,,machiavelli  ,,with ,,an              
,,introduction ,,by  ,,henry ,,cust4    
,m4,p4  ,,volume ,i    ,,the ,,art ,,of 
,,war  ,,translated ,,by  ,,peter       
,,whitehorne  #aefj    ,,the ,,prince   
,,translated ,,by  ,,edward ,,dacres    
#afdj    ,,london  ,published by ,,david
 ,,nutt at the ,sign of the ,phoenix    
,,long ,,acre  #aije  ,edinburgh3 ,t4   
and ,a4 ,,constable1 ,printers to ,his  
,majesty        ,,to ,,my ,,friend      
,,charles ,,whibley  ,h4,c4             
,,introduction   ,sidenote3 ,the ,life  
of a ,day4  ',i am at my farm2 and1     
since my last misfortunes1 have not been
 in ,florence twenty days4 ,i spent     
,september in snaring thrushes2 but at  
the end of the month1 even this rather  
tiresome sport failed me4 ,i rise with  
the sun1 and go into a wood of mine that
 is being cut1 where ,i remain two hours
 inspecting the work of the previous day
 and conversing with the woodcutters1   
who have always some trouble on hand    
amongst themselves or with their        

neighbours4 ,when ,i leave the wood1 ,i 
go to a spring1 and thence to the place 
which ,i use for snaring birds1 with a  
book under my arm--,dante or ,petrarch1 
or one of the minor poets1 like         
,tibullus or ,ovid4 ,i read the story of
 their passions1 and let their loves    
remind me of my own1 which is a pleasant
 pastime for a while4 ,next ,i take the 
road1 enter the inn door1 talk with the 
passers-by1 inquire the news of the     
neighbourhood1 listen to a variety of   
matters1 and make note of the different 
tastes and humours of men4  ',this      
brings me to dinner-time1 when ,i join  
my family and eat the poor produce of my
 farm4 ,after dinner ,i go back to the  
inn1 where ,i generally find the host   
and a butcher1 a miller1 and a pair of  
bakers4 ,with these companions ,i play  
the fool all day at cards or backgammon3
 a thousand squabbles1 a thousand       
insults and abusive dialogues take      
place1 while we haggle over a farthing1 
and shout loud enough to be heard from  

,san ,casciano4  ',but when evening     
falls ,i go home and enter my           
writing-room4 ,on the threshold ,i put  
off my country habits1 filthy with mud  
and mire1 and array myself in royal     
courtly garments4 ,thus worthily        
attired1 ,i make my entrance into the   
ancient courts of the men of old1 where 
they receive me with love1 and where ,i 
feed upon that food which only is my own
 and for which ,i was born4 ,i feel no  
shame in conversing with them and asking
 them the reason of their actions4      
',they1 moved by their humanity1 make   
answer4 ,for four hours' space ,i feel  
no annoyance1 forget all care2 poverty  
cannot frighten1 nor death appal me4 ,i 
am carried away to their society4 ,and  
since ,dante says that there is no      
science unless we retain what we have   
learned ,i have set down what ,i have   
gained from their discourse1 and        
composed a treatise1 ,de ,principalibus1
 in which ,i enter as deeply as ,i can  
into the science of the subject1 with   

reasonings on the nature of             
principality1 its several species1 and  
how they are acquired1 how maintained1  
how lost4 ,if you ever liked any of my  
scribblings1 this ought to suit your    
taste4 ,to a prince1 and especially to a
 new prince1 it ought to prove          
acceptable4 ,therefore ,i am dedicating 
it to the ,magnificence of ,giuliano4'  
,sidenote3 ,niccol ,machiavelli4  ,such 
is the account that ,niccol ,machiavelli
 renders of himself when after          
imprisonment1 torture1 and disgrace1 at 
the age of forty-four1 he first turned  
to serious writing4 ,for the first      
twenty-six or indeed twenty-nine of     
those years we have not one line from   
his pen or one word of vaguest          
information about him4 ,throughout all  
his works written for publication1 there
 is little news about himself4          
,montaigne could properly write1        
',ainsi1 lecteur1 je suis moy-mesme la  
matire de mon livre4' ,but the matter of
 ,machiavelli was far other3 ',io ho    

espresso quanto io so1 e quanto io ho   
imparato per una lunga pratica e        
continua lezione delle cose del mondo4' 
,sidenote3 ,the ,man4  ,machiavelli was 
born on the #crd of ,may #adfi4 ,the    
period of his life almost exactly       
coincides with that of ,cardinal        
,wolsey4 ,he came of the old and noble  
,tuscan stock of ,montespertoli1 who    
were men of their hands in the eleventh 
century4 ,he carried their coat1 but the
 property had been wasted and divided4  
,his forefathers had held office of high
 distinction1 but had fallen away as the
 new wealth of the bankers and traders  
increased in ,florence4 ,he himself     
inherited a small property in ,san      
,casciano and its neighbourhood1 which  
assured him a sufficient1 if somewhat   
lean1 independence4 ,of his education we
 know little enough4 ,he was well       
acquainted with ,latin1 and knew1       
perhaps1 ,greek enough to serve his     
turn4 ',rather not without letters than 
lettered1' ,varchi describes him4 ,that 

he was not loaded down with learned     
reading proved probably a great         
advantage4 ,the coming of the ,french1  
and the expulsion of the ,medici1 the   
proclamation of the ,republic 7#adid71  
and later the burning of ,savonarola    
convulsed ,florence and threw open many 
public offices4 ,it has been suggested1 
but without much foundation1 that some  
clerical work was found for ,machiavelli
 in #adid or even earlier4 ,it is       
certain that on ,july #ad1 #adih1 he was
 appointed ,chancellor and ,secretary to
 the ,dieci di ,libert e ,pace1 an      
office which he held till the close of  
his political life at fall of the       
,republic in #aeab4  ,sidenote3         
,official ,life4  ,the functions of his 
,council were extremely varied1 and in  
the hands of their ,secretary became yet
 more diversified4 ,they represented in 
some sense the ,ministry for ,home1     
,military1 and especially for ,foreign  
,affairs4 ,it is impossible to give any 
full account of ,machiavelli's official 

duties4 ,he wrote many thousands of     
despatches and official letters1 which  
are still preserved4 ,he was on constant
 errands of ,state through the          
,florentine dominions4 ,but his         
diplomatic missions and what he learned 
by them make the main interest of his   
office4 ,his first adventure of         
importance was to the ,court of         
,caterina ,sforza1 the ,lady of ,forl1  
in which matter that astute ,countess   
entirely bested the teacher of all      
diplomatists to be4 ,in #aejj he smelt  
powder at the siege at ,pisa1 and was   
sent to ,france to allay the irritations
 of ,louis ,,xii4 ,many similar and     
lesser missions follow4 ,the results are
 in no case of great importance1 but the
 opportunities to the ,secretary of     
learning men and things1 intrigue and   
policy1 the ,court and the gutter were  
invaluable4 ,at the camp of ,csar       
,borgia1 in #aejb1 he found in his host 
that fantastic hero whom he incarnated  
in ,the ,prince1 and he was practically 

an eye-witness of the amazing           
masterpiece1 the ,massacre of           
,sinigaglia4 ,the next year he is sent  
to ,rome with a watching brief at the   
election of ,julius ,,ii41 and in #aejf 
is again sent to negotiate with the     
,pope4 ,an embassy to the ,emperor      
,maximilian1 a second mission to the    
,french ,king at ,blois1 in which he    
persuades ,louis ,,xii4 to postpone the 
threatened ,general ,council of the     
,church 7#aeaa71 and constant           
expeditions to report upon and set in   
order unrestful towns and provinces did 
not fulfil his activity4 ,his pen was   
never idle4 ,reports1 despatches1       
elaborate monographs on ,france1        
,germany1 or wherever he might be1 and  
personal letters innumerable1 and even  
yet unpublished1 ceased not night nor   
day4 ,detail1 wit1 character-drawing1   
satire1 sorrow1 bitterness1 all take    
their turn4 ,but this was only a        
fraction of his work4 ,by duty and by   
expediency he was bound to follow       

closely the internal politics of        
,florence where his enemies and rivals  
abounded4 ,and in all these years he was
 pushing forward and carrying through   
with unceasing and unspeakable vigour   
the great military dream of his life1   
the foundation of a ,national ,militia  
and the extinction of ,mercenary        
,companies4 ,but the fabric he had      
fancied and thought to have built proved
 unsubstantial4 ,the spoilt             
half-mutinous levies whom he had spent  
years in odious and unwilling training  
failed him at the crowning moment in    
strength and spirit3 and the fall of the
 ,republic implied the fall of          
,machiavelli and the close of his       
official life4 ,he struggled hard to    
save himself1 but the wealthy classes   
were against him1 perhaps afraid of him1
 and on them the ,medici relied4 ,for a 
year he was forbidden to leave          
,florentine territory1 and for a while  
was excluded from the ,palazzo4 ,later  
his name was found in a list of         

,anti-,medicean conspirators4 ,he was   
arrested and decorously tortured with   
six turns of the rack1 and then         
liberated for want of evidence4         
,sidenote3 ,after his ,fall4  ,for      
perhaps a year after his release the    
,secretary engaged in a series of       
tortuous intrigues to gain the favour of
 the ,medici4 ,many of the stories may  
be exaggerated1 but none make pleasant  
reading1 and nothing proved successful4 
,his position was miserable4            
,temporarily crippled by torture1 out of
 favour with the ,government1 shunned by
 his friends1 in deep poverty1 burdened 
with debt and with a wife and four      
children1 his material circumstances    
were ill enough4 ,but1 worse still1 he  
was idle4 ,he had deserved well of the  
,republic1 and had never despaired of   
it1 and this was his reward4 ,he seemed 
to himself a broken man4 ,he had no     
great natural dignity1 no great moral   
strength4 ,he profoundly loved and      
admired ,dante1 but he could not for one

 moment imitate him4 ,he sought         
satisfaction in sensuality of life and  
writing1 but found no comfort4 ,great   
things were stirring in the world and he
 had neither part nor lot in them4 ,by  
great good fortune he began a           
correspondence with his friend          
,francesco ,vettori1 the ,medicean      
,ambassador at ,rome1 to whom he appeals
 for his good offices3 ',and if nothing 
can be done1 ,i must live as ,i came    
into the world1 for ,i was born poor and
 learnt to want before learning to      
enjoy4' ,before long these two diplomats
 had co-opted themselves into a kind of 
,secret ,cabinet of ,europe4 ,it is a   
strange but profoundly interesting      
correspondence1 both politically and    
personally4 ,nothing is too great or too
 small1 too glorious or too mean for    
their pens4 ,amid foolish anecdotes and 
rather sordid love affairs the politics 
of ,europe1 and especially of ,italy1   
are dissected and discussed4 ,leo ,x4   
had now plunged into political intrigue4

 ,ferdinand of ,spain was in difficulty4
 ,france had allied herself with        
,venice4 ,the ,swiss are the ,ancient   
,romans1 and may conquer ,italy4 ,then  
back again1 or rather constant          
throughout1 the love intrigues and the  
'likely wench hard-by who may help to   
pass our time4' ,but through it all     
there is an ache at ,machiavelli's      
heart1 and on a sudden he will break    
down1 crying1    ,per se aleuna volta io
 rido e canto   ,facciol1 perch non ho  
se non quest' una   ,via da sfogare il  
mio angoscioso pianto4  ,vettori        
promised much1 but nothing came of it4  
,by #aeae the correspondence died away1 
and the ,ex-,secretary found for himself
 at last the true pathway through his   
vale of years4  ,sidenote3 ,the true    
,life4  ,the remainder of ,machiavelli's
 life is bounded by his books4 ,he      
settled at his villa at ,san ,casciano1 
where he spent his day as he describes  
in the letter quoted at the beginning of
 this essay4 ,in #aeah he began to      

attend the meetings of the ,literary    
,club in the ,orti ,oricellarii1 and    
made new and remarkable friends4 ',era  
amato grandamente da loro 444 e della   
sua conversazione si dilettavano        
maravigliosamente1 tenendo in prezzo    
grandissimo tutte l'opere sue1' which   
shows the personal authority he         
exercised4 ,occasionally he was employed
 by ,florentine merchants to negotiate  
for them at ,venice1 ,genoa1 ,lucca1 and
 other places4 ,in #aeai ,cardinal      
,medici deigned to consult him as to the
 ,government1 and commissioned him to   
write the ,history of ,florence4 ,but in
 the main he wrote his books and lived  
the daily life we know4 ,in #aebe he    
went to ,rome to present his ,history to
 ,clement ,,vii41 and was sent on to    
,guicciardini4 ,in #aebf he was busy    
once more with military matters and the 
fortification of ,florence4 ,on the     
#bbnd of ,june #aebg he died at         
,florence immediately after the         
establishment of the second ,republic4  

,he had lived as a practising           
,christian1 and so died1 surrounded by  
his wife and family4 ,wild legends grew 
about his death1 but have no foundation4
 ,a peasant clod in ,san ,casciano could
 not have made a simpler end4 ,he was   
buried in the family ,chapel in ,santa  
,croce1 and a monument was there at last
 erected with the epitaph by ,doctor    
,ferroni--',tanto nomini nullum par     
elogium4' ,the first edition of his     
complete works was published in #aghb1  
and was dedicated to ,lord ,cowper4     
,sidenote3 ,his ,character4  ,what      
manner of man was ,machiavelli at home  
and in the market-place8 ,it is hard to 
say4 ,there are doubtful busts1 the     
best1 perhaps1 that engraved in the     
',testina' edition of #aeej1 so-called  
on account of the portrait4 ',of middle 
height1 slender figure1 with sparkling  
eyes1 dark hair1 rather a small head1 a 
slightly aquiline nose1 a tightly closed
 mouth3 all about him bore the impress  
of a very acute observer and thinker1   

but not that of one able to wield much  
influence over others4' ,such is a      
reconstruction of him by one best able  
to make one4 ',in his conversation1'    
says ,varchi1 ',machiavelli was         
pleasant1 serviceable to his friends1 a 
friend of virtuous men1 and1 in a word1 
worthy to have received from ,nature    
either less genius or a better mind4'   
,if not much above the moral standard of
 the day he was certainly not below it4 
,his habits were loose and his language 
lucid and licentious4 ,but there is no  
bad or even unkind act charged against  
him4 ,to his honesty and good faith he  
very fairly claims that his poverty     
bears witness4 ,he was a kind1 if       
uncertain1 husband and a devoted father4
 ,his letters to his children are       
charming4 ,here is one written soon     
before his death to his little son      
,guido4--',guido1 my darling son1 ,i    
received a letter of thine and was      
delighted with it1 particularly because 
you tell me of your full recovery1 the  

best news ,i could have4 ,if ,god grants
 life to us both ,i expect to make a    
good man of you1 only you must do your  
fair share yourself4' ,guido is to stick
 to his books and music1 and if the     
family mule is too fractious1 ',unbridle
 him1 take off the halter and turn him  
loose at ,montepulciano4 ,the farm is   
large1 the mule is small1 so no harm can
 come of it4 ,tell your mother1 with my 
love1 not to be nervous4 ,i shall surely
 be home before any trouble comes4 ,give
 a kiss to ,baccina1 ,piero1 and ,totto3
 ,i wish ,i knew his eyes were getting  
well4 ,be happy and spend as little as  
you may4 ,christ have you in his        
keeping4'--,there is nothing exquisite  
or divinely delicate in this letter1 but
 there are many such1 and they were not 
written by a bad man1 any more than the 
answers they evoke were addressed to    
one4 ,there is little more save of a    
like character that is known of         
,machiavelli the man4 ,but to judge him 
and his work we must have some knowledge

 of the world in which he was to move   
and have his being4         99       99 
99       99       99  ,sidenote3 ,state 
of ,italy4  ,at the beginning of the    
sixteenth century ,italy was rotten to  
the core4 ,in the close competition of  
great wickedness the ,vicar of ,christ  
easily carried off the palm1 and the    
,court of ,alexander ,,vi4 was probably 
the wickedest meeting-place of men that 
has ever existed upon earth4 ,no virtue1
 ,christian or ,pagan1 was there to be  
found2 little art that was not sensuous 
or sensual4 ,it seemed as if ,bacchus   
and ,venus and ,priapus had come to     
their own again1 and yet ,rome had not  
ceased to call herself ,christian4      
,sidenote3 ,superstition4  ',owing to   
the evil ensample of the ,papal ,court1'
 writes ,machiavelli1 ',italy has lost  
all piety and all religion3 whence      
follow infinite troubles and disorders2 
for as religion implies all good1 so its
 absence implies the contrary4 ,to the  
,church and priests of ,rome we owe     

another even greater disaster which is  
the cause of her ruin4 ,i mean that the 
,church has maintained1 and still       
maintains ,italy divided4' ,the ,papacy 
is too weak to unite and rule1 but      
strong enough to prevent others doing   
so1 and is always ready to call in the  
foreigner to crush all ,italians to the 
foreigner's profit1 and ,guicciardini1 a
 high ,papal officer1 commenting on     
this1 adds1 ',it would be impossible to 
speak so ill of the ,roman ,court1 but  
that more abuse should not be merited1  
seeing it is an infamy1 and example of  
all the shames and scandals of the      
world4' ,the lesser clergy1 the monks1  
the nuns followed1 with anxious         
fidelity1 the footsteps of their        
shepherds4 ,there was hardly a tonsure  
in ,italy which covered more than       
thoughts and hopes of lust and avarice4 
,religion and morals which ,god had     
joined together1 were set by man a      
thousand leagues asunder4 ,yet religion 
still sat upon the alabaster throne of  

,peter1 and in the filthy straw of the  
meanest ,calabrian confessional4 ,and   
still deeper remained a blind devoted   
superstition4 ,vitellozzo ,vitelli1 as  
,machiavelli tells us1 while being      
strangled by ,cesar ,borgia's assassin1 
implored his murderer to procure for him
 the absolution of that murderer's      
father4 ,gianpaolo ,baglioni1 who       
reigned by parricide and lived in       
incest1 was severely blamed by the      
,florentines for not killing ,pope      
,julius ,,ii4 when the latter was his   
guest at ,perugia4 ,and when ,gabrino   
,fondato1 the tyrant of ,cremona1 was on
 the scaffold1 his only regret was that 
when he had taken his guests1 the ,pope 
and ,emperor1 to the top of the ,cremona
 tower1 four hundred feet high1 his     
nerve failed him and he did not push    
them both over4 ,upon this anarchy of   
religion1 morals1 and conduct breathed  
suddenly the inspiring breath of ,pagan 
antiquity which seemed to the ,italian  
mind to find its finest climax in       

tyrannicide4 ,there is no better        
instance than in the plot of the ,pazzi 
at ,florence4 ,francesco ,pazzi and     
,bernardo ,bandini decided to kill      
,lorenzo and ,giuliano de' ,medici in   
the cathedral at the moment of the      
elevation of the ,host4 ,they naturally 
took the priest into their confidence4  
,they escorted ,giuliano to the ,duomo1 
laughing and talking1 and playfully     
embraced him--to discover if he wore    
armour under his clothes4 ,then they    
killed him at the moment appointed4     
,sidenote3 ,pagan influence4  ,nor were 
there any hills from which salvation    
might be looked for4 ,philosophy1       
poetry1 science1 expressed themselves in
 terms of materialism4 ,faith and hope  
are ever the last survivors in the life 
of a man or of a nation4 ,but in ,italy 
these brave comforters were at their    
latest breath4 ,it is perhaps unfair to 
accept in full the judgment of ,northern
 travellers4 ,the conditions1 training1 
needs of ,england and ,germany were     

different4 ,in these countries courage  
was a necessity1 and good faith a paying
 policy4 ,subtlety could do little      
against a two-handed sword in the hands 
of an angry or partially intoxicated    
giant4 ,climate played its part as well 
as culture1 and the crude pleasures and 
vices of the ,north seemed fully as     
loathsome to the refined ,italian as did
 the tortuous policy and the elaborate  
infamies of the ,south to their rough   
invaders4 ,alone1 perhaps1 among the    
nations of ,europe the ,italians had    
never understood or practised chivalry1 
save in such select and exotic schools  
as the ,casa ,gioiosa under ,vittorino  
da ,feltre at ,mantua4 ,the oath of     
,arthur's knights would have seemed to  
them mere superfluity of silliness4     
,onore connoted credit1 reputation1 and 
prowess4 ,virt1 which may be roughly    
translated as mental ability combined   
with personal daring1 set the standard  
and ruled opinion4 ',honour in the      
,north was subjective3 ,onore in ,italy 

objective4' ,individual liberty1 indeed1
 was granted in full to all1 at the     
individual's risk4 ,the love of beauty  
curbed grossness and added distinction4 
,fraud became an art and force a        
science4 ,there is liberty for all1 but 
for the great ones there is licence4    
,and when the day of trial comes1 it is 
the ,churchmen and the ,princes who can 
save neither themselves nor man1 nor    
thing that is theirs4 ,to such a world  
was ,machiavelli born4 ,to whom should  
he turn8 ,to the ,people8 ,to the       
,church8 ,to the ,princes and ,despots8 
,but hear him3--      ',there shall     
never be found any good mason1 which    
will beleeve     to be able to make a   
faire image of a peece of marble ill    
hewed1     but verye well of a rude     
peece4 ,our ,italian ,princes beleeved1 
before they tasted the blowes of the    
outlandish warre1 that it     should    
suffice a ,prince to know by writinges1 
how to make a     subtell aunswere1 to  
write a goodly letter1 to shewe in      

sayinges1 and in woordes1 witte and     
promptenesse1 to know how to     canvas 
a fraude1 to decke themselves with      
precious stones and     gold1 to sleepe 
and to eate with greater glory then     
other3 ,to     kepe many lascivious     
persons about them1 to governe          
themselves     with their subjects1     
covetously and proudely3 ,to roote in   
idlenes1 to give the degrees of the     
exercise of warre for good     will1 to 
dispise if any should have shewed them  
any laudable     waie1 minding that     
their wordes should bee aunswers of     
oracles3     nor the sely wretches were 
not aware that they prepared            
themselves to be a pray to whome so ever
 should assaulte them4     ,hereby grew 
then in the thousand fowre hundred and  
nintie and     fowre yere1 the great    
feares1 the sodaine flightes and the    
marveilous losses3 and so three most    
mighty states which were in     ,italie1
 have bene dievers times sacked and     
destroyed4 ,but that     which is worse1

 is where those that remaine1 continue  
in the     very same errour1 and liev in
 the verie same disorder and            
consider not1 that those who in olde    
time would keepe their     states1      
caused to be done these thinges1 which  
of me hath beene     reasoned1 and that 
their studies were1 to prepare the body 
to     diseases1 and the minde not to   
feare perills4 ,whereby grewe that      
,csar1 ,alexander1 and all those men and
 excellent ,princes in     olde time1   
were the formost amongst the fighters1  
going armed on     foote3 and if they   
lost their state1 they would loose their
     life1 so that they lievd and died  
vertuously4'  ,such was the clay that   
waited the moulding of the potter's     
hand4 ',posterity1 that high court of   
appeal1 which is never tired of         
eulogising its own justice and          
discernment1' has recorded harsh        
sentence on the ,florentine4 ,it is     
better to-day to let him speak for      
himself4  ,sidenote3 ,the ,prince4  ,the

 slender volume of ,the ,prince has     
probably produced wider discussion1 more
 bitter controversy1 more varied        
interpretations and a deeper influence  
than any book save ,holy ,writ4 ,kings  
and statesmen1 philosophers and         
theologians1 monarchists and republicans
 have all and always used or abused it  
for their purposes4 ,written in #aeac1  
the first year of ,machiavelli's        
disgrace1 concurrently with part of the 
,discorsi1 which contain the germs of   
it1 the book represents the fulness of  
its author's thought and experience4 ,it
 was not till after ,machiavelli's      
death1 that it was published in #aecb1  
by order of ,clement ,,vii4 ,meanwhile1 
however1 in manuscript it had been      
widely read and favourably received4    
,sidenote3 ,its purpose4  ,the mere     
motive of its creation and dedication   
has been the theme of many volumes4     
,machiavelli was poor1 was idle1 was out
 of favour1 and therefore1 though a     
,republican1 wrote a devilish hand-book 

of tyranny to strengthen the ,medici and
 recover his position4 ,machiavelli1 a  
loyal ,republican1 wrote a primer of    
such fiendish principles as might lure  
the ,medici to their ruin4              
,machiavelli's one idea was to ruin the 
rich3 ,machiavelli's one idea was to    
oppress the poor3 he was a ,protestant1 
a ,jesuit1 an ,atheist3 a ,royalist and 
a ,republican4 ,and the book published  
by one ,pope's express authority was    
utterly condemned and forbidden1 with   
all its author's works1 by the express  
command of another 7#aeei74 ,but before 
facing the whirlwind of savage          
controversy which raged and rages still 
about ,the ,prince1 it may be well to   
consider shortly the book               
itself--consider it as a new book and   
without prejudice4 ,the purpose of its  
composition is almost certainly to be   
found in the plain fact that            
,machiavelli1 a politician and a man of 
letters1 wished to write a book upon the
 subject which had been his special     

study and lay nearest to his business   
and bosom4 ,to ensure prominence for    
such a book1 to engage attention and    
incidentally perhaps to obtain political
 employment for himself1 he dedicated it
 to ,lorenzo de' ,medici1 the existing  
and accepted ,chief of the ,state4 ,but 
far and above such lighter motives stood
 the fact that he saw in ,lorenzo the   
only man who might conceivably bring to 
being the vast dream of patriotism which
 the writer had imagined4 ,the subject  
he proposed to himself was largely1     
though not wholly1 conditioned by the   
time and place in which he lived4 ,he   
wrote for his countrymen and he wrote   
for his own generation4 ,he had heard   
with his ears and seen with his eyes the
 alternate rending anarchy and moaning  
paralysis of ,italy4 ,he had seen what  
,agricola had long before been spared   
the sight of4 ,and what he saw1 he saw  
not through a glass darkly or distorted1
 but in the whitest1 driest light1      
without flinching and face to face4 ',we

 are much beholden1' writes ,bacon1 'to 
,machiavelli and others that wrote what 
men do1 and not what they ought to do4' 
,he did not despair of ,italy1 he did   
not despair even of ,italian unity4 ,but
 he despaired of what he saw around him1
 and he was willing at almost any price 
to end it4 ,he recognised1 despite the  
nominal example of ,venice1 that a      
,republican system was impossible1 and  
that the small ,principalities and ,free
 ,cities were corrupt beyond hope of    
healing4 ,a strong central unifying     
government was imperative1 and at that  
day such government could only be vested
 in a single man4 ,for it must ever be  
closely remembered1 as will be pointed  
out again1 that throughout the book the 
,prince is what would now be called the 
,government4 ,and then he saw with      
faithful prophecy1 in the splendid      
peroration of his hope1 a hope deferred 
for near four hundred years1 he saw     
beyond the painful paths of blood and   
tyranny1 a vision of deliverance and    

