might have been said with truth that we had no good history of the apostolic age4 ,in that year ,weizscker's book1 ,das ,apostolische ,zeitalter der ,christlichen ,kirche1 admirably filled the place4 ,a part of the problem of the historian of the apostolic age is difficult for the same reason which was given when we were speaking of the biography of ,jesus4 ,our materials are inadequate4 ,first with the beginning of the activities of ,paul have we sources of the first rank4 ,the relation of statements in the ,pauline letters to data in the book of the ,acts was one of the earliest problems which the ,tbingen school set itself4 ,an attempt to write the biography of ,paul reminds us sharply of our limitations4 ,we know almost nothing of ,paul prior to his conversion1 or subsequent to the enigmatical breaking off of the account of the beginnings of his work at ,rome4 ,harnack's ,mission und ,ausbreitung des ,christenthums1 #aijb 7translated1 ,moffatt1 #aijh71 takes up the work of ,paul's successors in that cardinal activity4 ,it offers1 strange as it may seem1 the first discussion of the dissemination of ,christianity which has dealt adequately with the sources4 ,it gives also a picture of the world into which the ,christian movement went4 ,it emphasises anew the truth which has for a generation past grown in men's apprehension that there is no possibility of understanding ,christianity1 except against the background of the religious life and thought of the world into which it came4 ,christianity had vital relation1 at every step of its progress1 to the religious movements and impulses of the ancient world1 especially in those centres of civilisation which ,paul singled out for his endeavour and which remained the centres of the ,christian growth4 ,it was an age which has often been summarily described as corrupt4 ,despite its corruption1 or possibly because it was corrupt1 it gives evidence1 however1 of religious stirring1 of strong ethical reaction1 of spiritual endeavour rarely paralleled4 ,in the ,roman ,empire everything travelled4 ,religions travelled4 ,in the centres of civilisation there was scarcely a faith of mankind which had not its votaries4 ,it was an age of religious syncretism1 of hospitality to diverse religious ideas1 of the commingling of those ideas4 ,these things facilitated the progress of ,christianity4 ,they made certain that if the ,christian movement had in it the divine vitality which men claimed1 it would one day conquer the world4 ,equally1 they made certain that1 as the very condition of this conquest1 ,christianity would be itself transformed4 ,this it is which has happened in the evolution of ,christianity from its very earliest stages and in all phases of its life4 ,of any given rite1 opinion or institution1 of the many which have passed for almost two millenniums unchallenged under the ,christian name1 men about us are now asking3 ,but how much of it is ,christian8 ,in what measure have we to think of it as derived from some other source1 and representing the accommodation and assimilation of ,christianity to its environment in process of its work8 ,what is ,christianity8 ,not unnaturally the ancient ,church looked with satisfaction upon the great change which passed over ,christianity when ,constantine suddenly made that which had been the faith of a despised and persecuted sect1 the religion of the world4 ,the ,fathers can have thought thus only because their minds rested upon that which was outward and spectacular4 ,not unnaturally the metamorphosis in the inward nature of ,christianity which had taken place a century and a quarter earlier was hidden from their eyes4 ,in truth1 by that earlier and subtler transformation ,christianity had passed permanently beyond the stage in which it had been preponderantly a moral and spiritual enthusiasm1 with its centre and authority in the person of ,jesus4 ,it became a system and an institution1 with a canon of ,new ,testament ,scripture1 a monarchical organisation and a rule of faith which was formulated in the ,apostles' ,creed4 ,to ,baur the truth as to the conflict of ,paul with the ,judaisers had meant much4 ,he thought1 therefore1 with reference to the rise of priesthood and ritual among the ,christians1 to the emphasis on ,scripture in the fashion of the scribes1 to the insistence upon rules and dogmas after the manner of the ,pharisees1 that they were but the evidence of the decline and defeat of ,paul's free spirit and of the resurgence of ,judaism in ,christianity4 ,he sought to explain the rise of the episcopal organisation by the example of the synagogue4 ,ritschl in his ,entstehung der alt-catholischen ,kirche1 #aheg1 had seen that ,baur's theory could not be true4 ,christianity did not fall back into ,judaism4 ,it went forward to embrace the ,hellenic and ,roman world4 ,the institutions1 dogmas1 practices of that which1 after ,a4,d4 #bjj1 may with propriety be called the ,catholic ,church1 are the fruit of that embrace4 ,there was here a falling off from primitive and spiritual ,christianity4 ,but it was not a falling back into ,judaism4 ,there were priests and scribes and ,pharisees with other names elsewhere4 ,the phenomenon of the waning of the original enthusiasm of a period of religious revelation has been a frequent one4 ,christianity on a grand scale illustrated this phenomenon anew4 ,harnack has elaborated this thesis with unexampled brilliancy and power4 ,he has supported it with a learning in which he has no rival and with a religious interest which not even hostile critics would deny4 ,the phrase1 'the ,hellenisation of ,christianity1' might almost be taken as the motto of the work to which he owes his fame4 ,,harnack ,adolf ,harnack was born in #ahea in ,dorpat1 in one of the ,baltic provinces of ,russia4 ,his father1 ,theodosius ,harnack1 was professor of pastoral theology in the ,university of ,dorpat4 ,harnack studied in ,leipzig and began to teach there in #ahgd4 ,he was called to the chair of church history in ,giessen in #ahgi4 ,in #ahhf he removed to ,marburg and in #ahhi to ,berlin4 ,harnack's earlier published work was almost entirely in the field of the study of the sources and materials of early church history4 ,his first book1 published in #ahgc1 was an inquiry as to the sources for the history of ,gnosticism4 ,his ,patrum ,apostolicorum ,opera1 #ahgf1 prepared by him jointly with von ,gehhardt and ,zahn1 was in a way only a forecast of the great collection1 ,texte und ,untersuchungen zur ,geschickte der alt-christlichen ,literatur1 begun in #ahhb1 upon which numbers of scholars have worked together with him4 ,the collection has already more than thirty-five volumes4 ,in his own two works1 ,die ,geschichte der alt-christlichen ,literatur bis ,eusebius1 #ahic1 and ,die ,chronologie der alt-christlichen ,literatur bis ,eusebius1 #ahig1 are deposited the results of his reflexion on the mass of this material4 ,his ,beitrage zur ,einleitung in das ,neue ,testament1 #aijf1 etc41 should not be overlooked4 ,he has had the good fortune to be among those who have discovered manuscripts of importance4 ,he has had to do with the ,prussian ,academy's edition of the ,greek ,fathers4 ,a list of his published works1 which was prepared in connexion with the celebration of his sixtieth birthday in #aiaa1 bears witness to his amazing diligence and fertility4 ,he was for thirty-five years associated with ,schurer in the publication of the ,theologische ,literaturzeitung4 ,he has filled important posts in the ,church and under the government4 ,to this must be added an activity as a teacher which has placed a whole generation of students from every portion of the world under undying obligation4 ,one speaks with reserve of the living1 but surely no man of our generation has done more to make the history of which we write4 ,harnack's epoch-making work was his ,lehrbuch der ,dogmengeschichte1 #ahhf-hh1 fourth edition1 #aiaj4 ,the book met1 almost from the moment of its appearance1 with the realisation of the magnitude of that which had been achieved4 ,it rested upon a fresh and independent study of the sources4 ,it departed from the mechanism which had made the old treatises upon the history of doctrine formal and lifeless4 ,harnack realised to the full how many influences other than theological had had part in the development of doctrine4 ,he recognised the reaction of modes of life and practice1 and of external circumstances on the history of thought4 ,his history of doctrine has thus a breadth and human quality never before attained4 ,philosophy1 worship1 morals1 the development of ,church government and of the canon1 the common interests and passions of the age and those of the individual participants1 are all made tributary to his delineation4 ,harnack cannot share ,baur's view that the triumph of the ,logos-,christology at ,nica and ,chalcedon was inevitable4 ,a certain historic naturalness of the movement he would concede1 the world on which ,christianity entered being what it was4 ,he is aware1 however1 that many elements other than ,christian have entered into the development4 ,he has phrased his apprehension thus4 ,that ,hellenisation of ,christianity which ,gnosticism represented1 and against which1 in this1 its acute form1 the ,church contended was1 after all1 the same thing which1 by slower process and more unconsciously1 befell the ,church itself4 ,that pure moral enthusiasm and inspiration which had been the gist of the ,christian movement1 in its endeavour to appropriate the world1 had been appropriated by the world in far greater measure than its adherents knew4 ,it had taken up its mission to change the world4 ,it had dreamed that while changing the world it had itself remained unchanged4 ,the world was changed1 the world of life1 of feeling and of thought4 ,but ,christianity was also changed4 ,it had conquered the world4 ,it had no perception of the fact that it illustrated the old law that the conquered give laws to the conquerors4 ,it had fused the ancient culture with the flame of its inspiration4 ,it did not appreciate the degree in which the elements of that ancient culture now coloured its far-shining flame4 ,it had been a maker of history4 ,meantime it had been unmade and remade by its own history4 ,it confidently carried back its canon1 dogma1 organisation1 to ,christ and the apostles4 ,it did not realise that the very fact that it could find these things natural and declare them ancient1 proved with conclusiveness that it had itself departed from the standard of ,christ and the apostles4 ,it esteemed that these were its defences against the world4 ,it little dreamed that they were1 by their very existence1 the evidence of the fact that the ,church had not defended itself against the world4 ,its dogma was the ,hellenisation of its thought4 ,its organisation was the ,romanising of its life4 ,its canon and ritual were the externalising1 and conventionalising of its spirit and enthusiasm4 ,these are positive and constructive statements of ,harnack's main position4 ,when1 however1 they are turned about and stated negatively1 these statements all convey1 more or less1 the impression that the advance of ,christianity had been its destruction1 and the evolution of dogma had been a defection from ,christ4 ,this is the aspect of the contention which gave hostile critics opportunity to say that we have before us the history of the loss of ,christianity4 ,harnack himself has many sentences which superficially will bear that construction4 ,hatch had said in his brilliant book1 ,the ,influence of ,greek ,ideas and ,usages upon the ,christian ,church1 #ahia1 that the domestication of ,greek philosophy in the ,church signified a defection from the ,sermon on the ,mount4 ,the centre of gravity of the ,gospel was changed from life to doctrine1 from morals to metaphysics1 from goodness to orthodoxy4 ,the change was portentous4 ,the aspect of pessimism is1 however1 removed when one recognises the inevitableness of some such process1 if ,christianity was ever to wield an influence in the world at all4 ,again1 one must consider that the process of the recovery of pure ,christianity must begin at exactly this point1 namely1 with the recognition of how much in current ,christianity is extraneous4 ,it must begin with the sloughing off of these extraneous elements1 with the recovery of the sense for that which original ,christianity was4 ,such a recovery would be the setting free again of the power of the religion itself4 ,the constant touchstone and point of reference for every stage of the history of the ,church must be the gospel of ,jesus4 ,but what was the gospel of ,jesus8 ,in what way did the very earliest ,christians apprehend that gospel8 ,this question is far more difficult for us to answer than it was for those to whom the ,new ,testament was a closed body of literature1 externally differentiated from all other1 and with a miraculous inspiration extending uniformly to every phrase in any book4 ,these men would have said that they had but to find the proper combination of the sacred phrases4 ,but we acknowledge that the central inspiration was the personality of ,jesus4 ,the books possess this inspiration in varying degree4 ,certain of the books have distinctly begun the fusion of ,christian with other elements4 ,they themselves represent the first stages of the history of doctrine4 ,we acknowledge that those utterances of ,jesus which have been preserved for us1 shaped themselves by the antitheses in which ,jesus stood4 ,there is much about them that is palpably incidental1 practically relevant and unquestionably only relative4 ,in a large sense1 much of the meaning of the gospel has to be gathered out of the evidence of the operation of its spirit in subsequent ages of the ,christian ,church1 and from remoter aspects of the influence of ,jesus on the world4 ,thus the very conception of the gospel of ,jesus becomes inevitably more or less subjective4 ,it becomes an ideal construction4 ,the identification of this ideal with the original gospel proclamation becomes precarious4 ,we seem to move in a circle4 ,we derive the ideal from the history1 and then judge the history by the ideal4 ,is there any escape from this situation1 short of the return to the authority of ,church or ,scripture in the ancient sense8 ,furthermore1 even the men to whom the gospel was in the strictest sense a letter1 identified the gospel with their own private interpretation of this letter4 ,certainly the followers of ,ritschl who will acknowledge no traits of the gospel save those of which they find direct witness in the ,gospels1 thus ignore that the ,gospels are themselves interpretations4 ,this undue stress upon the documents which we are fortunate enough to possess1 makes us forget the limitations of these documents4 ,we tend thus to exaggerate that which must be only incidental1 as1 for example1 the ,jewish element1 in the teaching of ,jesus4 ,we thus underrate phases of ,jesus' teaching which1 no doubt1 a man like ,paul would have apprehended better than did the evangelists themselves4 ,in truth1 in ,harnack's own delineation of the teaching of ,jesus1 those elements of it which found their way to expression in ,paul1 or again in the fourth ,gospel1 are rather underrated than overstated1 in the author's anxiety to exclude elements which are acknowledged to be interpretative in their nature4 ,we are driven1 in some measure1 to seek to find out what the gospel was from the way in which the earliest ,christians took it up4 ,we return ever afresh to questions nearly unanswerable from the materials at hand4 ,what was the central principle in the shaping of the earliest stages of the new community1 both as to its thought and life8 ,was it the longing for the coming of the ,kingdom of ,god1 the striving after the righteousness of the ,sermon on the ,mount8 ,or was it the faith of the ,messiah1 the reverence for the ,messiah1 directed to the person of ,jesus8 ,what word dominated the preaching8 ,was it that the ,kingdom of ,god was near1 that the ,son of ,man would come8 ,or was it that in ,jesus ,messiah has come8 ,what was the demand upon the hearer8 ,was it1 ,repent1 or was it1 ,believe on the ,lord ,jesus1 or was it both1 and which had the greater emphasis8 ,was the name of ,jesus used in the formulas of worship before the time of ,paul8 ,what do we know about prayer in the name of ,jesus1 or baptism in that name1 or miracles in the name of ,jesus1 or of the ,lord's ,supper and the conception of the ,lord as present with his disciples in the rite8 ,was this revering of ,jesus1 which was fast moving toward a worship of him1 the inner motive force of the whole construction of the dogma of his person and of the trinity8 ,in the second volume ,harnack treats of the development primarily of the ,christological and trinitarian dogma1 from the fourth to the seventh centuries4 ,the dramatic interest of the narrative exceeds anything which has been written on this theme4 ,a debate which to most modern men is remote and abstruse almost to the point of unintelligibility1 and of which many of the external aspects are disheartening in the extreme1 is here brought before us in something of the reasonableness which it must have had for those who took part in it4 ,tertullian shaped the problem and established the nomenclature for the ,christological solution which the ,orient two hundred years later made its own4 ,it was he who1 from the point of view of the ,jurist1 rather than of the philosopher1 gave the words 'person' and 'substance1' which continually occur in this discussion1 the meaning which in the ,nicene ,creed they bear4 ,most brilliant is ,harnack's characterisation of ,arius and ,athanasius4 ,in ,arius the notion of the ,son of ,god is altogether done away4 ,only the name remains4 ,the victory of ,arianism would have resolved ,christianity into cosmology and formal ethics4 ,it would have destroyed it as religion4 ,yet the perverse situation into which the long and fierce controversy had drifted cannot be better illustrated than by one undisputed fact4 ,athanasius1 who assured for ,christianity its character as a religion of the living communion of ,god with man1 is yet the theologian in whose ,christology almost every possible trace of the recollection of the historic ,jesus has disappeared4 ,the purpose of the redemption is to bring men into community of life with ,god4 ,but ,athanasius apprehended this redemption as a conferment1 from without and from above1 of a divine nature4 ,he subordinated everything to this idea4 ,the whole narrative concerning ,jesus falls under the interpretation that the only quality requisite for the ,redeemer in his work was the possession in all fulness of the divine nature4 ,his incarnation1 his manifestation in real human life1 held fast to in word1 is reduced to a mere semblance4 ,salvation is not an ethical process1 but a miraculous endowment4 ,the ,christ1 who was ,god1 lifts men up to godhood4 ,they become ,god4 ,these phrases are of course capable of ethical and intelligible meaning4 ,the development of the doctrine1 however1 threw the emphasis upon the metaphysical and miraculous aspects of the work4 ,it gloried in the fact that the presence of divine and human1 two natures in one person forever1 was unintelligible4 ,in the end it came to pass that the enthusiastic assent to that which defied explanation became the very mark of a humble and submissive faith4 ,one reads the so-called ,athanasian ,creed1 and hears the ring of its determination to exact assent4 ,it had long since been clear to these ,catholics and churchmen that1 with the mere authority of ,scripture1 it was not possible to defend ,christianity against the heretics4 ,the heresies read their heresies out of the ,bible4 ,the orthodox read orthodoxy from the same page4 ,marcion had proved that1 in the very days when the canon took its shape4 ,there must be an authority to define the interpretation of the ,scripture4 ,those who would share the benefits which the ,church dispensed must assent unconditionally to the terms of membership4 ,all these questions were veiled for the early ,christians behind the question of the kind of ,christ in whom their hearts believed4 ,with all that we have said about the reprehensible admixture of the metaphysical element in the dogma1 with all the accusation which we bring concerning acute or gradual ,hellenisation1 secularisation and defection from the ,christ1 we ought not to hide from ourselves that in this gigantic struggle there were real religious interests at stake1 and that for the men of both parties4 ,dimly1 or perhaps vividly1 the man of either party felt that the conception of the ,christ which he was fighting for was congruous with the conception of religion which he had1 or felt that he must have4 ,it is this religious issue1 everywhere present1 which gives dignity to a struggle which otherwise does often sadly lack it4 ,there are two religious views of the person of ,christ which have stood1 from the beginning1 the one over against the other4#e ,the one saw in ,jesus of ,nazareth a man1 distinguished by his special calling as the ,messianic ,king1 endued with special powers1 lifted above all men ever known1 yet a man1 completely subject to ,god in faith1 obedience and prayer4 ,this view is surely sustained by many of ,jesus' own words and deeds4 ,it shines through the testimony of the men who followed him4 ,even the belief in his resurrection and his second coming did not altogether do away with it4 ,the other view saw in him a new ,god who1 descending from ,god1 brought mysterious powers for the redemption of mankind into the world1 and after short obscuring of his glory1 returned to the abode of ,god1 where he had been before4 ,from this belief come all the hymns and prayers to ,jesus as to ,god1 all miracles and exorcisms in his name4 ,footnote #e3 ,wernle1 ,einfzhrung in das ,theologische ,studium1 #aijh1 v4 #bjd4 ,in the long run1 the simpler view did not maintain itself4 ,if false gods and demons were expelled1 it was the ,god ,jesus who expelled them4 ,the more modest faith believed that in the man ,jesus1 being such an one as he was1 men had received the greatest gift which the love of ,god had to bestow4 ,in turn the believer felt the assurance that he also was a child of ,god1 and in the spirit of ,jesus was to realise that sonship4 ,syncretist religions suggested other thoughts4 ,we see that already even in the synoptic tradition the calling upon the name of ,jesus had found place4 ,one wonders whether that first apprehension ever stood alone in its purity4 ,the ,gentile ,churches founded by ,paul1 at all events1 had no such simple trust4 ,equally1 the second form of faith seems never to have been able to stand alone in its peculiar quality4 ,some of the gnostic sects had it4 ,marcion again is our example4 ,the new ,god ,jesus had nothing to do with the cruel ,god of the ,old ,testament4 ,he supplanted the old ,god and became the only ,god4 ,in the ,church the new ,god1 come down from heaven1 must be set in relation with the long-known ,god of ,israel4 ,no less1 must he stand in relation to the simple hero of the ,gospels with his human traits4 ,the problem of theological reflexion was to find the right middle course1 to keep the divine ,christ in harmony1 on the one side1 with monotheism1 and on the other1 with the picture which the ,gospels gave4 ,belief knew nothing of these contradictions4 ,the same simple soul thanked ,god for ,jesus with his sorrows and his sympathy1 as man's guide and helper1 and again prayed to ,jesus because he seemed too wonderful to be a man4 ,the same kind of faith achieves the same wondering and touching combination to-day1 after two thousand years4 ,with thought comes trouble4 ,reflexion wears itself out upon the insoluble difficulty1 the impossible combination1 the flat contradiction1 which the two views present1 so soon as they are clearly seen4 ,in the earliest ,christian writings the fruit of this reflexion lies before us in this form3--,the ,creator of worlds1 the mediator1 the lord of angels and demons1 the ,logos which was ,god and is our ,saviour1 was yet a humble son of man1 undergoing suffering and death1 having laid aside his divine glory4 ,this picture is made with materials which the canonical writings themselves afford4 ,theological study had henceforth nothing to do but to avoid extremes and seek to make this image1 which reflexion upon two polar opposites had yielded1 as nearly thinkable as possible4 ,it has been said that the trinitarian doctrine is not in the ,new ,testament1 that it was later elaborated by a different kind of mind4 ,this is not true4 ,but the inference is precisely the contrary of that which defenders of the dogma would formerly have drawn from this concession4 ,the same kind of mind1 or rather the same two kinds of mind1 are at work in the ,new ,testament4 ,both of the religious elements above suggested are in the ,gospels and ,epistles4 ,the ,new ,testament presents attempts at their combination4 ,either form may be found in the literature of the later age4 ,if we ask ourselves1 ,what is that in ,jesus which gives us the sense of redemption1 surely we should answer1 ,it is his glad and confident resting in the love of ,god the ,father4 ,it is his courage1 his faith in men1 which becomes our faith in ourselves4 ,it is his wonderful mingling of purity and love of righteousness with love of those who have sinned4 ,you may find this in the ancient literature1 as the ,fathers describe that to which their souls cling4 ,but this is not the point of view from which the dogma is organised4 ,the ,nicene ,christology is not to be understood from this approach4 ,the cry of a dying civilisation after power and light and life1 the feeling that these might come to it1 streaming down as it were1 from above1 as a physical1 a mechanical1 a magical deliverance1 this is the frame within which is set what is here said of the help and redemption wrought by ,christ4 ,the resurrection and the incarnation are the points at which this streaming in of the divine light and power upon a darkened world is felt4 ,that religion seemed the highest1 that interpretation of ,christianity the truest1 the absolute one1 which could boast that it possessed the power of the ,almighty through his physical union with men4 ,he who contended that ,jesus was ,god1 contended therewith for a power which could come upon men and make them in some sense one with ,god4 ,this is the view which has been almost exclusively held in the ,greek ,church4 ,it is the view which has run under and through and around the other conception in the ,roman and ,protestant ,churches4 ,the sense that salvation is inward1 moral1 spiritual1 has rarely indeed been absent from ,christendom4 ,it would be preposterous to allege that it had4 ,yet this sense has been overlaid and underrun and shot through with that other and disparate idea of salvation1 as of a pure bestowment1 something achieved apart from us1 or1 if one may so say1 some alteration of ourselves upon other than moral and spiritual terms4 ,the conception of the person ,christ shows the same uncertainty4 ,or rather1 with a given view of the nature of religion and salvation1 the corresponding view of ,christ is certain4 ,in the age-long and world-wide contest over the trinitarian formula1 with all that is saddening in the struggle and all that was misleading in the issue1 it is because we see men struggling to come into the clear as to these two meanings of religion1 that the contest has such absorbing interest4 ,men have been right in declining to call that religion in which a man saves himself4 ,they have been wrong in esteeming that they were then only saved of ,god or ,christ when they were saved by an obviously external process4 ,even this antinomy is softened when one no longer holds that ,god and men are mutually exclusive conceptions4 ,it is ,god working within us who saves1 the ,god who in ,jesus worked such a wonder of righteousness and love as else the world has never seen4 ,,chapter ,v ,,the ,,contribution ,,of ,,the ,,natural ,,and ,,social ,,sciences ,by the middle of the nineteenth century the empirical sciences had undergone vast expansion in the study of detail and in the discovery of principles4 ,men felt the necessity of some adequate discussion of the relation of these sciences one to another and of their unity4 ,there was need of the organisation of the mass of knowledge1 largely new and ever increasing1 which the sciences furnished4 ,it lay in the logic of the case that some of these attempts should advance the bold claim to deal with all knowledge whatsoever and to offer a theory of the universe as a whole4 ,religion1 both in its mythological and in its theological stages1 had offered a theory of the universe as a whole4 ,the great metaphysical systems had offered theories of the universe as a whole4 ,both had professed to include all facts4 ,notoriously both theology and metaphysics had dealt in most inadequate fashion with the material world1 in the study of which the sciences were now achieving great results4 ,indeed1 the methods current and