union4 ,for at least it is plain that in
 all things ,machiavelli was a          
passionate patriot1 and ,amo la patria  
mia pi dell' anima is found in one of   
the last of many thousand letters that  
his untiring pen had written4  ,the     
purpose1 then1 of ,the ,prince is to lay
 down rules1 within the possibilities of
 the time1 for the making of a man who  
shall create1 increase1 and maintain a  
strong and stable government4 ,this is  
done in the main by a plain presentation
 of facts1 a presentation condensed and 
critical but based on men and things as 
they actually were4 ,the ethical side is
 wholly omitted3 the social and         
economical almost entirely4 ,the aspect 
is purely political1 with the underlying
 thought1 it may be supposed1 that under
 the postulated government1 all else    
will prosper4  ,sidenote3 ,the ,book2   
,new ,states4  ,machiavelli opens by    
discussing the various forms of         
governments1 which he divides into      
,republics and ,principalities4 ,of the 

latter some may be hereditary and some  
acquired4 ,of hereditary states he says 
little and quotes but one1 the ,duchy of
 ,ferrara4 ,he then turns to his true   
subject1 the acquisition and            
preservation of ,states wholly new or   
new in part1 ,states such as he saw     
himself on every side around him4       
,having gained possession of a new      
,state1 he says1 you must first         
extirpate the family of your            
predecessor4 ,you should then either    
reside or plant colonies1 but not trust 
to garrisons4 ',colonies are not costly 
to the ,prince1 are more faithful and   
cause less offence to the subject       
,states3 those whom they may injure     
being poor and scattered1 are prevented 
from doing mischief4 ,for it should be  
observed that men ought either to be    
caressed or trampled out1 seeing that   
small injuries may be avenged1 whereas  
great ones destroy the possibility of   
retaliation3 and so the damage that has 
to be inflicted ought to be such that it

 need involve no fear of reprisals4'    
,there is perhaps in all ,machiavelli no
 better example of his lucid scientific 
method than this passage4 ,there is     
neither excuse nor hypocrisy4 ,it is    
merely a matter of business calculation4
 ,mankind is the raw material1 the      
,state is the finished work4 ,further   
you are to conciliate your neighbours   
who are weak and abase the strong1 and  
you must not let the stranger within    
your gates4 ,above all look before as   
well as after and think not to leave it 
to time1 godere li benefici del tempo1  
but1 as did the ,romans1 strike and     
strike at once4 ,for illustration he    
criticises1 in a final and damning      
analysis1 the career of ,louis ,,xii4 in
 ,italy4 ,there was no canon of         
statecraft so absolute that the ,king   
did not ignore it1 and in inevitable    
,nemesis1 there was no ultimate disaster
 so crowning as not to be achieved4     
,sidenote3 ,conquests4  ,after observing
 that a feudal monarchy is much less    

easy of conquest than a despotism1 since
 in the one case you must vanquish many 
lesser lordships while in the other you 
merely replace slaves by slaves1        
,machiavelli considers the best method  
of subjugating ,free ,cities4 ,here     
again is eminent the terrible composure 
and the exact truth of his politics4 ,a 
conquered ,free ,city you may of course 
rule in person1 or you may construct an 
oligarchy to govern for you1 but the    
only safe way is to destroy it utterly1 
since 'that name of ,liberty1 those     
ancient usages of ,freedom1' are things 
'which no length of years and no        
benefits can extinguish in the nation's 
mind1 things which no pains or          
forethought can uproot unless the       
citizens be utterly destroyed4'         
,hitherto the discussion has ranged     
round the material politics of the      
matter1 the acquisition of material     
power4 ,machiavelli now turns to the    
heart of his matter1 the proper         
character and conduct of a new ,prince  

in a new ,principality and the ways by  
which he shall deal most fortunately    
with friend and foe4 ,for fortune it is1
 as well as ability1 which go to the    
making of the man and the maintenance of
 his power4  ,sidenote3 ,csar ,borgia4  
,in the manner of the day ,moses1       
,cyrus1 ,romulus1 and ,theseus are led  
across the stage in illustration4 ,the  
common attribute of all such fortunate  
masters of men was force of arms1 while 
the mission of an unarmed prophet such  
as ,savonarola was foredoomed to        
failure4 ,in such politics ,machiavelli 
is positive and ruthless3 force is and  
must be the remedy and the last appeal1 
a principle which indeed no later       
generation has in practice set at       
naught4 ,but in the hard dry eyes of the
 ,florentine ,secretary stood1 above all
 others1 one shining figure1 a figure to
 all other eyes1 from then till now1    
wrapped in mysterious and miasmatic     
cloud4 ,in the pages of common history  
he was a tyrant1 he was vicious beyond  

compare1 he was cruel beyond the        
,inquisition1 he was false beyond the   
,father of ,lies1 he was the ,antichrist
 of ,rome and he was a failure3 but he  
was the hero of ,niccol ,machiavelli1   
who1 indeed1 found in ,csar ,borgia the 
fine flower of ,italian politics in the 
,age of the ,despots4 ,son of the ,pope1
 a ,prince of the ,church1 a ,duke of   
,france1 a master of events1 a born     
soldier1 diplomatist1 and more than half
 a statesman1 ,csar seemed indeed the   
darling of gods and men whom original   
fortune had crowned with inborn ability4
 ,machiavelli knew him as well as it was
 possible to know a soul so tortuous and
 secret1 and he had been present at the 
most critical and terrible moments of   
,csar's life4 ,that in despite of a life
 which the world calls infamous1 in     
despite of the howling execrations of   
all ,christendom1 in despite of ultimate
 and entire failures1 ,machiavelli could
 still write years after1 ',i know not  
what lessons ,i could teach a new       

,prince more useful than the example of 
his actions1' exhibits the ineffaceable 
impressions that ,csar ,borgia had made 
upon the most subtle and observant mind 
of modern history4  ,sidenote3 ,csar's  
,career4  ,csar was the acknowledged son
 of ,pope ,alexander by his acknowledged
 mistress ,vannozza dei ,cattani4 ,born 
in #adgb1 he was an ,archbishop and a   
,cardinal at sixteen1 and the murderer  
of his elder brother at an age when     
modern youths are at college4 ,he played
 his part to the full in the unspeakable
 scandals of the ,vatican1 but already  
'he spoke little and people feared him4'
 ,ere long the splendours of the ,papacy
 seemed too remote and uncertain for his
 fierce ambition1 and1 indeed1 through  
his father1 he already wielded both the 
temporal and the spiritual arms of      
,peter4 ,to the subtlety of the ,italian
 his ,spanish blood had lent a certain  
stern resolution1 and as with ,julius   
and ,sulla the lust for sloth and       
sensuality were quickened by the lust   

for sway4 ,he unfrocked himself with    
pleasure4 ,he commenced politician1     
soldier1 and despot4 ,and for the five  
years preceding ,alexander's death he   
may almost be looked upon as a power in 
,europe4 ,invested ,duke of ,romagna1   
that hot-bed of petty tyranny and       
tumult1 he repressed disorder through   
his governor ,messer ,ramiro with a     
relentless hand4 ,when order reigned1   
,machiavelli tells us he walked out one 
morning into the market-place at ,cesena
 and saw the body of ,ramiro1 who had   
borne the odium of reform1 lying in two 
pieces with his head on a lance1 and a  
bloody axe by his side4 ,csar reaped the
 harvest of ,ramiro's severity1 and the 
people recognising his benevolence and  
justice were 'astounded and satisfied4' 
,but the gaze of the ,borgia was not    
bounded by the strait limits of a mere  
,italian ,duchy4 ,whether indeed there  
mingled with personal ambition an ideal 
of a united ,italy1 swept clean of the  
barbarians1 it is hard to say1 though   

,machiavelli would have us believe it4  
,what is certain is that he desired the 
supreme dominion in ,italy for himself1 
and to win it spared neither force nor  
fraud nor the help of the very          
barbarians themselves4 ,with a decree of
 divorce and a ,cardinal's hat he gained
 the support of ,france1 the ,french    
,duchy of ,valentinois1 and the sister  
of the ,king of ,navarre to wife4 ,by   
largesse of bribery and hollow promises 
he brought to his side the great        
families of ,rome1 his natural enemies1 
and the great ,condottieri with their   
men-at-arms4 ,when by their aid he had  
established and extended his government 
he mistrusted their good faith4 ,with an
 infinity of fascination and cunning1   
without haste and without rest1 he lured
 these leaders1 almost more cunning than
 himself1 to visit him as friends in his
 fortress of ,sinigaglia4 ',i doubt if  
they will be alive to-morrow morning1'  
wrote ,machiavelli1 who was on the spot4
 ,he was right4 ,csar caused them to be 

strangled the same night1 while his     
father dealt equal measure to their     
colleagues and adherents in ,rome4      
,thenceforth1 distrusting mercenaries1  
he found and disciplined out of a mere  
rabble1 a devoted army of his own1 and  
having unobtrusively but completely     
extirpated the whole families of those  
whose thrones he had usurped1 not only  
the present but the future seemed       
assured to him4  ,he had fulfilled the  
first of ,machiavelli's four conditions4
 ,he rapidly achieved the remaining     
three4 ,he bought the ,roman nobles so  
as to be able to put a bridle in the new
 ',pope's mouth4' ,he bought or poisoned
 or packed or terrorised the existing   
,college of ,cardinals and selected new 
,princes of the ,church who should      
accept a ,pontiff of his choosing4 ,he  
was effectively strong enough to resist 
the first onset upon him at his father's
 death4 ,five years had been enough for 
so great an undertaking4 ,one thing     
alone he had not and indeed could not   

have foreseen4 ',he told me himself on  
the day on which 7,pope7 ,julius was    
created1 that he had foreseen and       
provided for everything else that could 
happen on his father's death1 but had   
never anticipated that1 when his father 
died1 he too should have been at death's
 door4' ,even so the fame and splendour 
of his name for a while maintained his  
authority against his unnumbered        
enemies4 ,but soon the great betrayer   
was betrayed4 ',it is well to cheat     
those who have been masters of          
treachery1' he had said himself in his  
hours of brief authority4 ,his wheel had
 turned full cycle4 ,within three years 
his fate1 like that of ,charles ,,xii41 
was destined to a foreign strand1 a     
petty fortress1 and a dubious hand4     
,given over to ,spain he passed three   
years obscurely4 ',he was struck down in
 a fight at ,viana in ,navarre 7#aejg7  
after a furious resistance3 he was      
stripped of his fine armour by men who  
did not know his name or quality and his

 body was left naked on the bare ground1
 bloody and riddled with wounds4 ,he was
 only thirty-one4' ,and so the star of  
,machiavelli's hopes and dreams was     
quenched for a season in the clouds from
 which it came4  ,sidenote3 ,the        
,lesson4  ,it seems worth while to      
sketch the strange tempestuous career of
 ,csar ,borgia because in the remaining 
chapters of ,the ,prince and elsewhere  
in his writings1 it is the thought and  
memory of ,valentinois1 transmuted      
doubtless and idealised by the lapse of 
years1 that largely inform and inspire  
the perfect ,prince of ,machiavelli4    
,but it must not be supposed that in    
life or in mind they were intimate or   
even sympathetic4 ,machiavelli          
criticises his hero liberally and even  
harshly4 ,but for the work he wanted    
done he had found no better craftsman   
and no better example to follow for     
those that might come after4 ,morals and
 religion did not touch the purpose of  
his arguments except as affecting       

policy4 ,in policy virtues may be       
admitted as useful agents and in the    
chapter following that on ,csar1        
entitled1 curiously enough1 ',of those  
who by their crimes come to be          
,princes1' he lays down that 'to        
slaughter fellow citizens1 to betray    
friends1 to be devoid of honour1 pity   
and religion cannot be counted as       
merits1 for these are means which may   
lead to power but which confer no       
glory4' ,cruelty he would employ without
 hesitation but with the greatest care  
both in degree and in kind4 ,it should  
be immediate and complete and leave no  
possibility of counter-revenge4 ,for it 
is never forgotten by the living1 and   
'he deceives himself who believes that1 
with the great1 recent benefits cause   
old wrongs to be forgotten4' ,on the    
other hand ',benefits should be         
conferred little by little so that they 
may be more fully relished4' ,the       
cruelty proper to a ,prince             
7,government1 for as ever they are      

identical7 aims only at authority4 ,now 
authority must spring from love or fear4
 ,it were best to combine both motives  
to obedience but you cannot4 ,the       
,prince must remember that men are      
fickle1 and love at their own pleasure1 
and that men are fearful and fear at the
 pleasure of the ,prince4 ,let him      
therefore depend on what is of himself1 
not on that which is of others4 ',yet if
 he win not love he may escape hate1 and
 so it will be if he does not meddle    
with the property or women-folk of his  
subjects4' ,when he must punish let him 
kill4 ',for men will sooner forget the  
death of their father than the loss of  
their estate4' ,and moreover you cannot 
always go on killing1 but a ,prince who 
has once set himself to plundering will 
never stop4 ,this is the more needful   
because the only secure foundation of   
his rule lies in his trust of the people
 and in their support4 ,and indeed again
 and again you shall find no more       
thorough democrat than this teacher of  

tyrants4 ',the people own better broader
 qualities1 fidelities and passions than
 any ,prince and have better cause to   
show for them4' ',as for prudence and   
stability1 ,i say that a people is more 
stable1 more prudent1 and of better     
judgment than a ,prince4' ,if the people
 go wrong it is almost certainly the    
crime or negligence of the ,prince which
 drives or leads them astray4 ',better  
far than any number of fortresses is not
 to be hated by your people4' ,the      
support of the people and a national    
militia make the essential strength of  
the ,prince and of the ,state4          
,sidenote3 ,national ,defence4  ,the    
chapters on military organisation may be
 more conveniently considered in        
conjunction with ,the ,art of ,war4 ,it 
is enough at present to point out two or
 three observations of ,machiavelli     
which touch politics from the military  
side4 ,to his generation they were      
entirely novel1 though mere commonplace 
to-day4 ,national strength means        

national stability and national         
greatness2 and this can be achieved1 and
 can only be achieved1 by a national    
army4 ,the ,condottiere system1 born of 
sloth and luxury1 has proved its        
rottenness4 ,your hired general is      
either a tyrant or a traitor1 a bully or
 a coward4 ',in a word the armour of    
others is too wide or too strait for us3
 it falls off us1 or it weighs us down4'
 ,and in a fine illustration he compares
 auxiliary troops to the armour of ,saul
 which ,david refused1 preferring to    
fight ,goliath with his sling and stone4
  ,sidenote3 ,conduct of the ,prince4   
,having assured the external security of
 the ,state1 ,machiavelli turns once    
more to the qualities and conduct of the
 ,prince4 ,so closely packed are these  
concluding chapters that it is almost   
impossible to compress them further4    
,the author at the outset states his    
purpose3 ',since it is my object to     
write what shall be useful to whosoever 
understands it1 it seems to me better to

 follow the practical truth of things   
rather than an imaginary view of them4  
,for many ,republics and ,princedoms    
have been imagined that were never seen 
or known to exist in reality4 ,and the  
manner in which we live and in which we 
ought to live1 are things so wide       
asunder that he who suits the one to    
betake himself to the other is more     
likely to destroy than to save himself4'
 ,nothing that ,machiavelli wrote is    
more sincere1 analytic1 positive and    
ruthless4 ,he operates unflinchingly on 
an assured diagnosis4 ,the hand never an
 instant falters1 the knife is never    
blunt4 ,he deals with what is1 and not  
with what ought to be4 ,should the      
,prince be all-virtuous1 all-liberal1   
all-humane8 ,should his word be his bond
 for ever8 ,should true religion be the 
master-passion of his life8 ,machiavelli
 considers4 ,the first duty of the      
,prince 7or ,government7 is to maintain 
the existence1 stability1 and prosperity
 of the ,state4 ,now if all the world   

were perfect so should the ,prince be   
perfect too4 ,but such are not the      
conditions of human life4 ,an idealising
 ,prince must fall before a practising  
world4 ,a ,prince must learn in         
self-defence how to be bad1 but like    
,csar ,borgia1 he must be a great judge 
of occasion4 ,and what evil he does must
 be deliberate1 appropriate1 and        
calculated1 and done1 not selfishly1 but
 for the good of the ,state of which he 
is trustee4 ,there is the power of ,law 
and the power of ,force4 ,the first is  
proper to men1 the second to beasts4    
,and that is why ,achilles was brought  
up by ,cheiron the ,centaur that he     
might learn to use both natures4 ,a     
ruler must be half lion and half fox1 a 
fox to discern the toils1 a lion to     
drive off the wolves4 ,merciful1        
faithful1 humane1 religious1 just1 these
 he may be and above all should seem to 
be1 nor should any word escape his lips 
to give the lie to his professions3 and 
in fact he should not leave these       

qualities but when he must4 ,he should1 
if possible1 practise goodness1 but     
under necessity should know how to      
pursue evil4 ,he should keep faith until
 occasion alter1 or reason of state     
compel him to break his pledge4 ,above  
all he should profess and observe       
religion1 'because men in general judge 
rather by the eye than by the hand1 and 
every one can see but few can touch4'   
,but none the less1 must he learn 7as   
did ,william the ,silent1 ,elizabeth of 
,england1 and ,henry of ,navarre7 how to
 subordinate creed to policy when urgent
 need is upon him4 ,in a word1 he must  
realise and face his own position1 and  
the facts of mankind and of the world4  
,if not veracious to his conscience1 he 
must be veracious to facts4 ,he must not
 be bad for badness' sake1 but seeing   
things as they are1 must deal as he can 
to protect and preserve the trust       
committed to his care4 ,fortune is still
 a fickle jade1 but at least the half   
our will is free1 and if we are bold we 

may master her yet4 ,for ,fortune is a  
woman who1 to be kept under1 must be    
beaten and roughly handled1 and we see  
that she is more ready to be mastered by
 those who treat her so1 than by those  
who are shy in their wooing4 ,and       
always1 like a woman1 she gives her     
favours to the young1 because they are  
less scrupulous and fiercer and more    
audaciously command her to their will4  
,sidenote3 ,the ,appeal4  ,and so at the
 last the sometime ,secretary of the    
,florentine ,republic turns to the new  
,master of the ,florentines in splendid 
exhortation4 ,he points to no easy path4
 ,he proposes no mean ambition4 ,he has 
said already that 'double will that     
,prince's glory be1 who has founded a   
new realm and fortified it and adorned  
it with good laws1 good arms1 good      
friends1 and good examples4' ,but there 
is more and better to be done4 ,the     
great misery of men has ever made the   
great leaders of men4 ,but was ,israel  
in ,egypt1 were the ,persians1 the      

,athenians ever more enslaved1          
down-trodden1 disunited1 beaten1        
despoiled1 mangled1 overrun and desolate
 than is our ,italy to-day8 ,the        
barbarians must be hounded out1 and     
,italy be free and one4 ,now is the     
accepted time4 ,all ,italy is waiting   
and only seeks the man4 ,to you the     
darling of ,fortune and the ,church this
 splendid task is given1 to and to the  
army of ,italy and of ,italians only4   
,arm ,italy and lead her4 ,to you1 the  
deliverer1 what gates would be closed1  
what obedience refused6 ,what jealousies
 opposed1 what homage denied4 ,love1    
courage1 and fixed fidelity await you1  
and under your standards shall the voice
 of ,petrarch be fulfilled3             
,virtu contro al furore   ,prender      
l'arme e fia il combatter corto3        
,ch l'antico valore   ,negl' ,italici   
cor non  ancor morto4  ,such is ,the    
,prince of ,machiavelli4 ,the vision of 
its breathless exhortation seemed then  
as but a landscape to a blind man's eye4

 ,but the passing of three hundred and  
fifty years of the misery he wept for   
brought at the last1 almost in perfect  
exactness1 the fulfilment of that       
impossible prophecy4  ,sidenote3 ,the   
,attack4  ,there is no great book in the
 world of smaller compass than ,the     
,prince of ,machiavelli4 ,there is no   
book more lucidly1 directly1 and plainly
 written4 ,there is no book that has    
aroused more vehement1 venomous1 and    
even truculent controversy from the     
moment of its publication until to-day4 
,and it is asserted with great          
probability that ,the ,prince has had a 
more direct action upon real life than  
any other book in the world1 and a      
larger share in breaking the chains and 
lighting the dark places of the ,middle 
,ages4 ,it is a truism to say that      
,machiavellism existed before           
,machiavelli4 ,the politics of ,gian    
,galeazzo ,visconti1 of ,louis ,,xi4 of 
,france1 of ,ferdinand of ,spain1 of the
 ,papacy1 of ,venice1 might have been   

dictated by the author of ,the ,prince4 
,but ,machiavelli was the first to      
observe1 to compare1 to diagnose1 to    
analyse1 and to formulate their         
principles of government4 ,the first to 
establish1 not a divorce1 but rather a  
judicial separation between the morals  
of a man and the morals of a government4
 ,it is around the purpose and possible 
results of such a separation in         
politics1 ethics1 and religion that the 
storm has raged most fiercely4 ,to      
follow the path of that storm through   
near four centuries many volumes would  
be needed1 and it will be more          
convenient to deal with the more general
 questions in summing up the influence  
of ,machiavelli as a whole4 ,but the    
main lines and varying fortunes of the  
long campaign may be indicated4 ,during 
the period of its manuscript circulation
 and for a few years after its          
publication ,the ,prince was treated    
with favour or at worst with            
indifference1 and the first mutterings  

were merely personal to the author4 ,he 
was a scurvy knave and turncoat with    
neither bowels nor conscience1 almost   
negligible4 ,but still men read him1 and
 a change in conditions brought a change
 in front4 ,he had in ,the ,prince1     
above all in the ,discorsi1 accused the 
,church of having ruined ,italy and     
debauched the world4 ,in view of the    
writer's growing popularity1 of the     
,reformation and the ,pagan             
,renaissance1 such charges could no     
longer be lightly set aside4 ,the       
,churchmen opened the main attack4      
,amongst the leaders was ,cardinal      
,pole1 to whom the practical precepts of
 ,the ,prince had been recommended in   
lieu of the dreams of ,plato1 by ,thomas
 ,cromwell1 the malleus monachorum of   
,henry ,,viii4 ,the ,catholic attack was
 purely theological1 but before long the
 ,jesuits joined in the cry4            
,machiavelli was burnt in effigy at     
,ingoldstadt4 ,he was subdolus          
diabolicarum cogitationum faber1 and    

irrisor et atheos to boot4 ,the ,pope   
himself gave commissions to unite       
against him1 and his books were placed  
on the ,index1 together1 it must be     
admitted1 with those of ,boccaccio1     
,erasmus1 and ,savonarola so the company
 was goodly4 ,but meanwhile1 and perhaps
 in consequence1 editions and           
translations of ,the ,prince multiplied 
apace4 ,the great figures of the world  
were absorbed by it4 ,charles ,v41 his  
son1 and his courtiers studied the book4
 ,catherine de ,medici brought it to    
,france4 ,a copy of ,the ,prince was    
found on the murdered bodies of ,henry  
,,iii4 and ,henry ,,iv4 ,richelieu      
praised it4 ,sextus ,v4 analysed it in  
his own handwriting4 ,it was read at the
 ,english ,court2 ,bacon was steeped in 
it1 and quotes or alludes to it         
constantly4 ,hobbes and ,harrington     
studied it4  ,but now another change4   
,so then1 cried ,innocent ,gentillet1   
the ,huguenot1 the book is a primer of  
despotism and ,rome1 and a grammar for  

bigots and tyrants4 ,it doubtless is    
answerable for the ,massacre of ,st4    
,bartholomew4 ,the man is a chien impur4
 ,and in answer to this new huntsman the
 whole ,protestant pack crashed in      
pursuit4 ,within fifty years of his     
death ,the ,prince and ,machiavelli     
himself had become a legend and a myth1 
a haunting1 discomforting ghost that    
would not be laid4 ,machiavellism had   
grown to be a case of conscience both to
 ,catholic and ,protestant1 to          
,theologian1 ,moralist1 and             
,philosopher4 ,in ,spain the author1    
damned in ,france for his despotism and 
popery1 was as freshly and freely damned
 for his civil and religious toleration4
 ,in ,england to the ,cavaliers he was  
an ,atheist1 to the ,roundheads a       
,jesuit4 ,christina of ,sweden annotated
 him with enthusiasm4 ,frederick the    
,great published his ,anti-,machiavel   
brimming with indignation1 though it is 
impossible not to wonder what would have
 become of ,prussia had not the         

,prussian king so closely followed in   
practice the precepts of the            
,florentine1 above all perhaps1 as      
,voltaire observed1 in the publication  
of the ,anti-,machiavel itself4 ,no     
doubt in the eighteenth century1 when   
monarchy was so firmly established as   
not to need ,machiavelli1 kings and     
statesmen sought to clear kingship of   
the supposed stain he had besmirched    
them with4 ,but their reading was as    
little as their misunderstanding was    
great1 and the ,florentine ,secretary   
remained the mysterious necromancer4 ,it
 was left for ,rousseau to describe the 
book of this 'honnte homme et bon       
citoyen' as 'le livre des ,rpublicains1'
 and for ,napoleon1 the greatest of the 
author's followers if not disciples1 to 
draw inspiration and suggestion from his
 ,florentine forerunner and to justify  
the murder of the ,due d',enghien by a  
quotation from ,the ,prince4 ',mais aprs
 tout1' he said1 'un homme d',etat      
est-il fait pour tre sensible8 ,n'est-ce

 pas un personnage--compltement         
excentrique1 toujours seul d'un ct1 avec
 le monde de l'autre8' and again ',jugez
 done s'il doit s'amuser  mnager        
certaines convenances de sentiments si  
importantes pour le commun des hommes8  
,peut-il considrer les liens du sang1   
les affections1 les purils mnagements de
 la socit8 ,et dans la situation o il se
 trouve1 que d'actions spares de        
l'ensemble et qu'on blme1 quoiqu'elles  
doivent contribuer au grand oeuvre que  
tout le monde n'aperoit pas8 444        
,malheureux que vous tes6 vous          
retiendrez vos loges parce que vous     
craindrez que le mouvement de cette     
grande machine ne fasse sur vous l'effet
 de ,gulliver1 qui1 lorsqu'il dplaait sa
 jambe1 crasait les ,lilliputiens4      
,exhortez-vous1 devancez le temps1      
agrandissez votre imagination1 regardez 
de loin1 et vous verrez que ces grands  
personnages que vous croyez violents1   
cruels1 que sais-je8 ne sont que des    
politiques4 ,ils se connaissent1 se     

jugent mieux que vous1 et1 quand ils    
sont rellement habiles1 ils savent se   
rendre matres de leurs passions car ils 
vont jusqu' en calculer les effets4'    
,even in his carriage at ,waterloo was  
found a ,french translation of ,the     
,prince profusely annotated4  ,sidenote3
 ,the ,defence4  ,but from the first the
 defence was neither idle nor weak4 ,the
 assault was on the morals of the man3  
the fortress held for the ideas of the  
thinker4 ,he does not treat of morals1  
therefore he is immoral1 cried the      
plaintiff4 ,has he spoken truth or      
falsehood8 ,is his word the truth and   
will his truth prevail8 was the         
rejoinder4 ,in ,germany and ,italy      
especially and in ,france and ,england  
in less degree1 philosophers and critics
 have argued and written without stint  
and without cease4 ,as history has grown
 wider and more scientific so has the   
preponderance of opinion leaned to the  
,florentine's favour4  ,it would be     
impossible to recapitulate the arguments

 or even to indicate the varying points 
of view4 ,and indeed the main hindrance 
in forming a just idea of ,the ,prince  
is the constant treatment of a single   
side of the book and the preconceived   
intent of the critic4 ,bacon has already
 been mentioned4 ,among later names are 
,hobbes1 ,spinoza1 ,leibnitz4 ,herder   
gives qualified approval1 while ,fichte 
frankly throws down the glove as ,the   
,prince's champion4 ',da man weiss dass 
politische ,machtfragen nie1 am         
wenigsten in einem verderbten ,volke1   
mit den ,mitteln der ,moral zu lsen     
sind1 so ist es unverstndig das ,buch   
von ,frsten zu verschreien4             
,macchiavelli hatte einen ,herrscher zu 
schildern1 keinen ,klosterbruder4' ,the 
last sentence may at least be accepted  
as a last word by practical politicians4
 ,ranke and ,macaulay1 and a host of    
competent ,germans and ,italians have   
lent their thought and pens to solve the
 riddle in the ,florentine's favour4    
,and lastly1 the course of political    

events in ,europe have seemed to many   
the final justification of the teaching 
of ,the ,prince4 ,the leaders of the    
,risorgimento thought that they found in
 letters1 'writ with a stiletto1' not   
only the inspirations of patriotism and 
the aspirations to unity1 but a sure and
 trusted guide to the achievement4      
,germany recognised in the author a     
schoolmaster to lead them to            
unification1 and a military instructor  
to teach them of an ,armed ,people4     
,half ,europe snatched at the principle 
of ,nationality4 ,for in ,the ,prince1  
,machiavelli not only begat ideas but   
fertilised the ideas of others1 and     
whatever the future estimation of the   
book may be1 it stands1 read or unread1 
as a most potent1 if not as the         
dominant1 factor in ,european politics  
for four hundred years4  ,sidenote3 ,the
 ,discorsi4  ,the ,discorsi1 printed in 
,rome by ,blado1 #aecg1 are not included
 in the present edition1 as the first   
,english translation did not appear     

until #afhj1 when almost the entire     
works of ,machiavelli were published by 
an anonymous translator in ,london4 ,but
 some account and consideration of their
 contents is imperative to any review of
 the ,florentine's political thoughts4  
,such ,discorsi and ,relazioni were not 
uncommon at the time4 ,the stronger and 
younger minds of the ,renaissance       
wearied of discussing in the lovely     
gardens of the ,rucellai the ideas of   
,plato or the allegories of ,plotinus4  
,the politics of ,aristotle had just    
been intelligibly translated by         
,leonardo ,bruni 7#adib74 ,and to-day   
the young ears and eyes of ,florence    
were alert for an impulse to action4    
,they saw glimpses1 in reopened fields  
of history1 of quarries long grown over 
where the ore of positive politics lay  
hid4 ,the men who came to-day to the    
,orti ,oricellarii were men versed in   
public affairs1 men of letters1         
historians1 poets1 living greatly in a  
great age1 with ,raphael1 ,michael      

,angelo1 ,ariosto1 ,leonardo going up   
and down amongst them4 ,machiavelli was 
now in fair favour with the ,medici1 and
 is described by ,strozzi as una persona
 per sorgere 7a rising man74 ,he was    
welcomed into the group with enthusiasm1
 and there read and discussed the       
,discorsi4 ,nominally mere              
considerations upon the ,first ,decade  
of ,livy1 they rapidly encircled all    
that was known and thought of policy and
 state-craft1 old and living4           
,sidenote3 ,their ,plan4  ,written      
concurrently with ,the ,prince1 though  
completed later1 the ,discorsi contain  
almost the whole of the thoughts and    
intents of the more famous book1 but    
with a slightly different application4  
',the ,prince traces the progress of an 
ambitious man1 the ,discorsi the        
progress of an ambitious people1' is an 
apt if inadequate criticism4            
,machiavelli was not the first ,italian 
who thought and wrote upon the problems 
of his time4 ,but he was the first who  

discussed grave questions in modern     
language4 ,he was the first modern      
political writer who wrote of men and   
not of man1 for the ,prince himself is a
 collective individuality4  ',this must 
be regarded as a general rule1' is ever 
in ,machiavelli's mouth1 while          
,guicciardini finds no value in a       
general rule1 but only in 'long         
experience and worthy discretion4' ,the 
one treated of policy1 the other of     
politics4 ,guicciardini considered      
specifically by what methods to control 
and arrange an existing ,government4    
,machiavelli sought to create a science1
 which should show how to establish1    
maintain1 and hinder the decline of     
states generally conceived4 ,even       
,cavour counted the former as a more    
practical guide in affairs4 ,but        
,machiavelli was the theorist of        
humanity in politics1 not the observer  
only4 ,he distinguished the two orders  
of research4 ,and1 during the ,italian  
,renaissance such distinction was       

supremely necessary4 ,with a crumbled   
theology1 a pagan ,pope1 amid the wreck 
of laws and the confusion of social     
order1 il sue particolare and virt1     
individuality and ability 7energy1      
political genius1 prowess1 vital force3 
virt is impossible to translate1 and    
only does not mean virtue71 were the    
dominating and unrelenting factors of   
life4 ,niccol ,machiavelli1 unlike      
,montesquieu1 agreed with ,martin       
,luther that man was bad4 ,it was for   
both the ,wittenberger and the          
,florentine1 in their very separate     
ways1 to found the school and wield the 
scourge4 ,in the naked and unashamed    
candour of the time ,guicciardini could 
say that he loathed the ,papacy and all 
its works4 ',for all that1 he adds1 'the
 preferments ,i have enjoyed1 have      
forced me for my private ends to set my 
heart upon papal greatness4 ,were it not
 for this consideration1 ,i should love 
,martin ,luther as my second self4' ,in 
the ,discorsi1 ,machiavelli bitterly    

arraigns the ,church as having 'deprived
 ,italians of religion and liberty4' ,he
 utterly condemns ,savonarol1 yet he    
could love and learn from ,dante1 and   
might almost have said with ,pym1 ',the 
greatest liberty of the ,kingdom is     
,religion4 ,thereby we are freed from   
spiritual evils1 and no impositions are 
so grievous as those that are laid upon 
the soul4'  ,sidenote3 ,religion4  ,the 
,florentine postulates religion as an   
essential element in a strong and stable
 ,state4 ,perhaps1 with ,gibbon1 he     
deemed it useful to the ,magistrate4    
,but his science is impersonal4 ,he will
 not tolerate a ,church that poaches on 
his political preserves4 ,good dogma    
makes bad politics4 ,it must not tamper 
with liberty or security4 ,and most     
certainly1 with ,dante1 in the          
,paradiso1 he would either have         
transformed or omitted the third        
,beatitude1 that the ,meek shall inherit
 the earth4 ,with such a temperament1   
,machiavelli must ever keep touch with  

sanity4 ,it was not for him as for      
,aristotle to imagine what an ideal     
,state should be1 but rather to inquire 
what ,states actually were and what they
 might actually become4 ,he seeks first 
and foremost 'the use that may be       
derived from history in politics'2 not  
from its incidents but from its general 
principles4 ,his darling model of a     
,state is to be found where ,dante found
 it1 in the ,roman ,republic4 ,the      
memory and even the substance of ,dante 
occur again and again4 ,but ,dante's    
inspiration was spiritual3              
,machiavelli's frankly pagan1 and with  
the latter ,fortune takes the place of  
,god4 ,dante did not love the ,papacy1  
but ,machiavelli1 pointing out how even 
in ancient ,rome religion was politic or
 utilitarian1 leads up to his famous    
attack upon the ,roman ,church1 to which
 he attributes all the shame and losses1
 political1 social1 moral1 national1    
that ,italy has suffered at her hands4  
,and now for the first time the         

necessity for ,italian ,unity is laid   
plainly down1 and the ,church and its   
temporal power denounced as the central 
obstacles4 ,in religion itself the      
,secretary saw much merit4 ',but when it
 is an absolute question of the welfare 
of our country1 then justice or         
injustice1 mercy or cruelty1 praise or  
ignominy1 must be set aside1 and we must
 seek alone whatever course may preserve
 the existence and liberty of the       
state4' ,throughout the ,discorsi1      
,machiavelli in a looser and more       
expansive form1 suggests1 discusses1 or 
re-affirms the ideas of ,the ,prince4   
,there is the same absence of judgment  
on the moral value of individual        
conduct2 the same keen decision of its  
practical effect as a political act4    
,but here more than in ,the ,prince1 he 
deals with the action and conduct of the
 people4 ,with his passion for personal 
and contemporary incarnation he finds in
 the ,swiss of his day the ,romans of   
,republican ,rome1 and reiterates the   

comparison in detail4 ,feudalism1       
mercenaries1 political associations     
embodied in ,arts and ,guilds1 the      
,temporal power of the ,church1 all     
these are put away1 and in their stead  
he announces the new and daring gospel  
that for organic unity subjects must be 
treated as equals and not as inferiors4 
',trust the people' is a maxim he       
repeats and enforces again and again4   
,and he does not shrink from1 but rather
 urges the corollary1 ',arm the people4'
 ,indeed it were no audacious paradox to
 state the ideal of ,machiavelli1 though
 he nominally preferred a ,republic1 as 
a ,limited ,monarchy1 ruling over a     
,nation in ,arms4 ,no doubt he sought1  
as was natural enough in his day1 to    
construct the ,state from without rather
 than to guide and encourage its        
evolution from within4 ,it seemed to him
 that1 in such an ocean of corruption1  
,force was a remedy and ,fraud no       
sluttish handmaid4 ',vice n'est-ce pas1'
 writes ,montaigne1 of such violent acts

 of ,government1 'car il a quitt sa     
raison  une plus universelle et         
puissante raison4' ,even so the ,prince 
and the people could only be justified  
by results4 ,but the public life is of  
larger value than the private1 and      
sometimes one man must be crucified for 
a thousand4 ,despite all prejudice and  
make-belief1 such a rule and practice   
has obtained from the ,assemblies of    
,athens to the ,parliaments of the      
twentieth century4 ,but ,machiavelli    
first candidly imparted it to the       
unwilling consciences and brains of men1
 and it is he who has been the chosen   
scape-goat to carry the sins of the     
people4 ,his earnestness makes him belie
 his own precept to keep the name and   
take away the thing4 ,in this1 as in a  
thousand instances1 he was not too      
darkly hidden2 he was too plain4        
',machiavelli1' says one who studied the
 ,florentine as hardly another had done1
 ',machiavelli hat gesndigt1 aber noch  
mehr ist gegen ihn gesndigt worden4'    

,liberty is good1 but ,unity is its only
 sure foundation4 ,it is the way to the 
,unity of ,government and ,people that  
the thoughts both of ,the ,prince and   
the ,discorsi lead1 though the incidents
 be so nakedly presented as to shock the
 timorous and vex the prurient1 the     
puritan1 and the evil thinker4 ,the     
people must obey the ,state and fight   
and die for its salvation1 and for the  
,prince the hatred of the subjects is   
never good1 but their love1 and the best
 way to gain it is by 'not interrupting 
the subject in the quiet enjoyment of   
his estate4' ,even so bland and gentle a
 spirit as the poet ,gray cannot but    
comment1 ',i rejoice when ,i see        
,machiavelli defended or illustrated1   
who to me appears one of the wisest men 
that any nation in any age hath         
produced4'  ,sidenote3 ,the ,art of     
,war4  ,throughout both ,the ,prince and
 the ,discorsi are constant allusions   
to1 and often long discussions on1      
military affairs4 ,the ,army profoundly 

interested ,machiavelli both as a       
primary condition of national existence 
and stability1 and also1 as he pondered 
upon the contrast between ancient ,rome 
and the ,florence that he lived in1 as a
 subject fascinating in itself4 ,his    
,art of ,war was probably published in  
#aebj4 ,before that date the ,florentine
 ,secretary had had some personal touch 
both with the theory and practice of    
war4 ,as a responsible official in the  
camp before ,pisa he had seen both siege
 work and fighting4 ,having lost faith  
in mercenary forces he made immense     
attempts to form a ,national ,militia1  
and was appointed ,chancellor of the    
,nove della ,milizia4 ,in ,switzerland  
and the ,tyrol he had studied army      
questions4 ,he planned with ,pietro     
,navarro the defence of ,florence and   
,prato against ,charles ,v4 ,at ,verona 
and ,mantua in #aeji1 he closely studied
 the famous siege of ,padua4 ,from birth
 to death war and battles raged all     
about him1 and he had personal knowledge

 of the great captains of the ,age4     
,moreover1 he saw in ,italy troops of   
every country1 of every quality1 in     
every stage of discipline1 in every     
manner of formation4 ,his love of       
ancient ,rome led him naturally to the  
study of ,livy and ,vegetius1 and from  
them with regard to formations1 to the  
relative values of infantry and cavalry 
and other points of tactics1 he drew or 
deduced many conclusions which hold good
 to-day4 ,indeed a ,german staff officer
 has written that in reading the        
,florentine you think you are listening 
to a modern theorist of war4 ,but for   
the theorist of those days a lion stood 
in the path4 ,the art of war was not    
excepted from the quick and thorough    
transformation that all earthly and     
spiritual things were undergoing4       
,gunpowder1 long invented1 was being    
applied4 ,armour1 that1 since the       
beginning1 had saved both man and horse1
 had now lost the half of its virtue4   
,the walls of fortresses1 impregnable   

for a thousand years1 became as         
matchwood ramparts4 ,the mounted        
man-at-arms was found with wonder to be 
no match for the lightly-armoured but   
nimble foot-man4 ,the ,swiss were seen  
to hold their own with ease against the 
knighthood of ,austria and ,burgundy4   
,the ,free ,companies lost in value and 
prestige what they added to their       
corruption and treachery4 ,all these    
things grew clear to ,machiavelli4 ,but 
his almost fatal misfortune was that he 
observed and wrote in the mid-moment of 
the transition4 ,he had no faith in     
fire-arms1 and as regards the portable  
fire-arms of those days he was right4   
,after the artillery work at ,ravenna1  
,novara1 and ,marignano it is argued    
that he should have known better4 ,but  
he was present at no great battles1 and 
pike1 spear1 and sword had been the     
stable weapons of four thousand years4  
,these were indeed too simple to be     
largely modified1 and the future of     
mechanisms and explosives no prophet    

uninspired could foresee4 ,and indeed   
the armament and formation of men were  
not the main intent of ,machiavelli's   
thought4 ,his care in detail1 especially
 in fortifications1 of which he made a  
special study1 in encampments1 in plans1
 in calculations1 is immense4 ,nothing  
is so trivial as to be left inexact4    
,sidenote3 ,the ,new ,model4  ,but he   
centred his observation and imagination 
on the origin1 character1 and discipline
 of an army in being4 ,he pictures the  
horror1 waste1 and failure of a         
mercenary system1 and lays down the     
fatal error in ,italy of separating     
civil from military life1 converting the
 latter into a trade4 ,in such a way the
 soldier grows to a beast1 and the      
citizen to a coward4 ,all this must be  
changed4 ,the basic idea of this        
astounding ,secretary is to form a      
,national ,army1 furnished by           
conscription and informed by the spirit 
of the ,new ,model of ,cromwell4 ,all   
able-bodied men between the ages of     

seventeen and forty should be drilled on
 stated days and be kept in constant    
readiness4 ,once or twice a year each   
battalion must be mobilised and         
manoeuvred as in time of war4 ,the      
discipline must be constant and severe4 
,the men must be not only robust and    
well-trained1 but1 above all1 virtuous1 
modest1 and disposed to any sacrifice   
for the public good4 ,so imbued should  
they be with duty and lofty devotion to 
their country that though they may      
rightly deceive the enemy1 reward the   
enemy's deserters and employ spies1 yet 
'an apple tree laden with fruit might   
stand untouched in the midst of their   
encampment4' ,the infantry should far   
exceed the cavalry1 'since it is by     
infantry that battles are won4'         
,secrecy1 mobility1 and familiarity with
 the country are to be objects of       
special care1 and positions should be   
chosen from which advance is safer than 
retreat4 ,in war this army must be led  
by one single leader1 and1 when peace   

shines again1 they must go back         
contented to their grateful             
fellow-countrymen and their wonted ways 
of living4 ,the conception and          
foundation of such a scheme1 at such a  
time1 by such a man is indeed           
astounding4 ,he broke with the past and 
with all contemporary organisations4 ,he
 forecast the future of military        
,europe1 though his own ,italy was the  
last to win her redemption through his  
plans4 ',taken all in all1' says a      
,german military writer1 'we may        
recognise ,machiavelli in his inspired  
knowledge of the principles of universal
 military discipline as a true prophet  
and as one of the weightiest thinkers in
 the field of military construction and 
constitution4 ,he penetrated the essence
 of military technique with a precision 
wholly alien to his period1 and it is1  
so to say1 a new psychological proof of 
the relationship between the art of war 
and the art of statecraft1 that the     
founder of ,modern ,politics is also the

 first of modern ,military ,classics4'  
,but woe to the ,florentine ,secretary  
with his thoughts born centuries before 
their time4 ,as in ,the ,prince1 so in  
the ,art of ,war1 he closes with a      
passionate appeal of great sorrow and   
the smallest ray of hope4 ,where shall  
,i hope to find the things that ,i have 
told of8 ,what is ,italy to-day8 ,what  
are the ,italians8 ,enervated1 impotent1
 vile4 ,wherefore1 ',i lament mee of    
nature1 the which either ought not to   
have made mee a knower of this1 or it   
ought to have given mee power1 to have  
bene able to have executed it3 ,for now 
beeing olde1 ,i cannot hope to have any 
occasion1 to be able so to doo3 ,in     
consideration whereof1 ,i have bene     
liberall with you who beeing grave young
 men1 may 7when the thinges said of me  
shall please you7 at due times1 in      
favoure of your ,princes1 helpe them and
 counsider them4 ,wherin ,i would have  
you not to be afraied1 or mistrustfull1 
because this ,province seemes to bee    

altogether given to raise up againe the 
things deade1 as is seene by the        
perfection that ,poesie1 painting1 and  
writing1 is now brought unto3 ,albeit1  
as much as is looked for of mee1 beeing 
strooken in yeeres1 ,i do mistrust4     
,where surely1 if ,fortune had          
heretofore graunted mee so much state1  
as suffiseth for a like enterprise1 ,i  
would not have doubted1 but in most     
short time1 to have shewed to the world1
 how much the auncient orders availe3   
and without peradventure1 either ,i     
would have increased it with glory1 or  
lost it without shame4'  ,sidenote3 ,the
 ,history of ,florence4  ,in #aebj      
,machiavelli was an ageing and          
disappointed man4 ,he was not popular   
with any party1 but the ,medici were    
willing to use him in minor matters if  
only to secure his adherence4 ,he was   
commissioned by ,giulio de ,medici to   
write a history of ,florence with an    
annual allowance of #ajj florins4 ,in   
#aebe he completed his task and         

dedicated the book to its begetter1     
,pope ,clement ,,vii4  ,in the ,history1
 as in much of his other work1          
,machiavelli enriches the science of    
humanity with a new department4 ',he was
 the first to contemplate the life of a 
nation in its continuity1 to trace the  
operation of political forces through   
successive generations1 to contrast the 
action of individuals with the evolution
 of causes over which they had but      
little control1 and to bring the salient
 features of the national biography into
 relief by the suppression of           
comparatively unimportant details4' ,he 
found no examples to follow1 for        
,villani with all his merits was of a   
different order4 ,diarists and          
chroniclers there were in plenty1 and   
works of the learned men led by         
,aretino1 written in ,latin and mainly  
rhetorical4 ,the great work of          
,guicciardini was not published till    
years after the ,secretary's death4     
,machiavelli broke away from the        

,chronicle or any other existing form4  
,he deliberately applied philosophy to  
the sequence of facts4 ,he organised    
civil and political history4 ,he        
originally intended to begin his work at
 the year #abcd1 the year of the return 
of ,cosimo il ,vecchio from exile and of
 the consolidation of ,medicean power on
 the ground that the earlier periods had
 been covered by ,aretino and           
,bracciolini4 ,but he speedily          
recognised that they told of nothing but
 external wars and business while the   
heart of the history of ,florence was   
left unbared4 ,the work was to do again 
in very different manner1 and in that   
manner he did it4 ,throughout he        
maintains and insistently insinuates his
 unfailing explanation of the miseries  
of ,italy2 the necessity of unity and   
the evils of the ,papacy which prevents 
it4 ,in this book dedicated to a ,pope  
he scants nothing of his hatred of the  
,holy ,see4 ,for ever he is still       
seeking the one strong man in a blatant 

land with almost absolute power to      
punish1 pull down1 and reconstruct on an
 abiding foundation1 for to his clear   
eyes it is ever the events that are born
 of the man1 and not the man of the     
events4 ,he was the first to observe    
that the ,ghibellines were not only the 
,imperial party but the party of the    
aristocrats and influential men1 whereas
 the ,guelphs were the party not only of
 the ,church but of the people1 and he  
traces the slow but increasing struggle 
to the triumph of democracy in the      
,ordinamenti di ,giustizia 7#abic74 ,but
 the triumph was not final4 ,the        
,florentines were 'unable to preserve   
liberty and could not tolerate slavery4'
 ,so the fighting1 banishments1         
bloodshed1 cruelty1 injustice1 began    
once more4 ,the nobles were in origin   
,germanic1 he points out1 the people    
,latin2 so that a racial bitterness gave
 accent to their hate4 ,but yet1 he adds
 impartially1 when the crushed nobility 
were forced to change their names and no

 longer dared be heard ',florence was   
not only stripped of arms but likewise  
of all generosity4' ,it would be        
impossible to follow the ,history in    
detail4 ,the second1 seventh and eighth 
books are perhaps the most powerful and 
dramatic4 ,outside affairs and lesser   
events are lightly touched4 ,but no     
stories in the world have been told with
 more intensity than those of the       
conspiracies in the seventh and eighth  
books1 and none have given a more       
intimate and accurate perception of the 
modes of thought and feeling at the     
time4 ,the ,history ends with the death 
of ,lorenzo de ,medici in #adib4 ,enough
 has been said of its breadth of scope  
and originality of method4 ,the spirit  
of clear flaming patriotism1 of undying 
hope that will not in the darkest day   
despair1 the plangent appeal to ,italy  
for its own great sake to rouse and     
live1 all these are found pre-eminently 
in the ,history as they are found       
wherever ,machiavelli speaks from the   

heart of his heart4 ,of the style a     
foreigner may not speak4 ,but those who 
are proper judges maintain that in      
simplicity and lucidity1 vigour1 and    
power1 softness1 elevation1 and         
eloquence1 the style of ,machiavelli is 
'divine1' and remains1 as that of ,dante
 among the poets1 unchallenged and      
insuperable among all writers of        
,italian prose4  ,sidenote3 ,other      
,works4  ,though ,machiavelli must      
always stand as a political thinker1 an 
historian1 and a military theorist it   
would leave an insufficient idea of his 
mental activities were there no short   
notice of his other literary works4     
,with his passion for incarnating his   
theories in a single personality1 he    
wrote the ,life of ,castruccio          
,castracani1 a politico-military        
romance4 ,his hero was a soldier of     
fortune born ,lucca in #abha1 and1      
playing with a free hand1 ,machiavelli  
weaves a life of adventure and romance  
in which his constant ideas of war and  

politics run through and across an      
almost imaginary tapestry4 ,he seems to 
have intended to illustrate and to      
popularise his ideals and to attain by a
 story the many whom his discourses     
could not reach4 ,in verse ,machiavelli 
was fluent1 pungent1 and prosaic4 ,the  
unfinished ,golden ,ass is merely made  
of paragraphs of the ,discorsi twined   
into rhymes4 ,and the others are little 
better4 ,countless pamphlets1 essays1   
and descriptions may be searched without
 total waste by the very curious and the
 very leisurely4 ,the many despatches   
and multitudinous private letters tell  
the story both of his life and his mind4
 ,but the short but famous ,novella di  
,belfagor ,arcidiavolo is excellent in  
wit1 satire1 and invention4 ,as a       
playwright he wrote1 among many lesser  
efforts1 one supreme comedy1            
,mandragola1 which ,macaulay declares to
 be better than the best of ,goldoni's  
plays1 and only less excellent than the 
very best of ,molire's4 ,italian critics

 call it the finest play in ,italian4   
,the plot is not for nursery reading1   
but there are tears and laughter and    
pity and anger to furnish forth a       
copious author1 and it has been not ill 
observed that ,mandragola is the comedy 
of a society of which ,the ,prince is   
the tragedy4  ,sidenote3 ,the ,end4  ,it
 has been said of the ,italians of the  
,renaissance that with so much of       
unfairness in their policy1 there was an
 extraordinary degree of fairness in    
their intellects4 ,they were as direct  
in thought as they were tortuous in     
action and could see no wickedness in   
deceiving a man whom they intended to   
destroy4 ,to such a charge--if charge it
 be--,machiavelli would have willingly  
owned himself answerable4 ,he observed1 
in order to know1 and he wished to use  
his knowledge for the advancement of    
good4 ,to him the means were            
indifferent1 provided only that they    
were always apt and moderate in         
accordance with necessity1 ,a surgeon   