authoritative with theologians and metaphysicians had actually prevented study of the physical universe4 ,both of these had invaded areas of fact to which their methods had no application and uttered dicta which had no relation to truth4 ,the very life of the sciences depended upon deliverance from this bondage4 ,the record of that deliverance is one of the most dramatic chapters in the history of thought4 ,could one be surprised if1 in the resentment which long oppression had engendered and in the joy which overwhelming victory had brought1 scientific men now invaded the fields of their opponents8 ,they repaid their enemies in their own coin4 ,there was with some a disposition to deny that there exists an area of knowledge to which the methods of metaphysicians and theologians might apply4 ,this was ,comte's contention4 ,others conceded that there might be such an area1 but claimed that we can have no knowledge of it4 ,even the theologians1 after their first shock1 were disposed to concede that1 concerning the magnitudes in which they were most interested1 as for example1 ,god and soul1 we have no knowledge of the sort which the method of the physical sciences would give4 ,they fell back upon ,kant's distinction of the two reasons and two worlds4 ,they exaggerated the sharpness of that distinction4 ,they learned that the claim of agnosticism was capable of being viewed as a line of defence1 behind which the transcendental magnitudes might be secure4 ,indeed1 if one may take ,spencer as an example1 it is not certain that this was not the intent of some of the scientists in their strong assertion of agnosticism4 ,spencer's later work reveals that he had no disposition to deny that there are foundations for belief in a world lying behind the phenomenal1 and from which the latter gets its meaning4 ,meantime1 after positivism was buried and agnosticism dead1 a thing was achieved for which ,comte himself laid the foundation and in which ,spencer as he grew older was ever more deeply interested4 ,this was the great development of the social sciences4 ,every aspect of the life of man1 including religion itself1 has been drawn within the area of the social sciences4 ,to all these subjects1 including religion1 there have been applied empirical methods which have the closest analogy with those which have reigned in the physical sciences4 ,psychology has been made a science of experiment1 and the psychology of religion has been given a place within the area of its observations and generalizations4 ,the ethical1 and again the religious consciousness has been subjected to the same kind of investigation to which all other aspects of consciousness are subjected4 ,effort has been made to ascertain and classify the phenomena of the religious life of the race in all lands and in all ages4 ,a science of religions is taking its place among the other sciences4 ,it is as purely an inductive science as is any other4 ,the history of religions and the philosophy of religion are being rewritten from this point of view4 ,in the first lines of this chapter we spoke of the empirical sciences1 meaning the sciences of the material world4 ,it is clear1 however1 that the sciences of mind1 of morals and of religion have now become empirical sciences4 ,they have their basis in experience1 the experience of individuals and the experience of masses of men1 of ages of observable human life4 ,they all proceed by the method of observation and inference1 of hypothesis and verification4 ,there is a unity of method as between the natural and social and psychical sciences1 the reach of which is startling to reflect upon4 ,indeed1 the physiological aspects of psychology1 the investigations of the relation of adolescence to conversion1 suggest that the distinction between the physical and the psychical is a vanishing distinction4 ,science comes nearer to offering an interpretation of the universe as a whole than the opening paragraphs of this chapter would imply4 ,but it does so by including religion1 not by excluding it4 ,no one would any longer think of citing ,kant's distinction of two reasons and two worlds in the sense of establishing a city of refuge into which the persecuted might flee4 ,kant rendered incomparable service by making clear two poles of thought4 ,yet we must realise how the space between is filled with the gradations of an absolute continuity of activity4 ,man has but one reason4 ,this may conceivably operate upon appropriate material in one or the other of these polar fashions4 ,it does operate in infinite variations of degree1 in unity with itself1 after both fashions1 at all times and upon all materials4 ,positivism was a system4 ,agnosticism was at least a phase of thought4 ,the broadening of the conception of science and the invasion of every area of life by a science thus broadly conceived1 has been an influence less tangible than those others but not1 therefore1 less effective4 ,positivism was bitterly hostile to ,christianity1 though1 in the mind of ,comte himself and of a few others1 it produced a curious substitute1 possessing many of the marks of ,roman ,catholicism4 ,the name 'agnostic' was so loosely used that one must say that the contention was hostile to religion in the minds of some and not of others4 ,the new movement for an inclusive science is not hostile to religion4 ,yet it will transform current conceptions of religion as those others never did4 ,in proportion as it is scientific1 it cannot be hostile4 ,it may at most be indifferent4 ,nevertheless1 in the long run1 few will choose the theme of religion for the scientific labour of life who have not some interest in religion4 ,men of these three classes have accepted the doctrine of evolution4 ,comte thought he had discovered it4 ,spencer and those for whom we have taken him as type1 did service in the elaboration of it4 ,to the men of our third group1 the truth of evolution seems no longer debatable4 ,here too1 in the word 'evolution1' we have a term which has been used with laxity4 ,it corresponds to a notion which has only gradually been evolved4 ,its implications were at first by no means understood4 ,it was associated with a mechanical view of the universe which was diametrically opposed to its truth4 ,still1 there could not be a doubt that the doctrine contravened those ideas as to the origin of the world1 and more particularly of man1 of the relations of species1 and especially of the human species to other forms of animal life1 which had immemorially prevailed in ,christian circles and which had the witness of the ,scriptures on their behalf4 ,if we were to attempt1 with acknowledged latitude1 to name a book whose import might be said to be cardinal for the whole movement treated of in this chapter1 that book would be ,darwin's ,origin of ,species1 which was published in #ahei4 ,long before ,darwin the creation legend had been recognised as such4 ,the astronomy of the seventeenth century had removed the earth from its central position4 ,the geology of the eighteenth had shown how long must have been the ages of the laying down of the earth's strata4 ,the question of the descent of man1 however1 brought home the significance of evolution for religion more forcibly than any other aspect of the debate had done4 ,there were scientific men of distinction who were not convinced of the truth of the evolutionary hypothesis4 ,to most ,christian men the theory seemed to leave no unique distinction or spiritual quality for man4 ,it seemed to render impossible faith in the ,scriptures as revelation4 ,to many it seemed that the whole issue as between a spiritual and a purely materialistic view of the universe was involved4 ,particularly was this true of the ,english-speaking peoples4 ,one other factor in the transformation of the ,christian view needs to be dwelt upon4 ,it is less theoretical than those upon which we have dwelt4 ,it is the influence of socialism1 taking that word in its largest sense4 ,an industrial civilisation has developed both the good and the evil of individualism in incredible degree4 ,the unity of society which the feudal system and the ,church gave to ,europe in the ,middle ,age had been destroyed4 ,the individualism and democracy which were essential to ,protestantism notoriously aided the civil and social revolution1 but the centrifugal forces were too great4 ,initiative has been wonderful1 but cohesion is lacking4 ,democracy is yet far from being realised4 ,the civil liberations which were the great crises of the western world from #afdj to #ahcj appear now to many as deprived of their fruit4 ,governments undertake on behalf of subjects that which formerly no government would have dreamed of doing4 ,the demand is that the ,church1 too1 become a factor in the furtherance of the outward and present welfare of mankind4 ,if that meant the call to love and charity it would be an old refrain4 ,that is exactly what it does not mean4 ,it means the attack upon evils which make charity necessary4 ,it means the taking up into the idealisation of religion the endeavour to redress all wrongs1 to do away with all evils1 to confer all goods1 to create a new world and not1 as heretofore1 mainly at least1 a new soul in the midst of the old world4 ,no one can deny either the magnitude of the evils which it is sought to remedy1 or the greatness of the goal which is thus set before religion4 ,the volume of religious and ,christian literature devoted to these social questions is immense4 ,it is revolutionary in its effect4 ,for1 after all1 the very gist of religion has been held to be that it deals primarily with the inner life and the transcendent world4 ,that it has dealt with the problem of the inner life and transcendent world in such a manner as to retard1 or even only not to further1 the other aspects of man's life is indeed a grave indictment4 ,that it should1 however1 see ends in the outer life and present world as ends fully sufficient in themselves1 that it should cease to set these in the light of the eternal1 is that it should cease to be religion4 ,the physical and social sciences have given to men an outward setting in the world1 a basis of power and happiness such as men never have enjoyed4 ,yet the tragic failure of our civilisation to give to vast multitudes that power and happiness1 is the proof that something more than the outward basis is needed4 ,the success of our civilisation is its failure4 ,this is by no means a recurrence to the old antithesis of religion and civilisation1 as if these were contradictory elements4 ,on the contrary1 it is but to show that the present world of religion and of economics are not two worlds1 but merely different aspects of the same world4 ,therewith it is not alleged that religion has not a specific contribution to make4 ,,positivism ,the permanent influence of that phase of thought which called itself ,positivism has not been great4 ,but a school of thought which numbered among its adherents such men and women as ,john ,stuart ,mill1 ,george ,henry ,lewes1 ,george ,eliot1 ,frederic ,harrison1 and ,matthew ,arnold1 cannot be said to have been without significance4 ,a book upon the translation of which ,harriet ,martinean worked with sustained enthusiasm cannot be dismissed as if it were merely a curiosity4 ,comte's work1 ,coura de ,philosophie ,positive1 appeared between the years #ahcj and #ahdb4 ,littr was his chief ,french interpreter4 ,but the history of the positivist movement belongs to the history of ,english philosophical and religious thought1 rather than to that of ,france4 ,comte was born at ,montpellier in #agih1 of a family of intense ,roman ,catholic piety4 ,he showed at school a precocity which might bear comparison with ,mill's4 ,expelled from school1 cast off by his parents1 dismissed by the elder ,casimir ,perier1 whose secretary he had been1 he eked out a living by tutoring in mathematics4 ,friends of his philosophy rallied to his support4 ,he never occupied a post comparable with his genius4 ,he was unhappy in his marriage4 ,he passed through a period of mental aberration1 due1 perhaps1 to the strain under which he worked4 ,he did not regain his liberty without an experience which embittered him against the ,church4 ,during the fourteen years of the production of his book he cut himself off from any reading save that of current scientific discovery4 ,he came under the influence of ,madame ,vaux1 whom1 after her death1 he idolised even more than before4 ,for the problem which1 in the earlier portion of his work1 he set himself1 that namely1 of the organising of the sciences into a compact body of doctrine1 he possessed extraordinary gifts4 ,later1 he took on rather the air of a high priest of humanity1 legislating concerning a new religion4 ,it is but fair to say that at this point ,littr and many others parted company with ,comte4 ,he developed a habit and practice ascetic in its rigour and mystic in its devotion to the positivists' religion--the worship of humanity4 ,he was the friend and counsellor of working-men and agitators1 of little children1 of the poor and miserable4 ,he ended his rather pathetic and turbulent career in #aheg1 gathering a few disciples about his bed as he remembered that ,socrates had done4 ,comte begins with the natural sciences and postulates the doctrine of evolution4 ,to the definition of this doctrine he makes some interesting approaches4 ,the discussion of the order and arrangement of the various sciences and of their characteristic differences is wonderful in its insight and suggestiveness4 ,he asserts that in the study of nature we are concerned solely with the facts before us and the relations which connect those facts4 ,we have nothing to do with the supposed essence or hidden nature and meaning of those facts4 ,facts and the invariable laws which govern them are the only legitimate objects of pursuit4 ,comte infers that because we can know1 in this sense1 only phenomena and their relations1 we should in consequence guard against illusions which creep in again if we so much as use the words principle1 or cause1 or will1 or force4 ,by phenomena must be understood objects of perception1 to the exclusion1 for example1 of psychological changes reputed to be known in self-consciousness4 ,that there is no knowledge but of the physical1 that there is no knowing except by perception--this is ever reiterated as self-evident4 ,even psychology1 resting as it does largely upon the observation of the self by the self1 must be illusive4 ,physiology1 or even phrenology1 with the value of which ,comte was much impressed1 must take its place4 ,every object of knowledge is other than the knowing subject4 ,whatever else the mind knows1 it can never know itself4 ,by invincible necessity the human mind can observe all phenomena except its own4 ,commenting upon this1 ,james ,martineau observed3 ',we have had in the history of thought numerous forms of idealism which construed all outward phenomena as mere appearances within the mind4 ,we have hitherto had no strictly corresponding materialism1 which claimed certainty for the outer world precisely because it was foreign to ourselves4' ,man is the highest product of nature1 the highest stage of nature's most mature and complex form4 ,man as individual is nothing more4 ,physiology gives us not merely his external constitution and one set of relations4 ,it is the whole science of man4 ,there is no study of mind in which its actions and states can be contemplated apart from the physical basis in conjunction with which mind exists4 ,thus far man has been treated only biologically1 as individual4 ,we must advance to man in society4 ,almost one half of ,comte's bulky work is devoted to this side of the inquiry4 ,social phenomena are a class complex beyond any which have yet been investigated4 ,so much is this the case and so difficult is the problem presented1 that ,comte felt constrained in some degree to change his method4 ,we proceed from experience1 from data in fact1 as before4 ,but the facts are not mere illustrations of the so called laws of individual human nature4 ,social facts are the results also of situations which represent the accumulated influence of past generations4 ,in this1 as against ,bentham1 for example1 with his endless recurrence to human nature1 as he called it1 ,comte was right4 ,comte thus first gave the study of history its place in sociology4 ,in this study of history and sociology1 the collective phenomena are more accessible to us and better known by us1 than are the parts of which they are composed4 ,we therefore proceed here from the general to the particular1 not from the particular to the general1 as in research of the kinds previously named4 ,the state of every part of the social organisation is ultimately connected with the contemporaneous state of all the other parts4 ,philosophy1 science1 the fine arts1 commerce1 navigation1 government1 are all in close mutual dependence4 ,when any considerable change takes place in one1 we may know that a parallel change has preceded or will follow in the others4 ,the progress of society is not the aggregate of partial changes1 but the product of a single impulse acting through all the partial agencies4 ,it can therefore be most easily traced by studying all together4 ,these are the main principles of sociological investigation as set forth by ,comte1 some of them as they have been phrased by ,mill4 ,the most sweeping exemplification of the axiom last alluded to1 as to parallel changes1 is ,comte's so-called law of the three states of civilisation4 ,under this law1 he asserts1 the whole historical evolution can be summed up4 ,it is as certain as the law of gravitation4 ,everything in human society has passed1 as has the individual man1 through the theological and then through the metaphysical stage1 and so arrives at the positive stage4 ,in this last stage of thought nothing either of superstition or of speculation will survive4 ,theology and metaphysics ,comte repeatedly characterises as the two successive stages of nescience1 unavoidable as preludes to science4 ,equally unavoidable is it that science shall ultimately prevail in their place4 ,the advance of science having once begun1 there is no possibility but that it will ultimately possess itself of all4 ,one hears the echo of this confidence in ,haeckel also4 ,there is a persistence about the denial of any knowledge whatsoever that goes beyond external facts1 which ill comports with the pretensions of positivism to be a philosophy4 ,for its final claim is not that it is content to rest in experimental science4 ,on the contrary1 it would transform this science into a homogeneous doctrine which is able to explain everything in the universe4 ,this is but a tour de force4 ,the promise is fulfilled through the denial of the reality of everything which science cannot explain4 ,comte was never willing to face the fact that the very existence of knowledge has a noumenal as well as a phenomenal side4 ,the reasonableness of the universe is certainly a conception which we bring to the observation of nature4 ,if we did not thus bring it with us1 no mere observation of nature would ever give it to us4 ,it is impossible for science to get rid of the conception of force1 and ultimately of cause4 ,there can be no phenomenon which is not a manifestation of something4 ,the very nomenclature falls into hopeless confusion without these conceptions4 ,yet the moment we touch them we transcend science and pass into the realm of philosophy4 ,it is mere juggling with words to say that our science has now become a philosophy4 ,the adjective 'positive' contains the same fallacy4 ,apparently ,comte meant by the choice of it to convey the sense that he would limit research to phenomena in their orders of resemblance1 co-existence and succession4 ,but to call the inquiry into phenomena positive1 in the sense that it alone deals with reality1 to imply that the inquiry into causes deals with that which has no reality1 is to beg the question4 ,this is not a premise with which he may set out in the evolution of his system4 ,comte denied the accusation of materialism and atheism4 ,he did the first only by changing the meaning of the term materialism4 ,materialism the world has supposed to be the view of man's condition and destiny which makes these to begin and end in nature4 ,that certainly was ,comte's view4 ,the accusation of atheism also he avoids by a mere play on words4 ,he is not without a ,god4 ,humanity is ,god4 ,mankind is the positivist's ,supreme4 ,altruism takes the place of devotion4 ,the devotion so long wasted upon a mere creature of the imagination1 to whom it could do no good1 he would now give to men who sorely need it and can obviously profit by it4 ,surely the antithesis between nature and the supernatural1 in the form in which ,comte argues against it1 is now abandoned by thoughtful people4 ,equally the antithesis of altruism to the service of ,god is perverse4 ,it arouses one's pity that ,comte should not have seen how1 in true religion these two things coalesce4 ,moreover1 this deification of mankind1 in so far as it is not a sounding phrase1 is an absurdity4 ,when ,comte says1 for example1 that the authority of humanity must take the place of that of ,god1 he has recognised that religion must have authority4 ,indeed1 the whole social order must have authority4 ,however1 this is not for him1 as we are accustomed to say1 the authority of the truth and of the right4 ,there is no such abstraction as the truth1 coming to various manifestations4 ,there is no such thing as right1 apart from relatively right concrete measures4 ,there is no larger being indwelling in men4 ,society1 humanity in its collective capacity1 must1 if need be1 override the individual4 ,yet ,comte despises the mere rule of majorities4 ,the majority which he would have rule is that of those who have the scientific mind4 ,we may admit that in this he aims at the supremacy of truth4 ,but1 in fact1 he prepares the way for a doctrinaire tyranny which1 of all forms of government1 might easily turn out to be the worst which a long-suffering humanity has yet endured4 ,in the end1 we are told1 love is to take the place of force4 ,humanity is present to us first in our mothers1 wives and daughters4 ,for these it is present in their fathers1 husbands1 sons4 ,from this primary circle love widens and worship extends as hearts enlarge4 ,it is the prayer to humanity which first rises above the mere selfishness of the sort to get something out of ,god4 ,remembrance in the hearts of those who loved us and owe something to us is the only worthy form of immortality4 ,clearly it is only the caricature of prayer or of the desire of immortality which rises before ,comte's mind as the thing to be escaped4 ,for this caricature religious men1 both ,catholic and ,protestant1 without doubt1 gave him cause4 ,there were to be seven sacraments1 corresponding to seven significant epochs in a man's career4 ,there were to be priests for the performance of these sacraments and for the inculcation of the doctrines of positivism4 ,there were to be temples of humanity1 affording opportunity for and reminder of this worship4 ,in each temple there was to be set up the symbol of the positivist religion1 a woman of thirty years with her little son in her arms4 ,littr spoke bitterly of the positivist religion as a lapse of the author into his old aberration4 ,this religion was certainly regarded as negligible by many to whom his system as a whole meant a great deal4 ,at least1 it is an interesting example1 as is also his transformation of science into a philosophy1 of the resurgence of valid elements in life1 even in the case of a man who has made it his boast to do away with them4 ,,naturalism ,,and ,,agnosticism ,we may take ,spencer as representative of a group of men who1 after the middle of the nineteenth century1 laboured enthusiastically to set forth evolutionary and naturalistic theories of the universe4 ,these theories had also1 for the most part1 the common trait that they professed agnosticism as to all that lay beyond the reach of the natural-scientific methods1 in which the authors were adept4 ,both ,ward and ,boutroux accept ,spencer as such a type4 ,agnosticism for obvious reasons could be no system4 ,naturalism is a tendency in interpretation of the universe which has many ramifications4 ,there is no intention of making the reference to one man's work do more than serve as introduction to the field4 ,spencer was eager in denial that he had been influenced by ,comte4 ,yet there is a certain reminder of ,comte in ,spencer's monumental endeavour to systematise the whole mass of modern scientific knowledge1 under the general title of ',a ,synthetic ,philosophy4' ,he would show the unity of the sciences and their common principles or1 rather1 the one great common principle which they all illustrate1 the doctrine of evolution1 as this had taken shape since the time of ,darwin4 ,since #aijd we have an autobiography of ,herbert ,spencer1 which1 to be sure1 seems largely to have been written prior to #ahhi4 ,the book is interesting1 as well in the light which it throws upon the expansion of the sciences and the development of the doctrine of evolution in those years1 as in the revelation of the personal traits of the man himself4 ,concerning these ,tolstoi wrote to a friend1 apropos of a gift of the book3 ',in autobiographies the most important psychological phenomena are often revealed quite independently of the author's will4' ,spencer was born in #ahbj in ,derby1 the son of a schoolmaster4 ,he came of ,nonconformist ancestry of most marked individuality4 ,his early education was irregular and inadequate4 ,before he reached the age of seventeen his reading had been immense4 ,he worked with an engineer in the period of the building of the railways in the ,midlands4 ,he always retained his interest in inventions4 ,he wrote for the newspapers and magazines and definitely launched upon a literary career4 ,at the age of thirty he published his first book1 on ,social ,statics4 ,he made friends among the most notable men and women of his age4 ,so early as #ahee he was the victim of a disease of the heart which never left him4 ,it was on his recovery from his first grave attack that he shaped the plan which henceforth held him1 of organising the modern sciences and incorporating them into what he called a synthetic philosophy4 ,there was immense increase in actual knowledge and in the power of his reflection on that knowledge1 as the years went by4 ,a generation elapsed between the publication of his ,first ,principles and the conclusion of his more formal literary labours4 ,there is something captivating about a man's life1 the energy of which remains so little impaired that he esteems it better to write a new book1 covering some untouched portion of his scheme1 than to give to an earlier volume the revision which in the light of his matured convictions it may need4 ,his philosophical limitations he never transcended4 ,he does not so navely offer a substitute for philosophy as does ,comte4 ,but he was no master in philosophy4 ,there is a reflexion of the consciousness of this fact in his agnosticism4 ,that the effort of the agnostic contention has been great1 and on the whole salutary1 few would deny4 ,spencer's own later work shows that his declaration1 that the absolute which lies behind the universe is unknowable1 is to be taken with considerable qualification4 ,it is only a relative unknowableness which he predicates4 ,moreover1 before ,spencer's death1 the doctrine of evolution had made itself profoundly felt in the discussion of all aspects of life1 including that of religion4 ,there seemed no longer any reason for the barrier between science and religion which ,spencer had once thought requisite4 ,the epithet agnostic1 as applied to a certain attitude of scientific mind1 is just1 as over against excessive claims to valid knowledge made1 now by theology and now by speculative philosophy4 ,it is hardly descriptive in any absolute sense4 ,spencer had coined the rather fortunate illustration which describes science as a gradually increasing sphere1 such that every addition to its surface does but bring us into more extensive contact with surrounding nescience4 ,even upon this illustration ,ward has commented that the metaphor is misleading4 ,the continent of our knowledge is not merely bounded by an ocean of ignorance4 ,it is intersected and cut up by straits and seas of ignorance4 ,the author of ,ecce ,coelum has declared3 ',things die out under the microscope into the same unfathomed and1 so far as we can see1 unfathomable mystery1 into which they die off beyond the range of our most powerful telescope4' ,this sense of the circumambient unknown has become cardinal with the best spirits of the age4 ,men have a more rigorous sense of what constitutes knowledge4 ,they have reckoned more strictly with the methods by which alone secure and solid knowledge may be attained4 ,they have undisguised scepticism as to alleged knowledge not arrived at in those ways4 ,it was the working of these motives which gave to the labours of