has no room for sentiment3 in such an   
operator pity were a crime4 ,it is his  
to examine1 to probe1 to diagnose1      
flinching at no ulcer1 sparing neither  
to himself or to his patient4 ,and if he
 may not act1 he is to lay down very    
clearly the reasons which led to his    
conclusions and to state the mode by    
which life itself may be saved1 cost    
what amputation and agony it may4 ,this 
was ,machiavelli's business1 and he     
applied his eye1 his brains1 and his    
knife with a relentless persistence1    
which1 only because it was so faithful1 
was not called heroic4 ,and we know that
 he suffered in the doing of it and that
 his heart was sore for his patient4    
,but there was no other way4 ,his record
 is clear and shining4 ,he has been     
accused of no treachery1 of no evil     
action4 ,his patriotism for ,italy as a 
fatherland1 a dream undreamt by any     
other1 never glowed more brightly than  
when ,italy lay low in shame1 and ruin1 
and despair4 ,his faith never faltered1 

his spirit never shrank4 ,and the ,italy
 that he saw1 through dark bursts of    
storm1 broken and sinking1 we see to-day
 riding in the sunny haven where he     
would have her to be4  ,,henry ,,cust4  
,,contents             ,,page  ,,the    
,,arte ,,of ,,warre       #a  ,,the     
,,prince            #bea     ,,the      
,,arte ,,of ,,warre  ,,written ,,first  
,,in ,,italian ,,by  ,,nicholas         
,,machiavell  ,,and ,,set ,,forthe ,,in 
,,englishe ,,by  ,,peter ,,whitehorne   
,,studient ,,at ,,graies ,,inne  ,,with 
,,an ,,addicion ,,of ,,other ,,like     
,,marcialle ,,feates ,,and              
,,experimentes  ,,as ,,in ,a ,,table    
,,in ,,the ,,ende ,,of ,,the ,,booke    
,,maie ,,appere   #aefj  ,menfss4       
,iulij4    ,,to ,,the ,,moste  ,,highe1 
,,and ,,excellent ,,princes1            
,,elizabeth1 by the ,grace of ,god1     
,quene  of ,englande1 ,fraunce1 and     
,irelande1  defender of the faithe1 and 
of the ,churche  of ,englande1 and      
,irelande1 on yearth  next under ,god1  

the supreme  ,governour4   ,although    
commonlie every man1 moste worthie and  
renoumed ,soveraine1 seketh specially to
 commend and extolle the thing1         
whereunto he feleth hymself naturally   
bent and inclined1 yet al soche         
parciallitie and private affection laid 
aside1 it is to bee thought 7that for   
the defence1 maintenaunce1 and          
advauncemente of a ,kyngdome1 or ,common
 weale1 or for the good and due         
observacion of peace1 and administracion
 of ,justice in the same7 no one thinge 
to be more profitable1 necessarie1 or   
more honourable1 then the knowledge of  
service in warre1 and dedes of armes2   
bicause consideryng the ambicion of the 
worlde1 it is impossible for any realme 
or dominion1 long to continue free in   
quietnesse and savegarde1 where the     
defence of the sweard is not alwaies in 
a readinesse4 ,for like as the ,grekes1 
beyng occupied aboute triflyng matters1 
takyng pleasure in resityng of          
,comedies1 and soche other vain thinges1

 altogether neclecting ,marciall feates1
 gave occasion to ,philip kyng of       
,macedonia1 father to ,alexander the    
,great1 to oppresse and to bring theim  
in servitude1 under his subjeccion1 even
 so undoubtedly1 libertie will not be   
kepte1 but men shall be troden under    
foote1 and brought to moste horrible    
miserie and calamitie1 if thei givyng   
theim selves to pastymes and pleasure1  
forssake the juste regarde of their owne
 defence1 and savegarde of their        
countrie1 whiche in temporall regimente1
 chiefly consisteth in warlike          
skilfulnesse4 ,and therefore the        
aunciente ,capitaines and mightie       
,conquerours1 so longe as thei          
florished1 did devise with moste greate 
diligence1 all maner of waies1 to bryng 
their men to the perfect knowledge of   
what so ever thing appertained to the   
warre3 as manifestly appereth by the    
warlike games1 whiche in old time the   
,princes of ,grecia ordained1 upon the  
mount ,olimpus1 and also by thorders and

 exercises1 that the aunciente ,romaines
 used in sundrie places1 and specially  
in ,campo ,martio1 and in their         
wonderful sumptuous ,theaters1 whiche   
chiefly thei builded to that purpose4   
,whereby thei not onely made their      
,souldiours so experte1 that thei       
obtained with a fewe1 in faightyng      
againste a greate houge multitude of    
enemies1 soche marveilous victories1 as 
in many credible ,histories are         
mencioned1 but also by the same meanes1 
their unarmed and rascalle people that  
followed their ,campes1 gotte soche     
understandyng in the feates of warre1   
that thei in the daie of battaile1      
beeyng lefte destitute of succour1 were 
able without any other help1 to set     
themselves in good order1 for their     
defence againste the enemie1 that would 
seke to hurte theim1 and in soche       
daungerous times1 have doen their       
countrie so good service1 that verie    
often by their helpe1 the adversaries   
have been put to flight1 and fieldes    

moste happely wone4 ,so that            
thantiquitie estemed nothing more happie
 in a common weale1 then to have in the 
same many men skilfull in warlike       
affaires3 by meanes whereof1 their      
,empire continually inlarged1 and moste 
wonderfully and triumphantly prospered4 
,for so longe as men for their          
valiauntnesse1 were then rewarded and   
had in estimacion1 glad was he that     
could finde occasion to venter1 yea1 and
 spende his life1 to benefite his       
countrie3 as by the manly actes that    
,marcus ,curcius1 ,oracius ,cocles1 and 
,gaius ,mucius did for the savegarde of 
,rome and also by other innumerable like
 examples dooeth plainly appeare4 ,but  
when through long and continuall peace1 
thei began to bee altogether given to   
pleasure and delicatenesse1 little      
regardyng ,marciall feates1 nor soche as
 were expert in the practise thereof3   
,their dominions and estates1 did not so
 moche before increase and prospere1 as 
then by soche meanes and oversight1 thei

 sodainly fell into decaie and utter    
ruine4 ,for soche truly is the nature   
and condicion1 bothe of peace and warre1
 that where in governemente1 there is   
not had equalle consideration of them   
bothe1 the one in fine1 doeth woorke and
 induce1 the others oblivion and utter  
abholicion4 ,wherfore1 sith the         
necessitie of the science of warres is  
so greate1 and also the necessarie use  
thereof so manifeste1 that even ,ladie  
,peace her self1 doeth in maner from    
thens crave her chief defence and       
preservacion1 and the worthinesse       
moreover1 and honour of the same so     
greate1 that as by prose we see1 the    
perfecte glorie therof1 cannot easely   
finde roote1 but in the hartes of moste 
noble couragious and manlike personages1
 ,i thought most excellente ,princes1 ,i
 could not either to the specialle      
gratefiyng of your highnesse1 the       
universall delight of all studious      
gentlemen1 or the common utilitie of the
 publike wealth1 imploie my labours more

 profitablie in accomplishyng of my     
duetie and good will1 then in settyng   
foorthe some thing1 that might induce to
 the augmentyng and increase of the     
knowledge thereof3 inespecially         
thexample of your highnes most politike 
governemente over us1 givyng plaine     
testimonie of the wonderfull prudente   
desire that is in you1 to have your     
people instructed in this kinde of      
service1 as well for the better defence 
of your highnesse1 theim selves1 and    
their countrie1 as also to discourage   
thereby1 and to be able to resist the   
malingnitie of the enemie1 who otherwise
 would seeke peradventure1 to invade    
this noble realme or kyngdome4  ,when   
therfore about x4 yeres paste1 in the   
,emperours warres against the ,mores and
 certain ,turkes beyng in ,barberie1 at 
the siege and winnyng of ,calibbia1     
,monesterio and ,africa1 ,i had as well 
for my further instruction in those     
affaires1 as also the better to         
acquainte me with the ,italian tongue1  

reduced into ,englishe1 the booke called
 ,the arte of ,warre1 of the famous and 
excellente ,nicholas ,machiavell1 whiche
 in times paste he beyng a counsailour1 
and ,secretarie of the noble ,citee of  
,florence1 not without his greate laude 
and praise did write3 and havyng lately 
againe1 somwhat perused the same1 the   
whiche in soche continuall broiles and  
unquietnesse1 was by me translated1 ,i  
determined with my self1 by publishyng  
thereof1 to bestowe as greate a gift    
7sins greater ,i was not able7 emongeste
 my countrie men1 not experte in the    
,italian tongue1 as in like woorkes ,i  
had seen before me1 the ,frenchemen1    
,duchemen1 ,spaniardes1 and other       
forreine nacions1 moste lovyngly to have
 bestowed emongeste theirs3 ,the rather 
undoubtedly1 that as by private readyng 
of the same booke1 ,i then felt my self 
in that knowledge marveilously holpen   
and increased1 so by communicatyng the  
same to many1 our ,englishemen findyng  
out the orderyng and disposyng of       

exploictes of warre therein contained1  
the aide and direction of these plaine  
and briefe preceptes1 might no lesse in 
knowledge of warres become incomperable1
 then in prowes also and exercise of the
 same1 altogether invincible3 which my  
translacion moste gracious ,soveraine1  
together with soche other thynges1 as by
 me hath been gathered1 and thought good
 to adde thereunto1 ,i have presumed to 
dedicate unto youre highnes3 not onely  
bicause the whole charge and furniture  
of warlike counsailes and preparacions1 
being determined by the arbitremente of 
,governours and ,princes1 the treatise  
also of like effecte should in like     
maner as of right1 depende upon the     
protection of a moste worthie and noble 
,patronesse1 but also that the discourse
 it self1 and the woorke of a forrein   
aucthour1 under the passeport and       
safeconduite of your highnes moste noble
 name1 might by speciall aucthoritie of 
the same1 winne emongest your ,majesties
 subjectes1 moche better credite and    

estimacion4 ,and if mooste mightie      
,queen1 in this kind of ,philosophie 7if
 ,i maie so terme it7 grave and sage    
counsailes1 learned and wittie          
preceptes1 or politike and prudente     
admonicions1 ought not to be accompted  
the least and basest tewels of weale    
publike4 ,then dare ,i boldely affirme1 
that of many straungers1 whiche from    
forrein countries1 have here tofore in  
this your ,majesties realme arrived1    
there is none in comparison to bee      
preferred1 before this worthie          
,florentine and ,italian1 who havyng    
frely without any gaine of exchaunge 7as
 after some acquaintaunce and           
familiaritie will better appeare7       
brought with hym moste riche1 rare and  
plentiful ,treasure1 shall deserve ,i   
trust of all good ,englishe lishe       
hartes1 most lovingly and frendly to be 
intertained1 embraced and cherished4    
,whose newe ,englishe apparell1 how so  
ever it shall seme by me1 after a grosse
 fasion1 more fitlie appoincted to the  

,campe1 then in nice termes attired to  
the ,carpet1 and in course clothyng     
rather putte foorthe to battaile1 then  
in any brave shewe prepared to the      
bankette1 neverthelesse my good will ,i 
truste1 shall of your grace be taken in 
good parte1 havyng fashioned the phraise
 of my rude stile1 even accordyng to the
 purpose of my travaile1 whiche was     
rather to profite the desirous manne of 
warre1 then to delight the eares of the 
fine ,rethorician1 or daintie curious   
scholemanne3 ,moste humblie besechyng   
your highnes1 so to accept my labour    
herein1 as the first fruictes of a poore
 souldiours studie1 who to the          
uttermoste of his smalle power1 in the  
service of your moste gracious majestie1
 and of his countrie1 will at al tymes1 
accordyng to his bounden duetie and     
allegeaunce1 promptlie yeld hym self to 
any labour1 travaile1 or daunger1 what  
so ever shal happen4 ,praiyng in the    
mean season the almightie ,god1 to give 
your highnes in longe prosperous raigne1

 perfect health1 desired tranquilitie1  
and against all your enemies1 luckie and
 joifull victorie4  ,your humble subject
 and dailie oratour1  ,,peter           
,,whitehorne4     ,,the ,,proheme ,,of  
,,nicholas ,,machiavell1 ,citezein and  
,secretarie of ,florence1 upon his booke
 of the ,arte of ,warre1 unto ,laurence 
,philippe ,strozze1 one of the nobilitie
 of ,florence4   ,there have ,laurence1 
many helde1 and do holde this opinion1  
that there is no maner of thing1 whiche 
lesse agreeth the one with the other1   
nor that is so much unlike1 as the civil
 life to the ,souldiours4 ,wherby it is 
often seen1 that if any determin in     
thexercise of that kinde of service to  
prevaile1 that incontinent he doeth not 
only chaunge in apparel1 but also in    
custome and maner1 in voice1 and from   
the facion of all civil use1 he doeth   
alter3 ,for that he thinketh not meete  
to clothe with civell apparell him1 who 
wil be redie1 and promt to all kinde of 
violence1 nor the civell customes1 and  

usages maie that man have1 the whiche   
judgeth bothe those customes to be      
effeminate1 and those usages not to be  
agreable to his profession3 ,nor it     
semes not convenient for him to use the 
civill gesture and ordinarie wordes1 who
 with fasing and blasphemies1 will make 
afraied other menne3 the whiche causeth 
in this time1 suche opinion to be moste 
true4 ,but if thei should consider      
thauncient orders1 there should nothing 
be founde more united1 more confirmable1
 and that of necessitie ought to love so
 much the one the other1 as these3 for  
as muche as all the artes that are      
ordeined in a common weale1 in regarde  
or respecte of common profite of menne1 
all the orders made in the same1 to live
 with feare of the ,lawe1 and of ,god   
should be vaine1 if by force of armes   
their defence wer not prepared1 which1  
well ordeined1 doe maintain those also  
whiche be not well ordeined4 ,and       
likewise to the contrarie the good      
orders1 without the souldiours help1 no 

lesse or otherwise doe disorder1 then   
the habitacion of a sumptuous and roiall
 palais1 although it wer decte with gold
 and precious stones1 when without being
 covered1 should not have wherewith to  
defende it from the raine4 ,and if in   
what so ever other orders of ,cities and
 ,kyngdomes1 there hath been used al    
diligence for to maintain men faithfull1
 peaceable1 and full of the feare of    
,god1 in the service of warre1 it was   
doubled3 if for in what man ought the   
countrie to seke greater faith1 then in 
him1 who must promise to die for the    
same8 ,in whom ought there to bee more  
love of peace1 then in him1 whiche onely
 by the warre maie be hurte8 ,in whome  
ought there to bee more feare of ,,god1 
then in him1 which every daie committyng
 himself to infinite perilles1 hath     
moste neede of his helpe8 ,this         
necessitie considered wel1 bothe of them
 that gave the lawes to ,empires1 and of
 those that to the exercise of service  
wer apoincted1 made that the life of    

,souldiours1 of other menne was praised1
 and with all studie folowed and        
imitated4 ,but the orders of service of 
war1 beyng altogether corrupted1 and a  
greate waie from the auncient maners    
altered1 there hath growen these        
sinisterous opinions1 which maketh men  
to hate the warlike service1 and to flie
 the conversacion of those that dooe    
exercise it4 ,albeit ,i judgeing by the 
same1 that ,i have seen and redde1 that 
it is not a thyng impossible1 to bryng  
it again to the auncient maners1 and to 
give it some facion of the vertue       
passed1 ,i have determined to the       
entente not to passe this my idell time1
 without doyng some thyng1 to write that
 whiche ,i doe understande1 to the      
satisfaction of those1 who of aunciente 
actes1 are lovers of the science of     
warre4 ,and although it be a bold thing 
to intreate of the same matter1 wher of 
otherwise ,i have made no profession1   
notwithstanding ,i beleve it is no      
errour1 to occupie with wordes a degree1

 the whiche many with greater           
presumpcion with their deedes have      
occupied3 for as muche as the errours   
that ,i maie happen to make by writing1 
may be without harme to any man         
corrected3 but those the whiche of them 
be made in doyng cannot be knowen       
without the ruine of ,empires4          
,therefore ,laurence you ought to       
consider the qualitie of this my        
laboure1 and with your judgement to give
 it that blame1 or that praise1 as shall
 seeme unto you it hath deserved4 ,the  
whiche ,i sende unto you1 as well to    
shewe my selfe gratefull1 although my   
habilitie reche not to the benefites1   
which ,i have received of you1 as also  
for that beyng the custome to honour    
with like workes them who for nobilitie1
 riches1 wisedome1 and liberalitie doe  
shine3 ,i knowe you for riches1 and     
nobilitie1 not to have many peeres1 for 
wisedome fewe1 and for liberalitie none4
     ,,the ,,arte ,,of ,,warre  ,,the   
,,table ,,of ,,certain ,,principall     

,,thinges1 ,,contained ,,in ,,this      
,,woorke ,,of ,,machiavel  ,,in ,,the   
,,firste ,,booke   ,why a good man ought
 not to exersise warfare as his arte1   
#cc  ,deedes of armes ought to be used  
privatly in time of peace for exersise1 
and in time of warre for necessetie and 
renoume1 #cf  ,the strength of an armie 
is the footemen1 #ch  ,the ,romaines    
renued their ,legions and had men in the
 flower of their age1 #ch  ,whether men 
of armes ought to be kept1 #dj  ,what is
 requisete for the preparyng of an      
armie1 #db  ,out of what contrie        
souldiers ought to be chosen1 #dc       
,souldiers ought to bee chosen1 by      
thaucthoritie of the ,prince1 of suche  
men as be his oune subjectes1 #dd  ,the 
difference of ages1 that is to be taken 
in the chosinge of souldiours for the   
restoring of an olde power and for the  
making of a newe1 #dd  ,the weapons or  
power that is prepared1 of the naturall 
subjectes1 of a common weale bringeth   
profit and not hurte1 #dg  ,what cause  

letted the ,venetians1 that they made   
not a ,monarchi of the worlde1 #dh  ,how
 an armie maye bee prepared in the      
countrie1 where were no exersise of     
warre1 #di  ,the custome that the       
,romaines used1 in the chosyng of their 
souldiours1 #ea  ,the greater number of 
men is best1 #ec  ,whether the multitude
 of armed men ar occation of confusion  
and of dissorder1 #ee  ,how to          
prohibite1 that the ,capitaines make no 
discension1 #eg   ,,in ,,the ,,seconde  
,,booke  ,what armour the antiquetie    
used1 #fa  ,the occation of the boldenes
 of the duchemen1 #fd  ,whiche maner of 
armyng menne is better either the ,duche
 or ,romaine fasion1 #fd  ,diverse      
examples of late dayes1 #ff  ,an example
 of ,tigran1 #fi  ,whether the footemen 
or the horsemen ought to bee estemed    
moste1 #gj  ,the cause whie the         
,romaines were overcome of the          
parthians1 #ga  ,what order1 or what    
vertue maketh1 that footemen overcum    
horsemen1 #ga  ,howe the antiquitie     

exersised their men to learne them to   
handle their weapons1 #gc  ,what the    
antiquitie estemed moste happie in a    
common weale1 #ge  ,the maner1 of       
maintainyng the order1 #gg  ,what a     
legion is1 of ,grekes called a ,falange1
 and of ,frenchemen ,catterva1 #gg  ,the
 devision of a legion1 and the divers   
names of orders1 #gh  ,the order of     
batellraye1 and the manner of           
appoincting the battels1 #hb  ,how to   
order1 ,,cccc4,l4 men to doo some       
severall feate1 #hh  ,the fation of a   
battaile that the ,suisers make like a  
crosse1 #ij  ,what carriages the        
,capitaines ought to have1 and the      
number of carriages requisite to every  
band of men1 #ia  ,diverse effectes     
caused of diverse soundes1 #ic  ,whereof
 cometh the utilitie1 and the dissorder 
of the armies that are now a daies1 #ic 
,the manner of arminge men1 #ig  ,the   
number of carriages that men of armes   
and lighte horsemen ought to have1 #ih  
,,in ,,the ,,thirde ,,booke  ,the       

greatest dissorder that is used now a   
dayes in the orderinge of an armie1 #ajb
  ,how the ,romaines devided their armie
 in ,hastati1 ,principi and ,triarii1   
#ajb  ,the manner that the ,romaines    
used to order them selves agayne in the 
overthrow1 #ajc  ,the custom of the     
,greekes1 #ajc  ,a maine battaile of    
,suissers1 #ajd  ,how manie legions of  
,romaine ,citesens was in an ordinarie  
armie1 #aje  ,the manner how to pitche a
 fielde to faighte a battaile1 #ajf  ,of
 what number of faighting men an armie  
oughte to be1 #aaj  ,the description of 
a battaile that is a faighting1 #aaa    
,an exsample of ,ventidio faighting     
against the ,parthians1 #aad  ,an       
example of ,epaminondas1 #aae  ,how the 
,artillerie is unprofitable1 #aaf  ,how 
that a maine battaile of ,suissers      
cannot ocupie more then fower pikes1    
#abj  ,how the battailes when thei cum  
to be eight or ten1 maye be receyved in 
the verie same space1 that received the 
fyve1 #abc  ,the armes that the         

,standarde of all tharmie ought to have1
 #abe  ,divers examples of the          
antiquetie1 #abf   ,,in ,,the ,,fowerth 
,,booke  ,whether the fronte of the     
armie ought to bee made large1 #acb  ,to
 how many thinges respecte ought to be  
had1 in the ordringe of an armie1 #acc  
,an example of ,scipio1 #acd  ,in what  
place a ,capitain maie order his armie  
with savegarde not to be clene          
overthrowen1 #ace  ,aniball and ,scipio 
praised for the orderynge of their      
armies1 #ace  ,cartes used of the       
,asiaticans1 #acg  ,diverse examples of 
the antiquitie1 #acg  ,the prudence     
which the ,capitaine ought to use1 in   
the accidence that chaunse in           
faightinge1 #ach  ,what a ,capitaine    
ought to doo1 that is the conqueror1 or 
that is conquered1 #adj  ,a ,capitaine  
ought not to faighte the battaile1 but  
with advauntage1 excepte he be          
constrained1 #adb  ,how to avoide the   
faightinge of the fielde1 #add          
,advertismentes that the ,capitaine     

ought to have1 #adf  ,speakyng to       
souldiers helpeth muche to make them to 
be curagious and bolde1 #adf  ,whether  
all the armie ought to bee spoken unto1 
or onely to the heddes thereof1 #adg    
,,in ,,the ,,fyveth ,,booke  ,the manner
 how to leade an armie gowinge thorough 
suspected places1 or to incounter the   
enemie1 #aeb  ,an example of ,aniball1  
#aef  ,wether any thing oughte to bee   
commaunded with the voise or with the   
trompet1 #aei  ,the occations why the   
warres made now a dayes1 doo impoverish 
the conquerors as well as the conquered1
 #afb  ,credite ought not to be given to
 thinges which stand nothinge with      
reason1 #afd  ,the armie ought not to   
knowe what the ,capitaine purposeth to  
doo1 #afe  ,diverse examples1 #afg      
,,in ,,the ,,sixte ,,booke  ,the maner  
how to incampe an armie1 #age  ,how     
brode the spaces and the wayes ought to 
be within the campe1 #ahb  ,what waye   
ought to be used when it is requiset to 
incampe nere the enemie1 #ahd  ,how the 

watche and warde ought to be apoincted  
in the campe1 and what punishmente they 
ought to have that doo not their dutie1 
#ahf  ,how the ,romanies prohibited     
women to be in their armies and idell   
games to be used1 #ahh  ,how to incampe 
accordinge to the nomber of men1 and    
what nomber of menne maie suffise       
againste1 what so ever enemie that wer1 
#aia  ,how to doo to be assured1 of the 
fideletie of those that are had in      
suspition1 #aic  ,what a ,capitaine     
ought to doo beinge beseged of his      
enemies1 #aid  ,example of ,coriliano   
and others1 #aie  ,it is requiset       
chiefly for a ,capitain to kepe his     
souldiers punished and payed1 #aig  ,of 
aguries1 #aig  ,moste excellent         
advertismentes and pollicies1 #aih  ,the
 occation of the overthrowe of the      
,frenchmen at ,garigliano1 #bjb   ,,in  
,,the ,,seventh ,,booke  ,cities are    
strong1 either by nature or by          
industrie1 #bje  ,the maner of          
fortificacion1 #bje  ,bulwarkes ought   

not to be made oute of a towne distante 
from the same1 #bjg  ,example of ,genoa1
 #bjh  ,of the ,countes ,catherin1 #bjh 
,the fation of percullesies used in     
,almaine1 #baj  ,howe the battelmentes  
of walles were made at the first1 and   
how thei are made now adaies1 #baj  ,the
 provisions that is mete to bee made1   
for the defence of a towne1 #bab        
,divers pollicies1 for the beseginge and
 defendinge of a toune or fortres1 #bad 
,secrete conveing of letters1 #bai  ,the
 defence againste a breache1 #bai       
,generall rules of warre1 #bbb     ,,the
 ,,first ,,booke  ,,of ,,the ,,arte ,,of
 ,,warre ,,of  ,,nicholas ,,machiavel1  
,,citezein  ,,and ,,secretarie ,,of     
,,florence1  ,,unto  ,,laurence ,,philip
 ,,strozze  ,,one ,,of ,,the ,,nobiltie 
,,of ,,florence4     ,,the ,,first      
,,booke   ,forasmuch as ,i beleve that  
after death1 al men maie be praised     
without charge1 al occasion and suspecte
 of flatterie beyng taken awaie1 ,i shal
 not doubte to praise our ,cosimo       

,ruchellay1 whose name was never        
remembred of me without teares1 havyng  
knowen in him those condicions1 the     
whiche in a good frende or in a         
citezien1 might of his freendes1 or of  
his countrie1 be desired3 for that ,i   
doe not knowe what thyng was so muche   
his1 not excepting any thing 7saving his
 soule7 which for his frendes willingly 
of him should not have been spent3 ,i   
knowe not what enterprise should have   
made him afraide1 where the same should 
have ben knowen to have been for the    
benefite of his countrie4 ,and ,i doe   
painly confesse1 not to have mette      
emongest so many men1 as ,i have knowen1
 and practised withal1 a man1 whose     
minde was more inflamed then his1 unto  
great and magnificent thynges4 ,nor he  
lamented not with his frendes of any    
thyng at his death1 but because he was  
borne to die a yong manne within his    
owne house1 before he had gotten honour1
 and accordynge to his desire1 holpen   
any manne3 for that he knewe1 that of   

him coulde not be spoken other1 savyng  
that there should be dead a good        
freende4 ,yet it resteth not for this1  
that we1 and what so ever other that as 
we did know him1 are not able to        
testifie 7seeyng his woorkes doe not    
appere7 of his lawdable qualities4 ,true
 it is1 that fortune was not for al     
this1 so muche his enemie1 that it left 
not some brief record of the readinesse 
of his witte1 as doeth declare certaine 
of his writinges1 and settyng foorthe of
 amorous verses1 wherin 7although he    
were not in love7 yet for that he would 
not consume time in vain1 til unto      
profounder studies fortune should have  
brought him1 in his youthfull age he    
exercised himselfe4 ,whereby moste      
plainly maie be comprehended1 with how  
moche felicitie he did describe his     
conceiptes1 and how moche for ,poetrie  
he should have ben estemed1 if the same 
for the ende therof1 had of him ben     
exercised4 ,fortune having therfore     
deprived us from the use of so great a  

frende1 me thinketh there can bee founde
 no other remedie1 then as muche as is  
possible1 to seke to enjoye the memorie 
of the same1 and to repeate suche       
thynges as hath been of him either      
wittely saied1 or wisely disputed4 ,and 
for as much as there is nothyng of him  
more freshe1 then the reasonyng1 the    
whiche in his last daies ,signior       
,fabricio ,collonna1 in his orchard had 
with him1 where largely of the same     
gentilman were disputed matters of      
warre1 bothe wittely and prudently1 for 
the moste parte of ,cosimo demaunded1 ,i
 thought good1 for that ,i was present  
there with certain other of our frendes1
 to bring it to memorie1 so that reading
 the same1 the frendes of ,cosimo1      
whiche thether came1 might renewe in    
their mindes1 the remembraunce of his   
vertue3 and the other part beyng sorie  
for their absence1 might partly learne  
hereby many thynges profitable1 not     
onely to the life of ,souldiours1 but   
also to civil mennes lives1 which       

gravely of a moste wise man was         
disputed4 ,therfore ,i saie1 that       
,fabricio ,collonna retournyng out of   
,lombardie1 where longe time greatly to 
his glorie1 he had served in the warres 
the catholike kyng1 he determined1      
passyng by ,florence1 to rest himself   
certain daies in the same citee1 to     
visite the ,dukes excellencie1 and to   
see certaine gentilmen1 whiche in times 
paste he had been acquainted withal4    
,for whiche cause1 unto ,cosimo it was  
thought beste to bid him into his       
orchard1 not so muche to use his        
liberalitee1 as to have occasion to     
talke with him at leasure1 and of him to
 understande and to learne divers       
thinges1 accordyng as of suche a man    
maie bee hoped for1 semyng to have      
accasion to spende a daie in reasonyng  
of suche matters1 which to his minde    
should best satisfie him4 ,then         
,fabricio came1 accordyng to his desire1
 and was received of ,cosimo together1  
with certain of his trustie frendes1    

emongest whome wer ,zanoby              
,buondelmonti1 ,baptiste ,palla1 and    
,luigi ,allamanni1 all young men loved  
of him and of the very same studies     
moste ardente1 whose good qualities1 for
 as muche as every daie1 and at every   
houre thei dooe praise themselves1 we   
will omit4 ,fabricio was then accordyng 
to the time and place honoured1 of all  
those honours1 that thei could possible 
devise3 ,but the bankettyng pleasures   
beyng passed1 and the tabel taken up1   
and al preparacion of feastinges        
consumed1 the which are sone at an ende 
in sight of greate men1 who to honorable
 studies have their mindes set1 the daie
 beyng longe1 and the heate muche1      
,cosimo judged for to content better his
 desire1 that it wer well doen1 takyng  
occasion to avoide the heate1 to bring  
him into the moste secret1 and shadowest
 place of his garden4 ,where thei beyng 
come1 and caused to sit1 some upon      
herbes1 some in the coldest places1     
other upon litle seates which there was 

ordeined1 under the shadow of moste high
 trees1 ,fabricio praiseth the place1 to
 be delectable1 and particularly        
consideryng the trees1 and not knowyng  
some of them1 he did stande musinge in  
his minde1 whereof ,cosimo beeyng a ware
 saied1 you have not peradventure ben   
acquainted with some of these sortes of 
trees3 ,but doe not marvell at it1 for  
as muche as there bee some1 that were   
more estemed of the antiquitie1 then    
thei are commonly now a daies3 and he   
tolde him the names of them1 and how    
,barnardo his graundfather did travaile 
in suche kinde of plantyng3 ,fabricio   
replied1 ,i thought it shuld be the same
 you saie1 and this place1 and this     
studie1 made me to remember certaine    
,princes of the ,kyngdome of ,naples1   
whiche of these anncient tillage and    
shadow doe delight4 ,and staiyng upon   
this talke1 and somewhat standyng in a  
studdie1 saied moreover1 if ,i thought  
,i should not offende1 ,i woud tell my  
opinion1 but ,i beleeve ,i shall not1   

commonyng with friendes1 and to dispute 
of thynges1 and not to condemne them4   
,how much better thei should have doen  
7be it spoken without displeasure to any
 man7 to have sought to been like the   
antiquitie in thinges strong1 and       
sharpe1 not in the delicate and softe3  
and in those that thei did in the       
,sunne1 not in the shadowe3 and to take 
the true and perfecte maners of the     
antiquitie3 not those that are false and
 corrupted3 for that when these studies 
pleased my ,romaines1 my countrie fell  
into ruin4 ,unto which ,cosimo answered4
 ,but to avoide the tediousnesse to     
repeate so many times he saied1 and the 
other answered1 there shall be onely    
noted the names of those that speakes1  
without rehersing other4  ,then ,,cosimo
 saied1 you have opened the waie of a   
reasoning1 which ,i have desired1 and ,i
 praie you that you will speake withoute
 respecte1 for that that ,i without     
respecte will aske you1 and if ,i       
demaundyng1 or repliyng shall excuse1 or

 accuse any1 it shal not be to excuse1  
or accuse1 but to understande of you the
 truth4  ,,fabricio4 ,and ,i shall be   
very well contented to tell you that1   
whiche ,i understand of al the same that
 you shall aske me1 the whiche if it    
shall be true1 or no1 ,i wil report me  
to your judgemente3 and ,i will be glad 
that you aske me1 for that ,i am to     
learne1 as well of you in askyng me1 as 
you of me in aunswerynge you3 for as    
muche as many times a wise demaunder1   
maketh one to consider many thynges1 and
 to knowe many other1 whiche without    
havyng been demaunded1 he should never  
have knowen4  ,,cosimo4 ,i will retourne
 to thesame1 that you said first1 that  
my graundfather and those your ,princes1
 should have doen more wisely1 to have  
resembled the antiquitie in hard        
thinges1 then in the delicate1 and ,i   
will excuse my parte1 for that1 the     
other ,i shall leave to excuse for you4 
,i doe not beleve that in his tyme was  
any manne1 that so moche detested the   

livyng in ease1 as he did1 and that so  
moche was a lover of the same hardenesse
 of life1 whiche you praise3            
notwithstandyng he knewe not how to bee 
able in persone1 nor in those of his    
sonnes to use it1 beeyng borne in so    
corrupte a worlde1 where one that would 
digresse from the common use1 should bee
 infamed and disdained of every man3    
consideryng that if one in the hottest  
day of ,summer being naked1 should      
wallowe hymself upon the ,sande1 or in  
,winter in the moste coldest monethes   
upon the snowe1 as ,diogenes did1 he    
should be taken as a foole4 ,if one1 7as
 the ,spartans were wonte to doe7 should
 nourishe his children in a village1    
makyng them to slepe in the open aire1  
to go with hedde and feete naked1 to    
washe them selves in the colde water for
 to harden them1 to be able to abide    
moche paine1 and for to make theim to   
love lesse life1 and to feare lesse     
death1 he should be scorned1 and soner  
taken as a wilde beast1 then as a manne4

 ,if there wer seen also one1 to        
nourishe himself with peason and beanes1
 and to despise gold1 as ,fabricio      
doeth1 he should bee praised of fewe1   
and followed of none3 so that he being  
afraied of this present maner of livyng1
 he left thauncient facions1 and        
thesame1 that he could with lest        
admiracion imitate in the antiquitie1 he
 did4  ,,fabricio4 ,you have excused it 
in this parte mooste strongly3 and      
surely you saie the truthe3 but ,i did  
not speake so moche of this harde maner 
of livyng1 as of other maners more      
humaine1 and whiche have with the life  
now a daies greater conformitie4 ,the   
whiche ,i doe not beleve1 that it hath  
been difficulte to bryng to passe unto  
one1 who is nombred emongest ,princes of
 a citee3 for the provyng whereof1 ,i   
will never seke other1 then thexample of
 the ,romaines4 ,whose lives1 if thei   
wer well considred1 and thorders of     
thesame common weale1 there should      
therin be seen many thinges1 not        

impossible to induce into a cominaltie1 
so that it had in her any good thing4   
,,cosimo4 ,what thynges are those1 that 
you would induce like unto the          
antiquitie4  ,,fabricio4 ,to honour1 and
 to reward vertue1 not to despise       
povertie1 to esteme the maners and      
orders of warfare1 to constrain the     
citezeins to love one an other1 to live 
without sectes1 to esteme lesse the     
private1 than the publike1 and other    
like thinges1 that easily might bee with
 this time accompanied3 the which maners
 ar not difficult to bring to passe1    
when a man should wel consider them1 and
 entre therin by due meanes3 for asmoche
 as in thesame1 the truth so moche      
appereth1 that every common wit1 maie   
easely perceive it3 which thing1 who    
that ordeineth1 doth plant trees1 under 
the shadowe wherof1 thei abide more     
happie1 and more pleasantly1 then under 
these shadowes of this goodly gardeine4 
,,cosimo4 ,i will not speake any thyng  
againste thesame that you have saied1   

but ,i will leave it to bee judged of   
these1 whom easely can judge1 and ,i    
will tourne my communicacion to you1    
that is an accusar of theim1 the whiche 
in grave1 and greate doynges1 are not   
followers of the antiquitie1 thinkyng by
 this waie more easely to be in my      
entent satisfied4 ,therfore1 ,i would   
knowe of you whereof it groweth1 that of
 the one side you condempne those1 that 
in their doynges resemble not the       
antiquitie8 ,of the other1 in the warre1
 whiche is your art1 wherin you are     
judged excellent1 it is not seen1 that  
you have indevoured your self1 to bryng 
the same to any soche ende1 or any thyng
 at all resembled therein the auncient  
maners4  ,,fabricio4 ,you are happened  
upon the poincte1 where ,i loked3 for   
that my talke deserved no other         
question3 nor ,i desired other3 and     
albeit that ,i could save my self with  
an easie excuse1 not withstandyng for my
 more contentacion1 and yours1 seyng    
that the season beareth it1 ,i will     

enter in moche longer reasoning4 ,those 
men1 whiche will enterprise any thyng1  
ought firste with all diligence to      
prepare theim selves1 to be ready and   
apte when occasion serveth1 to          
accomplish that1 which thei have        
determined to worke3 and for that when  
the preparacions are made craftely1 thei
 are not knowen1 there cannot be accused
 any man of any negligence1 if firste it
 be not disclosed by thoccasion3 in the 
which working not1 is after seen1 either
 that there is not prepared so moche as 
suffiseth1 or that there hath not been  
of any part therof thought upon4 ,and   
for as moche as to me there is not come 
any occasion to be able1 to shewe the   
preparacions made of me1 to reduce the  
servise of warre into his auncient      
orders1 if ,i have not reduced it1 ,i   
cannot be of you1 nor of other blamed3  
,i beleve this excuse shuld suffise for 
answere to your accusement4  ,,cosimo4  
,it should suffice1 when ,i wer certain1
 that thoccasion were not come4         

,,fabricio4 ,but for that ,i know1 that 
you maie doubt whether this occasion    
hath been cum1 or no1 ,i will largely   
7when you with pacience will heare me7  
discourse what preparacions are         
necessary first to make1 what occasion  
muste growe1 what difficultie doeth let1
 that the preparacions help not1 and why
 thoccasion cannot come1 and how these  
things at ones1 which some contrary     
endes1 is most difficill1 and most easie
 to do4  ,,cosimo4 ,you cannot do bothe 
to me1 and unto these other1 a thing    
more thankfull then this4 ,and if to you
 it shall not be tedious to speake1 unto
 us it shal never be grevous to heare3  
but for asmoch as this reasonyng ought  
to be long1 ,i will with your license   
take helpe of these my frendes3 and     
thei1 and ,i praie you of one thyng1    
that is1 that you will not bee greved1  
if some tyme with some question of      
importaunce1 we interrupte you4         
,sidenote3 ,why a good man ought never  
to use the exercise of armes1 as his    

art4  ,,fabricio4 ,i am moste well      
contented1 that you ,cosimo with these  
other younge men here1 doe aske me3 for 
that ,i beleve1 that youthfulnes1 will  
make you lovers of warlike thinges1 and 
more easie to beleve thesame1 that of me
 shalbe saied4 ,these other1 by reason  
of havyng nowe their hedde white1 and   
for havyng upon their backes their      
bloude congeled1 parte of theim are     
wonte to bee enemies of warre1 parte    
uncorrectable1 as those1 whom beleve1   
that tymes1 and not the naughtie maners1
 constraine men to live thus3 so that   
safely aske you all of me1 and without  
respecte3 the whiche ,i desire1 as well1
 for that it maie be unto me a little   
ease1 as also for that ,i shall have    
pleasure1 not to leave in your mynde any
 doubt4 ,i will begin at your woordes1  
where you saied unto me1 that in the    
warre1 that is my arte1 ,i had not      
indevoured to bryng it to any aunciente 
ende3 whereupon ,i saie1 as this beyng  
an arte1 whereby men of no maner of age 

can live honestly1 it cannot bee used   
for an arte1 but of a common weale3 or  
of a kyngdome3 and the one and the other
 of these1 when thei bee well ordeined1 
will never consente to any their        
,citezeins1 or ,subjectes1 to use it for
 any arte1 nor never any good manne     
doeth exercise it for his particulare   
arte3 for as moche as good he shall     
never bee judged1 whom maketh an        
excersise thereof1 where purposing      
alwaies to gaine thereby1 it is         
requisite for hym to be ravenyng1       
deceiptfull1 violente1 and to have many 
qualities1 the whiche of necessitie     
maketh hym not good3 nor those menne    
cannot1 whiche use it for an arte1 as   
well the greate as the leaste1 bee made 
otherwise3 for that this arte doeth not 
nourishe them in peace4 ,wherfore thei  
ar constrained either to thinke that    
there is no peace1 or so moche to       
prevaile in the tyme of warre1 that in  
peace thei maie bee able to kepe them   
selves3 and neither of these two        

thoughtes happeneth in a good man3 for  
that in mindyng to bee able to finde    
himself at all tymes1 dooe growe        
robberies1 violence1 slaughters1 whiche 
soche souldiours make as well to the    
frendes1 as to the enemies3 and in      
mindyng not to have peace1 there groweth
 deceiptes1 whiche the capitaines use to
 those1 whiche hire them1 to the entent 
the warre maie continue1 and yet though 
the peace come often1 it happeneth that 
the capitaines beyng deprived of their  
stipendes1 and of their licencious      
livyng1 thei erecte an ansigne of       
adventures1 and without any pitie thei  
put to sacke a province4 ,have not you  
in memorie of your affaires1 how that   
beyng many ,souldiours in ,italie       
without wages1 bicause the warre was    
ended1 thei assembled together many     
companies1 and went taxyng the tounes1  
and sackyng the countrie1 without beyng 
able to make any remedie8 ,have you not 
red1 that the ,carthagenes souldiours1  
the first warre beyng ended which thei  

had with the ,romaines1 under ,matho1   
and ,spendio1 twoo capitaines1          
rebelliously constituted of theim1 made 
more perillous warre to the             
,carthaginens1 then thesame whiche thei 
had ended with the ,romaines8 ,in the   
time of our fathers1 ,frances ,sforza1  
to the entente to bee able to live      
honourably in the time of peace1 not    
only beguiled the ,millenars1 whose     
souldiour he was1 but he toke from them 
their libertie and became their ,prince4
 ,like unto him hath been all the other 
souldiours of ,italie whiche have used  
warfare1 for their particulare arte1 and
 albeeit thei have not through their    
malignitie becomen ,dukes of ,milein1 so
 moche the more thei deserve to bee     
blamed3 for that although thei have not 
gotten so moch as he1 thei have all 7if 
their lives wer seen7 sought to bring   
the like thynges to passe4 ,sforza      
father of ,fraunces1 constrained ,quene 
,jone1 to caste her self into the armes 
of the king of ,aragon1 havyng in a     

sodain forsaken her1 and in the middest 
of her enemies1 lefte her disarmed1     
onely to satisfie his ambicion1 either  
in taxyng her1 or in takyng from her the
 ,kyngdome4 ,braccio with the verie same
 industrie1 sought to possesse the      
kyngdome of ,naples1 and if he had not  
been overthrowen and slaine at ,aquila1 
he had brought it to passe4 ,like       
disorders growe not of other1 then of   
soche men as hath been1 that use the    
exercise of warfare1 for their proper   
arte4 ,have not you a ,proverbe1 whiche 
fortefieth my reasons1 whiche saieth1   
that warre maketh ,theves1 and peace    
hangeth theim up8 ,for as moche as      
those1 whiche knowe not how to live of  
other exercise1 and in the same finding 
not enie man to sustayne theym1 and     
havyng not so moche power1 to knowe how 
to reduce theim selves together1 to make
 an open rebellion1 they are constrayned
 of necessetie to ,robbe in the highe   
waies1 and ,justice is enforced to      
extinguishe theim4  ,,cosimo4 ,you have 

made me to esteme this arte of warfare  
almoste as nothyng1 and ,i have supposed
 it the moste excellentes1 and moste    
honourableste that hath been used3 so   
that if you declare me it not better1 ,i
 cannot remaine satisfied3 ,for that    
when it is thesame1 that you saie1 ,i   
knowe not1 whereof groweth the glorie of
 ,cesar1 of ,pompei1 of ,scipio1 of     
,marcello1 and of so many ,romaine      
,capitaines1 whiche by fame are         
celebrated as ,goddes4  ,,fabricio4 ,i  
have not yet made an ende of disputyng  
al thesame1 that ,i purposed to         
propounde3 whiche were twoo thynges1 the
 one1 that a good manne could not use   
this exercise for his arte3 the other1  
that a common weale or a kingdome well  
governed1 did never permitte1 that their
 ,subjectes or ,citezeins should use it 
for an arte4 ,aboute the firste1 ,i have
 spoken as moche as hath comen into my  
mynde3 there remaineth in me to speake  
of the seconde where ,i woll come to    
aunswere to this your laste question1   

and ,i saie that ,pompey and ,cesar1 and
 almoste all those ,capitaines1 whiche  
were at ,rome1 after the laste          
,carthagenens warre1 gotte fame as      
valiaunt men1 not as good1 and those    
whiche lived before them1 gotte glorie  
as valiaunte and good menne3 the whiche 
grewe1 for that these tooke not the     
exercise of warre for their arte3 and   
those whiche ,i named firste1 as their  
arte did use it4 ,and so longe as the   
common weale lived unspotted1 never any 
noble ,citezein would presume1 by the   
meane of soche exercise1 to availe      
thereby in peace1 breakyng the lawes1   
spoilyng the ,provinces1 usurpyng1 and  
plaiyng the ,tyraunte in the countrie1  
and in every maner prevailyng3 nor any  
of how lowe degree so ever thei were1   
would goe aboute to violate the         
,religion1 confederatyng theim selves   
with private men1 not to feare the      
,senate1 or to followe any tirannicall  
insolence1 for to bee able to live with 
the arte of warre in all tymes4 ,but    

those whiche were ,capitaines1 contented
 with triumphe1 with desire did tourne  
to their private life1 and those whiche 
were membres1 would be more willyng to  
laie awaie their weapons1 then to take  
them1 and every manne tourned to his    
science1 whereby thei gotte their       
livyng3 ,nor there was never any1 that  
would hope with praie1 and with this    
arte1 to be able to finde theim selves4 
,of this there maie be made concernyng  
,citezeins1 moste evidente conjecture1  
by the ensample of ,regolo ,attillio1   
who beyng ,capitain of the ,romaine     
armies in ,affrica1 and havyng as it wer
 overcome the ,carthegenens1 he required
 of the ,senate1 licence to retourne    
home1 to kepe his possessions1 and told 
them1 that thei were marde of his       
housbandmen4 ,whereby it is more clere  
then the ,sunne1 that if thesame manne  
had used the warre as his arte1 and by  
meanes thereof1 had purposed to have    
made it profitable unto him1 havyng in  
praie so many ,provinces1 he would not  

have asked license1 to returne to kepe  
his feldes3 for as moche as every daie  
he might otherwise1 have gotten moche   
more1 then the value of al those        
possessions3 but bicause these good men 
and soche as use not the warre for their
 arte1 will not take of thesame any     
thing then labour1 perilles1 and gloris1
 when thei are sufficiently glorious1   
thei desire to returne home1 and to live
 of their owne science4 ,concernyng     
menne of lowe degree1 and common        
souldiours1 to prove that thei kepte the
 verie same order1 it doeth appeare that
 every one willingly absented theim     
selves from soche exercise1 and when    
thei served not in the warre1 thei would
 have desired to serve1 and when thei   
did serve1 thei would have desired leave
 not to have served3 whiche is wel      
knowen through many insamples1 and      
inespecially seeyng how emonge the      
firste privileges1 whiche the ,romaine  
people gave to their ,citezeins was1    
that thei should not be constrained     

against their willes1 to serve in the   
warres4 ,therefore ,rome so long as it  
was well governed1 whiche was untill the
 commyng of ,graccus1 it had not any    
,souldiour that would take this exercise
 for an arte1 and therefore it had fewe 
naughtie1 and those few wer severely    
punished4 ,then a citee well governed1  
ought to desire1 that this studie of    
warre1 be used in tyme of peace for     
exercise1 and in the time of warre1 for 
necessitie and for glorie3 and to suffer
 onely the common weale to use it for an
 arte1 as ,rome did1 and what so ever   
,citezein1 that hath in soche exercise  
other ende1 is not good1 and what so    
ever citee is governed otherwise1 is not
 well ordeined4  ,,cosimo4 ,i remain    
contented enough and satisfied of       
thesame1 whiche hetherto you have told1 
and this conclusion pleaseth me verie   
wel whiche you have made1 and as muche  
as is loked for touching a common welth1
 ,i beleve that it is true1 but         
concerning ,kinges1 ,i can not tell     

nowe1 for that ,i woulde beleve that a  
,kinge would have about him1 whome      
particularly should take suche exercise 
for his arte4  ,,fabricio4 ,a kingdome  
well ordred ought moste of all to avoide
 the like kinde of men1 for only thei1  
are the destruction of their king1 and  
all together ministers of tiranny1 and  
alledge me not to the contrarie anie    
presente kingdome1 for that ,i woll     
denie you all those to be kingdomes well
 ordered1 bicause the kingdomes whiche  
have good orders1 give not their        
absolute ,empire unto their king1 saving
 in the armies1 for as much as in this  
place only1 a quicke deliberation is    
necessarie1 and for this cause a        
principall power ought to be made4 ,in  
the other affaires1 he ought not to doe 
any thing without councell1 and those   
are to be feared1 which councell him1   
leaste he have some aboute him which in 
time of peace desireth to have warre    
bicause they are not able without the   
same to live1 but in this1 ,i wilbe a   

little more large3 neither to seke a    
kingdome altogether good1 but like unto 
those whiche be nowe a daies where also 
of a king those ought to be feared1     
whiche take the warre for theire art1   
for that the strength of armies without 
any doubte are the foote menne3 so that 
if a king take not order in suche wise1 
that his men in time of peace may be    
content to returne home1 and to live of 
their owne trades1 it will follow of    
necessitie1 that he ruinate3 for that   
there is not found more perilous men1   
then those1 whiche make the warre as    
their arte3 bicause in such case1 a king
 is inforsed either alwaies to make     
warre1 or to paie them alwaies1 or else 
to bee in perill1 that they take not    
from him his kingdome4 ,to make warre   
alwaies1 it is not possible3 to paie    
them alwaies it can not be3 see that of 
necessitie1 he runneth in peril to lese 
the state4 ,the ,romaines 7as ,i have   
saide7 so long as they were wise and    
good1 would never permitte1 that their  