the middle of the nineteenth century so prevailingly the aspect of denial1 the character which ,carlyle described as an everlasting ,no4 ,this was but a preparatory stage1 a retrogression for a new and firmer advance4 ,in the sense of the recognition of our ignorance and of a becoming modesty of affirmation1 over against the mystery into which all our thought runs out1 we cannot reject the correction which agnosticism has administered4 ,it is a fact which has had disastrous consequences1 that precisely the department of thought1 namely the religious1 which one might suppose would most have reminded men of the outlying mystery1 that phase of life whose very atmosphere is mystery1 has most often been guilty of arrant dogmatism4 ,it has been thus guilty upon the basis of the claim that it possessed a revelation4 ,it has allowed itself unlimited licence of affirmation concerning the most remote and difficult matters4 ,it has alleged miraculously communicated information concerning those matters4 ,it has clothed with a divine authoritativeness1 overriding the mature reflexion and laborious investigation of learned men1 that which was1 after all1 nothing but the innocent imaginings of the childhood of the race4 ,in this good sense of a parallel to that agnosticism which scientists profess for themselves within their own appointed realm1 there is a religious agnosticism which is one of the best fruits of the labour of the age4 ,it is not that religious men have abandoned the thought of revelation4 ,they apprehended more justly the nature of revelation4 ,they confess that there is much ignorance which revelation does not mitigate4 ,exeunt omnia in mysterium4 ,they are prepared to say concerning many of the dicta of religiosity1 that they cannot affirm their truth4 ,they are prepared to say concerning the experience of ,god and the soul1 that they know these with an indefeasible certitude4 ,this just and wholesome attitude toward religious truth is only a corollary of the attitude which science has taught us toward all truth whatsoever4 ,the strictly philosophic term phenomenon1 to which science has taken so kindly1 is in itself an explicit avowal of something beyond the phenomenal4 ,spencer is careful to insist upon this relation of the phenomenal to the noumenal4 ,his ,synthetic ,philosophy opens with an exposition of this non-relative or absolute1 without which the relative itself becomes contradictory4 ,it is an essential part of ,spencer's doctrine to maintain that our consciousness of the absolute1 indefinite as it is1 is positive and not negative4 ',though the absolute cannot in any manner or degree be known1 in the strict sense of knowing1 yet we find that its positive existence is a necessary datum of consciousness4 ,the belief which this datum of consciousness constitutes has a higher warrant than any other belief whatsoever4' ,in short1 the absolute or noumenal1 according to ,spencer1 though not known as the phenomenal or relative is known1 is so far from being for knowledge a pure blank1 that the phenomenal1 which is said to be known1 is in the strict sense inconceivable without it4 ,this actuality behind appearances1 without which appearances are unthinkable1 is by ,spencer identified with that ultimate verity upon which religion ever insists4 ,religion itself is a phenomenon1 and the source and secret of most complex and interesting phenomena4 ,it has always been of the greatest importance in the history of mankind4 ,it has been able to hold its own in face of the attacks of science4 ,it must contain an element of truth4 ,all religions1 however1 assert that their ,god is for us not altogether cognisable1 that ,god is a great mystery4 ,the higher their rank1 the more do they acknowledge this4 ,it is by the flippant invasion of this mystery that the popular religiosity offends4 ,it talks of ,god as if he were a man in the next street4 ,it does not distinguish between merely imaginative fetches into the truth1 and presumably accurate definition of that truth4 ,equally1 the attempts which are logically possible at metaphysical solutions of the problem1 namely1 theism1 pantheism1 and atheism1 if they are consistently carried out1 assert1 each of them1 more than we know and are involved in contradiction with themselves4 ,but the results of modern physics and chemistry reveal1 as the constant element in all phenomena1 force4 ,this manifests itself in various forms which are interchangeable1 while amid all these changes the force remains the same4 ,this latter must be regarded as the reality1 and basis of all that is relative and phenomenal4 ,the entire universe is to be explained from the movements of this absolute force4 ,the phenomena of nature and of mental life come under the same general laws of matter1 motion1 and force4 ,spencer's doctrine1 as here stated1 is not adequate to account for the world of mental life or adapted to serve as the basis of a reconciliation of science and religion4 ,it does not carry us beyond materialism4 ,spencer's real intention was directed to something higher than that4 ,if the absolute is to be conceived at all1 it is as a necessary correlative of our self-consciousness4 ,if we get the idea of force from the experience of our own power of volition1 is it not natural to think of mind-force as the prius of physical force1 and not the reverse8 ,accordingly1 the absolute force1 basis of all specific forces1 would be mind and will4 ,the doctrine of evolution would harmonise perfectly with these inferences4 ,but it would have to become idealistic evolution1 as in ,schelling1 instead of materialistic1 as in ,comte4 ,we are obliged1 ,spencer owns1 to refer the phenomenal world of law and order to a first cause4 ,he says that this first cause is incomprehensible4 ,yet he further says1 when the question of attributing personality to this first cause is raised1 that the choice is not between personality and something lower4 ,it is between personality and something higher4 ,to this may belong a mode of being as much transcending intelligence and will as these transcend mechanical motion4 ,it is strange1 he says1 that men should suppose the highest worship to lie in assimilating the object of worship to themselves4 ,and yet1 again1 in one of the latest of his works he writes3 ',unexpected as it will be to most of my readers1 ,i must assert that the power which manifests itself in consciousness is but a differently conditioned form of the power which manifests itself beyond consciousness4 ,the conception to which the exploration of nature everywhere tends is much less that of a universe of dead matter than that of a universe everywhere alive4' ,similar is the issue in the reflexion of ,huxley4 ,agnosticism had at first been asserted in relation to the spiritual and the teleological4 ,it ended in fastening upon the material and mechanical4 ,after all1 says ,huxley1 in one of his essays3--',what do we know of this terrible matter1 except as a name for an unknown and hypothetical cause of states of our own consciousness8 ,again1 what do we know of that spirit over whose threatened extinction by matter so great lamentation has now arisen1 except that it is also a name for an unknown and hypothetical cause of states of our consciousness8' ,he concedes that matter is inconceivable apart from mind1 but that mind is not inconceivable apart from matter4 ,he concedes that the conception of universal and necessary law is an ideal4 ,it is an invention of the mind's own devising4 ,it is not a physical fact4 ,in brief1 taking agnostic naturalism just as it seemed disposed a generation ago to present itself1 it now appears as if it had been turned exactly inside out4 ,instead of the physical world being primary and fundamental and the mental world secondary1 if not altogether problematical1 the precise converse is true4 ,nature1 as science regards it1 may be described as a system whose parts1 be they simple or complex1 are wholly governed by universal laws4 ,knowledge of these laws is an indispensable condition of that control of nature upon which human welfare in so large degree depends4 ,but this reign of law is an hypothesis4 ,it is not an axiom which it would be absurd to deny4 ,it is not an obvious fact1 thrust upon us whether we will or no4 ,experiences are possible without the conception of law and order4 ,the fruit of experience in knowledge is not possible without it4 ,that is only to say that the reason why we assume that nature is a connected system of uniform laws1 lies in the fact that we ourselves are self-conscious personalities4 ,when the naturalists say that the notion of cause is a fetish1 an anthropomorphic superstition which we must eliminate1 we have to answer3 'from the realm of empirical science perhaps1 but not from experience as a whole4' ,indeed1 a glance at the history1 and particularly at the popular literature1 of science affords the interesting spectacle of the rise of an hallucination1 the growth of a habit of mythological speech1 which is truly surprising4 ,we begin to hear of self-existent laws which reign supreme and bind nature fast in fact4 ,by this learned substitution for ,god1 it was once confidently assumed that the race was to emerge from mythical dawn and metaphysical shadows into the noon-day of positive knowledge4 ,rather1 it would appear that at this point a part of the human race plunged into a new era of myth-making and fetish worship--the homage to the fetish of law4 ,even the great minds do not altogether escape4 ',fact ,i know and law ,i know1' says ,huxley1 with a faint suggestion of sacred rhetoric4 ,but surely we do not know law in the same sense in which we know fact4 ,if there are no causes among our facts1 then we do not know anything about the laws4 ,if we do know laws it is because we assume causes4 ,if1 in the language of rational beings1 laws of nature are to be spoken of as self-existent and independent of the phenomena which they are said to govern1 such language must be merely analogous to the manner in which we often speak of the civil law4 ,we say the law does that which we know the executive does4 ,but the thorough-going naturalist cast off these implications as the last rags of a creed outworn4 ,physicists were fond of talking of the movement of molecules1 just as the ancient astrologers imagined that the planets had souls and guided their own courses4 ,we had supposed that this was anthropomorphism4 ,in truth1 this would-be scientific mode of speech is as anthropomorphic as is the cosmogony of ,hesiod1 only on a smaller scale4 ,primitive religion ascribed life to everything of which it talked4 ,polytheism in religion and independent forces and self-existent laws in science are thus upon a par4 ,the gods many and lords many1 so amenable to concrete presentation in poetry and art1 have given place to one ,supreme ,being4 ,so also light1 heat1 and other natural agencies1 palpable and ready to hand for the explanation of everything1 in the myth-making period of science which living men can still remember1 have by this time paled4 ,they have become simply various manifestations of one underlying spiritual energy1 which is indeed beyond our perception4#f ,when ,comte said that the universe could not rest upon will1 because then it would be arbitrary1 incalculable1 subject to caprice1 one feels the humour and pathos of it4 ,comte's experience with will1 his own and that of others1 had evidently been too largely of that sad sort4 ,real freedom consists in conformity to what ought to be4 ,in ,god1 whom we conceive as perfect1 this conformity is complete4 ,with us it remains an ideal4 ,were we the creatures of a blind mechanical necessity there could be no talk of ideal standards and no meaning in reason at all4 ,footnote #f3 ,ward1 ,naturalism and ,agnosticism1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bdh4 ,,evolution ,in the progress of the thought of the generation1 say1 from #ahgj to the present day1 the conception of evolution has been much changed4 ,the doctrine of evolution has itself been largely evolved within that period4 ,the application of it has become familiar in fields of which there was at first no thought4 ,the bearing of the acceptance of it upon religion has been seen to be quite different from that which was at first supposed4 ,the advocacy of the doctrine was at first associated with the claims of naturalism or positivism4 ,wider applications of the doctrine and deeper insight into its meaning have done away with this misunderstanding4 ,evolution1 as originally understood1 was as far as possible from suggesting anything mechanical4 ,by the term was meant primarily the gradual unfolding of a living germ from its embryonic beginning to its mature and final stage4 ,this adult form was regarded not merely as the goal actually reached through successive stages of growth4 ,it was conceived as the end aimed at1 and achieved through the force of some vital or ideal principle shaping the plastic material and directing the process of growth4 ,in short1 evolution implied ideal ends controlling physical means4 ,yet we find with ,spencer1 as prevailingly also with others in the study of the natural sciences1 the ideas of end and of cause looked at askance4 ,they are regarded an outside the pale of the natural sciences4 ,in a very definite sense that is true4 ,the logical consequence of this admission should be merely the recognition that the idea of evolution as developed in the natural sciences cannot be the whole idea4 ,the entire history of anything1 ,spencer tells us1 must include its appearance out of the imperceptible1 and its disappearance again into the imperceptible4 ,be it a single object1 or the whole universe1 an account which begins with it in a concrete form1 or leaves off with its concrete form1 is incomplete4 ,he uses a familiar instance1 that of a cloud appearing when vapour drifts over a cold mountain top1 and again disappearing when it emerges into warmer air4 ,the cloud emerges from the imperceptible as heat is dissipated4 ,it is dissolved again as heat is absorbed and the watery particles evaporate4 ,spencer esteems this an analogue of the appearance of the universe itself1 according to the nebular hypothesis4 ,yet assuredly1 as the cloud presupposes vapours which had previously condensed1 and the vapour clouds that had previously evaporated1 and as clouds dissolve in one place even at the moment that they are forming in another1 so we are told of nebul which are in every phase of advance or of decline4 ,to ask which was first1 solid masses or nebulous haze1 is much like recurring to the riddle of the hen and the egg4 ,still1 we are told1 we have but to extend our thought beyond this emergence and subsidence of sidereal systems1 of continents1 nations1 men1 to find a permanent totality made up of transient individuals in every stage of change4 ,the physical assumption with which ,spencer sets out is that the mass of the universe and its energy are fixed in quantity4 ,all the phenomena of evolution are included in the conservation of this matter and force4 ,besides the criticism which was offered above1 that the mere law of the persistence of force does not initiate our series1 there is a further objection4 ,even within the series1 once it has been started1 this law of the persistence of force is solely a quantitative law4 ,when energy is transformed there is an equivalence between the new form and the old4 ,of the reasons for the direction evolution takes1 for the permanence of that direction once it has been taken1 so that the sequence of forms is a progression1 the explication of a latent nature--of all this1 the mere law of the persistence of force gives us no explanation whatever4 ,the change at random from one form of manifestation to another might be a striking illustration of the law of the persistence of force1 but it would be the contradiction of evolution4 ,the very notion of evolution is that of the sequence of forms1 so that something is expressed or achieved4 ,that achievement implies more than the mere force4 ,or rather1 it involves a quality of the force with which the language of mechanism does not reckon4 ,it assumes the idea which gives direction to the force1 an ideal quality of the force4 ,unquestionably that which men sought to be rid of was the idea of purpose in nature1 in the old sense of design in the mind of ,god1 external to the material universe1 of force exerted upon nature from without1 so as to cause nature to conform to the design of its ',great ,original1' in ,addison's high phrase4 ,in this effort1 however1 the reducing of all to mere force and permutation of force1 not merely explains nothing1 but contradicts facts which stare us in the face4 ,it deprives evolution of the quality which makes it evolution4 ,to put in this incongruous quality at the beginning1 because we find it necessary at the end1 is1 to say the least1 nave4 ,to deny that we have put it in1 to insist that in the marvellous sequence we have only an illustration of mechanism and of conservation of force1 is perverse4 ,we passed through an era in which some said that they did not believe in ,god2 everything was accounted for by evolution4 ,in so far as they meant that they did not believe in the ,god of deism and of much traditional theology1 they did not stand alone in this claim4 ,in so far as they meant by evolution mere mechanism1 they explained nothing and destroyed the notion of evolution besides4 ,in so far as they meant more than mere mechanism1 they lapsed into the company of the scientific myth-makers to whom we alluded above4 ,they attributed to their abstraction1 evolution1 qualities which other people found in the forms of the universe viewed as the manifestation of an immanent ,god4 ,only by so doing were they able to ascribe to evolution that which other people describe as the work of ,god4 ,at this level the controversy becomes one simply about words4 ,of course1 the great illumination as to the meaning of evolution has come with its application to many fields besides the physical4 ,darwin was certainly the great inaugurator of the evolutionary movement in ,england4 ,still1 ,darwin's problem was strictly limited4 ,the impression is widespread that the biological evolutionary theories were first developed1 and furnished the basis for the others4 ,yet both ,hegel and ,comte1 not to speak of ,schelling1 were far more interested in the intellectual and historical1 the ethical and social aspects of the question4 ,both ,hegel and ,comte were1 whether rightly or wrongly1 rather contemptuous of the appeal to biology and organic life4 ,both had the sense that they used a great figure of speech when they spoke of society as an organism1 and compared the working of institutions to biological functions4 ,this is indeed the question4 ,it is a question over which ,spencer sets himself lightly4 ,he passes back and forth between organic evolution and the ethical1 economic1 and social movements which are described by the same term1 as if we were in possession of a perfectly safe analogy1 or rather as if we were assured of an identical principle4 ,much that is already archaic in ,spencer's economic and social1 his historical and ethical1 not to say his religious1 chapters is due to the influence of this fact4 ,of his own mind it was true that he had come to the doctrine of evolution from the physical side4 ,he brought to his other subjects a more or less developed method of operating with the conception4 ,he never fully realised how new subjects would alter the method and transform the conception4 ,spencerian evolution is an assertion of the all-sufficiency of natural law4 ,the authority of conscience is but the experience of law-abiding and dutiful generations flowing in our veins4 ,the public weal has hold over us1 because the happiness and misery of past ages are inherited by us4 ,it marked a great departure when ,huxley began vigorously to dissent from these views4 ,according to him evolutionary science has done nothing for ethics4 ,men become ethical only as they set themselves against the principles embodied in the evolutionary process of the world4 ,evolution is the struggle for existence4 ,it is preposterous to say that man became good by succeeding in the struggle for existence4 ,instead of the old single movement1 as in ,spencer1 straight from the nebula to the saint1 ,huxley has place for suffering4 ,suffering is most intense in man precisely under conditions most essential to the evolution of his nobler powers4 ,the loss of ease or money may be gain in character4 ,the cosmical process is not only full of pain4 ,it is full of mercilessness and of wickedness4 ,good has been evolved1 but so has evil4 ,the fittest may have survived4 ,there is no guarantee that they are the best4 ,the continual struggle against our fellows poisons our higher life4 ,it will hardly do to say with ,huxley that the ethical struggle is the reverse of the cosmical process4 ,nevertheless1 we have here a most interesting transformation in thought4 ,these ideas and principles1 as is well known1 were elaborated and advanced upon in a very popular book1 ,drummond's ,ascent of ,man1 #ahid4 ,even the title was a happy and suggestive one4 ,struggle for life is a fact1 but it is not the whole fact4 ,it is balanced by the struggle for the life of others4 ,this latter reaches far down into the levels of what we call brute life4 ,its divinest reach is only the fulfilment of the real nature of humanity4 ,it is the living with men which develops the moral in man4 ,the prolongation of infancy in the higher species has had to do with the development of moral nature4 ,so only that we hold a sufficiently deep view of reason1 provided we see clearly that reason transforms1 perfects1 makes new what we inherit from the beast1 we need not fear for morality1 though it should universally be taught that morality came into being by the slow and gradual fashioning of brute impulse4 ,benjamin ,kidd in his ,social ,evolution1 #ahie1 has reverted again to extreme ,darwinism in morals and sociology4 ,the law is that of unceasing struggle4 ,reason does not teach us to moderate the struggle4 ,it but sharpens the conflict4 ,all religions are prter-rational1 ,christianity most of all1 in being the most altruistic4 ,kidd1 not without reason1 comments bitterly upon ,spencer's ,utopia1 the passage of militarism into industrialism4 ,the struggle in industrialism is fiercer than ever4 ,reason affects the animal nature of man for the worse4 ,clearly conscious of what he is doing1 man objects to sacrificing himself for his family or tribe4 ,instinct might lead an ape to do that4 ,intelligence warns a man against it4 ,reason is cruel beyond anything dreamed of in the beast4 ,that portion of the community which loves to hear the abuse of reason1 rejoiced to hear this phrase4 ,they rejoiced when they heard that religion was the only remedy1 and that religion was ultra-rational1 contra-rational1 supernatural1 in this new sense4 ,how one comes by it1 or how one can rationally justify the yielding of allegiance to it1 is not clear4 ,one must indeed have the will to believe if one believes on these terms4 ,these again are but examples4 ,they convey but a superficial impression of the effort to apply the conception of evolution to the moral and religious life of man4 ,all this has taken place1 of course1 in a far larger setting that of the endeavour to elaborate the evolutionary view of politics and of the state1 of economics and of trade1 of social life and institutions1 of culture and civilisation in every aspect4 ,this elaboration and reiteration of the doctrine of evolution sometimes wearies us4 ,it is but the unwearied following of the main clue to the riddle of the universe which the age has given us4 ,it is nothing more and nothing less than the endeavour to apprehend the ideal life1 no longer as something held out to us1 set up before us1 but also as something working within us1 realising itself through us and among us4 ,to deny the affinity of this with religion would be fatuous and also futile4 ,temporarily1 at least1 and to many interests of religion1 it would be fatal4 ,,miracles ,it must be evident that the total view of the universe which the acceptance of the doctrine of evolution implies1 has had effect in the diminution of the acuteness of the question concerning miracles4 ,it certainly gives to that question a new form4 ,a philosophy which asserts the constant presence of ,god in nature and the whole life of the world1 a criticism which has given us a truer notion of the documents which record the biblical miracles1 the reverent sense of ignorance which our increasing knowledge affords1 have tended to diminish the dogmatism of men on either side of the debate4 ,the contention on behalf of the miracle1 in the traditional sense of the word1 once seemed the bulwark of positive religion1 the distinction between the man who was satisfied with a naturalistic explanation of the universe and one whose devout soul asked for something more4 ,on the other hand1 the contention against the miracle appeared to be a necessary corollary of the notion of a law and order which are inviolable throughout the universe4 ,furthermore1 many men have come of themselves to the conclusion for which ,schleiermacher long ago contended4 ,whatever may be theoretically determined concerning miracles1 yet the miracle can never again be regarded as among the foundations of faith4 ,this is for the simplest of reasons4 ,the belief in a miracle presupposes faith4 ,it is the faith which sustains the miracle1 and not the miracle the faith4 ,jesus is to men the incomparable moral and spiritual magnitude which he is1 not on the evidence of some unparalleled things physical which it is alleged he did4 ,quite the contrary1 it is the immediate impression of the moral and spiritual wonder which ,jesus is1 that prepares what credence we can gather for the wonders which it is declared he did4 ,this is a transfer of emphasis1 a redistribution of weight in the structure of our thought1 the relief of which many appreciate who have not reasoned the matter through for themselves4 ,schleiermacher had said1 and ,herrmann and others repeat the thought1 that1 as the ,christian faith finds in ,christ the highest revelation1 miracles may reasonably be expected of him4 ,nevertheless1 he adds1 these deeds can be called miracles or esteemed extraordinary1 only as containing something which was beyond contemporary knowledge of the regular and orderly connexion between physical and spiritual life4 ,therewith1 it must be evident1 that the notion of the miraculous is fundamentally changed4 ,so it comes to pass that we have a book like ,mackintosh's ,natural ,history of the ,christian ,religion1 #ahid1 whose avowed purpose is to do away with the miraculous altogether4 ,of course1 the author means the traditional notion of the miraculous1 according to which it is the essence of arbitrariness and the negation of law4 ,it is not that he has less sense for the divine life of the world1 or for the quality of ,christianity as revelation4 ,on the other hand1 we have a book like ,percy ,gardner's ,exploratio ,evangelica1 #ahii4 ,with the most searching criticism of the narratives of some miracles1 there is reverent confession1 on the author's part1 that he is baffled by the reports of others4 ,there is recognition of unknown possibilities in the case of a character like that of ,jesus4 ,it is not that ,gardner has a less stringent sense of fact and of the inexorableness of law than has ,mackintosh or an ardent physicist4 ,the problem is reduced to that of the choice of expression4 ,we are not able to withhold a justification of the scholar who declares3 ,we must not say that we believe in the miraculous4 ,this language is sure to be appropriated by those who still take their departure from the old dualism1 now hopelessly obsolete1 for which a breach of the law of nature was the crowning evidence of the love of ,god4 ,on the other hand1 the assertion that we do not believe in the miraculous will easily be taken by some to mean the denial of the whole sense of the nearness and power and love of ,god1 and of the unimagined possibilities of such a moral nature as was that of ,christ4 ,it is to be repeated that we have here a mere difference as to terms4 ,the debate is no longer about ideas4 ,the traditional notion of the miracle arose out of the confusion of two series of ideas which1 in the last analysis1 have nothing to do with each other4 ,on the one hand1 there is the conception of law and order1 of cause and effect1 of the unbroken connexion of nature4 ,on the other hand is the thought of the divine purpose in the life of the world and of the individual4 ,by the aid of that first sequence of thoughts we find ourselves in the universe and interpret the world of fact to ourselves4 ,yet in the other sequence lies the essence of religion4 ,the two sequences may perfectly well coexist in the same mind4 ,out of the attempt to combine them nothing clear or satisfying can issue4 ,if one should be1 to-day1 brought face to face with a fact which was alleged to be a miracle1 his instinctive effort would be1 nevertheless1 to seek to find its cause1 to establish for it a connexion in the natural order4 ,in the ancient world men did not argue thus1 nor in the modern world until less than two hundred years ago4 ,the presumption of the order of nature had not assumed for them the proportions which it has for us4 ,for us it is overwhelming1 self-evident4 ,therewith is not involved that we lack belief in a divine purpose for the world and for the individual life4 ,we do not deny that there are laws of nature of which we have no experience1 facts which we do not understand1 events which1 if they should occur1 would stand before us as unique4 ,still1 the decisive thing is1 that in face of such an event1 instead of viewing it quite simply as a divine intervention1 as men used to do1 we1 with equal simplicity and no less devoutness1 conceive that same event as only an illustration of a connexion in nature which we do not understand4 ,there is no inherent reason why we may not understand it4 ,when we do understand it1 there will be nothing more about it that is conceivably miraculous4 ,there will be then no longer a unique quality attaching to the event4 ,therewith ends the possible significance of such an event as proof of divine intervention for our especial help4 ,we have but a connexion in nature such that1 whether understood or not1 if it were to recur1 the event would recur4 ,the miracles which are related in the ,scripture may be divided for our consideration into three classes4 ,to the first class belong most of those which are related in the ,old ,testament1 but some also which are conspicuous in the ,new ,testament4 ,they are1 in some cases1 the poetical and imaginative representation of the profoundest religious ideas4 ,so soon as one openly concedes this1 when there is no longer any necessity either to attack or to defend the miracle in question1 one is in a position to acknowledge how deep and wonderful the thoughts often are and how beautiful the form in which they are conveyed4 ,it is through imagination and symbolism that we are able to convey the subtlest meanings which we have4 ,still more was this the case with men of an earlier age4 ,in the second place1 the narratives of miracles are1 some of them1 of such a sort that we may say that an event or circumstance in nature has been obviously apprehended in nave fashion4 ,this by no means forbids us to interpret that same event in quite a different way4 ,the men of former time1 exactly in proportion as they had less sense of the order of nature than have we1 so were they also far readier to assume the immediate forthputting of the power of ,god4 ,this was true not merely of the uneducated4 ,it is difficult1 or even impossible1 for us to find out what the event was4 ,fact and apprehension are inextricably interwoven4 ,that which really happened is concealed from us by the tale which had intended to reveal it4 ,in the third place1 there are many cases in the history of ,jesus1 and some in that of the apostles and prophets1 in which that which is related moves in the borderland between body and soul1 spirit and matter1 the region of the influence of will1 one's own or that of another1 over physical conditions4 ,concerning such cases we are disposed1 far more than were men even a few years ago1 to concede that there is much that is by no means yet investigated1 and the soundest judgment we can form is far from being sure4 ,even if we recognise to the full the lamentable resurgence of outworn superstitions and stupidities1 which again pass current among us for an unhappy moment1 if we detect the questionable or manifestly evil consequences of certain uses made or alleged of psychic influence1 yet still we are not always in a position to say1 with certainty1 what is true in tales of healing which we hear in our own day4 ,there are certain of the statements concerning ,jesus' healing power and action which are absolutely baffling4 ,they can be eliminated from the narrative only by a procedure which might just as well eliminate the narrative4 ,in many of the narratives there may be much that is true4 ,in some all may be as related4 ,in ,jesus' time1 on the witness of the ,scripture itself1 it was assumed as something no one questioned1 that miraculous deeds were performed1 not alone by ,jesus and the apostles1 but by many others1 and not always even by the good4 ,such deeds were performed through the power of evil spirits as well as by the power of ,god4 ,to imagine that the working of miracles proved that ,jesus came from ,god1 is the most patent importation of a modern apologetic notion into the area of ancient thought4 ,we must remember that ,jesus himself laid no great weight upon the miracles which we assume that he believed he wrought1 and some of which we may believe that he did work4 ,many he performed with hesitation and desired so far as possible to conceal4 ,even if we were in a position at one point or another in the life of ,jesus to defend the traditional assumptions concerning the miraculous1 yet it must be evident how opposed it is to right reason1 to lay stress on the abstract necessity of belief in the miraculous4 ,the traditional conception of the miraculous is done away for us4 ,this is not at all by the fact that we are in a position to say with ,matthew ,arnold3 ',the trouble with miracles is that they never happen4' ,we do not know enough to say that4 ,to stake all on the assertion of the impossibility of so-called miracles is as foolish as to stake much on the affirmation of their actuality4 ,the connexion of nature is only an induction4 ,this can never be complete4 ,the real question is both more complex and also more simple4 ,the question is whether1 even if an event1 the most unparalleled of those related in the ,gospels or outside of them1 should be proved before our very eyes to have taken place1 the question is whether we should believe it to have been a miracle in the traditional sense1 an event in which the actual--not the known1 but the possible--order of nature had been broken through1 and in the old sense1 ,god had arbitrarily supervened4 ,allowed that the event were1 in our own experience and in the known experience of the race1 unparalleled1 yet it would never occur to us to suppose but that there was a law of this case1 also1 a connexion in nature in which1 as work of ,god1 it occurred1 and in which1 if the conditions were repeated1 it would recur4 ,we should unceasingly endeavour through observation1 reflexion1 and new knowledge1 to show how we might subordinate this event in the connexion of nature which we assume4 ,we should feel that we knew more1 and not less1 of ,god1 if we should succeed4 ,and if our effort should prove altogether futile1 we should be no less sure that such natural connexion exists4 ,this is because nature is for us the revelation of the divine4 ,the divine1 we assume1 has a natural order of working4 ,its inviolability is the divinest thing about it4 ,it is through this sequence of ideas that we are in a position to deny1 not facts which may be inexplicable1 but the traditional conception of the miracle4 ,for surely no one needs to be told that this is not the conception of the miracle which has existed in the minds of the devout1 and equally of the undevout1 from the beginning of thought until the present day4 ,however1 there is nothing in all of this which hinders us from believing with a full heart in the love and grace and care of ,god1 in his holy and redeeming purpose for mankind and for the individual4 ,it is true that this belief cannot any longer retain its nave and childish form4 ,it is true that it demands of a man far more of moral force1 of ethical and spiritual mastery1 of insight and firm will1 to sustain the belief in the purpose of ,god for himself and for all men1 when a man believes that he sees and feels ,god only in and through nature and history1 through personal consciousness and the personal consciousness of ,jesus4 ,it is true that it has1 apparently1 been easier for men to think of ,god as outside and above his world1 and of themselves as separated from their fellows by his special providence4 ,it is more difficult1 through glad and intelligent subjection to all laws of nature and of history1 to achieve the education of one's spirit1 to make good one's inner deliverance from the world1 to aid others in the same struggle and to set them on their way to ,god4 ,men grow uncertain within themselves1 because they say that traditional religion has apprehended the matter in a different way4 ,this is true4 ,it is also misleading4 ,whatever miracles ,jesus may have performed1 no one can say that he performed them to make life easier for himself1 to escape the common lot1 to avoid struggle1 to evade suffering and disgraceful death4 ,on the contrary1 in genuine human self-distrust1 but also in genuine heroism1 he gave himself to his vocation1 accepting all that went therewith1 and finished the work of ,god which he had made his own4 ,this is the more wonderful because it lay so much nearer to him than it can lie to us1 to pray for special evidence of the love of ,god and to set his faith on the receiving of it4 ,he had not the conception of the relation of ,god to nature and history which we have4 ,we may well view the modern tendency to belief in healings through prayer1 suggestion and faith1 as an intelligible1 an interesting1 and in part1 a touching manifestation4 ,of course there is mingled with it much dense ignorance1 some superstition and even deception4 ,yet behind such a phenomenon there is meaning4 ,men of this mind make earnest with the thought that ,god cares for them4 ,without that thought there is no religion4 ,they have been taught to find the evidence of ,god's love and care in the unusual4 ,they are quite logical4 ,it has been a weak point of the traditional belief that men have said that in the time of ,christ there were miracles1 but since that time1 no more4 ,why not1 if we can only in spirit come near to ,christ and ,god8 ,they are quite logical also in that they have repudiated modern science4 ,to be sure1 no inconsiderable part of them use the word science continually4 ,but the very esoteric quality of their science is that it means something which no one else ever understood that it meant4 ,in reality their breach with science is more radical than their breach with ,christianity4 ,they feel the contradiction in which most men are bound fast1 who will let science have its way1 up to a certain point1 but who beyond that1 would retain the miracle4 ,dimly the former appreciate that this position is impossible4 ,they leave it to other men to become altogether scientific if they wish4 ,for themselves they prefer to remain religious4 ,what a revival of ancient superstitions they have brought to pass1 is obvious4 ,still we shall never get beyond such adventurous and preposterous endeavours to rescue that which is inestimably precious in religion1 until the false antithesis between reason and faith1 the lying contradiction between the providence of ,god and the order of nature1 is overcome4 ,some science mankind apparently must have4 ,altogether without religion the majority1 it would seem1 will never be4 ,how these are related1 the one to the other1 not every one sees4 ,many attempt their admixture in unhappy ways4 ,they might try letting them stand in peace as complement and supplement the one to the other4 ,still better1 they may perhaps some day see how each penetrates1 permeates and glorifies the other4 ,,the ,,social ,,sciences ,we said that the last generation had been characterised by an unexampled concentration of intellectual interest upon problems presented by the social sciences4 ,with this has gone an unrivalled earnestness in the interpretation of religion as a social force4 ,the great religious enthusiasm has been that of the application of ,christianity to the social aspects of life4 ,this effort has furnished most of the watchwords of religious teaching4 ,it has laid vigorous1 not to say violent1 hands on religious institutions4 ,it has given a new perspective to effort and a new impulse to devotion4 ,the revival of religion in our age has taken this direction1 with an exclusiveness which has had both good and evil consequences4 ,yet1 before all1 it should be made clear that it constitutes a religious revival4 ,some are deploring the prostrate condition of spiritual interests4 ,if one judged only by conventional standards1 they have much evidence upon their side4 ,some are seeking to galvanise religious life by recurrence to evangelistic methods successfully operative half a century ago4 ,the outstanding fact is that the age shows immense religious vitality1 so soon as one concedes that it must be allowed to show its vitality in its own way4 ,it is the age of the social question4 ,one must be ignorant indeed of the activity of the churches and of the productivity of religious thinkers1 if he does not own that in ,christian circles also no questions are so rife as these4 ,whether the panaceas have been all wise or profitable may be questioned4 ,whether the interest has not been even excessive and one-sided1 whether the accusation has not been occasionally unjust and the self-accusation morbid1 these are questions which it might be possible in some quarters to ask4 ,this is1 however1 only another form of proof of what we say4 ,the religious interest in social questions has not been aroused primarily by intellectual and scientific impulses1 nor fostered mainly by doctrinaire discussion4 ,on the contrary1 the initiative has been from the practical side4 ,it has been a question of life and service4 ,if anything1 one often misses the scientific note in the flood of semi-religious literature relating to this theme1 the realisation that1 to do well1 it is often profitable to think4 ,yet there is effort to mediate the best results of social-scientific thinking1 through clerical education and directly to the laity4 ,on the other hand1 a deep sense of ethical and spiritual responsibility is prevalent among thinkers upon social topics4 ,often indeed has the quality of ,christianity been observed which is here exemplified4 ,each succeeding age has read into ,christ's teachings1 or drawn out from his example1 the special meaning which that generation1 or that social level1 or that individual man had need to draw4 ,to them in their enthusiasm it has often seemed as if this were the only lesson reasonable men could draw4 ,nothing could be more enlightening than is reflexion upon this reading of the ever-changing ideals of man's life into ,christianity1 or of ,christianity into the ever-advancing ideals of man's life4 ,this chameleonlike quality of ,christianity is the farthest possible remove from the changelessness which men love to attribute to religion4 ,it is the most wonderful quality which ,christianity possesses4 ,it is precisely because of the recognition of this capacity for change that one may safely argue the continuance of ,christianity in the world4 ,yet also because of this recognition1 one is put upon his guard against joining too easily in the clamour that a past apprehension of religion was altogether wrong1 or that a new and urgent one1 in its exclusive emphasis and its entirety1 is right4 ,our age is haunted by the sense of terrific social and economic inequalities which prevail4 ,it has set its heart upon the elimination of those inequalities4 ,it is an age whose disrespect for religion is in some part due to the fact that religion has not done away with these inequalities4 ,it is an age which is immediately interested in an interpretation of religion which will make central the contention that1 before all things else1 these inequalities must be done away4 ,if religion can be made a means of every man's getting his share of the blessings of this world1 well and good4 ,if not1 there are many men and women to whom religion seems utterly meaningless4 ,this sentence hardly overstates the case4 ,it is the challenge of the age to religion to do something which the age profoundly needs1 and which religion under its age-long dominant apprehension has not conspicuously done1 nor even on a great scale attempted4 ,it is the challenge to religion to undertake a work of surpassing grandeur--nothing less than the actualisation of the whole ideal of the life of man4 ,religious men respond with the quickened and conscientious conviction1 not indeed that they have laid too great an emphasis upon the spiritual1 but that under a dualistic conception of ,god and man and world1 they have never sufficiently realised that the spiritual is to be realised in the material1 the ideal in and not apart from the actual1 the eternal in and not after the temporal4 ,yet with that oscillatory quality which belongs to human movements1 especially where old wrongs and errors have come deeply to be felt1 a part of the literature of the contention shows marked tendency to extremes4 ,a religion in the body must become a religion of the body4 ,a ,christianity of the social state runs risk of being apprehended as merely one more means for compassing outward and material ends4 ,religion does stand for the inner life and the transcendent world1 only not an inner life through the neglect of the outer1 or a transcendent world in some far-off star or after an on or two4 ,there might be meaning in the argument that1 exactly because so many other forces in our age do make for the realisation of the outer life and present world with an effectiveness and success which no previous age has ever dreamed1 there is the more reason1 and not the less1 why religion should still be religion4 ,exactly this is the contention of ,eueken in one of the most significant contributions of recent years to the philosophy of religion1 his ,wahrheitsgehalt der ,religion1 #aija1 transl4 ,jones1 #aiaa4 ,the very source and cause of the sure recovery of religion in our age will be the experience of the futility1 the bankruptcy1 of a civilisation without faith4 ,no nobler argument has been heard in our time for the spiritual meaning of religion1 with the fullest recognition of all its other meanings4 ,the modern emphasis on the social aspects of religion may be said to have been first clearly expressed in ,seeley's ,ecce ,homo1 #ahfg4 ,the pith of the book is in this phrase3 ',to reorganise society and to bind the members of it together by the closest ties was the business of ,jesus' life4' ,allusion has been made to ,fremantle's ,the ,world as the ,subject of ,redemption1 #ahhe4 ,worthy of note is also ,fairbairn's ,religion in ,history and ,modern ,life1 #ahid2 pre-eminently so is ,bosanquet's ,the ,civilisation of ,christendom1 #ahic4 ,westcott's ,incarnation and ,common ,life1 #ahic1 contains utterances of weight4 ,peabody1 in his book1 ,jesus ,christ and the ,social ,question1 #aije1 has given1 on the whole1 the best rsum of the discussion4 ,he conveys incidentally an impression of the body of literature produced in recent years1 in which it is assumed1 sometimes with embitterment1 that the centre of gravity of ,christianity is outside the ,church4 ,sell1 in the very title of his illuminating little book1 ,christenthum und ,weltgeschichte seit der ,reformation3 das ,christenthum in seiner ,entwickelung ber die ,kirche hinaus1 #aiaj1 records an impression1 which is widespread and true1 that the characteristic mark of modern ,christianity is that it has transcended the organs and agencies officially created for it4 ,it has become non-ecclesiastical1 if not actually hostile to the ,church4 ,it has permeated the world in unexpected fashion and does the deeds of ,christianity1 though rather eager to avoid the name4 ,the anti-clericalism of the ,latin countries is not unintelligible1 the anti-ecclesiasticism of the ,teutonic not without a cause4 ,german socialism1 ever since ,karl ,marx1 has been fundamentally antagonistic to any religion whatsoever4 ,it is purely secularist in tone4 ,this is also a strained situation1 liable to become perverse4 ,that part of the ,christian ,church which understands itself1 rejoices in nothing so much as in the fact that the spirit of ,christ is so widely disseminated1 his influence felt by many who do not know what influence it is which they feel1 his work done by vast numbers who would never call themselves his workers4 ,that part of the ,church is not therewith convinced but that there is need of the ,church as institution1 and of those who are consciously disciples of ,jesus in the world4 ,by far the largest question1 however1 which is raised in this connexion1 is one different from any thus far intimated4 ,it is1 perhaps1 the last question one would have expected the literature of the social movement to raise4 ,it is1 namely1 the question of the individual4 ,ever since the middle of the eighteenth century a sort of universalistic optimism1 to which the individual is sacrificed1 has obtained4 ,within the period of which this book treats the world has won an enlargement of horizon of which it never dreamed4 ,it has gained a forecast of the future of culture and civilisation which is beyond imagination4 ,the access of comfort makes men at home in the world as they never were at home4 ,there has been set a value on this life which life never had before4 ,the succession of discoveries and applications of discovery makes it seem as if there were to be no end in this direction4 ,from ,rousseau to ,spencer men have elaborated the view that the historical process cannot really issue in anything else than in ever higher stages of perfection and of happiness4 ,they postulate a continuous enhancement of energy and a steady perfecting of intellectual and moral quality4 ,as the goal of evolution appears an ideal condition which is either indefinitely remote1 that is1 which gives room for the bliss of infinite progress in its direction1 or else a definitely attainable condition1 which would have within itself the conditions of perpetuity4 ,the resistlessness with which this new view of the life of civilisation has won acknowledgment from men of all classes is amazing4 ,it rests upon a belief in the self-sufficiency and the all-sufficiency of the life of this world1 of the bearings of which it may be assumed that few of its votaries are aware4 ,in reality this view cannot by any possibility be described as the result of knowledge4 ,on the contrary1 it is a venture of faith4 ,it is the peculiar1 the very characteristic and suggestive form which the faith of our age takes4 ,men believe in this indefinite progress of the world and of mankind1 because without postulating such progress they do not see how they can assume the absolute worth of an activity which is yet the only thing which has any interest to most of them4 ,under this view one can assign to the individual life a definite significance1 only upon the supposition that the individual is the organ of realisation of a part of this progress of mankind4 ,all happiness and suffering1 all changes in knowledge and manner of conduct1 are supposed to have no worth each for itself or for the sake of the individual1 but only for their relation to the movement as a whole4 ,surely this is an illusion4 ,exactly that in which the characteristic quality of the world and of life is found1 the individual personalities1 the single generations1 the concrete events--these lose1 in this view1 their own particular worth4 ,what can possibly be the worth of a whole of which the parts have no worth8 ,we have here but a parallel on a huge scale of that deadly trait in our own private lives1 according to which it makes no difference what we are doing1 so only that we are doing1 or whither we are going1 so only that we cease not to go1 or what our noise is all about1 so only that there be no end of the noise4 ,certainly no one can establish the value of the evolutionary process in and of itself4 ,if the movement as a whole has no definite end that has absolute worth1 then it has no worth except as the stages1 the individual factors included in it1 attain to something within themselves which is of increasing worth4 ,if the movement achieves this1 then it has worth1 not otherwise4 ,we may illustrate this question by asking ourselves concerning the existence and significance of suffering and of the evil and of the bad which are in the world1 in their relation to this tendency to indefinite progress which is supposed to be inherent in civilisation4 ,on this theory we have to say that the suffering of the individual is necessary for the development and perfecting of the whole4 ,as over against the whole the individual has no right to make demands as to welfare or happiness4 ,the bad also becomes only relative4 ,in the movement taken as a whole1 it is probably unavoidable4 ,in any case it is negligible1 since the movement is irresistible4 ,all ethical values are absorbed in the dynamic ones1 all personal values in the collective ones4 ,surely the sole intelligent question about any civilisation is1 what sort of men does it produce4 ,if it produces worthless individuals1 it is so far forth a worthless civilisation4 ,if it has sacrificed many worthy men in order to produce this ignoble result1 then it is more obviously ignoble than ever4 ,furthermore1 this notion of an inherent necessity and an irresistible tendency to progress is a chimera4 ,the progress of mankind is a task4 ,it is something to which the worthy human spirit is called upon to make contribution4 ,the unworthy never hear the call4 ,progress is not a natural necessity4 ,it is an ethical obligation4 ,it is a task which has been fulfilled by previous generations in varying degrees of perfectness4 ,it will be participated in by succeeding generations with varying degrees of wisdom and success4 ,but as to there being anything autonomous about it1 this is sheer hallucination1 myth-making again1 on the part of those who boast that they despise the myth1 miracle-mongering on the part of those who have abjured the miracle1 nonsense on the part of those who boast that they alone are sane4 ,there is no ultimate source of civilisation but the individual1 as there is also no issue of civilisation but in individuals4 ,men1 characters1 personalities1 are the makers of it4 ,men are the product which is made4 ,the higher stages and achievements of the life of society have come to pass always and only upon condition that single personalities have recognised the problem1 seen their individual duty and known how to inspire others with enthusiasm4 ,periods of decline are always those in which this personal element cannot make itself felt4 ,democracies and periods of the intensity of emphasis upon the social movement1 tend directly to the depression and suppression of personality4#g ,such reflexions will have served their purpose if they give us some clear sense of what we have to understand as the effect of the social movement on religion4 ,they may give also some forecast of the effect of real religion on the social movement4 ,for religion is the relation of ,god and personality4 ,it can be social only in the sense that society1 in all its normal relations1 is the sphere within which that relation of ,god and personality is to be wrought out4 ,footnote #g3 ,siebeck1 ,religionsphilosophie1 #ahic1 s4 #djg4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,the ,,english-,,speaking ,,peoples3 ,,action ,,and ,,reaction ,in those aspects of our subject with which we have thus far dealt1 leadership has been largely with the ,germans4 ,effort was indeed made in the chapter on the sciences to illustrate the progress of thought by reference to ,british writers4 ,in this department the original and creative contribution of ,british authors was great4 ,there were1 however1 also in the earlier portion of the nineteenth century movements of religious thought in ,great ,britain and ,america related to some of those which we have previously considered4 ,moreover1 one of the most influential movements of ,english religious thought1 the so-called ,oxford ,movement1 with the ,anglo-,catholic revival which it introduced1 was of a reactionary tendency4 ,it has seemed1 therefore1 feasible to append to this chapter that which we must briefly say concerning the general movement of reaction which marked the century4 ,this reactionary movement has indeed everywhere run parallel to the one which we have endeavoured to record4 ,it has often with vigour run counter to our movement4 ,it has revealed the working of earnest and sometimes anxious minds in directions opposed to those which we have been studying4 ,no one can fail to be aware that there has been a great ,catholic revival in the nineteenth century4 ,that revival has had place in the ,roman ,catholic countries of the ,continent as well4 ,it was in order to include the privilege of reference to these aspects of our subject that this chapter was given a double title4 ,yet in no country has the nineteenth century so favourably altered the position of the ,roman ,catholic ,church as in ,england4 ,in no country has a ,church which has been esteemed to be ,protestant been so much influenced by ,catholic ideas4 ,this again