,citizeins should take this exercise for
 their arte1 although they were able to 
nurrishe them therin alwaies1 for that  
that alwaies they made warre3 but to    
avoide thesame hurte1 whiche this       
continuall exercise might doe them1     
seyng the time did not varie1 they      
changed the men1 and from time to time  
toke such order with their legions1 that
 in xv4 yeres alwaies1 they renewed     
them3 and so thei had their men in the  
floure of their age1 that is from xviij4
 to xxxiij4 yeres1 in which time the    
legges1 the handes1 and the yes answere 
the one the other1 nor thei tarried not 
till there strengthe should decaie1 and 
there naghtines increase1 as it did     
after in the corrupted times4 ,for as   
muche as ,octavian first1 and after     
,tiberius1 minding more their own proper
 power1 then the publicke profite1 began
 to unarme the ,romaine people1 to be   
able easely to commaunde them1 and to   
kepe continually those same armies on   
the frontries of the ,empire3 and       

bicause also they judged those1 not     
sufficient to kepe brideled the people  
and ,romaine ,senate1 they ordeined an  
armie called ,pretoriano1 which laie    
harde by the walles of ,rome1 and was as
 a rocke on the backe of the same       
,citie4 ,and for as much as then thei   
began frely to permitte1 that suche men 
as were apoincted in suche exercises1   
should use the service of warre for     
their arte1 streight waie the insolence 
of theim grewe1 that they became fearful
 unto the ,senate1 and hurtefull to the 
,emperour1 whereby ensued suche harme1  
that manie were slaine thorough there   
insolensie3 for that they gave1 and toke
 awaie the ,empire1 to whome they       
thought good4 ,and some while it hapned1
 that in one self time there were manie 
,emperours1 created of divers armies1 of
 whiche thinges proceded first the      
devision of the ,empire1 and at laste   
the ruine of the same4 ,therefore kinges
 ought1 if thei wil live safely1 to have
 there souldiours made of men1 who when 

it is time to make warre1 willingly for 
his love will go to the same1 and when  
the peace cometh after1 more willingly  
will returne home4 ,whiche alwaies      
wilbe1 when thei shalbe men that know   
how to live of other arte then this3 and
 so they ought to desire1 peace beyng   
come1 that there ,prince doo tourne to  
governe their people1 the gentilmen to  
the tending of there possessions1 and   
the common souldiours to their          
particular arte1 and everie one of      
these1 to make warre to have peace1 and 
not to seke to trouble the peace1 to    
have warre4  ,,cosimo4 ,truely this     
reasonyng of yours1 ,i thinke to bee    
well considered1 notwithstanding beyng  
almost contrarie to that1 whiche till   
nowe ,i have thought1 my minde as yet   
doeth not reste purged of all doubte1   
for as muche as ,i see manie ,lordes and
 gentelmen1 to finde them selves in time
 of peace1 thorough the studies of      
warre1 as your matches bee1 who have    
provision of there princes1 and of the  

cominaltie4 ,i see also1 almost al the  
gentelmen of armes1 remaine with neir   
provision1 ,i see manie souldiours lie  
in garison of ,cities and fortresses1 so
 that my thinkes1 that there is place in
 time of peace1 for everie one4         
,,fabricio4 ,i doe not beleve that you  
beleve this1 that in time of peace      
everie man may have place1 bicause1 put 
case that there coulde not be brought   
other reason1 the small number1 that all
 they make1 whiche remaine in the places
 alledged of you1 would answer you4     
,what proporcion have the souldiours1   
whiche are requiset to bee in the warre 
with those1 whiche in the peace are     
occupied8 ,for as much as the fortreses1
 and the cities that be warded in time  
of peace1 in the warre are warded muche 
more1 unto whome are joyned the         
souldiours1 whiche kepe in the fielde1  
whiche are a great number1 all whiche in
 the peace be putte awaie4 ,and         
concerning the garde of states1 whiche  
are a small number1 ,pope ,july1 and you

 have shewed to everie man1 how muche   
are to be feared those1 who will not    
learne to exercise any other art1 then  
the warre1 and you have for there       
insolence1 deprived them from your      
garde1 and have placed therin ,swisers1 
as men borne and brought up under lawes1
 and chosen of the cominaltie1 according
 to the true election3 so that saie no  
more1 that in peace is place for everie 
man4 ,concerning men at armes1 thei al  
remaining in peace with their wages1    
maketh this resolution to seme more     
difficulte3 notwithstandyng who         
considereth well all1 shall finde the   
answere easie1 bicause this manner of   
keping men of armes1 is a corrupted     
manner and not good1 the occasion is1   
for that they be men1 who make thereof  
an arte1 and of them their should grow  
every daie a thousande inconveniencies  
in the states1 where thei should be1 if 
thei were accompanied of sufficient     
company3 but beyng fewe1 and not able by
 them selves to make an armie1 they     

cannot often doe suche grevous hurtes1  
neverthelesse they have done oftentimes3
 as ,i have said of ,frances1 and of    
,sforza his father1 and of ,braccio of  
,perugia3 so that this use of keping men
 of armes1 ,i doe not alowe1 for it is a
 corrupte maner1 and it may make great  
inconveniencies4  ,,cosimo4 ,woulde you 
live without them8 or keping them1 how  
would you kepe them8  ,sidenote3 ,a     
kinge that hath about him any that are  
to much lovers of warre1 or to much     
lovers of peace shal cause him to erre4 
,,fabricio4 ,by waie of ordinaunce1 not 
like to those of the king of ,fraunce3  
for as muche as they be perilous1 and   
insolent like unto ours1 but ,i would   
kepe them like unto those of the        
auncient ,romaines1 whom created their  
chivalry of their own subjectes1 and in 
peace time1 thei sente them home unto   
their houses1 to live of their owne     
trades1 as more largely before this     
reasoning ende1 ,i shal dispute4 ,so    
that if now this part of an armie1 can  

live in such exercise1 as wel when it is
 peace1 it groweth of the corrupt order4
 ,concerning the provisions1 which are  
reserved to me1 and to other capitaines1
 ,i saie unto you1 that this likewise is
 an order moste corrupted3 for as much  
as a wise common weale1 ought not to    
give such stipendes to any1 but rather  
thei ought to use for ,capitaines in the
 warre1 their ,citezeins1 and in time of
 peace to will1 that thei returne to    
their occupations4 ,likewise also1 a    
wise king either ought not to give to   
suche1 or giving any1 the occasion ought
 to be either for rewarde of some worthy
 dede1 or else for the desire to kepe   
suche a kinde of man1 as well in peace  
as in warre4 ,and bicause you alledged  
me1 ,i will make ensample upon my self1 
and saie that ,i never used the warre as
 an arte1 for as muche as my arte1 is to
 governe my subjectes1 and to defende   
them1 and to be able to defende them1 to
 love peace1 and to know how to make    
warre1 and my kinge not so muche to     

rewarde and esteeme me1 for my knowledge
 in the warre1 as for the knowledge that
 ,i have to councel him in peace4 ,then 
a king ought not to desire to have about
 him1 any that is not of this condicion 
if he be wise1 and prudently minde to   
governe3 for that1 that if he shal have 
about him either to muche lovers of     
peace1 or to much lovers of warre1 they 
shall make him to erre4 ,i cannot in    
this my firste reasoning1 and according 
to my purpose saie more1 and when this  
suffiseth you not1 it is mete1 you seke 
of them that may satisfie you better4   
,you maie now verie well understand1 how
 difficulte it is to bringe in use the  
auncient maners in the presente warres1 
and what preparations are mete for a    
wise man to make1 and what occasions    
ought to be loked for1 to be able to    
execute it4 ,but by and by1 you shall   
know these things better1 if this       
reasoning make you not werie1 conferring
 what so ever partes of the auncient    
orders hath ben1 to the maners nowe     

presente4  ,,cosimo4 ,if we desired at  
the first to here your reason of these  
thinges1 truly thesame whiche hetherto  
you have spoken1 hath doubled our       
desire3 wherefore we thanke you for that
 we have hard1 and the rest1 we crave of
 you to here4  ,,fabricio4 ,seyng that  
it is so your pleasure1 ,i will begin to
 intreate of this matter from the       
beginning1 to the intent it maye be     
better understode1 being able by thesame
 meane1 more largely to declare it4 ,the
 ende of him that wil make warre1 is to 
be able to fight with every enemy in the
 fielde and to be able to overcum an    
armie4 ,to purpose to doe this1 it is   
convenient to ordeine an hoost4 ,to     
ordein an hoost1 their must be found    
menne1 armed1 ordered1 and as well in   
the small1 as in the great orders       
exercised1 to knowe howe to kepe araie1 
and to incampe1 so that after bringing  
them unto the enemie1 either standing or
 marching1 they maie know how to behave 
themselves valiantly4 ,in this thing    

consisteth all the industrie of the     
warre on the lande1 whiche is the most  
necessarie1 and the most honorablest1   
for he that can wel order a fielde      
against the enemie1 the other faultes   
that he should make in the affaires of  
warre1 wilbe borne with3 but he that    
lacketh this knowledge1 although that in
 other particulars he be verie good1 he 
shal never bring a warre to honor3 for  
as muche as a fielde that thou winnest1 
lesing8 img #id doeth cancell all other 
thy evill actes3 so like wise lesing it1
 all thinges well done of thee before1  
remaine vaine4 ,therfore1 beyng         
necessarie first to finde the menne1 it 
is requiset to come to the choise of    
them4 ,they whiche unto the warre have  
given rule1 will that the menne be      
chosen out of temperate countries1 to   
the intente they may have hardines1 and 
prudence1 for as muche as the hote      
countrey1 bredes prudente men and not   
hardy1 the colde1 hardy1 and not        
prudente4 ,this rule is good to be      

geven1 to one that were prince of all   
the world1 bicause it is lawfull for him
 to choose men out of those places1     
whiche he shall thinke beste4 ,but      
minding to give a rule1 that every one  
may use1 it is mete to declare1 that    
everie common weale1 and every kingdome1
 ought to choose their souldiours out of
 their owne countrie1 whether it be     
hote1 colde1 or temperate3 for that it  
is scene by olde ensamples1 how that in 
every countrie with exercise1 their is  
made good souldiours3 bicause where     
nature lacketh1 the industry supplieth1 
the which in this case is worthe more1  
then nature1 and taking them in other   
places1 you shal not have of the choise1
 for choise is as much to saie1 as the  
best of a province1 and to have power to
 chuse those that will not1 as well as  
those that wil serve4 ,wherfore1 you    
muste take your choise in those places1 
that are subjecte unto you1 for that you
 cannot take whome you liste1 in the    
countries that are not yours1 but you   

muste take suche as will goe with you4  
,,cosimo4 ,yet there maie bee of those1 
that will come1 taken and lefte1 and    
therefore1 thei maie be called chosen4  
,sidenote3 ,oute of what ,countrie is   
best to chuse ,souldiours to make a good
 election4  ,,fabuicio4 ,you saie the   
truthe in a certaine maner1 but consider
 the faultes1 whiche soche a chosen     
manne hath in himselfe1 for that also   
many times it hapneth1 that he is not a 
chosen manne4 ,for those that are not   
thy subjectes1 and whiche willyngly doe 
serve1 are not of the beste1 but rather 
of the worste of a ,province1 for as    
moche as if any be sclanderous1 idell1  
unruly1 without ,religion1 fugetive from
 the rule of their fathers1             
blasphemours1 ,dise plaiers1 in every   
condicion evill brought up1 bee those1  
whiche will serve1 whose customes cannot
 be more contrarie1 to a true and good  
servise3 ,albeit1 when there bee offered
 unto you1 so many of soche men1 as come
 to above the nomber1 that you have     

appoincted1 you maie chuse them3 but the
 matter beyng naught1 the choise is not 
possible to be good3 also1 many times it
 chaunceth1 that thei be not so many1 as
 will make up the nomber1 whereof you   
have nede1 so that beyng constrained to 
take them al1 it commeth to passe1 that 
thei cannot then bee called chosen men1 
but hired ,souldiours4 ,with this       
disorder the armies of ,italie1 are made
 now a daies1 and in other places1      
except in ,almaine1 bicause there thei  
doe not hire any by commaundemente of   
the ,prince1 but accordyng to the will  
of them1 that are disposed to serve4    
,then consider now1 what maners of those
 aunciente armies1 maie bee brought into
 an armie of men1 put together by like  
waies4  ,,cosimo4 ,what waie ought to   
bee used then8  ,,fabricio4 ,the same   
waie that ,i saied1 to chuse them of    
their owne subjectes1 and with the      
auethoritie of the ,prince4  ,,cosmo4   
,in the chosen1 shall there bee likewise
 brought in any auncient facion8        

,,fabricio4 ,you know well enough that  
ye3 when he that should commaunde theim1
 were their ,prince1 or ordinarie lorde1
 whether he were made chief1 or as a    
,citezein1 and for the same tyme        
,capitaine1 beyng a common weale1       
otherwise it is harde to make any thyng 
good4  ,,cosimo4 ,why8  ,,fabricio4 ,i  
will tell you a nane3 ,for this time ,i 
will that this suffise you1 that it     
cannot be wrought well by other waie4   
,sidenote3 ,whether it be better to take
 menne oute of townes or out of the     
countrie to serve4  ,,cosimo4 ,having   
then to make this choyse of men in their
 owne countries1 whether judge you that 
it be better to take them oute of the   
citie1 or out of the countrie8          
,,fabricio4 ,those that have written of 
such matters1 doe all agree1 that it is 
best to chuse them out of the countrie1 
being men accustomed to no ease1        
nurished in labours1 used to stonde in  
the sunne1 to flie the shadow1 knowing  
how to occupy the spade1 to make a      

diche1 to carrie a burden1 and to bee   
without any deceite1 and without        
malisiousnes4 ,but in this parte my     
opinion should be1 that beyng two sortes
 of souldiours1 on foote1 and on        
horsebacke1 that those on foote1 should 
be chosen out of the countrie1 and those
 on horseback1 oute of the ,cities4     
,sidenote3 ,of what age ,souldiours     
ought to bee chosen4  ,,cosimo4 ,of what
 age would you choose them8  ,,fabricio4
 ,i would take them1 when ,i had to make
 a newe armie1 from xvii4 to xl4 yeres3 
when it were made alredy1 and ,i had to 
restore them1 of xvii4 alwaies4         
,,cosimo4 ,i doe not understonde well   
this distinction4  ,,fabricio4 ,i shall 
tell you3 when ,i should ordaine an     
hooste to make warre1 where were no     
hooste alredy1 it should be necessarie  
to chuse all those men1 which were most 
fitte and apte for the warre1 so that   
they were of servisable age1 that ,i    
might bee able to instructe theim1 as by
 me shalbe declared3 but when ,i would  

make my choise of menne in places1 where
 a powre were alredy prepared1 for      
suppliyng of thesame1 ,i would take them
 of xvii4 yeres3 for as much as the     
other of more age be alredy chosen and  
apoincted4  ,,cosimo4 ,then woulde you  
prepare a power like to those whiche is 
in our countrie8  ,,fabricio4 ,ye truly1
 it is so that ,i would arme them1      
,captaine them1 exercise and order them 
in a maner1 whiche ,i cannot tell1 if   
you have ordred them so4  ,,cosimo4     
,then do you praise the keping of order8
  ,,fabricio4 ,wherefore would you that 
,i should dispraise it8  ,,cosimo4      
,bicause many wise menne have alwaies   
blamed it4  ,,fabricio4 ,you speake     
against all reason1 to saie that a wise 
man blameth order1 he maie bee well     
thought wise1 and be nothyng so4        
,,cosimo4 ,the naughtie profe1 which it 
hath alwaies1 maketh us to have soche   
opinion thereof4  ,,fabricio4 ,take hede
 it be not your fault1 and not the      
kepyng of order1 the whiche you shall   

knowe1 before this reasonyng be ended4  
,,cosimo4 ,you shall doe a thyng moste  
thankfull1 yet ,i will saie concernyng  
thesame1 that thei accuse it1 to the    
entente you maie the better justifie it4
 ,thei saie thus1 either it is          
unprofitable1 and we trustyng on the    
same1 shall make us to lese our state1  
or it shall be verteous1 and by thesame 
meane1 he that governeth may easely     
deprive us thereof4 ,thei alledge the   
,romaines1 who by meane of their owne   
powers1 loste their libertie4 ,thei     
alledge the ,venicians1 and the ,frenche
 king1 whiche ,venicians1 bicause thei  
will not be constrained1 to obeie one of
 their owne ,citezeins1 use the power of
 straungers3 and the ,frenche kyng hath 
disarmed his people1 to be able more    
easely to commaunde them1 but thei      
whiche like not the ordinaunces1 feare  
moche more the unprofitablenesse1 that  
thei suppose maie insue thereby1 then   
any thyng els3 the one cause whiche thei
 allege is1 bicause thei are unexperte3 

,the other1 for that thei have to serve 
par force3 for asmoche as thei saie1    
that the aged bee not so dissiplinable1 
nor apte to learne the feate of armes1  
and that by force1 is doen never any    
thyng good4  ,sidenote3 ,by what meanes 
souldiours bee made bolde and experte4  
,,fabricio4 ,all these reasons that you 
have rehearsed1 be of men1 whiche       
knoweth the thyng full little1 as ,i    
shall plainly declare4 ,and firste1     
concernyng the unprofitablenesse1 ,i    
tell you1 that there is no service used 
in any countrie more profitable1 then   
the service by the ,subjectes of thesame
 nor thesame service cannot bee         
prepared1 but in this maner3 and for    
that this nedeth not to be disputed of1 
,i will not lese moche tyme3 bicause al 
thensamples of auncient histores1 make  
for my purpose1 and for that thei       
alledge the lacke of experience1 and to 
use constraint3 ,i saie how it is true1 
that the lacke of experience1 causeth   
lacke of courage1 and constrainte1      

maketh evill contentacion3 but courage1 
and experience thei are made to gette1  
with the maner of armyng theim1         
exercisyng1 and orderyng theim1 as in   
proceadyng of this reasonyng1 you shall 
heare4 ,but concernyng constrainte1 you 
ought to understande1 that the menne1   
whiche are conducted to warfare1 by     
commaundement of their ,prince1 thei    
ought to come1 neither altogether       
forced1 nor altogether willyngly1 for as
 moche as to moche willyngnesse1 would  
make thinconveniencies1 where ,i told   
afore1 that he should not be a chosen   
manne1 and those would be fewe that     
would go3 and so to moche constraint1   
will bring forth naughtie effectes4     
,therefore1 a meane ought to be taken1  
where is not all constrainte1 nor all   
willingnesse3 but beyng drawen of a     
respecte1 that thei have towardes their 
,prince1 where thei feare more the      
displeasure of thesame1 then the        
presente paine3 and alwaies it shall    
happen to be a constrainte1 in maner    

mingled with willingnesse1 that there   
cannot growe soche evil contentacion1   
that it make evill effectes4 ,yet ,i    
saie not for all this1 that it cannot   
bee overcome1 for that full many tymes1 
were overcome the ,romaine armies1 and  
the armie of ,aniball was overcome1 so  
that it is seen1 that an armie cannot be
 ordained so sure1 that it cannot be    
overthrowen4 ,therefore1 these your wise
 men1 ought not to measure this         
unprofitablenesse1 for havyng loste     
ones1 but to beleve1 that like as thei  
lese1 so thei maie winne1 and remeadie  
the occasion of the losse3 and when thei
 shall seke this thei shall finde1 that 
it hath not been through faulte of the  
waie1 but of the order1 whiche had not  
his perfeccion and as ,i have saied1    
thei ought to provide1 not with blamyng 
the order1 but with redressing it1 the  
whiche how it ought to be doen1 you     
shall understande1 from poinct to       
poinct4 ,concernyng the doubte1 leste   
soche ordinaunces1 take not from thee   

thy state1 by meane of one1 whiche is   
made hedde therof1 ,i answere1 that the 
armure on the backes of citezeins1 or   
subjectes1 given by the disposicion of  
order and lawe1 did never harme1 but    
rather alwaies it doeth good1 and       
mainteineth the citee1 moche lenger in  
suretie1 through helpe of this armure1  
then without4 ,rome continued free      
,,cccc4 yeres1 and was armed4 ,sparta   
viii4,c4 ,many other citees have been   
disarmed1 and have remained free1 lesse 
then xl4 ,for as moche as citees have   
nede of defence1 and when thei have no  
defence of their owne1 thei hire        
straungers1 and the straunges defence1  
shall hurte moche soner the common      
weale1 then their owne3 bicause thei be 
moche easier to be corrupted1 and a     
citezein that becommeth mightie1 maie   
moche soner usurpe1 and more easely     
bryng his purpose to passe1 where the   
people bee disarmed1 that he seketh to  
oppresse3 besides this1 a citee ought to
 feare a greate deale more1 twoo enemies

 then one4 ,thesame citee that useth    
straungers power1 feareth at one instant
 the straunger1 whiche it hireth1 and   
the ,citezein3 and whether this feare   
ought to be1 remember thesame1 whiche ,i
 rehearsed a little a fore of ,frances  
,sforza4 ,that citee1 whiche useth her  
own proper power1 feareth no man1 other 
then onely her owne ,citezein4 ,but for 
all the reasons that maie bee saied1    
this shall serve me1 that never any     
ordeined any common weale1 or ,kyngdome1
 that would not thinke1 that thei theim 
selves1 that inhabite thesame1 should   
with their sweardes defende it4  ,and if
 the ,venicians had been so wise in     
this1 as in all their other orders1 thei
 should have made a new ,monarchie in   
the world1 whom so moche the more       
deserve blame1 havyng been armed of     
their first giver of lawes3 for havyng  
no dominion on the lande1 thei wer armed
 on the sea1 where thei made their warre
 vertuously1 and with weapons in their  
handes1 increased their countrie4 ,but  

when thei were driven to make warre on  
the lande1 to defende ,vicenza1 where   
thei ought to have sent one of their    
citezens1 to have fought on the lande1  
thei hired for their capitain1 the      
,marques of ,mantua3 this was thesame   
foolishe acte1 whiche cut of their      
legges1 from climyng into heaven1 and   
from enlargyng their dominion3 and if   
thei did it1 bicause thei beleved that  
as thei knewe1 how to make warre on the 
,sea1 so thei mistrusted theim selves1  
to make it on the lande1 it was a       
mistruste not wise3 for as moche as more
 easely1 a capitain of the sea1 whiche  
is used to fight with the windes1 with  
the water1 and with men1 shall become a 
,capitaine of the lande1 where he shall 
fight with men onely1 then a capitaine  
of the lande1 to become a capitain of   
the sea4 ,the ,romanies knowyng how to  
fight on the lande1 and on the sea1     
commyng to warre1 with the              
,carthaginens1 whiche were mightie on   
the sea1 hired not ,grekes1 or          

,spaniardes1 accustomed to the sea1 but 
thei committed thesame care1 to their   
,citezeins1 whiche thei sent on the     
land1 and thei overcame4 ,if thei did   
it1 for that one of their citezeins     
should not become a tiraunt1 it was a   
feare smally considered3 for that       
besides thesame reasons1 whiche to this 
purpose1 a little afore ,i have         
rehearsed1 if a ,citezein with the      
powers on the sea1 was never made a     
tiraunt in a citee standyng in the sea1 
so moche the lesse he should have been  
able to accomplishe this with the powers
 of the lande3 whereby thei ought to se 
that the weapons in the handes of their 
,citezeins1 could not make tirantes3 but
 the naughtie orders of the governement1
 whiche maketh tirannie in a citee1 and 
thei havyng good governement1 thei nede 
not to feare their owne weapons3 thei   
toke therefore an unwise waie1 the      
whiche hath been occasion1 to take from 
them moche glorie1 and moche felicitie4 
,concernyng the erroure1 whiche the kyng

 of ,fraunce committeth not kepyng      
instructed his people in the warre1 the 
whiche those your wise men alledge for  
ensample1 there is no man1 7his         
particulare passions laied a side7 that 
doeth not judge this fault1 to be in    
thesame kyngdome1 and this negligence   
onely to make hym weake4 ,but ,i have   
made to greate a digression1 and        
peradventure am come out of my purpose1 
albeit ,i have doen it to aunswere you1 
and to shewe you1 that in no countrie1  
there can bee made sure foundacion1 for 
defence in other powers but of their    
owne subjectes3 and their own power1    
cannot be prepared otherwise1 then by   
waie of an ordinaunce1 nor by other     
waie1 to induce the facion of an armie  
in any place1 nor by other meane to     
ordein an instruction of warfare4 ,if   
you have red the orders1 whiche those   
first kynges made in ,rome1 and         
inespecially ,servio ,tullo1 you shall  
finde that the orders of the ,classi is 
no other1 then an ordinaunce1 to bee    

able at a sodaine1 to bryng together an 
armie1 for defence of thesame citee4    
,but let us retourne to our choise1 ,i  
saie againe1 that havyng to renewe an   
olde order1 ,i would take them of xvii4 
havyng to make a newe armie1 ,i would   
take them of all ages1 betwene xvii4 and
 xl4 to be able to warre straight waie4 
,sidenote3 ,of what science soldiours   
ought to bee chosen4  ,,cosimo4 ,would  
you make any difference1 of what science
 you would chuse them8  ,,fabricio4 ,the
 aucthours1 which have written of the   
arte of warre1 make difference1 for that
 thei will not1 that there bee taken    
,foulers1 ,fishers1 ,cookes1 baudes1 nor
 none that use any science of           
voluptuousnesse4 ,but thei will1 that   
there bee taken ,plowmen1 ,ferrars1     
,smithes1 ,carpenters1 ,buchars1        
,hunters1 and soche like3 but ,i would  
make little difference1 through         
conjecture of the science1 concernyng   
the goodnesse of the man1               
notwithstandyng1 in as moche as to be   

able with more profite to use theim1 ,i 
would make difference1 and for this     
cause1 the countrie men1 which are used 
to till the grounde1 are more profitable
 then any other4 ,next to whom be       
,smithes1 ,carpentars1 ,ferrars1        
,masons1 wherof it is profitable to have
 enough3 for that their occupacions1    
serve well in many thynges3 beyng a     
thyng verie good to have a souldiour1 of
 whom maie be had double servise4       
,sidenote3 ,howe to chose a souldiour4  
,,cosimo4 ,wherby doe thei knowe those1 
that be1 or are not sufficient to serve4
  ,,fabricio4 ,i will speake of the     
maner of chusing a new ordinaunce1 to   
make an armie after1 for that parte of  
this matter1 doeth come also to be      
reasoned of1 in the election1 which     
should be made for the replenishing1 or 
restoring of an old ordinaunce4 ,i saie 
therfore1 that the goodnesse of one1    
whiche thou muste chuse for a           
,souldiour1 is knowen either by         
experience1 thorough meane of some of   

his worthy doynges1 or by conjecture4   
,the proofe of vertue1 cannot be founde 
in men whiche are chosen of newe1 and   
whiche never afore have ben chosen1 and 
of these are founde either fewe or none1
 in the ordinaunce that of newe is      
ordeined4 ,it is necessarie therefore1  
lackyng this experience1 to runne to the
 conjecture1 whiche is taken by the     
yeres1 by the occupacion1 and by the    
personage3 of those two first1 hath been
 reasoned1 there remaineth to speake of 
the thirde4 ,and therefore1 ,i saie how 
some have willed1 that the souldiour bee
 greate1 emongest whom was ,pirrus4     
,some other have chosen theim onely1 by 
the lustinesse of the body1 as ,cesar   
did3 whiche lustinesse of bodie and     
mynde1 is conjectured by the composicion
 of the members1 and of the grace of the
 countenaunce3 and therefore1 these that
 write saie1 that thei would have the   
iyes lively and cherefull1 the necke    
full of sinowes1 the breaste large1 the 
armes full of musculles1 the fingers    

long1 little beallie1 the flankes       
rounde1 the legges and feete drie3      
whiche partes are wont alwayes to make a
 manne nimble and strong1 whiche are    
twoo thynges1 that in a souldiour are   
sought above al other4 ,regarde ought to
 bee had above all thynges1 to his      
customes1 and that in hym bee honestie1 
and shame3 otherwise1 there shall bee   
chosen an instrumente of mischief1 and a
 beginnyng of corrupcion3 for that lette
 no manne beleve that in the dishoneste 
educacion1 and filthy minde1 there maie 
take any vertue1 whiche is in any parte 
laudable4 ,and ,i thinke it not         
superfluous1 but rather ,i beleve it to 
bee necessarie1 to the entente you maie 
the better understande1 the importaunce 
of this chosen1 to tell you the maner   
that the ,romaine ,consuls1 in the      
beginnyng of their rule1 observed in the
 chosing of their ,romain legions3 in   
the whiche choise of men1 bicause       
thesame legions were mingled with old   
souldiours and newe1 consideryng the    