is a reason for including our reference to the reaction here4 ,according to ,pfleiderer1 a new movement in philosophy may be said to have begun in ,great ,britain in the year #ahbe1 with the publication of ,coleridge's ,aids to ,reflection4 ,in ,coleridge's ,confessions of an ,enquiring ,spirit1 published six years after his death in #ahcd1 we have a suggestion of the biblical-critical movement which was beginning to shape itself in ,germany4 ,in the same years we have evidence in the works of ,erskine and the early writings of ,campbell1 that in ,scotland theologians were thinking on ,schleiermacher's lines4 ,in those same years books of more or less marked rationalistic tendency were put forth by the ,oriel ,school4 ,finally1 with ,pusey's ,assize ,sermon1 in #ahcc1 ,newman felt that the movement later to be called ,tractarian had begun4 ,we shall not be wrong1 therefore1 in saying that the decade following #ahbe saw the beginnings in ,britain of more formal reflexion upon all the aspects of the theme with which we are concerned4 ,what went before that1 however1 in the way of liberal religious thinking1 though informal in its nature1 should not be ignored4 ,it was the work of the poets of the end of the eighteenth and of the beginning of the nineteenth centuries4 ,the culmination of the great revolt against the traditional in state and society and against the conventional in religion1 had been voiced in ,britain largely by the poets4 ,so vigorous was this utterance and so effective1 that some have spoken of the contribution of the ,english poets to the theological reconstruction4 ,it is certain that the utterances of the poets tended greatly to the dissemination of the new ideas4 ,there was in ,great ,britain no such unity as we have observed among the ,germans1 either of the movement as a whole or in its various parts4 ,there was a consecution nothing less than marvellous in the work of the philosophers from ,kant to ,hegel4 ,there was a theological sequence from ,schleiermacher to ,ritschl4 ,there was an unceasing critical advance from the days of ,strauss4 ,there was nothing resembling this in the work of the ,english-speaking people4 ,the contributions were for a long time only sporadic4 ,the movement had no inclusiveness4 ,there was no aspect of a solid front in the advance4 ,in the department of the sciences only was the situation different4 ,in a way1 therefore1 it will be necessary in this chapter merely to single out individuals1 to note points of conflict1 one and another1 all along the great line of advance4 ,or1 to put it differently1 it will be possible to pursue a chronological arrangement which would have been bewildering in our study heretofore4 ,with the one great division between the progressive spirits and the men of the reaction1 it will be possible to speak of philosophers1 critics and theologians together1 among their own contemporaries1 and so to follow the century as it advances4 ,in the closing years of the eighteenth century in ,england what claimed to be a rational supernaturalism prevailed4 ,men sought to combine faith in revealed religion with the empirical philosophy of ,locke4 ,they conceived ,god and his relation to the world under deistical forms4 ,the educated often lacked in singular degree all deeper religious feeling4 ,they were averse to mysticism and spurned enthusiasm4 ,utilitarian considerations1 which formed the practical side of the empirical philosophy1 played a prominent part also in orthodox belief4 ,the theory of the universe which obtained among the religious is seen at its worst in some of the volumes of the ,warburton ,lectures1 and at its best perhaps in ,butler's ,analogy of ,natural and ,revealed ,religion4 ,the character and views of the clergy and of the ruling class among the laity of the ,church of ,england1 early in the nineteenth century1 are pictured with love and humour in ,trollope's novels4 ,they form the background in many of ,george ,eliot's books1 where1 in more mordant manner1 both their strength and weaknesses are shown4 ,even the remarks which introduce ,dean ,church's ,oxford ,movement1 #ahia1 in which the churchly element is dealt with in deep affection1 give anything but an inspiring view4 ,the contrast with this would-be rational and unemotional religious respectability of the upper classes was furnished1 for masses of the people1 in the quickening of the consciousness of sin and grace after the manner of the ,methodists4 ,but the ,methodism of the earlier age had as good as no intellectual relations whatsoever4 ,the ,wesleys and ,whitefield had indeed influenced a considerable portion of the ,anglican communion4 ,their pietistic trait1 combined1 for the most part1 with a ,calvinism which ,wesley abhorred and an old-fashioned low church feeling with which also ,wesley had no sympathy1 shows itself in the so-called evangelical party which was strong before #ahcj4 ,this evangelical movement in the ,church of ,england manifested deep religious feeling1 it put forth zealous philanthropic effort1 it had among its representatives men and women of great beauty of personal character and piety4 ,yet it was completely cut off from any living relation to the thought of the age4 ,there was among its representatives no spirit of theological inquiry4 ,there was1 if anything1 less probability of theological reconstruction1 from this quarter1 than from the circles of the older ,german pietism1 with which this ,english evangelicalism of the time of the later ,georges had not a little in common4 ,there had been a great enthusiasm for humanity at the opening of the period of the ,french ,revolution1 but the excesses and atrocities of the ,revolution had profoundly shocked the ,english mind4 ,there was abroad something of the same sense for the return to nature1 and of the greatness of man1 which moved ,schiller and ,goethe4 ,the exponents of it were1 however1 almost exclusively the poets1 ,wordsworth1 ,shelley1 ,keats and ,byron4 ,there was nothing which combined these various elements as parts of a great whole4 ,britain had stood outside the area of the ,revolution1 and yet had put forth stupendous efforts1 ultimately successful1 to make an end of the revolutionary era and of the ,napoleonic despotism4 ,this tended perhaps to give to ,britons some natural satisfaction in the ,british ,constitution and the established ,church which flourished under it4 ,finally1 while men on the ,continent were devising holy alliances and other chimeras of the sort1 ,england was precipitated into the earlier acute stages of the industrial revolution in which she has led the ,european nations and still leads4 ,this fact explains a certain preoccupation of the ,british mind with questions remote from theological reconstruction or religious speculation4 ,,the ,,poets ,it may now sound like a contradiction if we assert that the years from #aghj to #ahcj constitute the era of the noblest ,english poetry since the times of great ,elizabeth4 ,the social direction of the new theology of the present day1 with its cry against every kind of injustice1 with its claim of an equal opportunity for a happy life for every man--this was the forecast of ,cowper1 as it had been of ,blake4 ,to ,blake all outward infallible authority of books or churches was iniquitous4 ,he was at daggers drawn with every doctrine which set limit to the freedom of all men to love ,god1 or which could doubt that ,god had loved all men4 ,jesus alone had seen the true thing4 ,god was a father1 every man his child4 ,long before #aghi1 ,burns was filled with the new ideas of the freedom and brotherhood of man1 with zeal for the overthrow of unjust privilege4 ,he had spoken in imperishable words of the holiness of the common life4 ,he had come into contact with the most dreadful consequences of ,calvinism4 ,he has pilloried these mercilessly in his ',holy ,tulzie' and in his ',holy ,willie's ,prayer4' ,such poems must have shaken ,calvinism more than a thousand liberal sermons could have done4 ,what ,coleridge might have done in this field1 had he not so early turned to prose1 it is not easy to say4 ,the verse of his early days rests upon the conviction1 fundamental to his later philosophy1 that all the new ideas concerning men and the world are a revelation of ,god4 ,wordsworth seems never consciously to have broken with the current theology4 ,his view of the natural glory and goodness of humanity1 especially among the poor and simple1 has not much relation to that theology4 ,his view of nature1 not as created of ,god4 in the conventional sense1 but as itself filled with ,god1 of ,god as conscious of himself at every point of nature's being1 has still less4 ,man and nature are but different manifestations of the one soul of all4 ,byron's contribution to ,christian thought1 we need hardly say1 was of a negative sort4 ,it was destructive rather than constructive4 ,among the conventions and hypocrisies of society there were none which he more utterly despised than those of religion and the ,church as he saw these4 ,there is something volcanic1 ,voltairean in his outbreaks4 ,but there is a difference4 ,both ,voltaire and ,byron knew that they had not the current religion4 ,voltaire thought1 nevertheless1 that he had a religion4 ,posterity has esteemed that he had little4 ,byron thought he had none4 ,posterity has felt that he had much4 ,his attack was made in a reckless bitterness which lessened its effect4 ,yet the truth of many things which he said is now overwhelmingly obvious4 ,shelley began with being what he called an atheist4 ,he ended with being what we call an agnostic1 whose pure poetic spirit carried him far into the realm of the highest idealism4 ,the existence of a conscious will within the universe is not quite thinkable4 ,yet immortal love pervades the whole4 ,immortality is improbable1 but his highest flights continually imply it4 ,he is sure that when any theology violates the primary human affections1 it tramples into the dust all thoughts and feelings by which men may become good4 ,the men who1 about #ahdj1 stood paralysed between what ,strauss later called 'the old faith and the new1' or1 as ,arnold phrased it1 were 'between two worlds1 one dead1 the other powerless to be born1' found their inmost thoughts written broad for them in ,arthur ,clough4 ,from the time of the opening of ,tennyson's work1 the poets1 not by destruction but by construction1 not in opposition to religion but in harmony with it1 have built up new doctrines of ,god and man and aided incalculably in preparing the way for a new and nobler theology4 ,in the latter part of the nineteenth century there was perhaps no one man in ,england who did more to read all of the vast advance of knowledge in the light of higher faith1 and to fill such a faith with the spirit of the glad advance of knowledge1 than did ,browning4 ,even ,arnold has voiced in his poetry not a little of the noblest conviction of the age4 ,and what shall one say of ,mrs4 ,browning1 of the ,rossettis and ,william ,morris1 of ,emerson and ,lowell1 of ,lanier and ,whitman1 who have spoken1 often with consummate power and beauty1 that which one never says at all without faith and rarely says well without art8 ,,coleridge ,samuel ,taylor ,coleridge was born in #aggb at his father's vicarage1 ,ottery ,st4 ,mary's1 ,devonshire4 ,he was the tenth child of his parents1 weak in frame1 always suffering much4 ,he was a student at ,christ's ,hospital1 ,london1 where he was properly bullied1 then at ,jesus ,college1 ,cambridge1 where he did not take his degree4 ,for some happy years he lived in the ,lake region and was the friend of ,wordsworth and ,southey4 ,he studied in ,gttingen1 a thing almost unheard of in his time4 ,the years #agih to #ahac were indeed spent in utter misery1 through the opium habit which he had contracted while seeking relief from rheumatic pain4 ,he wrote and taught and talked in ,highgate from #ahad to #ahcd4 ,he had planned great works which never took shape4 ,for a brief period he severed his connexion with the ,english ,church1 coming under ,unitarian influence4 ,he then reverted to the relation in which his ecclesiastical instincts were satisfied4 ,we read his ,aids to ,reflection and his ,confessions of an ,enquiring ,spirit1 and wonder how they can ever have exerted a great influence4 ,nevertheless1 they were fresh and stimulating in their time4 ,that ,coleridge was a power1 we have testimony from men differing among themselves so widely as do ,hare1 ,sterling1 ,newman and ,john ,stuart ,mill4 ,he was a master of style4 ,he had insight and breadth4 ,tulloch says of the ,aids1 that it is a book which none but a thinker upon divine things will ever like4 ,not all even of these have liked it4 ,inexcusably fragmentary it sometimes seems4 ,one is fain to ask3 ,what right has any man to publish a scrap-book of his musings8 ,coleridge had the ambition to lay anew the foundations of spiritual philosophy4 ,the ,aids were but of the nature of prolegomena4 ,for substance his philosophy went back to ,locke and ,hume and to the ,cambridge ,platonists4 ,he had learned of ,kant and ,schleiermacher as well4 ,he was no metaphysician1 but a keen interpreter of spiritual facts1 who himself had been quickened by a particularly painful experience4 ,he saw in ,christianity1 rightly conceived1 at once the true explanation of our spiritual being and the remedy for its disorder4 ,the evangelical tradition brought religion to a man from without4 ,it took no account of man's spiritual constitution1 beyond the fact that he was a sinner and in danger of hell4 ,coleridge set out1 not from sin alone1 but from the whole deep basis of spiritual capacity and responsibility upon which sin rests4 ,he asserts experience4 ,we are as sure of the capacity for the good and of the experience of the good as we can be of the evil4 ,the case is similar as to the truth4 ,there are aspects of truth which transcend our powers4 ,we use words without meaning when we talk of the plans of a being who is neither an object for our senses nor a part of our self-consciousness4 ,all truth must be capable of being rendered into words conformable to reason4 ,theologians had declared their doctrines true or false without reference to the subjective standard of judgment4 ,coleridge contended that faith must rest not merely upon objective data1 but upon inward experience4 ,the authority of ,scripture is in its truthfulness1 its answer to the highest aspirations of the human reason and the most urgent necessities of the moral life4 ,the doctrine of an atonement is intelligible only in so far as it too comes within the range of spiritual experience4 ,the apostolic language took colour from the traditions concerning sacrifice4 ,much has been taken by the ,church as literal dogmatic statement which should be taken as more figure of speech1 borrowed from ,jewish sources4 ,coleridge feared that his thoughts concerning ,scripture might1 if published1 do more harm than good4 ,they were printed first in #ahdj4 ,their writing goes back into the period long before the conflict raised by ,strauss4 ,there is not much here that one might not have learned from ,herder and ,lessing4 ,utterances of ,whately and ,arnold showed that minds in ,england were waking4 ,but ,coleridge's utterances rest consistently upon the philosophy of religion and theory of dogma which have been above implied4 ,they are more significant than are mere flashes of generous insight1 like those of the men named4 ,the notion of verbal inspiration or infallible dictation of the ,holy ,scriptures could not possibly survive after the modern spirit of historical inquiry had made itself felt4 ,the rabbinical idea was bound to disappear4 ,a truer sense of the conditions attending the origins and progress of civilisation and of the immaturities through which religious as well as moral and social ideas advance1 brought of necessity a changed idea of the nature of ,scripture and revelation4 ,its literature must be read as literature1 its history as history4 ,for the answer in our hearts to the spirit in the ,book1 ,coleridge used the phrase3 ',it finds me4' ',whatever finds me bears witness to itself that it has proceeded from the ,holy ,ghost4 ,in the ,bible there is more that finds me than in all the other books which ,i have read4' ,still1 there is much in the ,bible that does not find me4 ,it is full of contradictions1 both moral and historical4 ,are we to regard these as all equally inspired8 ,the ,scripture itself does not claim that4 ,besides1 what good would it do us to claim that the original documents were inerrant1 unless we could claim also that they had been inerrantly transmitted8 ,apparently ,coleridge thought that no one would ever claim that4 ,coleridge wrote also concerning the ,church4 ,his volume on ,the ,constitution of ,church and ,state appeared in #ahcj4 ,it is the least satisfactory of his works4 ,the vacillation of ,coleridge's own course showed that upon this point his mind was never clear4 ,arnold also1 though in a somewhat different way1 was zealous for the theory that ,church and ,state are really identical1 the ,church being merely the ,state in its educational and religious aspect and organisation4 ,if ,thomas ,arnold's moral earnestness and his generous spirit could not save this theory from being chimerical1 no better result was to be expected from ,coleridge4 ,,the ,,oriel ,,school ,it has often happened in the history of the ,english universities that a given college has become1 through its body of tutors and students1 through its common-room talk and literary work1 the centre1 for the time1 of a movement of thought which gives leadership to the college4 ,in this manner it has been customary to speak of the group of men who1 before the rise of the ,oxford ,movement1 gathered at ,oriel ,college1 as the ,oriel ,school4 ,newman and ,keble were both ,oriel tutors4 ,the ,oriel men were of distinctly liberal tendency4 ,there were men of note among them4 ,there was ,whately1 ,archbishop of ,dublin after #ahca1 and ,copleston1 from whom both ,keble and ,newman owned that they learned much4 ,there was ,arnold1 subsequently ,headmaster of ,rugby4 ,there was ,hampden1 ,professor of ,divinity after #ahcf4 ,the school was called from its liberalism the ,noetic school4 ,whether this epithet contained more of satire or of complacency it is difficult to say4 ,these men arrested attention and filled some of the older academic and ecclesiastical heads with alarm4 ,without disrespect one may say that it is difficult now to understand the commotion which they made4 ,arnold had a truly beautiful character4 ,what he might have done as ,professor of ,ecclesiastical ,history in ,oxford was never revealed1 for he died in #ahdb4 ,whately1 viewed as a noetic1 appears commonplace4 ,perhaps the only one of the group upon whom we need dwell was ,hampden4 ,in his ,bampton ,lectures of #ahcb1 under the title of ,the ,scholastic ,philosophy considered in its ,relation to ,christian ,theology1 he assailed what had long been the very bulwark of traditionalism4 ,his idea was to show how the vast fabric of scholastic theology had grown up1 particularly what contributions had been made to it in the ,middle ,age4 ,the traditional dogma is a structure reared upon the logical terminology of the patristic and medival schools4 ,it has little foundation in ,scripture and no response in the religious consciousness4 ,we have here the application1 within set limits1 of the thesis which ,harnack in our own time has applied in a universal way4 ,hampden's opponents were not wrong in saying that his method would dissolve1 not merely that particular system of theology1 but all creeds and theologies whatsoever4 ,patristic1 medival ,catholic theology and scholastic ,protestantism1 no less1 would go down before it4 ,a pamphlet attributed to ,newman1 published in #ahcf1 precipitated a discussion which1 for bitterness1 has rarely been surpassed in the melancholy history of theological dispute4 ,the excitement went to almost unheard of lengths4 ,in the controversy the ,archbishop1 ,dr4 ,howley1 made but a poor figure4 ,the ,duke of ,wellington did not add to his fame4 ,wilberforce and ,newman never cleared themselves of the suspicion of indirectness4 ,this was1 however1 after the opening of the ,oxford ,movement4 ,,erskine ,,and ,,campbell ,the period from #ahbj to #ahej was one of religious and intellectual activity in ,scotland as well4 ,tulloch depicts with a ,scotsman's patriotism the movement which centres about the names of ,erskine and ,campbell4 ,pfleiderer also judges that their contribution was as significant as any made to dogmatic theology in ,great ,britain in the nineteenth century4 ,they achieved the same reconstruction of the doctrine of salvation which had been effected by ,kant and ,schleiermacher4 ,at their hands the doctrine was rescued from that forensic externality into which ,calvinism had degenerated4 ,it was given again its quality of ethical inwardness1 and based directly upon religious experience4 ,high ,lutheranism had issued in the same externality in ,germany before ,kant and ,schleiermacher1 and the ,new ,england theology before ,channing and ,bushnell4 ,the merits of ,christ achieved an external salvation1 of which a man became participant practically upon condition of assent to certain propositions4 ,similarly1 in the ,catholic revival1 salvation was conceived as an external and future good1 of which a man became participant through the sacraments applied to him by priests in apostolical succession4 ,in point of externality there was not much to choose between views which were felt to be radically opposed the one to the other4 ,erskine was not a man theologically educated4 ,he led a peculiarly secluded life4 ,he was an advocate by profession1 but1 withdrawing from that career1 virtually gave himself up to meditation4 ,campbell was a minister of the ,established ,church of ,scotland in a remote village1 ,row1 upon the ,gare ,loch4 ,when he was convicted of heresy and driven from the ministry1 he also devoted himself to study and authorship4 ,both men seem to have come to their results largely from the application of their own sound religious sense to the ,scriptures4 ,that the ,scottish ,church should have rejected the truth for which these men contended was the heaviest blow which it could have inflicted on itself4 ,thereby it arrested its own healthy development4 ,it perpetuated its traditional view1 somewhat as ,new ,england orthodoxy was given a new lease of life through the partisanship which the ,unitarian schism engendered4 ,the matter was not mended at the time of the great rupture of the ,scottish ,church in #ahdc4 ,that body which broke away from the ,establishment1 and achieved a purely ecclesiastical control of its own clergy1 won1 indeed1 by this means the name of the ,free ,church1 though1 in point of theological opinion1 it was far from representing the more free and progressive element4 ,tulloch pays a beautiful tribute to the character of ,erskine1 whom he knew4 ,quiet1 brooding1 introspective1 he read his ,bible and his own soul1 and with singular purity of intuition generalised from his own experience4 ,therewith is described1 however1 both the power and the limitation of his work4 ,his first book was entitled ,remarks on the ,internal ,evidence for the ,truth of ,revealed ,religion1 #ahbj4 ,the title itself is suggestive of the revolution through which the mind both of ,erskine and of his age was passing4 ,his book1 ,the ,unconditional ,freeness of the ,gospel1 appeared in #ahbh2 ,the ,brazen ,serpent in #ahca4 ,men have confounded forgiveness and pardon4 ,they have made pardon equivalent to salvation4 ,but salvation is character4 ,forgiveness is only one of the means of it4 ,salvation is not a future good4 ,it is a present fellowship with ,god4 ,it is sanctification of character by means of our labour and ,god's love4 ,the fall was the rise of the spirit of freedom4 ,fallen man can never be saved except through glad surrender of his childish independence to the truth and goodness of ,god4 ,yet that surrender is the preservation and enlargement of our independence4 ,it is the secret of true self-realisation4 ,the sufferings of ,christ reveal ,god's holy love4 ,it is not as if ,god's love had been purchased by the sufferings of his ,son4 ,on the contrary1 it is man who needs to believe in ,god's love1 and so be reconciled to the ,god whom he has feared and hated4 ,christ overcomes sin by obediently enduring the suffering which sin naturally entails4 ,he endures it in pure love of his brethren4 ,man must overcome sin in the same way4 ,campbell published1 so late as #ahef1 his great work ,the ,nature of the ,atonement and its ,relation to the ,remission of ,sins and ,eternal ,life4 ,it was the matured result of the reflections of a quarter of a century1 spent partly in enforced retirement after #ahca4 ,campbell maintains unequivocally that the sacrifice of ,christ cannot be understood as a punishment due to man's sin1 meted out to ,christ in man's stead4 ,viewed retrospectively1 ,christ's work in the atonement is but the highest example of a law otherwise universally operative4 ,no man can work redemption for his fellows except by entering into their condition1 as if everything in that condition were his own1 though much of it may be in no sense his due4 ,it is freely borne by him because of his identification of himself with them4 ,campbell lingers in the myth of ,christ's being the federal head of the humanity4 ,there is something pathetic in the struggle of his mind to save phrases and the paraphernalia of an ancient view which1 however1 his fundamental principle rendered obsolete1 ,he struggles to save the word satisfaction1 though it means nothing in his system save that ,god is satisfied as he contemplates the character of ,christ4 ,prospectively considered1 the sacrifice of ,christ effects salvation by its moral power over men in example and inspiration4 ,vicarious sacrifice1 the result of which was merely imputed1 would leave the sinner just where he was before4 ,it is an empty fiction4 ,but the spectacle of suffering freely undertaken for our sakes discovers the treasures of the divine image in man4 ,the love of ,god and a man's own resolve make him in the end1 in fact1 that which he has always been in capacity and destiny1 a child of ,god1 possessed of the secret of a growing righteousness1 which is itself salvation4 ,,maurice ,scottish books seem to have been but little read in ,england in that day4 ,it was ,maurice who first made the substance of ,campbell's teaching known in ,england4 ,frederick ,denison ,maurice was the son of a ,unitarian minister1 educated at ,trinity ,college1 ,cambridge1 at a time when it was impossible for a ,nonconformist to obtain a degree4 ,he was ordained a priest of the ,church of ,england in #ahcd1 even suffering himself to be baptised again4 ,he was chaplain of ,lincoln's ,inn and ,professor of ,theology in ,king's ,college1 ,london4 ,after #ahff he was ,professor of ,moral ,philosophy in ,cambridge1 though his life-work was over4 ,at the heart of ,maurice's theology lies the contention to which he gave the name of universal redemption4 ,christ's work is for every man4 ,every man is indeed in ,christ4 ,man's unhappiness lies only in the fact that he will not own this fact and live accordingly4 ,man as man is the child of ,god4 ,he cannot undo that fact or alter that relation if he would4 ,he does not need to become a child of ,god1 as the phrase has been4 ,he needs only to recognise that he already is such a child4 ,he can never cease to bear this relationship4 ,he can only refuse to fulfil it4 ,with other words ,erskine and ,coleridge and ,schleiermacher had said this same thing4 ,for the rest1 one may speak briefly of ,maurice4 ,he was animated by the strongest desire for ,church unity1 but at the back of his mind lay a conception of the ,church and an insistence upon uniformity which made unity impossible4 ,in the light of his own inheritance his ecclesiastical positivism seems strange4 ,perhaps it was the course of his experience which made this irrational positivism natural4 ,few men in his generation suffered greater persecutions under the unwarranted supposition on the part of contemporaries that he had a liberal mind4 ,in reality1 few men in his generation had less of a quality which1 had he possessed it1 would have given him peace and joy even in the midst of his persecutions4 ,the casual remark above made concerning ,campbell is true in enhanced degree of ,maurice4 ,a large part of the industry of a very industrious life was devoted to the effort to convince others and himself that those few really wonderful glimpses of spiritual truth which he had1 had no disastrous consequences for an inherited system of thought in which they certainly did not take their rise4 ,his name was connected with the social enthusiasm that inaugurated a new movement in ,england which will claim attention in another paragraph4 ,,channing ,allusion has been made to a revision of traditional theology which took place in ,america also1 upon the same