continuall warre thei kepte1 thei might 
in their choise procede1 with the       
experince of the old1 and with the      
conjecture of the newe3 and this ought  
to be noted1 that these men be chosen1  
either to serve incontinently1 or to    
exercise theim incontinently1 and after 
to serve when nede should require4 ,but 
my intencion is to shew you1 how an     
armie maie be prepared in the countrie1 
where there is no warlike discipline3 in
 which countrie1 chosen men cannot be   
had1 to use them straight waie1 but     
there1 where the custome is to levie    
armies1 and by meane of the ,prince1    
thei maie then well bee had1 as the     
,romaines observed1 and as is observed  
at this daie emong the ,suisers3 bicause
 in these chosen1 though there be many  
newe menne1 there be also so many of the
 other olde ,souldiours1 accustomed to  
serve in the warlike orders1 where the  
newe mingled together with the olde1    
make a bodie united and good1           
notwithstanding1 that themperours after1

 beginning the staciones of ordinarie   
,souldiours1 had appoincted over the    
newe souldiours1 whiche were called     
tironi1 a maister to exercise theim1 as 
appeareth in the life of ,massimo the   
,emperour4 ,the whiche thyng1 while     
,rome was free1 not onely in the armies1
 but in the citee was ordeined3 and the 
exercises of warre1 beyng accustomed in 
thesame1 where the yong men did         
exercise1 there grewe1 that beyng chosen
 after to goe into warre1 thei were so  
used in the fained exercise of warfare1 
that thei could easely worke in the     
true3 but those ,emperours havyng after 
put doune these exercises1 thei wer     
constrained to use the waies1 that ,i   
have shewed you4 ,therefore1 comyng to  
the maner of the chosen ,romain1 ,i saie
 that after the ,romain ,consulles 7to  
whom was appoincted the charge of the   
warre7 had taken the rule1 myndyng to   
ordeine their armies1 for that it was   
the custome1 that either of them should 
have twoo ,legions of ,romaine menne1   

whiche was the strength of their armies1
 thei created xxiiii4 ,tribunes of      
warre1 and thei appoincted sixe for     
every ,legion1 whom did thesame office1 
whiche those doe now a daies1 that we   
call ,conestables3 thei made after to   
come together1 all the ,romain men apte 
to beare weapons and thei put the       
,tribunes of every ,legion1 seperate the
 one from the other4 ,afterwarde1 by lot
 thei drewe the ,tribes1 of whiche thei 
had firste to make the chosen1 and of   
thesame ,tribe thei chose fower of the  
best1 of whiche was chosen one of the   
,tribunes1 of the first ,legion1 and of 
the other three was chosen1 one of the  
,tribunes of the second ,legion1 of the 
other two there was chosen one of the   
,tribunes of the third1 and the same    
last fell to the fowerth ,legion4 ,after
 these iiij1 thei chose other fower1 of 
which1 first one was chosen of the      
,tribunes of the seconde ,legion1 the   
seconde of those of the thirde1 the     
thirde of those of the fowerth1 the     

fowerth remained to the first4 ,after1  
thei chose other fower1 the first chose 
the thirde1 the second the fowerth1 the 
thirde the fiveth1 the fowerth remained 
to the seconde3 and thus thei varied    
successively1 this maner of chosyng1 so 
that the election came to be equall1 and
 the ,legions wer gathered together3 and
 as afore we saied1 this choise might   
bee made to use straighte waie1 for that
 thei made them of men1 of whom a good  
parte were experiensed in the verie     
warfare in deede1 and all in the fained 
exercised1 and thei might make this     
choise by conjecture1 and by experience4
 ,but where a power must be ordeined of 
newe1 and for this to chuse them out of 
hande1 this chosen cannot be made1      
saving by conjecture1 whiche is taken by
 consideryng their ages and their       
likelinesse4  ,,cosimo4 ,i beleve all to
 be true1 as moche as of you hath been  
spoken3 but before that you procede to  
other reasonyng1 ,i woll aske of you one
 thing1 which you have made me to       

remember3 saiyng that the chosen1 that  
is to be made where men were not used to
 warre1 ought to be made by conjecture3 
for asmoche as ,i have heard some men1  
in many places dispraise our ordinaunce1
 and in especially concernyng the       
nomber1 for that many saie1 that there  
ought to bee taken lesse nomber1 whereof
 is gotten this profite1 that thei shall
 be better and better chosen1 and men   
shal not be so moche diseased1 so that  
there maie bee given them some rewarde1 
whereby thei maie bee more contented1   
and better bee commaunded1 whereof ,i   
would understande in this parte your    
opinion1 and whether you love better the
 greate nomber1 than the little1 and    
what waie you would take to chuse theim 
in the one1 and in the other nomber4    
,,fabricio4 ,without doubte it is       
better1 and more necessary1 the great   
nomber1 then the little3 but to speake  
more plainly1 where there cannot be     
ordeined a great nomber of men1 there   
cannot be ordeined a perfect ordinaunce3

 and ,i will easely confute all the     
reasons of them propounded4 ,i saie     
therefore firste1 that the lesse nomber 
where is many people1 as is for ensample
 ,tuscane1 maketh not that you have     
better1 nor that the chosen be more     
excellent1 for that myndyng in chosing  
the menne1 to judge them by experience1 
there shall be founde in thesame        
countrie moste fewe1 whom experience    
should make provable1 bothe for that    
fewe hath been in warre1 as also for    
that of those1 mooste fewe have made    
triall1 whereby thei might deserve to   
bee chosen before the other3 so that he 
whiche ought in like places to chuse1 it
 is mete he leave a parte the           
experience1 and take them by conjecture4
 ,then being brought likewise into soche
 necessitie1 ,i would understande1 if   
there come before me twentie young men  
of good stature1 with what rule ,i ought
 to take1 or to leave any3 where without
 doubte1 ,i beleve that every man will  
confesse1 how it is lesse errour to take

 them al1 to arme theim and exercise    
theim1 beyng not able to knowe1 whiche  
of theim is beste1 and to reserve to    
make after more certaine chosen1 when in
 practisyng theim with exercise1 there  
shall be knowen those of moste spirite1 
and of moste life3 which considered1 the
 chusing in this case a fewe1 to have   
them better1 is altogether naught4      
,concernyng diseasing lesse the         
countrie1 and men1 ,i saie that the     
ordinaunce1 either evill or little that 
it bee1 causeth not any disease1 for    
that this order doeth not take menne    
from any of their businesse1 it bindeth 
them not1 that thei cannot go to doe any
 of their affaires3 for that it bindeth 
them onely in the idell daies1 to       
assemble together1 to exercise them1 the
 whiche thyng doeth not hurt1 neither to
 the countrie1 nor to the men1 but      
rather to yong men it shall bryng       
delite3 ,for that where vilie on the    
holy daies thei stande idell in tipplyng
 houses1 thei will go for pleasure to   

those exercises1 for that the handlyng  
of weapons1 as it is a goodly spectacle1
 so unto yong men it is pleasaunt4      
,concernyng to bee able to paie the     
lesse nomber1 and for this to kepe theim
 more obediente1 and more contented1 ,i 
answere1 how there cannot be made an    
ordinaunce of so fewe1 whiche maie be in
 maner continually paied1 where thesame 
paiment of theirs maie satisfie them4   
,as for ensample1 if there were ordeined
 a power of v4 thousande men1 for to    
paie them after soche sorte1 that it    
might be thought sufficient1 to content 
them1 it shal bee convenient to give    
theim at least1 ten thousaunde crounes  
the moneth3 first1 this nomber of men   
are not able to make an armie1 this paie
 is intolerable to a state1 and of the  
other side1 it is not sufficiente to    
kepe men contented1 and bounde to be    
able to serve at al times3 so that in   
doyng this1 there shall be spent moche1 
and a small power kept1 whiche shall not
 be sufficient to defend thee1 or to doe

 any enterprise of thine4 ,if thou      
shouldest give theim more1 or shouldest 
take more1 so moche more impossibilitie 
it should be1 for thee to paie theim3 if
 thou shouldest give them lesse1 or     
should take lesse1 so moche the lesse   
contentacion should be in them1 or so   
moche the lesse profite thei shal bring 
thee4 ,therfore1 those that reason of   
makyng an ordinaunce1 and whilest thei  
tary at home to paie them1 thei reason  
of a thing either impossible1 or        
unprofitable1 but it is necessarie to   
paie them1 when thei are taken up to be 
led to the warre3 albeit1 though soche  
order should somewhat disease those1 in 
time of peace1 that are appoincted in   
thesame1 which ,i se not how1 there is  
for recompence all those benefites1     
whiche a power brynges1 that is ordeined
 in a countrie3 for that without        
thesame1 there is nothyng sure4 ,i      
conclude1 that he that will have the    
little nomber1 to be able to paie them1 
or for any of the other causes alledged 

of you1 doeth not understande1 for that 
also it maketh for my opinion1 that     
every nomber shall deminishe in thy     
handes1 through infinite impedimentes1  
whiche men have3 so that the little     
nomber shall tourne to nothing3 again   
havyng thordinaunce greate1 thou maiest 
at thy pleasure use fewe of many1       
besides this1 it must serve thee in     
deede1 and in reputacion and alwaies the
 great nomber shall give thee moste     
reputacion4 ,more over1 makyng the      
ordinaunce to kepe menne exercised1 if  
thou appoincte a fewe nomber of men in  
many countries1 the handes of men bee so
 farre a sonder1 the one from the other1
 that thou canst not without their moste
 grevous losse1 gather them together to 
exercise them1 and without this         
exercise1 the ordinaunce is             
unprofitable1 as hereafter shall be     
declared4  ,,cosimo4 ,it suffiseth upon 
this my demaunde1 that whiche you have  
saied3 but ,i desire now1 that you      
declare me an other doubt4 ,thei saie1  

that soche a multitude of armed men1    
will make confusion1 discension and     
disorder in the countrie where thei are4
  ,sidenote3 ,how to provid againste    
soche inconveniences as souldiours maie 
cause4  ,,fabricio4 ,this is an other   
vaine opinion1 the cause wherof1 ,i     
shall tell you3 soche as are ordeined to
 serve in the warres1 maie cause        
disorder in twoo maners1 either betwene 
them selves1 or against other1 whiche   
thinges moste easely maie be withstode1 
where the order of it self1 should not  
withstande it3 for that concernyng the  
discorde emong theim selves1 this order 
taketh it waie1 and doeth not nourishe  
it1 for that in orderyng them1 you give 
them armour and capitaines4 ,if the     
countrie where you ordein them1 bee so  
unapte for the warre1 that there are not
 armours emong the men of thesame1 and  
that thei bee so united1 that thei have 
no heddes1 this order maketh theim moche
 fearser against the straunger1 but it  
maketh them not any thyng the more      

disunited1 for that men well ordered1   
feare the lawe beyng armed1 as well as  
unarmed1 nor thei can never alter1 if   
the capitaines1 which you give them1    
cause not the alteracion1 and the waie  
to make this1 shall be tolde now3 but if
 the countrie where you ordein them1 be 
warlike and disunited1 this order onely 
shal be occasion to unite them3 bicause 
this order giveth them armours          
profitable for the warre1 and heddes1   
extinguishers of discencion3 where their
 owne armours bee unprofitable for the  
warres1 and their heddes nourishers of  
discorde4 ,for that so sone as any in   
thesame countrie is offended1 he        
resorteth by and by to his capitain to  
make complaint1 who for to maintain his 
reputacion1 comforteth hym to           
revengement not to peace4 ,to the       
contrary doeth the publike hed1 so that 
by this meanes1 thoccasion of discorde  
is taken awaie1 and the occasion of     
union is prepared1 and the provinces    
united and effeminated1 gette utilitie1 

and maintain union3 the disunited and   
discencious1 doe agree1 and thesame     
their fearsnesse1 which is wont         
disordinately to worke1 is tourned into 
publike utilitie4 ,to minde to have     
them1 to doe no hurt against other1 it  
ought to bee considered1 that thei      
cannot dooe this1 except by meane of the
 heddes1 whiche governe them4 ,to will  
that the heddes make no disorder1 it is 
necessarie to have care1 that thei get  
not over them to much auctoritie4 ,and  
you must consider that this auctoritie1 
is gotten either by nature1 or by       
accidente3 and as to nature1 it behoveth
 to provide1 that he which is boren in  
one place1 be not apoincted to the men  
billed in the same1 but be made hedde of
 those places1 where he hath not any    
naturall aquaintance3 and as to the     
accident1 the thing ought to be ordeined
 in suche maner1 that every yere the    
heddes maie be changed from governement 
to goverment3 for as muche as the       
continuall auctoritie over one sorte of 

menne1 breedeth among them so muche     
union1 that it maie turne easely to the 
prejudice of the ,prince3 whiche        
permutations howe profitable they be to 
those who have used theim1 and hurtefull
 to them that have not observed theim1  
it is well knowen by the kingdome of the
 ,assirians1 and by the ,empire of the  
,romaines3 where is seene1 that the same
 kingdome indured a ,m4 yeres without   
tumulte1 and without any ,civill warre3 
whiche preceded not of other1 then of   
the permutations1 whiche from place to  
place everie yere thesame ,capitaines   
made1 unto whome were apoincted the     
charge of the ,armies4 ,nor for any     
other occasion in the ,romaine ,empire1 
after the bloud of ,cesar was           
extinguished1 there grewe so many civill
 warres1 betwene the ,capitaines of the 
hostes1 and so many conspiracies of the 
forsaied capitaines against the         
,emperours1 not onely kepyng continually
 still those capitaines alwayes in one  
governement4 ,and if in some of those   

firste ,emperoures1 of those after1 whom
 helde the ,empire with reputacion1 as  
,adriane1 ,marcus1 ,severus1 and soche  
like1 there had been so moche foresight1
 that thei had brought this custome of  
chaungyng the capitaines in thesame     
,empire1 without doubte it should have  
made theim more quiete1 and more        
durable3 ,for that the ,capitaines      
should have had lesse occasion to make  
tumultes1 the ,emperours lesse cause to 
feare1 and the senate in the lackes of  
the successions1 should have had in the 
election of the ,emperour1 more         
aucthoritie1 and by consequence should  
have been better3 but the naughtie      
custome1 either for ignoraunce1 or      
through the little diligence of menne1  
neither for the wicked1 nor good        
ensamples1 can be taken awaie4          
,,cosimo4 ,i cannot tell1 if with my    
questionyng1 ,i have as it were led you 
out of your order1 bicause from the     
chusyng of men1 we be entred into an    
other matter1 and if ,i had not been a  

little before excused1 ,i should thinke 
to deserve some reprehension4           
,sidenote3 ,the nomber of horsemen1 that
 the ,romanies chose for a ,legion1 and 
for a ,consailes armie4  ,,fabricio4    
,let not this disquiete you1 for that   
all this reasonyng was necessary1       
myndyng to reason of the ordinaunce1 the
 which beyng blamed of many1 it was     
requsite to excuse it1 willyng to have  
this first parte of chusyng men to be   
alowed4 ,but now before ,i discend to   
the other partes1 ,i will reason of the 
choise of men on horsebacke4 ,of the    
antiquitie1 these were made of the moste
 richeste1 havyng regard bothe to the   
yeres1 and to the qualitie of the man1  
and thei chose ,,ccc4 for a ,legion1 so 
that the ,romain horse1 in every        
,consulles armie1 passed not the nomber 
of vi4 ,c4  ,,cosimo4 ,would you make an
 ordinaunce of hors1 to exercise them at
 home1 and to use their service when    
nede requires8  ,sidenote3 ,the choosing
 and ordering of horsemen1 that is to be

 observed at this present4  ,,fabricio4 
,it is most necessary1 and it cannot be 
doen otherwise1 minding to have the     
power1 that it be the owne proper1 and  
not to purpose to take of those1 which  
make thereof an art4  ,,cosimo4 ,how    
would you choose them8  ,,fabricio4 ,i  
would imitate the ,romans1 ,i would take
 of the richest1 ,i would give them     
heads or chief ,captains1 in the same   
manner1 as nowadays to other is given1  
and ,i would arm them and exercise them4
  ,,cosimo4 ,to these should it be well 
to give some provision8  ,,fabricio4    
,yea marie1 but so much only as is      
necessary to keep the horse1 for as much
 as bringing to thy subjects expenses1  
they might justly complain of thee1     
therefore it should be necessary1 to pay
 them their charges of their horse4     
,,cosimo4 ,what number would you make8  
and how would you arme them8            
,,fabricio4 ,you pass into another      
matter4 ,i will tell you in convenient  
place1 which shall be when ,i have told 

you1 how footmen ought to be armed1 and 
how a power of men is prepared1 for a   
day of battle4     ,,the ,,second       
,,booke   ,sidenote3 ,howe the ,romaines
 armed their souldiers and what weapons 
thei used4  ,i beleeve that it is       
necessarye1 men being founde1 to arme   
them1 and minding to doo this1 ,i       
suppose that it is a needefull thing to 
examine1 what armoure the antiquitie    
used1 and of the same to chose the best4
 ,the ,romanes devided their foote men  
in heavie and lighte armed3 ,those that 
were light armed1 they called by the    
name of ,veliti3 ,under this name were  
understoode all those that threwe with  
,slinges1 shot with ,crossebowes1 cast  
,dartes1 and they used the most parte of
 them for their defence1 to weare on    
their heade a ,murion1 with a ,targaet  
on their arme3 they fought out of the   
orders1 and farre of from the heavie    
armed1 which did weare a head peece1    
that came downe to their shoulders1 a   
,corselet1 which with the tases came    

downe to the knees1 and they had the    
legges and armes1 covered with greaves1 
and vambraces1 with a targaet on the    
left arme1 a yarde and a halfe long1 and
 three quarters of a yarde brode1 whiche
 had a hoope of ,iron upon it1 to bee   
able to sustaine a blowe1 and an other  
under1 to the intente1 that it being    
driven to the earth1 it should not      
breake3 for to offende1 they had girte  
on their left flanke a swoorde1 the     
length of a yearde and a naile1 on their
 righte side1 a ,dagger3 they had a     
darte in every one of their handes1 the 
which they called ,pilo1 and in the     
beginning of the fight1 they threwe     
those at the enemie4 ,this was the      
ordering1 and importaunce of the armours
 of the ,romanes1 by the which they     
possessed all the world4 ,and although  
some of these ancient writers gave them1
 besides the foresayde weapons1 a staffe
 in their hande like unto a ,partasen1  
,i cannot tell howe a heavy staff1 may  
of him that holdeth a ,targaet be       

occupied3 for that to handle it with    
both hands1 the ,targaet should bee an  
impediment1 and to occupye the same with
 one hande1 there can be done no good   
therewith1 by reason of the weightynesse
 thereof3 besides this1 to faight in the
 strong1 and in the orders with such    
long kinde of weapon1 it is             
unprofitable1 except in the first front1
 where they have space enough1 to thrust
 out all the staffe1 which in the orders
 within1 cannot be done1 for that the   
nature of the battaile 7as in the order 
of the same1 ,i shall tell you7 is      
continually to throng together1 which   
although it be an inconvenience1 yet in 
so doing they fear lesse1 then to stande
 wide1 where the perill is most evident1
 so that all the weapons1 which passe in
 length a yarde and a halfe1 in the     
throng1 be unprofitable3 for that1 if a 
man have the ,partasen1 and will occupye
 it with both handes1 put case that the 
,targaet let him not1 he can not hurte  
with the same an enemy1 whom is upon    

him1 if he take it with one hande1 to   
the intent to occupy also the ,targaet1 
being not able to take it1 but in the   
middest1 there remayneth so much of the 
staff behind1 that those which are      
behinde him1 shall let him to welde it4 
,and whether it were true1 either that  
the ,romans had not this ,partasen1 or  
that having it1 did little good withal1 
read all the battailes1 in the historye 
thereof1 celebrated of ,titus ,livius1  
and you shall see in the same1 most     
seldom times made mencion of ,partasens1
 but rather alwaies he saieth1 that the 
,dartes being thrown1 they laid their   
hands on their sweardes4 ,therefore ,i  
will leave this staffe1 and observe1    
concerning the ,romanes1 the swoorde for
 to hurte1 and for defense the ,targaet1
 with the other armours aforesaide4     
,sidenote3 ,a brave and a terrible thing
 to the enemies4  ,the ,greekes did not 
arme them selves so heavyly1 for their  
defense1 as the ,romans dyd3 but for to 
offend the enemies1 they grounded more  

on their staves1 then on their swoordes1
 and in especiallye the ,fallangye of   
,macedonia1 which used staves1 that they
 called ,sarisse1 seven yardes and a    
halfe long1 with the which they opened  
the rankes of their enemies1 and they   
keept the orders in their ,fallangy4    
,and although some writers saie1 that   
they had also the ,targaet1 ,i can not  
tell 7by the reasons aforesayde7 howe   
the ,sarisse and they coulde stande     
together4 ,besides this1 in the battaile
 that ,paulus ,emilius made1 with ,persa
 king of ,macedonia1 ,i do not remember1
 that there is made any mention of      
,targaettes1 but only of the ,sarisse1  
and of the difficultie that the ,romane 
armie had1 to overcome them3 so that ,i 
conjecture1 that a ,macedonicall        
,fallange1 was no other wise1 then is   
now a dayes a battaile of ,suizzers1 the
 whiche in their ,pikes have all their  
force1 and all their power4 ,the        
,romanes did garnish 7besides the       
armours7 the footemen with feathers2 the

 whiche thinges makes the fight of an   
armie to the friendes goodly1 to the    
enemies terrible4 ,the armour of the    
horsemen1 in the same first ,romane     
antiquitie1 was a rounde ,targaet1 and  
they had their head armed1 and the rest 
unarmed3 ,they had a swoorde and a      
staffe1 with an ,iron head onely before1
 long and small3 whereby it happened1   
that they were not able to staye the    
,targaet1 and the staffe in the         
incountring broke1 and they through     
being unarmed1 were subjecte to hurtes3 
after1 in processe of time1 they armed  
them as the footemen1 albeit they used  
the ,targaette muche shorter1 square1   
and the staffe more stiffe1 and with    
twoo heades1 to the entente1 that       
breaking one of the heades1 they mighte 
prevaile with the other4 ,with these    
armours as well on foote1 as on         
horsebacke1 the ,romanes conquered all  
the worlde1 and it is to be beleeved1 by
 the fruiet thereof1 whiche is seene1   
that they were the beste appointed      

armies1 that ever were3 and ,titus      
,livius in his history1 doeth testifie  
verye often1 where comming to comparison
 with the enemies armies1 he saieth3    
,but the ,romanes1 by vertue1 by the    
kinde of their armours1 and piactise in 
the service of warre1 were superiours3  
and therfore ,i have more particularly  
reasoned of the armours of conquerours1 
then of the conquered4 ,but nowe mee    
thikes good1 to reason onelye of the    
manner of arming men at this presente4  
,footemen have for their defence1 a     
breast plate1 and for to offende1 a     
launce1 sixe yardes and three quarters  
long1 which is called a pike1 with a    
swoorde on their side1 rather rounde at 
the poinct1 then sharpe4 ,this is the   
ordinarie arming of footemen nowe a     
dayes1 for that fewe there be1 which    
have their legges armed1 and their      
armes1 the heade none1 and those fewe1  
beare insteede of a ,pike1 a ,halberde1 
the staffe whereof as you know1 is twoo 
yardes and a quarter long1 and it hath  

the ,iron made like an axe4 ,betweene   
them1 they have ,harkebutters1 the which
 with the violence of the fire1 do the  
same office1 which in olde time the     
slingers did1 and the                   
,crosseboweshoters4 ,this maner of      
arming1 was found out by the ,dutchemen1
 inespeciallye of ,suizzers1 whom being 
poore1 and desirous to live free1 they  
were1 and be constrayned to fight1 with 
the ambition of the ,princes of         
,almaine1 who being riche1 were able to 
keepe horse1 the which the same people  
could not do for povertye4 ,wherby it   
grewe1 that being on foote1 minding to  
defende them selves from the enemies1   
that were on horsebacke1 it behooveth   
them to seeke of the aunciente orders1  
and to finde weapons1 whiche from the   
furie of horses1 should defende them3   
,this necessitie hath made either to be 
maintayned1 or to bee founde of them the
 aunciente orders1 without whiche1 as   
everye prudente man affirmeth1 the      
footemen is altogether unprofitable4    