general lines which we have seen in ,schleiermacher and in ,campbell4 ,the typical figure here1 the protagonist of the movement1 is ,william ,ellery ,channing4 ,it may be doubted whether there has ever been a civilisation more completely controlled by its ,church and ministers1 or a culture more entirely dominated by theology1 than were those of ,new ,england until the middle of the eighteenth century4 ,there had been indeed a marked decline in religious life4 ,the history of the ,great ,awakening shows that4 ,remonstrances against the ,great ,awakening show also how men's minds were moving away from the theory of the universe which the theology of that movement implied4 ,one cannot say that in the preaching of ,hopkins there is an appreciable relaxation of the ,edwardsian scheme4 ,interestingly enough1 it was in ,newport that ,channing was born and with ,hopkins that he associated until the time of his licensure to preach in #ahjb4 ,many thought that ,channing would stand with the most stringent of the orthodox4 ,deism and rationalism had made themselves felt in ,america after the ,revolution4 ,channing1 during his years in ,harvard ,college1 can hardly have failed to come into contact with the criticism of religion from this side4 ,there is no such clear influence of current rationalism upon ,channing as1 for example1 upon ,schleiermacher4 ,yet here in the ,west1 which most ,europeans thought of as a wilderness1 circumstances brought about the launching of this man upon the career of a liberal religious thinker1 when as yet ,schleiermacher had hardly advanced beyond the position of the ,discourses1 when ,erskine had not yet written a line and ,campbell was still a child4 ,channing became minister of the ,federal ,street ,church in ,boston in #ahjc4 ,the appointment of ,ware as ,hollis ,professor of ,divinity in ,harvard ,college took place in #ahje4 ,that appointment was the first clear indication of the liberal party's strength4 ,channing's ,baltimore ,address was delivered in #ahai4 ,he died in #ahdg4 ,in the schism among the ,congregational ,churches in ,new ,england1 which before #ahai apparently had come to be regarded by both parties as remediless1 ,channing took the side of the opposition to ,calvinistic orthodoxy4 ,he developed qualities as controversialist and leader which the gentler aspect of his early years had hardly led men to suspect4 ,this ,american liberal movement had been referred to by ,belsham as related to ,english ,unitarianism4 ,after #ahae1 in this country1 by its opponents at least1 the movement was consistently called ,unitarian4 ,channing did with zeal contend against the traditional doctrine of the atonement and of the trinity4 ,on the other hand1 he saw in ,christ the perfect revelation of ,god to humanity and at the same time the ideal of humanity4 ,he believed in ,jesus' sinlessness and in his miracles1 especially in his resurrection4 ,the keynote of ,channing's character and convictions is found in his sense of the inherent greatness of man4 ,of this feeling his entire system is but the unfolding4 ,it was early and deliberately adopted by him as a fundamental faith4 ,it remained the immovable centre of his reverence and trust amid all the inroads of doubt and sorrow4 ,political interest was as natural to ,channing's earlier manhood as it had been to ,fichte in the emergency of the ,fatherland4 ,similarly1 in the later years of his life1 when evils connected with slavery had made themselves felt1 his participation in the abolitionist agitation showed the same enthusiasm and practical bent4 ,he had his dream of communism1 his perception of the evils of our industrial system1 his contempt for charity in place of economic remedy4 ,all was for man1 all rested upon supreme faith in man4 ,that man is endowed with knowledge of the right and with the power to realise it1 was a fundamental maxim4 ,hence arose ,channing's assertion of free-will4 ,the denial of free-will renders the sentiment of duty but illusory4 ,in the conscience there is both a revelation and a type of ,god4 ,its suggestions1 by the very authority they carry with them1 declare themselves to be ,god's law4 ,god1 concurring with our highest nature1 present in its action1 can be thought of only after the pattern which he gives us in ourselves4 ,whatever revelation ,god makes of himself1 he must deal with us as with free beings living under natural laws4 ,revelation must be merely supplementary to those laws4 ,everything arbitrary and magical1 everything which despairs of us or insults us as moral agents1 everything which does not address itself to us through reason and conscience1 must be excluded from the intercourse between ,god and man4 ,what the doctrines of salvation and atonement1 of the person of ,christ and of the influence of the ,holy ,spirit1 as construed from this centre would be1 may without difficulty be surmised4 ,the whole of ,channing's teaching is bathed in an atmosphere of the reverent love of ,god which is the very source of his enthusiasm for man4 ,,bushnell ,a very different man was ,horace ,bushnell1 born in the year of ,channing's licensure1 #ahjb4 ,he was not bred under the influence of the strict ,calvinism of his day4 ,his father was an ,arminian4 ,edwards had made ,arminians detested in ,new ,england4 ,his mother had been reared in the ,episcopal ,church4 ,she was of ,huguenot origin4 ,when about seventeen1 while tending a carding-machine1 he wrote a paper in which he endeavoured to bring ,calvinism into logical coherence and1 in the interest of sound reason1 to correct ,st4 ,paul's willingness to be accursed for the sake of his brethren4 ,he graduated from ,yale ,college in #ahbg4 ,he taught there while studying law after #ahbi4 ,he describes himself at this period as sound in ethics and sceptical in religion1 the soundness of his morals being due to nature and training1 the scepticism1 to the theology in which he was involved4 ,his law studies were complete1 yet he turned to the ministry4 ,he had been born on the orthodox side of the great contention in which ,channing was a leader of the liberals in the days of which we speak4 ,he never saw any reason to change this relation4 ,his clerical colleagues1 for half a life-time1 sought to change it for him4 ,in #ahcc he was ordained and installed as minister of the ,north ,church in ,hartford1 a pastorate which he never left4 ,the process of disintegration of the orthodox body was continuing4 ,there was almost as much rancour between the old and the new orthodoxy as between orthodox and ,unitarians themselves4 ,almost before his career was well begun an incurable disease fastened itself upon him4 ,not much later1 all the severity of theological strife befell him4 ,between these two we have to think of him doing his work and keeping his sense of humour4 ,his earliest book of consequence was on ,christian ,nurture1 published in #ahdf4 ,consistent ,calvinism presupposes in its converts mature years4 ,even an adult must pass through waters deep for him4 ,he is not a sinful child of the ,father4 ,he is a being totally depraved and damned to everlasting punishment4 ,god becomes his ,father only after he is redeemed4 ,the revivalists' theory ,bushnell bitterly opposed4 ,it made of religion a transcendental matter which belonged on the outside of life1 a kind of miraculous epidemic4 ,he repudiated the prevailing individualism4 ,he anticipated much that is now being said concerning heredity1 environment and subconsciousness4 ,he revived the sense of the ,church in which ,puritanism had been so sadly lacking4 ,the book is a classic1 one of the rich treasures which the nineteenth century offers to the twentieth4 ,bushnell1 so far as one can judge1 had no knowledge of ,kant4 ,he is1 nevertheless1 dealing with ,kant's own problem1 of the theory of knowledge1 in his rather diffuse ',dissertation on ,language1' which is prefixed to the volume which bears the title ,god in ,christ1 #ahdi4 ,he was following his living principle1 the reference of doctrine to conscience4 ,god must be a 'right ,god4' ,dogma must make no assertion concerning ,god which will not stand this test4 ,not alone does the dogma make such assertions4 ,the ,scripture makes them as well4 ,how can this be8 ,what is the relation of language to thought and of thought to fact8 ,how can the language of ,scripture be explained1 and yet the reality of the revelation not be explained away8 ,there is a touching interest which attaches to this ,hartford minister1 working out1 alone and clumsily1 a problem the solution of which the greatest minds of the age had been gradually bringing to perfection for three-quarters of a century4 ,in the year #ahdh ,bushnell was invited to give addresses at the ,commencements of three divinity schools3 that at ,harvard1 then unqualifiedly ,unitarian2 that at ,andover1 where the battle with ,unitarianism had been fought2 and that at ,yale1 where ,bushnell had been trained4 ,the address at ,cambridge was on the subject of the ,atonement2 the one at ,new ,haven on the ,divinity of ,christ1 including ,bushnell's doctrine of the trinity2 the one at ,andover on ,dogma and ,spirit1 a plea for the cessation of strife4 ,he says squarely of the old school theories of the atonement1 which represent ,christ as suffering the penalty of the law in our stead3 ',they are capable1 one and all of them1 of no light in which they do not offend some right sentiment of our moral being4 ,if the great ,redeemer1 in the excess of his goodness1 consents to receive the penal woes of the world in his person1 and if that offer is accepted1 what does it signify1 save that ,god will have his modicum of suffering somehow2 and if he lets the guilty go he will yet satisfy himself out of the innocent8' ,the vicariousness of love1 the identification of the sufferer with the sinner1 in the sense that the ,saviour is involved by his desire to help us in the woes which naturally follow sin1 this ,bushnell mightily affirmed4 ,yet there is no pretence that he used vicariousness or satisfaction in the same sense in which his adversaries did4 ,he is magnificently free from all such indirection4 ,in the ,new ,haven address there is this same combination of fire and light4 ,the chief theological value of the doctrine of the trinity1 as maintained by the ,new ,england ,calvinistic teachers1 had been to furnish the dramatis person for the doctrine of the atonement4 ,in the speculation as to the negotiation of this substitutionary transaction1 the language of the theologians had degenerated into stark tritheism4 ,edwards1 describing the councils of the trinity1 spoke of the three persons as 'they4' ,bushnell saw that any proper view of the unity of ,god made the forensic idea of the atonement incredible4 ,he sought to replace the ontological notion of the trinity by that of a trinity of revelation1 which held for him the practical truths by which his faith was nourished1 and yet avoided the contradictions which the other doctrine presented both to reason and faith4 ,bushnell would have been far from claiming that he was the first to make this fight4 ,the ,american ,unitarians had been making it for more than a generation4 ,the ,unitarian protest was wholesome4 ,it was magnificent4 ,it was providential1 but it paused in negation4 ,it never advanced to construction4 ,bushnell's significance is not that he fought this battle1 but that he fought it from the ranks of the orthodox ,church4 ,he fought it with a personal equipment which ,channing had not had4 ,he was decades later in his work4 ,he took up the central religious problem when ,channing's successors were following either ,emerson or ,parker4 ,the ,andover address consisted in the statement of ,bushnell's views of the causes which had led to the schism in the ,new ,england ,church4 ,a single quotation may give the key-note of the discourse3--',we had on our side an article of the creed which asserted a metaphysical trinity4 ,that made the assertion of the metaphysical unity inevitable and desirable4 ,we had theories of atonement1 of depravity1 of original sin1 which required the appearance of antagonistic theories4 ,on our side1 theological culture was so limited that we took what was really only our own opinion for the unalterable truth of ,god4 ,on the other side1 it was so limited that men1 perceiving the insufficiency of dogma1 took the opposite contention with the same seriousness and totality of conviction4 ,they asserted liberty1 as indeed they must1 to vindicate their revolt4 ,they produced1 meantime1 the most intensely human and1 in that sense1 the most intensely opinionated religion ever invented4' ,,the ,,catholic ,,revival ,the ,oxford ,movement has been spoken of as a reaction against the so-called ,oriel ,movement1 a conservative tendency over against an intellectualist and progressive one4 ,in a measure the personal animosities within the ,oxford circle may be accounted for in this way4 ,the ,tractarian ,movement1 however1 which issued1 on the one hand1 in the going over of ,newman to the ,church of ,rome and1 on the other1 in a great revival of ,catholic principles within the ,anglican ,church itself1 stands in a far larger setting4 ,it was not merely an ,english or insular movement4 ,it was a wave from a continental flood4 ,on its own showing it was not merely an ecclesiastical movement4 ,it had political and social aims as well4 ,there was a universal ,european reaction against the ,enlightenment and the ,revolution4 ,that reaction was not simple1 but complex4 ,it was a revolt of the conservative spirit from the new ideals which had been suddenly translated into portentous realities4 ,it was marked everywhere by hatred of the eighteenth century with all its ways and works4 ,on the one side we have the revolutionary thesis1 the rights of man1 the authority of reason1 the watchwords liberty1 equality1 fraternity4 ,on the other side stood forth those who were prepared to assert the meaning of community1 the continuity of history1 spiritual as well as civil authority as the basis of order1 and order as the condition of the highest good4 ,in literature the tendency appears as romanticism1 in politics as legitimism1 in religion as ultramontanism4 ,le ,maistre with his ,l',eglise gallicane du ,pape2 ,chateaubriand with his ,gnie du ,christianisme2 ,lamennais with his ,essai sur l',indifference en ,matire1 de ,religion1 were1 from #ahbj to #ahfj1 the exponents of a view which has had prodigious consequences for ,france and ,italy4 ,the romantic movement arose outside of ,catholicism4 ,it was impersonated in ,herder4 ,friedrich ,schlegel1 ,werner and others went over to the ,roman ,church4 ,the political reaction was specifically ,latin and ,catholic4 ,in the lurid light of anarchy ,rome seemed to have a mission again4 ,divine right in the ,state must be restored through the ,church4 ,the ,catholic apologetic saw the ,revolution as only the logical conclusion of the premises of the ,reformation4 ,the religious revolt of the sixteenth century1 the philosophical revolt of the seventeenth1 the political revolt of the eighteenth1 the social revolt of the nineteenth1 are all parts of one dreadful sequence4 ,as the ,church lifted up the world after the first flood of the barbarians1 so must she again lift up the world after the devastations made by the more terrible barbarians of the eighteenth century4 ,england had indeed stood a little outside of the cyclone which had devastated the world from ,coronna to ,moscow and from the ,channel to the ,pyramids1 but she had been exhausted in putting down the revolution4 ,only ,god's goodness had preserved ,england4 ,the logic of ,puritanism would have been the same4 ,indeed1 in ,england the ,state was weaker and worse than were the states upon the ,continent4 ,for since #afhh it had been a popular and constitutional monarchy4 ,in ,frederick ,william's phrase1 its sovereign took his crown from the gutter4 ,the ,church was through and through ,erastian1 a creature of the ,state4 ,bishops were made by party representatives4 ,acts like the ,reform ,bills1 the course of the ,government in the matter of the ,irish ,church1 were steps which would surely bring ,england to the pass which ,france had reached in #aghi4 ,the source of such acts was wrong4 ,it was with the people4 ,it was in men1 not in ,god4 ,it was in reason1 not in authority4 ,it would be difficult to overstate the strength of this reactionary sentiment in important circles in ,england at the end of the third decade of the nineteenth century4 ,,the ,,oxford ,,movement ,in so far as that complex of causes just alluded to made of the ,oxford ,movement or the ,catholic revival a movement of life1 ecclesiastical1 social and political as well1 its history falls outside the purpose of this book4 ,we proposed to deal with the history of thought4 ,reactionary movements have frequently got on without much thought4 ,they have left little deposit of their own in the realm of ideas4 ,their avowed principle has been that of recurrence to that which has already been thought1 of fidelity to ideas which have long prevailed4 ,this is the reason why the conservatives have not a large place in such a sketch as this4 ,it is not that their writings have not often been full of high learning and of the subtlest of reasoning4 ,it is only that the ideas about which they reason do not belong to the history of the nineteenth century4 ,they belong1 on the earnest contention of the conservatives themselves--those of ,protestants1 to the history of the ,reformation--and of ,catholics1 both ,anglican and ,roman1 to the history of the early or medival ,church4 ,nevertheless1 when with passionate conviction a great man1 taking the reactionary course1 thinks the problem through again from his own point of view1 then we have a real phenomenon in the history of contemporary thought4 ,when such an one wrestles before ,god to give reason to himself and to his fellows for the faith that is in him1 then the reactionary's reasoning is as imposing and suggestive as is any other4 ,he leaves in his work an intellectual deposit which must be considered4 ,he makes a contribution which must be reckoned with1 even more seriously1 perhaps1 by those who dissent from it than by those who may agree with it4 ,such deposit ,newman and the ,tractarian movement certainly did make4 ,they offered a rationale of the reaction4 ,they gave to the ,catholic revival a standing in the world of ideas1 not merely in the world of action4 ,whether their reasoning has weight to-day1 is a question upon which opinion is divided4 ,yet ,newman and his compeers1 by their character and standing1 by their distinctively ,english qualities and by the road of reason which they took in the defence of ,catholic principles1 made ,catholicism ,english again1 in a sense in which it had not been ,english for three hundred years4 ,yet though ,newman brought to the ,roman ,church in ,england1 on his conversion to it1 a prestige and qualities which in that communion were unequalled1 he was never persona grata in that ,church4 ,outwardly the ,roman ,catholic revival in ,england was not in large measure due to ,newman and his arguments4 ,it was due far more to men like ,wiseman and ,manning1 who were not men of argument but of deeds4 ,,newman ,john ,henry ,newman was born in #ahja1 the son of a ,london banker4 ,his mother was of ,huguenot descent4 ,he came under ,calvinistic influence4 ,through study especially1 of ,romaine ,on ,faith he became the subject of an inward conversion1 of which in #ahfd he wrote3 ',i am still more certain of it than that ,i have hands and feet4' ,thomas ,scott1 the evangelical1 moved him4 ,before he was sixteen he made a collection of ,scripture texts in proof of the doctrine of the trinity4 ,from ,newton ,on the ,prophecies he learned to identify the ,pope with anti-,christ--a doctrine by which1 he adds1 his imagination was stained up to the year #ahdc4 ,in his ,apologia1 #ahfe1 he declares3 ',from the age of fifteen1 dogma has been a fundamental principle of my religion4 ,i cannot enter into the idea of any other sort of religion4' ,at the age of twenty-one1 two years after he had taken his degree1 he came under very different influences4 ,he passed from ,trinity ,college to a fellowship in ,oriel4 ,to use his own phrase1 he drifted in the direction of liberalism4 ,he was touched by ,whately4 ,he was too logical1 and also too dogmatic1 to be satisfied with ,whately's position4 ,of the years from #ahbc to #ahbg ,mozley says3 ',probably no one who then knew ,newman could have told which way he would go4 ,it is not certain that he himself knew4' ,francis ,w4 ,newman1 ,newman's brother1 who later became a ,unitarian1 remembering his own years of stress1 speaks with embitterment of his elder brother1 who was profoundly uncongenial to him4 ,the year #ahbg1 in which ,keble's ,christian ,year was published1 saw another change in ,newman's views4 ,illness and bereavement came to him with awakening effect4 ,he made the acquaintance of ,hurrell ,froude4 ,froude brought ,newman and ,keble together4 ,henceforth ,newman bore no more traces either of evangelicalism or of liberalism4 ,of ,froude it is difficult to speak with confidence4 ,his brother1 ,james ,anthony ,froude1 the historian1 author of the ,nemesis of ,faith1 #ahdh1 says that he was gifted1 brilliant1 enthusiastic4 ,newman speaks of him with almost boundless praise4 ,two volumes of his sermons1 published after his death in #ahcf1 make the impression neither of learning nor judgment4 ,clearly he had charm4 ,possibly he talked himself into a common-room reputation4 ,newman says3 ',froude made me look with admiration toward the ,church of ,rome4' ,keble never had felt the liberalism through which ,newman had passed4 ,cradled as the ,church of ,england had been in ,puritanism1 the latter was to him simply evil4 ,opinions differing from his own were not simply mistaken1 they were sinful4 ,he conceived no religious truth outside the ,church of ,england4 ,in the ,christian ,year one perceives an influence which ,newman strongly felt4 ,it was that of the idea of the sacramental significance of all natural objects or events4 ,pusey became professor of ,hebrew in #ahcj4 ,he lent the movement academic standing1 which the others could not give4 ,he had been in ,germany1 and had published an ,inquiry into the ,rationalist ,character of ,german ,theology1 #ahbe4 ,he hardly did more than expose the ignorance of ,rose4 ,he was himself denounced as a ,german rationalist who dared to speak of a new era in theology4 ,pusey1 mourning the defection of ,newman1 whom he deeply loved1 gathered in #ahdf the forces of the ,anglo-,catholics and continued in some sense a leader to the end of his long life in #ahhb4 ,the course of political events was fretting the ,conservatives intolerably4 ,the agitation for the ,reform ,bill was taking shape4 ,sir ,robert ,peel1 the member for ,oxford1 had introduced a ,bill for the emancipation of the ,roman ,catholics4 ,there was violent commotion in ,oxford4 ,keble and ,newman strenuously opposed the measure4 ,in #ahcj there was revolution in ,france4 ,in ,england the ,whigs had come into power4 ,newman's mind was excited in the last degree4 ',the vital question1' he says1 'is this1 how are we to keep the ,church of ,england from being liberalised8' ,at the end of #ahcb ,newman and ,froude went abroad together4 ,on this journey1 as he lay becalmed in the straits of ,bonifacio1 he wrote his immortal hymn1 ',lead1 ,kindly ,light4' ,he came home assured that he had a work to do4 ,keble's ,assize ,sermon on the ,national ,apostasy1 preached in ,july #ahcc1 on the ,sunday after ,newman's return to ,oxford1 kindled the conflagration which had been long preparing4 ,newman conceived the idea of the ,tracts for the ,times as a means of expressing the feelings and propagating the opinions which deeply moved him4 ',from the first1' he says1 'my battle was with liberalism4 ,by liberalism ,i mean the anti-dogmatic principle4 ,secondly1 my aim was the assertion of the visible ,church with sacraments and rites and definite religious teaching on the foundation of dogma2 and thirdly1 the assertion of the ,anglican ,church as opposed to the ,church of ,rome4' ,newman grew greatly in personal influence4 ,his afternoon sermons at ,st4 ,mary's exerted spiritual power4 ,they deserved so to do4 ,here he was at his best4 ,all of his strength and little of his weakness shows4 ,his insight1 his subtility1 his pathos1 his love of souls1 his marvellous play of dramatic as well as of spiritual faculty1 are in evidence4 ,keble and ,pusey were busying themselves with the historical aspects of the question4 ,pusey began the ,library of the ,fathers1 the most elaborate literary monument of the movement4 ,nothing could be more amazing than the uncritical quality of the whole performance4 ,the first check to the movement came in #ahch1 when the ,bishop of ,oxford animadverted upon the ,tracts4 ,newman professed his willingness to stop them4 ,the ,bishop did not insist4 ,newman's own thought moved rapidly onward in the only course which was still open to it4 ,newman had been bred in the deepest reverence for ,scripture4 ,in a sense that reverence never left him1 though it changed its form4 ,he saw that it was absurd to appeal to the ,bible in the old way as an infallible source of doctrine4 ,how could truth be infallibly conveyed in defective and fallible expressions8 ,newman's own studies in criticism1 by no means profound1 led him to this correct conclusion4 ,this was the end for him of evangelical ,protestantism4 ,the recourse was then to the infallible ,church4 ,infallible guide and authority one must have4 ,without these there can be no religion4 ,to trust to reason and conscience as conveying something of the light of ,god is impossible4 ,to wait in patience and to labour in fortitude for the increase of that light is unendurable4 ,one must have certainty4 ,there can be no certainty by the processes of the mind from within4 ,this can come only by miraculous certification from without4 ,according to ,newman the authority of the ,church should never have been impaired in the ,reformation4 ,or rather1 in his view of that movement1 this authority1 for truly ,christian men1 had never been impaired4 ,the intellect is aggressive1 capricious1 untrustworthy4 ,its action in religious matters is corrosive1 dissolving1 sceptical4 ',man's energy of intellect must be smitten hard and thrown back by infallible authority1 if religion is to be saved at all4' ,newman's philosophy was utterly sceptical1 although1 unlike most absolute philosophical sceptics1 he had a deep religious experience4 ,the most complete secularist1 in his negation of religion1 does not differ from ,newman in his low opinion of the value of the surmises of the mind as to the transcendental meaning of life and the world4 ,he differs from ,newman only in lacking that which to ,newman was the most indefeasible thing which he had at all1 namely1 religious experience4 ,newman was the child of his age1 though no one ever abused more fiercely the age of which he was the child4 ,he supposed that he believed in religion on the basis of authority4 ,quite the contrary1 he believed in religion because he had religion or1 as he says1 in a magnificent passage in one of his parochial sermons1 because religion had him4 ,his scepticism forbade him to recognise that this was the basis of his belief4 ,his diremption of human nature was absolute4 ,the soul was of ,god4 ,the mind was of the devil4 ,he dare not trust his own intellect concerning this inestimable treasure of his experience4 ,he dare not trust intellect at all4 ,he knew not whither it might lead him4 ,the mind cannot be broken to the belief of a power above it4 ,it must have its stiff neck bent to recognise its ,creator4 ,his whole book1 ,the ,grammar of ,assent1 #ahgj1 is pervaded by the intensest philosophical scepticism4 ,scepticism supplies its motives1 determines its problems1 necessitates its distinctions1 rules over the succession and gradation of its arguments4 ,the whole aim of the work is to withdraw religion and the proofs of it1 from the region of reason into the realm of conscience and imagination1 where the arguments which reign may satisfy personal experience without alleging objective validity or being able to bear the criticism which tests it4 ,again1 he is the perverse1 unconscious child of the age which he curses4 ,had not ,kant and ,schleiermacher1 ,coleridge and ,channing sought1 does not ,ritschl seek1 to remove religion from the realm of metaphysics and to bring it within the realm of experience8 ,they had1 however1 pursued the same end by different means4 ,one is reminded of that saying of ,gretchen concerning ,mephistopheles3 ',he says the same thing with the pastor1 only in different words4' ,newman says the same words1 but means a different thing4 ,assuming the reduction of religion to experience1 in which ,kant and ,schleiermacher would have agreed1 and asserting the worthlessness of mentality1 which they would have denied1 we are not surprised to hear ,newman say that without ,catholicism doubt is invincible4 ',the ,church's infallibility is the provision adopted by the mercy of the ,creator to preserve religion in the world4 ,outside the ,catholic ,church all things tend to atheism4 ,the ,catholic ,church is the one face to face antagonist1 able to withstand and baffle the fierce energy of passion and the all-dissolving scepticism of the mind4 ,i am a ,catholic by virtue of my belief in ,god4 ,if ,i should be asked why ,i believe in ,god1 ,i should answer1 because ,i believe in myself4 ,i find it impossible to believe in myself1 without believing also in the existence of him who lives as a personal1 all-seeing1 all-judging being in my conscience4' ,these passages are mainly taken from the ,apologia1 written long after ,newman had gone over to the ,roman ,church4 ,they perfectly describe the attitude of his mind toward the ,anglican ,church1 so long as he believed this1 and not the ,roman1 to be the true ,church4 ,he had once thought that a man could hold a position midway between the ,protestantism which he repudiated and the ,romanism which he still resisted4 ,he stayed in the via media so long as he could4 ,but in #ahci he began to have doubts about the ,anglican order of succession4 ,the catholicity of ,rome began to overshadow the apostolicity of ,anglicanism4 ,the ,anglican formularies cannot be at variance with the teachings of the authoritative and universal ,church4 ,this is the problem which the last of the ,tracts1 ,tract ,ninety1 sets itself4 ,it is one of those which ,newman wrote4 ,one must find the sense of the ,roman ,church in the ,thirty-,nine ,articles4 ,this tract is prefaced by an extraordinary disquisition upon reserve in the communication of religious knowledge4 ,god's revelations of himself to mankind have always been a kind of veil4 ,truth is the reward of holiness4 ,the ,fathers were holy men4 ,therefore what the ,fathers said must be true4 ,the principle of reserve the ,articles illustrate4 ,they do not mean what they say4 ,they were written in an uncatholic age1 that is1 in the age of the ,reformation4 ,they were written by ,catholic men4 ,else how can the ,church of ,england be now a ,catholic ,church8 ,through their reserve they were acceptable in an uncatholic age4 ,they cannot be uncatholic in spirit1 else how should they be identical in meaning with the great ,catholic creeds8 ,then follows an exposition of every important article of the thirty-nine1 an effort to interpret each in the sense of the ,roman ,catholic ,church of to-day4 ,four tutors published a protest against the tract4 ,formal censure was passed upon it4 ,it was now evident to ,newman that his place in the leadership of the ,oxford ,movement was gone4 ,from this time1 the spring of #ahda1 he says he was on his deathbed as regards the ,church of ,england4 ,he withdrew to ,littlemore and established a brotherhood there4 ,in the autumn of #ahdc he resigned the parochial charge of ,st4 ,mary's at ,oxford4 ,on the #ith of ,october #ahde he was formally admitted to the ,roman ,church4 ,on the #fth of ,october ,ernest ,renan had formally severed his connexion with that ,church4 ,it is a strange thing that in his ,essay on the ,development of ,christian ,doctrine1 written in #ahde1 ,newman himself should have advanced substantially ,hampden's contention4 ,here are written many things concerning the development of doctrine which commend themselves to minds conversant with the application of historical criticism to the whole dogmatic structure of the ,christian ages4 ,the purpose is with ,newman entirely polemical1 the issue exactly that which one would not have foreseen4 ,precisely because the development of doctrine is so obvious1 because no historical point can be found at which the growth of doctrine ceased and the rule of faith was once for all settled1 therefore an infallible authority outside of the development must have existed from the beginning1 to provide a means of distinguishing true development from false4 ,this infallible guide is1 of course1 the ,church4 ,it seems incredible that ,newman could escape applying to the ,church the same argument which he had so skilfully applied to ,scripture and dogmatic history4 ,similar is the case with the argument of the ,grammar of ,assent4 ',no man is certain of a truth who can endure the thought of its contrary4' ,if the reason why ,i cannot endure the thought of the contradictory of a belief which ,i have made my own1 is that so to think brings me pain and darkness1 this does not prove my truth4 ,if my belief ever had its origin in reason1 it must be ever refutable by reason4 ,it is not corroborated by the fact that ,i do not wish to see anything that would refute it4#h ,this last fact may be in the highest degree an act of arbitrariness4 ,to make the impossibility of thinking the opposite1 the test of truth1 and then to shut one's eyes to those evidences which might compel one to think the opposite1 is the essence of irrationality4 ,one attains by this method indefinite assertiveness1 but not certainty4 ,newman lived in some seclusion in the ,oratory of ,st4 ,philip ,neri in ,birmingham for many years4 ,a few distinguished men1 and a number of his followers1 in all not more than a hundred and fifty1 went over to the ,roman ,church after him4 ,the defection was never so great as1 in the first shock1 it was supposed that it would be4 ,the outward influence of ,newman upon the ,anglican ,church then ceased4 ,but the ideas which he put forth have certainly been of great influence in that ,church to this day4 ,most men know the portrait of the great cardinal1 the wide forehead1 ploughed deep with horizontal furrows1 the pale cheek1 down which 'long lines of shadow slope1 which years and anxious thought and suffering give4' ,one looks into the wonderful face of those last days--,newman lived to his ninetieth year--and wonders if he found in the infallible ,church the peace which he so earnestly sought4 ,footnote #h3 ,fairbairn1 ,catholicism1 ,roman and ,anglican1 p4 #aeg4 ,,modernism ,it was said that the ,oxford ,movement furnished the rationale of the reaction4 ,many causes1 of course1 combine to make the situation of the ,roman ,church and the status of religion in the ,latin countries of the ,continent the lamentable one that it is4 ,that position is worst in those countries where the ,roman ,church has most nearly had free play4 ,the alienation both of the intellectual and civil life from organised religion is grave4 ,that the ,roman ,church occupies in ,england to-day a position more favourable than in almost any nation on the ,continent1 and better than it occupied in ,england at the beginning of the nineteenth century1 is due in large measure to the general influence of the movement with which we have been dealing4 ,the ,anglican ,church was at the beginning of the nineteenth century preponderantly evangelical1 low-church and conscious of itself as ,protestant4 ,at the beginning of the twentieth it is dominantly ritualistic and disposed to minimise its relation to the ,reformation4 ,this resurgence of ,catholic principles is another effect of the movement of which we speak4 ,other factors must have wrought for this result besides the body of arguments which ,newman and his compeers offered4 ,the argument itself1 the mere intellectual factor1 is not adequate4 ,there is an inherent contradiction in the effort to ground in reason an authority which is to take the place of reason4 ,yet round and round this circle all the labours of ,john ,henry ,newman go4 ,cardinal ,manning felt this4 ,the victory of the ,church was not to be won by argument4 ,it is well known that ,newman opposed the decree of infallibility4 ,it cannot be said that upon this point his arguments had great weight4 ,if one assumes that truth comes to us externally through representatives of ,god1 and if the truth is that which they assert1 then in the last analysis what they assert is truth4 ,if one has given in to such authority because one distrusts his reason1 then it is querulous to complain that the deliverances of authority do not comport with reason4 ,there may be1 of course1 the greatest interest in the struggle as to the instance in which this authority is to be lodged4 ,this interest attaches to the age-long struggle between ,pope and ,council4 ,it attaches to the dramatic struggle of ,dllinger1 ,dupanloup1 ,lord ,acton and the rest1 in #ahgj4 ,once the ,church has spoken there is1 for the advocate of authoritative religion1 no logic but to submit4 ,similarly as to the ,encyclical and ,syllabus of ,errors of #ahfd1 which forecast the present conflict concerning ,modernism4 ,the ,syllabus had a different atmosphere from that which any ,englishman in the sixties would have given it4 ,had not ,newman1 however1 made passionate warfare on the liberalism of the modern world8 ,was it not merely a question of degrees8 ,was ,gladstone's attitude intelligible8 ,the contrast of two principles in life and religion1 the principles of authority and of the spirit1 is being brought home to men's consciousness as it has never been before4 ,one reads ,il ,santo and learns concerning the death of ,fogazzaro1 one looks into the literature relating to ,tyrrell1 one sees the fate of ,loisy1 comparing the really majestic achievement in his works and the spirit of his ,simple ,reflections with the ,encyclical ,pascendi1 #aijg4 ,one understands why these men have done what they could to remain within the ,roman ,church4 ,one recalls the attitude of ,dllinger to the inauguration of the ,old ,catholic ,movement1 reflects upon the relative futility of the ,old ,catholic ,church1 and upon the position of ,hyacinthe ,loyson4 ,one appreciates the feeling of these men that it is impossible1 from without1 to influence as they would the ,church which they have loved4 ,the present difficulty of influencing it from within seems almost insuperable4 ,the history of ,modernism as an effective contention in the world of ,christian thought seems scarcely begun4 ,the opposition to ,modernism is not yet a part of the history of thought4 ,,robertson ,in no life are reflected more perfectly the spiritual conflicts of the fifth decade of the nineteenth century than in that of ,frederick ,w4 ,robertson4 ,no mind worked itself more triumphantly out of these difficulties4 ,descended from a family of ,scottish soldiers1 evangelical in piety1 a student in ,oxford in #ahcg1 repelled by the ,oxford ,movement1 he undertook his ministry under a morbid sense of responsibility4 ,he reacted violently against his evangelicalism4 ,he travelled abroad1 read enormously1 was plunged into an agony which threatened mentally to undo him4 ,he took his charge at ,brighton in #ahdg1 still only thirty-one years old1 and at once shone forth in the splendour of his genius4 ,a martyr to disease and petty persecution1 dying at thirty-seven1 he yet left the impress of one of the greatest preachers whom the ,church of ,england has produced4 ,he left no formal literary work such as he had designed4 ,of his sermons we have almost none from his own manuscripts4 ,yet his influence is to-day almost as intense as when the sermons were delivered4 ,it is1 before all1 the wealth and depth of his thought1 the reality of the content of the sermons1 which commands admiration4 ,they are a classic refutation of the remark that one cannot preach theology4 ,out of them1 even in their fragmentary state1 a well-articulated system might be made4 ,he brought to his age the living message of a man upon whom the best light of his age had shone4 ,,phillips ,,brooks ,something of the same sort may be said concerning ,phillips ,brooks4 ,he inherited on his father's side the sober rationalism and the humane and secular interest of the earlier ,unitarianism1 on his mother's side the intensity of evangelical pietism with the ,calvinistic form of thought4 ,the conflict of these opposing tendencies in ,new ,england was at that time so great that ,brooks's parents sought refuge with the low-church element in the ,episcopal ,church4 ,brooks's education at ,harvard ,college1 where he took his degree in #ahee1 as also at ,alexandria1 and still more1 his reading and experience1 made him sympathetic with that which1 in ,england in those years1 was called the ,broad ,church party4 ,he was deeply influenced by ,campbell and ,maurice4 ,later well known in ,england1 he was the compeer of the best spirits of his generation there4 ,deepened by the experience of the great war1 he held in succession two pulpits of large influence1 dying as ,bishop of ,massachusetts in #ahic4 ,there is a theological note about his preaching1 as in the case of ,robertson4 ,often it is the same note4 ,brooks had passed through no such crisis as had ,robertson4 ,he had flowered into the greatness of rational belief4 ,his sermons are a contribution to the thinking of his age4 ,we have much finished material of this kind from his own hand1 and a book or two besides4 ,his service through many years as preacher to his university was of inestimable worth4 ,the presentation of ever-advancing thought to a great public constituency is one of the most difficult of tasks4 ,it is also one of the most necessary4 ,the fusion of such thoughtfulness with spiritual impulse has rarely been more perfectly achieved than in the preaching of ,phillips ,brooks4 ,,the ,,broad ,,church ,we have used the phrase1 the ,broad ,church party4 ,stanley had employed the adjective to describe the real character of the ,english ,church1 over against the antithesis of the ,low ,church and the ,high4 ,the designation adhered to a group of which ,stanley was himself a type4 ,they were not bound together in a party4 ,they had no ecclesiastical end in view4 ,they were of a common spirit4 ,it was not the spirit of evangelicalism4 ,still less was it that of the ,tractarians4 ,it was that which ,robertson had manifested4 ,it aimed to hold the faith with an open mind in all the intellectual movement of the age4 ,maurice should be enumerated here1 with reservations4 ,kingsley beyond question belonged to this group4 ,there was great ardour among them for the improvement of social conditions1 a sense of the social mission of ,christianity4 ,there grew up what was called a ,christian ,socialist movement1 which1 however1 never attained or sought a political standing4 ,the ,broad ,church movement seemed1 at one time1 assured of ascendancy in the ,church of ,england4 ,its aims appeared congruous with the spirit of the times4 ,yet ,dean ,fremantle esteems himself perhaps the last survivor of an illustrious company4 ,the men who in #ahfj published the volume known as ,essays and ,reviews would be classed with the ,broad ,church4 ,in its authorship were associated seven scholars1 mostly ,oxford men4 ,some one described ,essays and ,reviews as the ,tract ,ninety of the ,broad ,church4 ,it stirred public sentiment and brought the authors into conflict with authority in a somewhat similar way4 ,the living antagonism of the ,broad ,church was surely with the ,tractarians rather than with the evangelicals4 ,yet the most significant of the essays1 those on miracles and on prophecy1 touched opinions common to both these groups4 ,jowett1 later ,master of ,balliol1 contributed an essay on the ',interpretation of ,scripture4' ,it hardly belongs to ,jowett's best work4 ,yet the controversy then precipitated may have had to do with ,jowett's adherence to ,platonic studies instead of his devoting himself to theology4 ,the most decisive of the papers was that of ,baden ,powell on the ',study of the ,evidences of ,christianity4' ,it was mainly a discussion of the miracle4 ,it was radical and conclusive4 ,the essay closes with an allusion to ,darwin's ,origin of ,species1 which had then just appeared4 ,baden ,powell died shortly after its publication4 ,the fight came on ,rowland ,williams's paper upon ,bunson's ,biblical ,researches4 ,it was really upon the prophecies and their use in ',christian ,evidences4' ,baron ,bunsen was not a great archologist1 but he brought to the attention of ,english readers that which was being done in ,germany in this field4 ,williams used the archological material to rectify the current theological notions concerning ancient history4 ,a certain type of ,english mind has always shown zeal for the interpretation of prophecy4 ,williams's thesis1 briefly put1 was this3 the ,bible does not always give the history of the past with accuracy2 it does not give the history of the future at all2 prophecy means spiritual teaching1 not secular prognostication4 ,a reader of our day may naturally feel that ,wilson1 with his paper on the ',national ,church1' made the greatest contribution4 ,he built indeed upon ,coleridge1 but he had a larger horizon4 ,he knew the arguments of the great ,frenchmen of his day and of their ,english imitators who1 in ,benn's phrase1 narrowed and perverted the ideal of a world-wide humanity into that of a ,church founded on dogmas and administered by clericals4 ,wilson argued that in ,jesus' teaching the basis of the religious community is ethical4 ,the ,church is but the instrument for carrying out the will of ,god as manifest in the moral law4 ,the realisation of the will of ,god must extend beyond the limits of the ,church's activity1 however widely these are drawn4 ,there arose a violent agitation4 ,williams and ,wilson were prosecuted4 ,the case was tried in the ,court of ,arches4 ,williams was defended by no less a person than ,fitzjames ,stephen4 ,the two divines were sentenced to a year's suspension4 ,this decision was reversed by the ,lord ,chancellor4 ,fitzjames ,stephen had argued that if the men most interested in the church1 namely1 its clergy1 are the only men who may be punished for serious discussion of the facts and truths of religion1 then respect on the part of the world for the ,church is at an end4 ,by this discussion the ,english clergy1 even if ,anglo-,catholic1 are in a very different position from the ,roman priests1 over whom encyclicals1 even if not executed1 are always suspended4 ,similar was the issue in the case of ,colenso1 ,bishop of ,natal4 ,equipped mainly with ,cambridge mathematics added to purest self-devotion1 he had been sent out as a missionary bishop4 ,in the process of the translation of the ,pentateuch for his ,zulus1 he had come to reflect upon the problem which the ,old ,testament presents4 ,in a manner which is altogether marvellous he worked out critical conclusions parallel to those of ,old ,testament scholars on the ,continent4 ,he was never really an expert1 but in his main contention he was right4 ,he adhered to his opinion despite severe pressure and was not removed from the episcopate4 ,with such guarantees it would be strange indeed if we could not say that biblical studies entered in ,great ,britain1 as also in ,america1 on a development in which scholars of these nations are not behind the best scholars of the world4 ,the trials for heresy of ,robertson ,smith in ,edinburgh and of ,dr4 ,briggs in ,new ,york have now little living interest4 ,yet biblical studies in ,scotland and ,america were incalculably furthered by those discussions4 ,the publication of a book like ,supernatural ,religion1 #ahgb1 illustrates a proclivity not uncommon in self-conscious liberal circles1 for taking up a contention just when those who made it and have lived with it have decided to lay it down4 ,however1 the names of ,hatch and ,lightfoot alone1 not to mention the living1 are sufficient to warrant the assertions above made4 99 99 99 99 99 ,more than once in these chapters we have spoken of the service rendered to the progress of ,christian thought by the criticism and interpretation of religion at the hands of literary men4 ,that country and age may be esteemed fortunate in which religion occupies a place such that it compels the attention of men of genius4 ,in the history of culture this has by no means always been the case4 ,that these men do not always speak the language of edification is of minor consequence4 ,what is of infinite worth is that the largest minds of the generation shall engage themselves with the topic of religion4 ,a history of thought concerning ,christianity cannot but reckon with the opinions1 for example1 of ,carlyle1 of ,emerson1 of ,matthew ,arnold--to mention only types4 ,,carlyle ,carlyle has pictured for us his early home at ,ecclefechan on the ,border2 his father1 a stone mason of the highest character2 his mother with her frugal1 pious ways2 the minister1 from whom he learned ,latin1 'the priestliest man ,i ever beheld in any ecclesiastical guise4' ,the picture of his mother never faded from his memory4 ,carlyle was destined for the ,church4 ,such had been his mother's prayer4 ,he took his arts course in ,edinburgh4 ,in the university1 he says1 'there was much talk about progress of the species1 dark ages1 and the like1 but the hungry young looked to their spiritual nurses and were bidden to eat the east wind4' ,he entered ,divinity ,hall1 but already1 in #ahaf1 prohibitive doubts had arisen in his mind4 ,irving sought to help him4 ,irving was not the man for the task4 ,the ,christianity of the ,church had become intellectually incredible to ,carlyle4 ,for a time he was acutely miserable1 bordering upon despair4 ,he has described his spiritual deliverance3 ',precisely that befel me which the ,methodists call their conversion1 the deliverance of their souls from the devil and the pit4 ,there burst forth a sacred flame of joy in me4' ,with ,sartor ,resartus his message to the world began4 ,it was printed in ,fraser's ,magazine in #ahcc1 but not published separately until #ahch4 ,his difficulty in finding a publisher embittered him4 ,style had something to do with this1 the newness of his message had more4 ,then for twenty years he poured forth his message4 ,never did a man carry such a pair of eyes into the great world of ,london or set a more peremptory mark upon its notabilities4 ,his best work was done before #ahea4 ,his later years were darkened with much misery of body4 ,no one can allege that he ever had a happy mind4 ,he was a true prophet1 but1 ,elijah-like1 he seemed to himself to be alone4 ,his derision of the current religion seems sometimes needless4 ,yet even that has the grand note of sincerity4 ,what he desired he in no small measure achieved--that his readers should be arrested and feel themselves face to face with reality4 ,his startling intuition1 his intellectual uprightness1 his grasp upon things as they are1 his passion for what ought to be1 made a great impression upon his age4 ,it was in itself a religious influence4 ,here was a mind of giant force1 of sternest truthfulness4 ,his untruths were those of exaggeration4 ,his injustices were those of prejudice4 ,he invested many questions of a social and moral1 of a political and religious sort with a nobler meaning than they had had before4 ,his ,french ,revolution1 his papers on ,chartism1 his unceasing comment on the troubled life of the years from #ahcj to #ahfe1 are of highest moment for our understanding of the growth of that social feeling in the midst of which we live and work4 ,in his brooding sympathy with the downtrodden he was a great inaugurator of the social movement4 ,he felt the curse of an aristocratic society1 yet no one has told us with more drastic truthfulness the evils of our democratic institutions4 ,his word was a great corrective for much 'rose-water' optimism which prevailed in his day4 ,the note of hope is1 however1 often lacking4 ,the mythology of an absentee ,god had faded from him4 ,yet the ,god who was clear to his mature consciousness1 clear as the sun in the heavens1 was a ,god over the world1 to judge it inexorably4 ,again1 it is not difficult to accumulate evidence in his words which looks toward pantheism2 but what one may call the religious benefit of pantheism1 the sense that ,god is in his world1 ,carlyle often loses4 ,materialism is to-day so deeply discredited that we find it difficult to realise that sixty years ago the problem wore a different look4 ,carlyle was never weary of pouring out the vials of his contempt on 'mud-philosophies' and exalting the spirit as against matter4 ,never was a man more opposed to the idea of a godless world1 in which man is his own chief end1 and his sensual pleasures the main aims of his existence4 ,his insight into the consequences of our commercialism and luxury and absorption in the outward never fails4 ,man is ,god's son1 but the effort to realise that sonship in the joy and trust of a devout heart and in the humble round of daily life sometimes seems to him cant or superstition4 ,the humble life of godliness made an unspeakable appeal to him4 ,he had known those who lived that life4 ,his love for them was imperishable4 ,yet he had so recoiled from the superstitions and hypocrisies of others1 the ,eternal in his majesty was so ineffable1 all effort to approach him so unworthy1 that almost instinctively he would call upon the man who made the effort1 to desist4 ,so magnificent1 all his life long1 had been his protest against the credulity and stupidity of men1 against beliefs which assert the impossible and blink the facts1 that1 for himself1 the great objects of faith were held fast to1 so to say1 in their naked verity1 with a giant's strength4 ,they were half-querulously denied all garment and embodiment1 lest he also should be found credulous and self-deceived4 ,from this titan labouring at the foundations of the world1 this ,samson pulling down temples of the ,philistines on his head1 this cyclops heaving hills at ships as they pass by1 it seems a long way to ,emerson4 ,yet ,emerson was ,carlyle's friend4 ,,emerson ,arnold said in one of his ,american addresses3 ',besides these voices--,newman1 ,carlyle1 ,goethe--there came to us in the ,oxford of my youth a voice also from this side of the ,atlantic1 a clear and pure voice which1 for my ear at any rate1 brought a strain as new and moving and unforgetable as those others4 ,lowell has described the apparition of ,emerson to your young generation here4 ,he was your ,newman1 your man of soul and genius1 speaking to your bodily ears1 a present object for your heart and imagination4' ,then he quotes as one of the most memorable passages in ,english speech3 ',trust thyself4 ,accept the place which the divine providence has found for you1 the society of your contemporaries1 the connection of events4 ,great men have always done so1 confiding themselves childlike to the genius of their age1 betraying a perception which was stirring in their hearts1 working through their hands1 dominating their whole being4' ,arnold speaks of ,carlyle's grim insistence upon labour and righteousness but of his scorn of happiness1 and then says3 ',but ,emerson taught happiness in labour1 in righteousness and veracity4 ,in all the life of the spirit1 happiness and eternal hope1 that was ,emerson's gospel4 ,by his conviction that in the life of the spirit is happiness1 by his hope and expectation that this life of the spirit will more and more be understood and will prevail1 by this ,emerson was great4' ,seven of ,emerson's ancestors were ministers of ,new ,england churches4 ,he inherited qualities of self-reliance1 love of liberty1 strenuous virtue1 sincerity1 sobriety and fearless loyalty to ideals4 ,the form of his ideals was modified by the glow of transcendentalism which passed over parts of ,new ,england in the second quarter of the nineteenth century1 but the spirit in which ,emerson conceived the laws of life1 reverenced them and lived them1 was the ,puritan spirit1 only elevated1 enlarged and beautified by the poetic temperament4 ,taking his degree from ,harvard in #ahba1 despising school teaching1 stirred by the passion for spiritual leadership1 the ministry seemed to offer the fairest field for its satisfaction4 ,in #ahbe he entered the ,divinity ,school in ,harvard to prepare himself for the ,unitarian ministry4 ,in #ahbi he became associate minister of the ,second ,unitarian ,church in ,boston4 ,he arrived at the conviction that the ,lord's ,supper was not intended by ,jesus to be a permanent sacrament4 ,he found his congregation1 not unnaturally1 reluctant to agree with him4 ,he therefore retired from the pastoral office4 ,he was always a preacher1 though of a singular order4 ,his task was to befriend and guide the inner life of man4 ,the influences of this period in his life have been enumerated as the liberating philosophy of ,coleridge1 the mystical vision of ,swedenborg1 the intimate poetry of ,wordsworth1 the stimulating essays of ,carlyle4 ,his address before the graduating class of the ,divinity ,school at ,cambridge in #ahch was an impassioned protest against what he called the defects of historical ,christianity1 its undue reliance upon the personal authority of ,jesus1 its failure to explore the moral nature of man4 ,he made a daring plea for absolute self-reliance and new inspiration in religion3 ',in the soul let redemption be sought4 ,refuse the good models1 even those which are sacred in the imagination of men4 ,cast conformity behind you4 ,acquaint men at first hand with deity4' ,he never could have been the power he was by the force of his negations4 ,his power lay in the wealth1 the variety1 the beauty and insight with which he set forth the positive side of his doctrine of the greatness of man1 of the presence of ,god in man1 of the divineness of life1 of ,god's judgment and mercy in the order of the world4 ,one sees both the power and the limitation of ,emerson's religious teaching4 ,at the root of it lay a real philosophy4 ,he could not philosophise4 ,he was always passing from the principle to its application4 ,he could not systematise4 ,he speaks of his 'formidable tendency to the lapidary style4' ,granting that one finds his philosophy in fragments1 just as one finds his interpretation of religion in flashes of marvellous insight1 both are worth searching for1 and either1 in ,coleridge's phrase1 finds us1 whether we search for it or not4 ,,arnold ,what shall we say of ,matthew ,arnold himself8 ,without doubt the twenty years by which ,arnold was ,newman's junior at ,oxford made a great difference in the intellectual atmosphere of that place1 and of the ,english world of letters1 at the time when ,arnold's mind was maturing4 ,he was not too late to feel the spell of ,newman4 ,his mind was hardly one to appreciate the whole force of that spell4 ,he was at ,oxford too early for the full understanding of the limits within which alone the scientific conception of the world can be said to be true4 ,arnold often boasted that he was no metaphysician4 ,he really need never have mentioned the fact4 ,the assumption that whatever is true can be verified in the sense of the precise kind of verification which science implies is a very serious mistake4 ,yet his whole intellectual strength was devoted to the sustaining1 one cannot say exactly the cause of religion1 but certainly that of noble conduct1 and to the assertion of the elation of duty and the joy of righteousness4 ,with all the scorn that ,arnold pours upon the trust which we place in ,god's love1 he yet holds to the conviction that 'the power without ourselves which makes for righteousness' is one upon which we may in rapture rely4 ,arnold had convinced himself that in an ago such as ours1 which will take nothing for granted1 but must verify everything1 ,christianity1 in the old form of authoritative belief in supernatural beings and miraculous events1 is no longer tenable4 ,we must confine ourselves to such ethical truths as can be verified by experience4 ,we must reject everything which goes beyond these4 ,religion has no more to do with supernatural dogma than with metaphysical philosophy4 ,it has nothing to do with either4 ,it has to do with conduct4 ,it is folly to make religion depend upon the conviction of the existence of an intelligent and moral governor of the universe1 as the theologians have done4 ,for the object of faith in the ethical sense ,arnold coined the phrase3 ',the ,eternal not ourselves which makes for righteousness4' ,so soon as we go beyond this1 we enter upon the region of fanciful anthropomorphism1 of extra belief1 aberglaube1 which always revenges itself4 ,these are the main contentions of his book1 ,literature and ,dogma1 #ahge4 ,one feels the value of ,arnold's recall to the sense of the literary character of the ,scriptural documents1 as urged in his book1 ,saint ,paul and ,protestantism1 #ahgj1 and again to the sense of the influence which the imagination of mankind has had upon religion4 ,one feels the truth of his assertion of our ignorance4 ,one feels ,arnold's own deep earnestness4 ,it was his concern that reason and the will of ,god should prevail4 ,though he was primarily a literary man1 yet his great interest was in religion4 ,one feels so sincerely that his main conclusion is sound1 that it is the more trying that his statement of it should be often so perverse and his method of sustaining it so precarious4 ,it is quite certain that the idea of the ,eternal not ourselves which makes for righteousness is far from being the clear idea which ,arnold claims4 ,it is far from being an idea derived from experience or verifiable in experience1 in the sense which he asserts4 ,it seems positively incredible that ,arnold did not know that with this conception he passed the boundary of the realm of science and entered the realm of metaphysics1 which he so abhorred4 ,he was the eldest son of ,thomas ,arnold of ,rugby4 ,he was educated at ,winchester and ,rugby and at ,balliol ,college4 ,he was ,professor of ,poetry in ,oxford from #aheg to #ahfg4 ,he was an inspector of schools4 ,the years of his best literary labour were much taken up in ways which were wasteful of his rare powers4 ,he came by literary intuition to an idea of ,scripture which others had built up from the point of view of a theory of knowledge and by investigation of the facts4 ,he is the helpless personification of a view of the relation of science and religion which has absolutely passed away4 ,yet ,arnold died only in #ahhh4 ,how much a distinguished inheritance may mean is gathered from the fact that a grand-daughter of ,thomas ,arnold and niece of ,matthew ,arnold1 ,mrs4 ,humphry ,ward1 in her novels1 has dealt largely with problems of religious life1 and more particularly of religious thoughtfulness4 ,she has done for her generation1 in her measure1 that which ,george ,eliot did for hers4 ,,martineau ,as the chapter and the book draw to their close we can think of no man whose life more nearly spanned the century1 or whose work touched more fruitfully almost every aspect of ,christian thoughtfulness than did that of ,james ,martineau4 ,we can think of no man who gathered into himself more fully the significant theological tendencies of the age1 or whose utterance entitles him to be listened to more reverently as seer and saint4 ,he was born in #ahje4 ,he was bred as an engineer4 ,he fulfilled for years the calling of minister and preacher4 ,he gradually exchanged this for the activity of a professor4 ,he was a religious philosopher in the old sense1 but he was also a critic and historian4 ,his position with reference to the ,new ,testament was partly antiquated before his ,seat of ,authority in ,religion1 #ahij1 made its appearance4 ,evolutionism never became with him a coherent and consistent assumption4 ,ethics never altogether got rid of the innate ideas4 ,the social movement left him almost untouched4 ,yet1 despite all this1 he was in some sense a representative progressive theologian of the century4 ,there is a parallel between ,newman and ,martineau4 ,both busied themselves with the problem of authority4 ,criticism had been fatal to the apprehension which both had inherited concerning the authority of ,scripture4 ,from that point onward they took divergent courses4 ,the arguments which touched the infallible and oracular authority of ,scripture1 for ,newman established that of the ,church2 for ,martineau they had destroyed that of the ,church four hundred years ago4 ,martineau's sense1 even of the authority of ,jesus1 reverent as it is1 is yet no pietistic and mystical view4 ,the authority of ,jesus is that of the truth which he speaks1 of the goodness which dwells in him1 of ,god himself and ,god alone4 ,a real interest in the sciences and true learning in some of them made ,martineau able to write that wonderful chapter in his ,seat of ,authority1 which he entitled ',god in ,nature4' ,newman could see in nature1 at most a sacramental suggestion1 a symbol of transcendental truth4 ,the ,martineaus came of old ,huguenot stock1 which in ,england belonged to the liberal ,presbyterianism out of which much of ,british ,unitarianism came4 ,the righteousness of a persecuted race had left an austere impress upon their domestic and social life4 ,intellectually they inherited the advanced liberalism of their day4 ,harriet ,martineau's earlier piety had been of the most fervent sort4 ,she reacted violently against it in later years4 ,she had little of the politic temper and gentleness of her brother4 ,she described one of her own later works as the last word of philosophic atheism4 ,james was1 and always remained1 of deepest sensitiveness and reverence and of a gentleness which stood in high contrast with his powers of conflict1 if necessity arose4 ,out of ,martineau's years as preacher in ,liverpool and ,london came two books of rare devotional quality1 ,endeavours after the ,christian ,life1 #ahdc and #ahdg1 and ,hours of ,thought on ,sacred ,things1 #ahgc and #ahgi4 ,almost all his life he was identified with ,manchester ,college1 as a student when the college was located at ,york1 as a teacher when it returned to ,manchester and again when it was removed to ,london4 ,with its removal to ,oxford1 accomplished in #ahhi1 he had not fully sympathised4 ,he believed that the university itself must some day do justice to the education of men for the ministry in other churches than the ,anglican4 ,he was eighty years old when he published his ,types of ,ethical ,theory1 eighty-two when he gave to the world his ,study of ,religion1 eighty-five when his ,seat of ,authority saw the light4 ,the effect of this postponement of publication was not wholly good4 ,the books represented marvellous learning and ripeness of reflection4 ,but they belong to a period anterior to the dates they bear upon their title-pages4 ,martineau's education and his early professional experience put him in touch with the advancing sciences4 ,in the days when most men of progressive spirit were carried off their feet1 when materialism was flaunted in men's faces and the defence of religion was largely in the hands of those who knew nothing of the sciences1 ,martineau was not moved4 ,he saw the end from the beginning4 ,there is nothing finer in his latest work than his early essays--',nature and ,god1' ',science1 ,nescience and ,faith1' and ',religion as affected by ,modern ,materialism4' ,he died in #aijj in his ninety-fifth year4 ,it is difficult to speak of the living in these pages4 ,personal relations enforce reserve and brevity4 ,nevertheless1 no one can think of ,manchester ,college and ,martineau without being reminded of ,mansfield ,college and of ,fairbairn1 a ,scotchman1 but of the ,independent ,church4 ,he also was both teacher and preacher all his days1 leader of the movement which brought ,mansfield ,college from ,birmingham to ,oxford1 by the confession both of ,anglicans and of ,non-conformists the most learned man in his subjects in the ,oxford of his time1 an historian1 touched by the social enthusiasm1 but a religious philosopher1 par excellence4 ,his ,religion and ,modern ,life1 #ahid1 his ,catholicism1 ,roman and ,anglican1 #ahii1 his ,place of ,christ in ,modern ,theology1 #ahic1 his ,philosophy of the ,christian ,religion1 #aijb1 and his ,studies in ,religion and ,theology1 #aiaj1 indicate the wideness of his sympathies and the scope of the application1 of his powers4 ,if imitation is homage1 grateful acknowledgment is here made of rich spoil taken from his books4 ,philosophy took a new turn in ,britain after the middle of the decade of the sixties4 ,it began to be conceded that ,locke and ,hume were dead4 ,had ,mill really appreciated that fact he might have been a philosopher more fruitful and influential than he was4 ,sir ,william ,hamilton was dead4 ,mansel's endeavour1 out of agnosticism to conjure the most absurdly positivistic faith1 had left thinking men more exposed to scepticism1 if possible1 than they had been before4 ,when ,hegel was thought in ,germany to be obsolete1 and everywhere the cry was 'back to ,kant1' some ,scotch and ,english scholars1 the two ,cairds and ,seth ,pringle-,pattison1 with ,thomas ,hill ,green1 made a modified ,hegelianism current in ,great ,britain4 ,they led by this path in the introduction of their countrymen to later ,german idealism4 ,by this introduction philosophy in both ,britain and ,america has greatly gained4 ,despite these facts1 ,john ,caird's ,introduction to the ,philosophy of ,religion1 #ahhj1 is still only a religious philosophy4 ,it is not a philosophy of religion4 ,his ,fundamental ,ideas of ,christianity1 #ahif1 hardly escapes the old antitheses among which theological discussion moved1 say1 thirty years ago4 ,edward ,caird's ,critical ,philosophy of ,kant1 #ahhi1 and especially his ,evolution of ,religion1 #ahib1 marked the coming change more definitely than did any of the labours of his brother4 ,thomas ,hill ,green gave great promise in his ,introduction to ,hume1 #ahhe1 his ,prolegomena to ,ethics1 #ahhc1 and still more in essays and papers scattered through the volumes edited by ,nettleship after ,green's death4 ,his contribution to religious discussion was such as to make his untimely end to be deeply deplored4 ,seth ,pringle-,pattison's early work1 ,the ,development from ,kant to ,hegel1 #ahha1 still has great worth4 ,his ,hegelianism and ,personality1 #ahic1 deals with one aspect of the topic which needs ever again to be explored1 because of the psychological basis which in religious discussion is now assumed4 ,,james ,the greatest contribution of ,america to religious discussion in recent years is surely ,william ,james's ,varieties of ,religious ,experience1 #aijb4 ,the book is unreservedly acknowledged in ,britain1 and in ,germany as well1 to be the best which we yet have upon the psychology of religion4 ,not only so1 it gives a new intimation as to what psychology of religion means4 ,it blazes a path along which investigators are eagerly following4 ,boyce1 in his ,phi ,beta ,kappa address at ,harvard in #aiaa1 declared ,james to be the third representative philosopher whom ,america has produced4 ,he had the form of philosophy as ,emerson never had4 ,he could realise whither he was going1 as ,emerson in his intuitiveness never did4 ,he criticised the dominant monism in most pregnant way4 ,he recurred to the problems which dualism owned but could not solve4 ,we cannot call the new scheme dualism4 ,the world does not go back4 ,yet ,james made an over-confident generation feel that the centuries to which dualism had seemed reasonable were not so completely without intelligence as has been supposed by some4 ,no philosophy may claim completeness as an interpretation of the universe4 ,no more conclusive proof of this judgment could be asked than is given quite unintentionally in ,haeckel's ,weltrthsel4 ,at no point is this recall more earnest than in ,james's dealing with the antithesis of good and evil4 ,the reaction of the mind of the race1 and primarily of individuals1 upon the fact of evil1 men's consciousness of evil in themselves1 their desire to be rid of it1 their belief that there is a deliverance from it and that they have found that deliverance1 is for ,james the point of departure for the study of the actual phenomena and the active principle of religion4 ,the truest psychological and philosophical instinct of the ago thus sets the experience of conversion in the centre of discussion4 ,apparently most men have1 at some time and in some way1 the consciousness of a capacity for ,god which is unfulfilled1 of a relation to ,god unrealised1 which is broken and resumed1 or yet to be resumed4 ,they have the sense that their own effort must contribute to this recovery4 ,they have the sense also that something without themselves empowers them to attempt this recovery and to persevere in the attempt4 ,the psychology of religion is thus put in the forefront4 ,the vast masses of material of this sort which the religious world1 both past and present1 possesses1 have been either actually unexplored1 or else set forth in ways which distorted and obscured the facts4 ,the experience is the fact4 ,the best science the world knows is now to deal with it as it would deal with any other fact4 ,this is the epoch-making thing1 the contribution to method in ,james's book4 ,james was born in ,new ,york in #ahdb1 the son of a ,swedenborgian theologian4 ,he took his medical degree at ,harvard in #ahgj4 ,he began to lecture there in anatomy in #ahgb and became ,professor of ,philosophy in #ahhe4 ,he was a ,gifford and a ,hibbert ,lecturer4 ,he died in #aiaj4 ,when ,james's thesis shall have been fully worked out1 much supposed investigation of primitive religions1 which is really nothing but imagination concerning primitive religions1 will be shown in its true worthlessness4 ,we know very little about primitive man4 ,what we learn as to primitive man1 on the side of his religion1 we must learn in part from the psychology of the matured and civilised1 the present living1 thinking1 feeling man in contact with his religion4 ,matured religion is not to be judged by the primitive1 but the reverse4 ,the real study of the history of religions1 the study of the objective phenomena1 from earliest to latest times1 has its place4 ,but the history of religions is perverted when it takes for fact in the life of primitive man that which never existed save in the imagination of twentieth century students4 ,early ,christianity1 on its inner and spiritual side1 is to be judged by later ,christianity1 by present ,christianity1 by the ,christian experience which we see and know to-day1 and not conversely1 as men have always claimed4 ,the modern man is not to be converted after the pattern which it is alleged that his grandfather followed4 ,for1 first1 there is the question as to whether his grandfather did conform to this pattern4 ,and beyond that1 it is safer to try to understand the experience of the grandfather1 whom we do not know1 by the psychology and experience of the grandson1 whom we do know1 with1 of course1 a judicious admixture of knowledge of the history of the nineteenth century1 which would occasion characteristic differences4 ,the modern saint is not asked to be a saint like ,francis4 ,in the first place1 how do we know what ,francis was like8 ,in the second place1 the experience of ,francis may be most easily understood by the aid of modern experience of true revolt from worldliness and of consecration to self-sacrifice1 as these exist among us1 with1 of course1 the proper background furnished by the history of the thirteenth century4 ,souls are one4 ,our souls may be1 at least in some measure1 known to ourselves4 ,even the souls of some of our fellows may be measurably known to us4 ,what are the facts of the religious experience8 ,how do souls react in face of the eternal8 ,the experience of religion1 the experience of the fatherhood of ,god1 of the sonship of man1 of the moving of the spirit1 is surely one experience4 ,how did even ,christ's great soul react1 experience1 work1 will1 and suffer8 ,by what possible means can we ever know how he reacted1 worked1 willed1 suffered8 ,in the literature we learn only how men thought that he reacted4 ,we must inquire of our own souls4 ,to be sure1 ,christ belonged to the first century1 and we live in the twentieth4 ,it is possible for us to learn something of the first century and of the concrete outward conditions which caused his life to take the shape which it did4 ,we learn this by strict historical research4 ,assuredly the supreme measure in which the spirit of all truth and goodness once took possession of the ,nazarene1 remains to us a mystery unfathomed and unfathomable4 ,dwelling in ,jesus1 that spirit made through him a revelation of the divine such as the world has never seen4 ,yet that mystery leads forth along the path of that which is intelligible4 ,and1 in another sense1 even such religious experience as we ourselves may have1 poor though it be and sadly limited1 leads back into the same mystery4 ,it was with this contention that religion is a fact of the inner life of man1 that it is to be understood through consciousness1 that it is essentially and absolutely reasonable and yet belongs to the transcendental world1 it was with this contention that1 in the person of ,immanuel ,kant1 the history of modern religious thought began4 ,it is with this contention1 in one of its newest and most far-reaching applications in the work of ,william ,james1 that this history continues4 ,for no one can think of the number of questions which recent years have raised1 without realising that this history is by no means concluded4 ,it is conceivable that the changes which the twentieth century will bring may be as noteworthy as those which the nineteenth century has seen4 ,at least we may be grateful that so great and sure a foundation has been laid4 ,,bibliography ,,chapter ,i ,,wernle1 ,,paul4 ,einfhrung in das theologische ,studium4 ,tbingen1 #b4 ,aufl41 #aiaa4 ,,die ,,kultur ,,der ,,gegenwart4 ,th4 ,i41 ,abth4 iv4 #a4 ,geschichte der ,christlichen ,religion1 v4 ,wellhausen1 ,jlieber1 ,harnack u4 ,a41 #b4 ,aufl4 ,berlin1 #aiji4 ,,die ,,kultur ,,der ,,gegenwart4 ,th4 ,i41 ,abth4 iv4 #b4 ,systematische ,christliche ,religion1 v4 ,troeltsch1 ,herrmann1 ,holtzmann u4 ,a41 #b4 ,aufl4 ,berlin1 #aiji4 ,,pfleiderer1 ,,otto4 ,the ,development of ,theology in ,germany since ,kant1 and its ,progress in ,great ,britain since #ahbe4 ,transl41 ,j4 ,,frederick ,,smith4 ,london1 #ahic4 ,,lichtenberger1 ,f4 ,histoire des ,ides ,religieuses en ,allemagne despuis le milieu du ,,xviii' sicle nos jours4 ,paris1 #ahgc4 ,transl41 with notes1 ,w4 ,,hastie4 ,edinburgh1 #ahhi4 ,,adeney1 ,w4,f4 ,a ,century of ,progress in ,religious ,life and ,thought4 ,london1 #aija4 ,,harnack1 ,,adolf4 ,das ,wesen des ,christenthums4 ,berlin1 #aijj4 ,transl41 ,what is ,christianity8 ,t4,b4 ,,saunders4 ,london1 #aija4 ,,stephen1 ,,leslie4 ,history of ,english ,thought in the ,eighteenth ,century4 #b vols4 ,london1 #crd ed41 #aijb4 ,,troeltsch1 ,,ernst4 ,art4 ',deismus' in ,herzog-,hauck1 ,realencyclopdie fr ,protestantische ,theologie und ,kirche4 #c4 ,aufl4 ,leipzig1 #d4 ,bd41 #ahih1 s4 #ecb f43 art4 ',aufklrung1' #b4 ,bd41 #ahig1 s4 #bbe f43 art4 ',idealismus1 deutscher1' #h4 ,bd41 #aijj1 s4 #fab f4 ,,mirbt1 ,,carl4 ,art4 ',pietiamus' in ,herzog-,hauck1 ,realencydopdie1 #ae4 ,bd41 #aijd1 s4 #ggd f4 ,,ritschl1 ,,albrecht4 ,geschichte des ,pietismus1 #c ,bde4 ,bonn1 #ahhj-ahhf4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,windelband1 ,w4 ,die ,geschichte der neueren ,philosophie in ihrem ,zusammenhang mit der allgemeinen ,kultur und den besouderen ,wissenschaften4 #b ,bde4 ,leipzig1 #ahii4 ,h,,ffding1 ,,harold4 ,geschichte der neueren ,philosophie4 ,uebersetzt v4 ,bendixen4 #b ,bde4 ,leipzig1 #ahif4 ,,eucken1 ,,rudolf4 ,die ,lebensanschauungen der grossen ,denker4 #h4 ,anfl4 ,leipzig1 #aiji4 ,transl41 ,the ,problem of ,human ,life as viewed by the ,great ,thinkers1 by ,w4,s4 ,,hough and ,w4,r4 ,,boyce ,,gibson4 ,new ,york1 #aiaj4 ,,pringle-,,pattison1 ,a4 ,,seth4 ,the ,development from ,kant to ,hegel4 ,london1 #ahha4 ,,drews1 ,,arthur4 ,die ,deutsche ,spekulation seit ,kant #b ,bde4 ,berlin1 #ahic4 ,,royce1 ,,josiah4 ,the ,spirit of ,modern ,philosophy4 ,boston1 #ahic4 ,the ,religious ,aspect of ,philosophy4 ,boston1 #ahhe4 ,the ,world and the ,individual4 #b vols4 ,new ,york1 #aija and #aijd4 ,,paulsen1 ,,friedrich4 ,immanuel ,kant1 sein ,leben und seine ,lehre4 ,stuttgart1 #c4 ,aufl41 #ahii4 ,transl41 ,,creighton ,,and ,,lefever4 ,new ,york1 #aijb4 ,,caird1 ,,edward4 ,a ,critical ,account of the ,philosophy of ,kant3 with an ,historical ,introduction4 ,glasgow1 #ahgg4 ,,fischer1 ,,kuno4 ,hegels ,leben1 ,werke und ,lehre4 #b ,bde4 ,heidelberg1 #aija4 ,,siebeck1 ,,hermann4 ,lehrbuch der ,religionsphilosophie4 ,freiburg1 #ahic4 ,,eucken1 ,,rudolf4 ,der ,wahrheitsgehalt der ,religion4 ,leipzig1 #d4 ,aufl41 #aijf4 ,transl41 ,,jones4 ,london1 #aiaa4 ,,tiele1 ,c4,p4 ,compendium der ,religionsgeschichte4 ,uebersetzt v4 ,weber4 #c4 ,aufl4 umgearbeitet v4 ,sderblom4 ,breslau1 #aijc4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,von ,,frank1 ,h4,r4 ,geschichte und ,kritik der neueren ,theologie insbesondere der systematischen seit ,schleiermacher4 ,hrsg1 v4 ,schaarschmidt4 ,eriangen1 #ahih4 ,,schwarz1 ,,carl4 ,zur ,gesehichte der neuiten ,theologie4 ,leipzig1 #d4 ,aufl41 #ahfi4 ,,kattenbusch1 ,,ferdinand4 ,von ,schleiermacher zu ,ritschl4 ,giessen1 #ahib4 ,,brown1 ,,william ,,adams4 ,the ,essence of ,christianity3 a ,study in the ,history of ,definition4 ,new ,york1 #aijb4 ,,dilthey1 ,,wilhelm4 ,leben ,schleiermachers1 #a4 ,bd4 ,berlin1 #ahgj4 ,,gass1 ,,wilhelm4 ,geschichte der ,protestantischen ,dogmatik1 #d ,bde4 ,leipzig1 #ahed-fg4 ,,garvie1 ,,alfred4 ,the ,ritschlian ,theology1 #bnd ed4 ,edinburgh1 #aijb4 ,,herrmann1 ,w4 ,der evangeliche ,glaube und die ,theologie ,albrecht ,ritschls4 ,marburg1 #ahif4 ,,pfleiderer1 ,,otto4 ,die ,ritschlche ,theologie kritiech beleuchtet4 ,braunschweig1 #ahia4 ,,kaftan1 ,,julius4 ,dogmatik4 ,tbingen1 #d4 ,aufl41 #aija4 ,,stevens1 ,,george ,b4 ,the ,christian ,doctrine of ,salvation4 ,new ,york1 #aije4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,carpenter1 ,j4 ,,estlin4 ,the ,bible in the ,nineteenth ,century4 ,london1 #aijc4 ,,gardner1 ,percy4 ,a ,historic ,view of the ,new ,testament4 ,london1#aija4 ,j,,licher1 ,,adolf4 ,einleitung in das ,neue ,testament4 ,freiliurg1 #f4 ,aufl41 #aijf4 ,transl41 ,miss ,janet ,ward4 #aijd4 ,,moore1 ,,edward ,,caldwell4 ,the ,new ,testament in the ,christian ,church4 ,new ,york1 #aijd4 ,,liktzmann1 ,,hans4 ,wie wurden die ,bcher des neuen ,testaments heilige ,schrift8 ,tbingen1 #aijg4 ,,loisy1 ,a4 ,l',ecangile el ,i',eglise4 ,paris1 #bnd ed41 #aijc4 ,transl41 ,london1 #aijd4 ,,wernle1 ,,paul4 ,die ,anfnge unserer ,religion4 ,tbingen1 #aija4 ,,schweitzer1 ,,albert4 ,von ,reimarus zu ,wrede1 eine ,geschichte der ,leben-,jesu-,forschung4 ,tbingen1 #aijf4 ,,sanday1 ,,william4 ,the ,life of ,christ in ,recent ,research4 ,oxford1 #aijg4 ,,holtzmann1 ,,oskar4 ,neu-,testamentliche ,zeitgeschichte4 ,freiburg1 #b4 ,aufl41 #aijf4 ,,driver1 ,,samuel ,b4 ,introduction to the ,literature of the ,old ,testament4 ,edinburgh1 #bnd ed41 #aiji4 ,,wellhausen1 ,,julius4 ,prolegomena sur ,geschichte ,israels4 ,berlin1 #e4 ,aufl41 #ahii4 ,,budde1 ,,karl4,the ,religion of ,israel to the ,exile4 ,new ,york1 #ahii4 ,,kautsch1 ,e4 ,abriss der ,geschichte des alt-tentamentlichen ,schriftthums in seiner ',heilige ,schrift des ,alten ,testaments4' ,freiburg1 #ahid4 ,transl41 ,j4,j4 ,,taylor1 and published separately1 ,new ,york1 #ahii4 ,,smith1 ,w4 ,,robertson4 ,the ,old ,testament in the ,jewish ,church4 ,glasgow1 #bnd ed41 #ahib4 ,the ,prophets of ,israel1 #bnd ed41 #ahib4 ,,chapter ,v ,,mehz1 ,,johh4 ,a ,history of ,european ,thought in the ,nineteenth ,century4 ,vols4 #a and #b1 ,edinburgh1 #aijd and #aijc4 ,,white1 ,,andrew ,d4 ,the ,history of the ,warfare of ,science with ,theology in ,christendom4 #b vols4 ,new ,york1 #ahif4 ,,otto1 ,,rudolf4 ,naturalistisehe und religise ,weltansicht4 ,tbingen1 #b4 ,aufl41 #aiji4 ,,ward1 ,,james4 ,naturalism and ,agnosticism4 #b vols4 ,london1 #ahii4 ,,flint1 ,,robert4 ,agnosticism4 ,edinburgh1 #aijc4 ,,tulloch1 ,,john4 ,modern ,theories in ,philosophy and ,religion4 ,edinburgh1 #ahhd4 ,,martineau1 ,,james4 ,essays1 ,reviews and ,addresses4 ,vols4 #a and #c ,london1 #ahij4 ,,boutroux1 ,,emile4 ,science et ,religion dans la ,philosophie contemporaine4 ,paris1 #ajjh4 ,transl41 ,,nield4 ,london1 #aiji4 ,,flint1 ,,robert4 ,socialism4 ,london1 #ahie4 ,,peabody1 ,,francis ,g4 ,jesus ,christ and the ,social ,question4 ,new ,york1 #aije4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,hunt1 ,,john4 ,religious ,thought in ,england in the ,nineteenth ,century4 ,london1 #ahif4 ,,tulloch1 ,,john4 ,movements of ,religious ,thought in ,britain during the ,nineteenth ,century4 ,london1 #ahhe4 ,,benn1 ,,alfred ,,william4 ,the ,history of ,english ,rationalism in the ,nineteenth ,century4 #b vols4 ,london1 #aijf4 ,,hutton1 ,,richard ,h4 ,essays on some of the ,modern ,guides to ,english ,thought in ,matters of ,faith4 ,london1 #aijj4 ,,mellone1 ,,sidney ,h4 ,leaders of ,religious ,thought in the ,nineteenth ,century4 ,edinburgh1 #aijb4 ,,brooke1 ,,stopford ,a4 ,theology in the ,english ,poets4 ,london1 #ahif4 ,,scudder1 ,,vida ,d4 ,the ,life of the ,spirit in the ,modern ,english ,poets4 ,boston1 #ahii4 ,,church1 ,r4,w4 ,the ,oxford ,movement3 ,twelve ,years1 #ahcc-ahde4 ,london1 #aijd4 ,,fairbairn1 ,,andrew ,m4 ,catholicism1 ,roman and ,anglican4 ,new ,york1 #ahii4 ,,ward1 ,,wilfrid4 ,life and ,times of ,cardinal ,newman4 #b vols4 #eth ed4 ,london1 #aijj4 ,,ward1 ,,wilfrid4 ,life of ,john ,henry1 ,cardinal ,newman4 #b vols4 ,london1 #aiab4 ,,dollinger1 ,j4,j4 ,,ignaz ,,von4 ,das ,papstthum2 ,neubearbeitung von ,janus3 ,der ,papst und das ,concil1 von ,j4 ,friedrich4 ,mnchen1 #ahib4 ,,gout1 ,,raoul4 ,l',affaire ,tyrrell4 ,paris1 #aiaj4 ,,sabatier1 ,,paul4 ,modernism4 ,transl41 ,,miles4 ,new ,york1 #aijh4 ,,stanley1 ,,arthur ,p4 ,the ,life and ,correspondence of ,thomas ,arnold4 #b vols4 ,london1 #acth ed41 #ahhb4 ,,brooke1 ,,stopford ,a4 ,life and ,letters of ,frederick ,w4 ,robertson4 #b vols4 ,london1 #ahia4 ,,abbott1 ,,evelyn and ,,campbell1 ,,lewis4 ,life and ,letters of ,benjamin ,jowett4 #b vols4 ,london1 #ahig4 ,,drummond1 ,,james1 and ,,upton1 ,c4,b4 ,life and ,letters of ,james ,martineau4 #b vols4 ,london1 #aijb4 ,,allen1 ,,alexander ,v4,g4 ,life and ,letters of ,phillips ,brooks4 #b vols4 ,new ,york1 #aijj4 ,,munger1 ,,theodore ,t4 ,horace ,bushnell1 ,preacher and ,theologian4 ,boston1 #ahii4