,therefore1 they tooke for their weapon 
the ,pike1 a moste profitable weapon1   
not only to withstande horses1 but to   
overcome them3 and the ,dutchemen have  
by vertue of these weapons1 and of these
 orders1 taken such boldnesse1 that     
,,xv4 or ,,xx4 thousande of them1 will  
assault the greatest nomber of horse    
that maye be3 and of this1 there hath   
beene experience enough within this     
,,xxv4 yeres4 ,and the insamples of     
their vertue hath bene so mightie1      
grounded upon these weapons1 and these  
orders1 that sence ,king ,charles passed
 into ,italie1 everye nation hath       
imitated them3 so that the ,spanish     
armies1 are become into most great      
reputation4  ,,cosimo4 ,which maner of  
arming1 do you praise moste1 either     
these ,dutchemens1 or the auncient      
,romanes8  ,sidenote3 ,whether the      
,romanes maner in arming of men1 be     
better then the arming of men1 that is  
used nowe a daies4  ,,fabricio4 ,the    
,romane without doubte1 and ,i will tell

 the commoditie1 and the discommoditie  
of the one1 and the other4 ,the ,dutche 
footemen1 are able to withstande1 and   
overcome the horses3 they bee moste     
speedie to marche1 and to be set in     
araye1 being not laden with armours3 of 
the other part1 they be subjecte to all 
blowes1 both farre of1 and at hande3    
because they be unarmed1 they bee       
unprofitable unto the battaile on the   
lande1 and to everye fighte1 where is   
strong resistaunce4 ,but the ,romanes   
withstoode1 and overcame the horses1 as 
well as the ,dutchemen1 they were safe  
from blowes at hande1 and farre of1     
being covered with armours3 they were   
also better able to charge1 and better  
able to sustaine charges1 having        
,targaettes3 they might more aptly in   
the preace fight with the swoorde1 then 
these with the ,pike1 and though the    
,dutchemen have likewise swoordes1 yet  
being without ,targaets1 they become in 
suche case unprofitable3 ,the ,romanes  
might safelye assault townes1 having    

their bodies cleane covered with armour1
 and being better able to cover         
themselves with their ,targaettes4 ,so  
that they had no other incommoditie1    
then the waightynesse of their armours1 
and the pain to cary them3 the whiche   
thinges thei overcame1 with accustomyng 
the body to diseases1 and with hardenyng
 it1 to bee able to indure labour4 ,and 
you knowe1 how that in thinges          
accustomed1 men suffer no grief4 ,and   
you have to understand this1 that the   
footemen maie be constrained1 to faight 
with footemen1 and with horse1 and      
alwaies those be unprofitable1 whiche   
cannot either sustain the horses1 or    
beyng able to sustain them1 have        
notwithstandyng neede to feare the      
footemen1 whiche be better armed1 and   
better ordeined then thei4 ,now if you  
consider the ,duchemen1 and the         
,romaines1 you shall finde in the       
,duchemen activitie 7as we have said7 to
 overcome the horses1 but greate        
dissavauntage1 when thei faighte with   

menne1 ordeined as thei them selves are1
 and armed as the ,romaines were3 so    
that there shall be this advauntage more
 of the one1 then of thother1 that the  
,romaines could overcome the men1 and   
the horses1 the ,duchemen onely the     
horses4  ,,cosimo4 ,i would desire1 that
 you would come to some more particulare
 insample1 whereby wee maie better      
understande4  ,sidenote3 ,an ensample   
whiche proveth that horsemen with       
staves1 cannot prevaile against footemen
 with ,pikes1 and what great advauntage 
the armed have1 againste the unarmed4   
,the victory of ,carminvola against the 
,duchemen4  ,,fabricio4 ,i saie thus1   
that you shall finde in many places of  
our histories1 the ,romain footemen to  
have overcome innumerable horses1 and   
you shall never finde1 that thei have   
been overcome of men on foote1 for      
default that thei have had in their     
armour1 or thorowe the vantage that the 
enemie hath had in the armours3 ,for    
that if the maner of their armyng1      

should have had defaulte1 it had been   
necessarie1 that there should folowe1   
the one of these twoo thynges1 either   
that findyng soche1 as should arme theim
 better then thei1 thei should not have 
gone still forwardes1 with their        
conquestes1 or that thei should have    
taken the straungers maners1 and should 
have left their owne1 and for that it   
folowed not in the one thing1 nor in the
 other1 there groweth that ther maie be 
easely conjectured1 that the maner of   
their armyng1 was better then thesame of
 any other4 ,it is not yet thus happened
 to the ,duchemen1 for that naughtie    
profe1 hath ben seen made them1 when    
soever thei have chaunsed to faight with
 men on foote prepared1 and as obstinate
 as thei1 the whiche is growen of the   
vauntage1 whiche thesame have incountred
 in thenemies armours4 ,philip          
,vicecounte of ,milaine1 being assaulted
 of xviii4 thousande ,suizzers1 sent    
against theim the ,counte ,carminvola1  
whiche then was his capitaine4 ,he with 

sixe thousande horse1 and a fewe        
footemen1 went to mete with them1 and   
incounteryng theim1 he was repulsed with
 his moste greate losse3 wherby         
,carminvola as a prudente man1 knewe    
straight waie the puisaunce of the      
enemies weapons1 and how moche against  
the horses thei prevailed1 and the      
debilitie of the horses1 againste those 
on foote so appoincted3 and gatheryng   
his men together again1 he went to finde
 the ,suizzers1 and so sone as he was   
nere them1 he made his men of armes1 to 
a light from their horse1 and in thesame
 mane1 faightyng with them he slue theim
 all1 excepte three thousande3 the      
whiche seyng them selves to consume1    
without havyng reamedy1 castyng their   
weapons to the grounde1 yelded4         
,,cosimo4 ,whereof cometh so moche      
disavauntage8  ,sidenote3 ,the battailes
 when thei are a faightyng1 doe throng  
together4  ,,fabricio4 ,i have a little 
afore tolde you1 but seyng that you have
 not understoode it1 ,i will rehearse it

 againe4 ,the ,duchemen 7as a little    
before ,i saied unto you7 as it were    
unarmed1 to defende themselves1 have to 
offende1 the ,pike and the swearde3 thei
 come with these weapons1 and with their
 orders to finde the enemies1 whom if   
thei bee well armed1 to defende theim   
selves1 as were the menne of armes of   
,carminvola1 whiche made theim a lighte 
on foote1 thei come with the sweard1 and
 in their orders to find them1 and have 
no other difficultie1 then to come nere 
to the ,suizzers1 so that thei maie     
reche them with the sweard1 for that so 
sone as thei have gotten unto them1 thei
 faight safely3 for asmoche as the ,duch
 man cannot strike thenemie with the    
,pike1 whom is upon him1 for the length 
of the staffe1 wherefore it is          
conveniente for hym1 to put the hande to
 the sweard1 the whiche to hym is       
unprofitable1 he beyng unarmed1 and     
havyng against hym an enemie1 that is   
all armed4 ,whereby he that considereth 
the vantage1 and the disavantage of the 

one1 and of the other1 shall see1 how   
the unarmed1 shall have no maner of     
remeady1 and the overcommyng of the     
firste faight1 and to passe the firste  
poinctes of the ,pikes1 is not moche    
difficulte1 he that faighteth beyng well
 armed3 for that the battailes go 7as   
you shall better understande1 when ,i   
have shewed you1 how thei are set       
together7 and incounteryng the one the  
other1 of necessitie thei thrust        
together1 after soche sorte1 that thei  
take the one thother by the bosome1 and 
though by the ,pikes some bee slaine1 or
 overthrowen1 those that remain on their
 feete1 be so many1 that thei suffice to
 obtaine the victorie4 ,hereof it grewe1
 that ,carminvola overcame them1 with so
 greate slaughter of the ,suizzers1 and 
with little losse of his4  ,,cosimo4    
,consider that those of ,carminvola1    
were men of armes1 whom although thei   
wer on foote1 thei were covered all with
 stele1 and therefore thei wer able to  
make the profe thei did3 so that me     

thinkes1 that a power ought to be armed 
as thei1 mindyng to make the verie same 
profe4  ,,fabricio4 ,if you should      
remember1 how ,i tolde you the ,romaines
 were armed1 you would not thynke so3   
for as moche as a manne1 that hath the  
hedde covered with ,iron1 the breaste   
defended of a ,corselet1 and of a       
,targaet1 the armes and the legges      
armed1 is moche more apt to defende     
hymself from the ,pike1 and to enter    
emong them1 then a man of armes on      
foote4 ,i wil give you a little of a    
late ensample4 ,there wer come out of   
,cicelie1 into the kyngdome of ,naples1 
a power of ,spaniardes1 for to go to    
finde ,consalvo1 who was besieged in    
,barlet1 of the ,frenchemen3 there made 
against theim ,mounsier de ,vhigni1 with
 his menne of armes1 and with aboute    
fower thousande ,duchemen on foote3 ,the
 ,duchemen incountered with their ,pikes
 lowe1 and thei opened the power of the 
,spaniardes3 but those beyng holp1 by   
meane of their bucklers and of the      

agiletie of their bodies1 mingled       
togethers with the ,duchemen1 so that   
thei might reche them with the swearde1 
whereby happened the death1 almoste of  
all theim1 and the victorie to the      
,spaniardes4 ,every man knoweth1 how    
many ,duchemen were slaine in the       
battaile of ,ravenna1 the whiche        
happened by the verie same occasion3 for
 that the ,spanishe souldiours1 got them
 within a swerdes length of the ,duche  
souldiours1 and thei had destroied them 
all1 if of the ,frenche horsemen1 the   
,duchemen on foote1 had not been        
succored3 notwithstandyng1 the          
,spaniardes close together1 brought     
themselves into a safe place4 ,i        
conclude therefore1 that a good power   
ought not onely to be able1 to          
withstande the horses1 but also not to  
have fear of menne on foote1 the which  
7as ,i have many tymes saied7 procedeth 
of the armours1 and of the order4       
,sidenote3 ,how to arme men1 and what   
weapons to appoincte theim1 after the   

,romaine maner1 and ,duche facion4      
,,cosimo4 ,tell therefore1 how you would
 arme them8  ,,fabricio4 ,i would take  
of the ,romaine armours1 and of the     
,duchemennes weapons1 and ,i would that 
the one haulfe1 should bee appoincted   
like the ,romaines1 and the other haulfe
 like the ,duchemen3 for that if in sixe
 thousande footemen 7as ,i shall tell   
you a little hereafter7 ,i should have  
thre thousande men with ,targaettes1    
after the ,romain maner1 and two        
thousande ,pikes1 and a thousand        
,harkebutters1 after the ,duche facion1 
thei should sufice me3 for that ,i would
 place the ,pikes1 either in the fronte 
of the battaile1 or where ,i should     
feare moste the horses1 and those with  
the ,targaetes and sweardes1 shall serve
 me to make a backe to the ,pikes1 and  
to winne the battaile1 as ,i shall shewe
 you3 so that ,i beleeve1 that a power  
thus ordayned1 should overcome at this  
daye1 any other power4  ,,cosimo4 ,this 
which hath beene saide1 sufficeth       

concerning footemen1 but concerning     
horsemen1 wee desire to understand which
 you thinke more stronger armed1 either 
ours1 or the antiquitie4  ,sidenote3    
,the victorie of ,lucullo1 against      
,tiarane king of ,armenia2 ,for what    
pupose horsemen be most requisite4      
,,fabricio4 ,i beleeve that in these    
daies1 having respect to the ,saddelles 
bolstered1 and to the stiroppes not used
 of the antiquitie1 they stande more    
stronglye on horsebacke1 then in the    
olde time3 ,i thinke also they arme them
 more sure3 so that at this daye1 a     
bande of men of armes1 paysing very     
muche1 commeth to be with more          
difficultie withstoode1 then were the   
horsemen of old time3 notwithstanding   
for all this1 ,i judge1 that there ought
 not to be made more accompt of horses1 
then in olde time was made1 for that 7as
 afore is sayde7 manye times in our     
dayes1 they have with the footemen      
receyved shame and shall receyve        
alwayes1 where they incounter1 with a   

power of footemen armed1 and ordered1 as
 above hath bene declared4 ,tigrane king
 of ,armenia1 had againste the armie of 
the ,romanes1 wherof was ,capitayne     
,lucullo1 ,,cl4 thousande horsemen1     
amongest the whiche1 were many armed1   
like unto our men of armes1 which they  
called ,catafratti1 and of the other    
parte1 the ,romanes were about sixe     
thousande1 with xxv4 thousand footemen3 
so that ,tigrane seeing the armie of the
 enemies1 saide3 these be horses enough 
for an imbassage3 notwithstanding1      
incountering together1 he was           
overthrowen3 and he that writeth of the 
same fighte1 disprayseth those          
,catafratti1 declaring them to be       
unprofitable2 for that hee sayeth1      
because they had their faces covered1   
they had muche a doe to see1 and to     
offende the enemie1 and they falling1   
being laden with armour coulde not rise 
up again1 nor welde themselves in any   
maner to prevaile4 ,i say therefore1    
that those people or kingdomes1 whiche  

shall esteeme more the power of horses1 
then the power of footemen be alwaies   
weake1 and subjecte to all ruine1 as by 
,italie hath been seene in our time1 the
 whiche hath beene taken1 ruinated1 and 
over run with straungers1 through not   
other fault1 then for having taken litle
 care1 of the service on foote1 and     
being brought the souldiours therof1 all
 on horsebacke4 ,yet there ought to bee 
had horses1 but for seconde1 and not for
 firste foundaion of an armie3 for that 
to make a discovery1 to over run and to 
destroy the enemies countrie1 and to    
keepe troubled and disquieted1 the armie
 of the same1 and in their armours      
alwayes1 to let them of their victuals1 
they are necessary1 and most profitable3
 but concerning for the daye of         
battaile1 and for the fighte in the     
fielde1 whiche is the importaunce of the
 warre1 and the ende1 for which the     
armies are ordeined1 they are more      
meeter to follow the enemie being       
discomfited then to do any other thing  

which in the same is to be done1 and    
they bee in comparison1 to the footemen 
much inferiour4  ,,cosimo4 ,there is    
happened unto mee twoo doubtes1 the one1
 where ,i knowe1 that the ,parthians dyd
 not use in the warre1 other then       
horses1 and yet they devided the worlde 
with the ,romanes3 the other is1 that ,i
 woulde that you should shewe1 howe the 
horsemen can be withstoode of footemen1 
and wherof groweth the strength of      
these1 and the debilitie of those8      
,sidenote3 ,the reason why footmen are  
able to overcome horsemen2 ,how footmen 
maie save them selves from horsemen2    
,the exercise of ,souldiours1 ought to  
be devided into thre partes2 ,what      
exercises the auncient common weales    
used to exercise their youth in1 and    
what commoditie insued thereby2 ,how the
 antiquitie1 learned their yong         
soldiours1 to handell their weapons2    
,what thantiquitie estemed moste happie 
in a common weale2 ,mouster ,maisters2  
for thexercisyng of yong men unexperte4 

,,fabricio4 ,either ,i have tolde you1  
or ,i minded to tell you1 howe that my  
reasoning of the affaires of warre1     
ought not to passe the boundes of       
,europe3 when thus it is1 ,i am not     
bounde unto you1 to make accompte of the
 same1 which is used in ,asia1 yet ,i   
muste saye unto you thus1 that the      
warring of the ,parthians1 was          
altogether contrarye1 to the same of the
 ,romanes3 for as muche as the          
,parthians1 warred all on horsebacke1   
and in the fight1 they proceeded        
confusedlye1 and scattered1 and it was a
 maner of fighte unstable1 and full of  
uncertaintie4 ,the ,romanes were 7it    
maye be sayde7 almoste al on foote1 and 
thei fought close together and sure1 and
 thei overcame diversly1 the one the    
other1 according to the largenesse1 or  
straightnesse of the situation3 for that
 in this the ,romaines were superiours1 
in thesame the ,parthians1 whom might   
make greate proofe1 with thesame maner  
of warryng1 consideryng the region1     

which thei had to defende1 the which was
 moste large3 for as moche as it hath   
the sea coaste1 distant a thousande     
miles1 the rivers thone from thother1   
twoo or three daies journey1 the tounes 
in like maner and the inhabitauntes few3
 so that a ,romaine armie heavie and    
slowe1 by meanes of their armoures1 and 
their orders1 could not over run it1    
without their grevous hurt 7those that  
defended it1 being on horsebacke mooste 
expedite7 so that thei were to daie in  
one place1 and to morowe distaunt fiftie
 miles4 ,hereof it grewe1 that the      
,parthians might prevaile with their    
chivalrie onely1 bothe to the ruine of  
the armie of ,crassus1 and to the perill
 of thesame1 of ,marcus ,antonius3 but  
,i 7as ,i have told you7 doe not intende
 in this my reasonyng1 to speake of the 
warfare out of ,europe1 therfore ,i will
 stand upon thesame1 whiche in times    
past1 the ,romaines ordained1 and the   
,grekes1 and as the ,duchemen doe now   
adaies4 ,but let us se to the other     

question of yours1 where you desire to  
understande1 what order1 or what        
naturall vertue makes1 that the footemen
 overcome the horsmen4 ,and ,i saie unto
 you first that the horses cannot go1 as
 the footmen in every place3 ,thei are  
slower then the footemen to obeie1 when 
it is requisite to alter the order3 for 
as moche1 as if it be nedefull1 either  
goyng forward1 to turne backwarde1 or   
tournyng backwarde1 to go forwarde1 or  
to move themselves standing stil1 or    
goyng to stand still1 without doubt1 the
 horsemen cannot dooe it so redilie as  
the footemen3 the horsemen cannot1 being
 of some violence1 disordained1 returne 
in their orders1 but with difficultie1  
although thesame violence cease1 the    
whiche the footemen dooe moste easely   
and quickly4 ,besides this1 it happeneth
 many tymes1 that a hardie manne shall  
be upon a vile horse1 and a coward upon 
a good1 whereby it foloweth1 that this  
evill matchyng of stomackes1 makes      
disorder4 ,nor no man doeth marvell1    

that a bande of footemenne1 susteineth  
all violence of horse for that a horse  
is a beaste1 that hath sence1 and       
knoweth the perilles1 and with an ill   
will1 will enter in them3 and if you    
consider1 what force maketh theim go    
forwarde1 and what holdeth them         
backwarde1 you shall se without doubt   
thesame to be greater1 whiche kepeth    
them backe1 then that whiche maketh them
 go forwardes3 ,for that the spurre     
maketh theim go forwarde1 and of the    
other side1 either the swearde1 or the  
,pike1 kepeth theim backe3 so that it   
hath been seen by the olde1 and by the  
late experience1 a bande of footemen to 
bee moste safe1 ye1 invinsible for      
horses4 ,and if you should argue to     
this1 that the heate1 with whiche thei  
come1 maketh theim more furious to      
incounter who that would withstande     
them1 and lesse to regard the ,pike1    
then the spurre3 ,i saie1 that if the   
horse so disposed1 begin to see1 that he
 must run upon the poincte of the ,pike1

 either of himself1 he wil refrain the  
course so that so sone as he shall feele
 himself pricked1 he will stande still  
atones1 or beeyng come to theim1 he will
 tourne on the right1 or on the lefte   
hande4 ,whereof if you wil make         
experience1 prove to run a horse against
 a walle3 you shall finde fewe1 with    
what so ever furie he come withall1 will
 strike against it4 ,cesar havyng in    
,fraunce1 to faighte with the ,suizzers1
 a lighted1 and made every manne a light
 on foote1 and to avoide from the       
araies1 the horses1 as a thyng more     
meete to flie1 then to faight4 ,but     
notwithstandyng these naturall          
impedimentes1 whiche horses have1       
thesame ,capitaine1 whiche leadeth the  
footemen1 ought to chuse waies1 whiche  
have for horse1 the moste impedimentes  
that maie bee1 and seldome tymes it     
happeneth1 but that a manne maie save   
hymself1 by the qualitie of the         
countrie3 for that if thou marche on the
 hilles1 the situacion doeth save thee  

from thesame furie1 whereof you doubt1  
that thei go withail in the plain1 fewe 
plaines be1 whiche through the tillage  
or by meanes of the woddes1 doe not     
assure thee3 for that every hillocke1   
every bancke1 although it be but small1 
taketh awaie thesame heate1 and every   
culture where bee ,vines1 and other     
trees1 lettes the horses3 and if thou   
come to battaile1 the very same lettes  
happeneth1 that chaunceth in marchyng3  
for as moche as every little            
impedemente1 that the horse hath1       
abateth his furie4 ,one thyng           
notwithstandyng1 ,i will not forgette to
 tell you1 how the ,romaines estemed so 
moche their orders1 and trusted so moche
 to their weapons1 that if thei shuld   
have had1 to chuse either so rough a    
place to save theim selves from horses1 
where thei should not have been able1 to
 raunge their orders1 or a place where  
thei should have nede1 to feare more of 
horses1 but ben able to deffende their  
battaile1 alwaies thei toke this1 and   

left that3 but bicause it is tyme1 to   
passe to the armie1 having armed these  
souldiours1 accordyng to the aunciente  
and newe use1 let us see what exercises 
the ,romaines caused theim make1 before 
the menne were brought to the battaile4 
,although thei be well chosen1 and      
better armed1 thei ought with moste     
greate studie be exercised1 for that    
without this exercise1 there was never  
any souldiour good3 these exercises     
ought to be devided into three partes1  
the one1 for to harden the bodie1 and to
 make it apte to take paines1 and to bee
 more swifter and more readier1 the     
other1 to teach them1 how to handell    
their weapons1 the third1 for to learne 
them to kepe the orders in the armie1 as
 well in marchyng1 as in faightyng1 and 
in the incampyng3 ,the whiche be three  
principall actes1 that an armie doeth3  
for asmoche1 as if an armie marche1     
incampe1 and faight with order1 and     
expertly1 the ,capitaine leseth not his 
honoure1 although the battaile should   

have no good ende4 ,therfore1 all       
thauncient common weales1 provided these
 exercises in maner1 by custome1 and by 
lawe1 that there should not be left     
behinde any part thereof4 ,thei         
exercised then their youth1 for to make 
them swift1 in runnyng1 to make theim   
readie1 in leapyng1 for to make them    
strong1 in throwyng the barre1 or in    
wrestlyng3 and these three qualities1 be
 as it were necessarie in souldiours4   
,for that swiftnesse1 maketh theim apte 
to possesse places1 before the enemie1  
and to come to them unloked for1 and at 
unwares to pursue them1 when thei are   
discomfaicted3 the readinesse1 maketh   
theim apte to avoide a blowe1 to leape  
over a diche1 to winne a banke3         
strength1 maketh them the better able to
 beare their armours1 to incounter the  
enemie1 to withstande a violence4 ,and  
above all1 to make the bodie the more   
apte to take paines1 thei used to beare 
greate burthens1 the whiche custome is  
necessarie3 for that in difficulte      

expedicions it is requisite many tymes1 
that the souldiour beside his armours1  
beare vitualles for many daies1 and if  
he were not accustomed to this labour1  
he could not dooe it3 and without this1 
there can neither bee avoided a perill1 
nor a victorie gotten with fame4        
,concernyng to learne how to handell the
 weapons1 thei exercised theim1 in this 
maner3 thei would have the yong menne1  
to put on armour1 whiche should waie    
twise as moche1 as their field armour1  
and in stede of a swearde1 thei gave    
them a cudgell leaded1 whiche in        
comparison of a verie swearde in deede1 
was moste heavie2 thei made for every   
one of them1 a poste to be set up in the
 ground1 which should be in height twoo 
yardes and a quarter1 and in soche      
maner1 and so strong1 that the blowes   
should not slur nor hurle it doune1     
against the whiche poste1 the yong man  
with a targaet1 and with the cudgell1 as
 against an enemie did exercise1 and    
some whiles he stroke1 as though he     

would hurte the hedde1 or the face1     
somewhile he retired backe1 an other    
while he made forewarde3 and thei had in
 this exercise1 this advertisment1 to   
make theim apt to cover theim selves1   
and to hurte the enemie3 and havyng the 
counterfaight armours moste heavy1 their
 ordinarie armours semed after unto them
 more lighter4 ,the ,romanies1 would    
that their souldiours should hurte with 
the pricke1 and not with the cutte1 as  
well bicause the pricke is more         
mortalle1 and hath lesse defence1 as    
also to thentent that he that should    
hurt1 might lye the lesse open1 and be  
more apt to redouble it1 then with      
cuttes4 ,dooe not marvaile that these   
auncient men1 should thinke on these    
small thynges1 for that where the       
incounteryng of men is reasoned of1 you 
shall perceive1 that every little       
vauntage1 is of greate importaunce3 and 
,i remember you the same1 whiche the    
writers of this declare1 rather then ,i 
to teache you4 ,the antiquitie estemed  

nothing move happie1 in a common weale1 
then to be in thesame1 many men         
exercised in armes3 bicause not the     
shining of precious stones and of golde1
 maketh that the enemies submit         
themselves unto thee1 but onely the fear
 of the weapons3 afterwarde the errours 
whiche are made in other thynges1 maie  
sometymes be corrected1 but those whiche
 are dooen in the warre1 the paine      
straight waie commyng on1 cannot be     
amended4 ,besides that1 the knowlege to 
faight1 maketh men more bold1 bicause no
 man feareth to doe that thing1 which he
 thinketh to have learned to dooe4 ,the 
antiquitie would therefore1 that their  
,citezeins should exercise themselves1  
in all marcial feates1 and thei made    
them to throwe against thesame poste1   
dartes moche hevier then the ordinarie3 
the whiche exercise1 besides the makyng 
men expert in throwyng1 maketh also the 
arme more nimble1 and moche stronger4   
,thei taught them also to shote in the  
long bowe1 to whorle with the sling3 and

 to all these thynges1 thei appoincted  
maisters1 in soche maner1 that after    
when thei were chosen for to go to the  
warre1 thei were now with mynde and     
disposicion1 souldiours4 ,nor there     
remained them to learn other1 then to go
 in the orders1 and to maintain them    
selves in those1 either marchyng1 or    
faightyng3 ,the whiche moste easely thei
 learned1 mingeling themselves with     
those1 whiche had long tyme served1     
whereby thei knewe how to stande in the 
orders4  ,,cosimo4 ,what exercises would
 you cause theim to make at this        
present8  ,sidenote3 ,the exercises that
 souldiers ought to make in these daies2
 ,the exercise of swimmyng2 ,tiber1 is a
 river runnyng through ,rome the water  
wher of will never corrupte2 ,thexercise
 of vautyng1 and the commoditie thereof2
 ,an order that is taken in certain     
countries1 concerning exercises of      
warre2 ,what knowledge a ,souldiour     
ought to have2 ,a ,cohorte is a bande of
 men2 ,of what nomer and of what kind of

 armours and weapons1 a maine battaile  
ought to bee1 and the distributing and  
appoinetyng of thesame2 veliti are light
 armed men2 ,thecapitaines that ar      
appointed to every band of men2 ,twoo   
orders observed in an armie2 ,how a     
captain muste instructe muste instructe 
his souldiours how thei ought to governe
 themselves in the battaile4            
,,fabricio4 ,a good many of those1      
whiche have been declared1 as runnyng1  
and wrestlyng1 makyng theim to leape1   
makyng theim to labour in armours1 moche
 heavier then the ordinarie1 making them
 shoote with ,crosse bowes1 and longe   
bowes1 whereunto ,i would joyne the     
harkabus1 a newe instrument 7as you     
know7 verie necessarie1 and to these    
exercises ,i would use1 al the youth of 
my state1 but with greater industrie1   
and more sollicitatenesse thesame parte1
 whiche ,i should have alreadie         
appoincted to serve1 and alwaies in the 
idell daies1 thei should bee exercised4 
,i would also that thei should learne to

 swimme1 the whiche is a thyng verie    
profitable3 for that there be not       
alwaies bridges over rivers1 boates be  
not alwaies readie3 so that thy army not
 knowyng howe to swime1 remaineth       
deprived of many commodities3 and many  
occasions to woorke well1 is taken      
awaie4 ,the ,romaines for none other    
cause had ordained1 that the yong men   
should exercise them selves in ,campus  
,martius1 then onely1 for that havyng   
,tiber at hande1 thei might1 beyng      
weried with the exercise on lande1      
refreshe theim selves in the water1 and 
partly in swimmyng1 to exercise them    
selves4 ,i would make also1 as the      
antiquitie1 those whiche should serve on
 horsebacke to exercise1 the whiche is  
moste necessarie1 for that besides to   
know how to ride1 thei muste knowe how  
on horsebacke thei maie prevaile of them
 selves4 ,and for this thei had ordeined
 horses of wood1 upon the which thei    
practised1 to leape by armed1 and       
unarmed1 without any helpe1 and on every

 hande3 the whiche made1 that atones1   
and at a beck of a capitain1 the horsmen
 were on foote1 and likewise at a token1
 thei mounted on horsebacke4 ,and soche 
exercises1 bothe on foote and on        
horsebacke1 as thei were then easie to  
bee doen1 so now thei should not be     
difficult to thesame common weale1 or to
 thesame prince1 whiche would cause them
 to be put in practise of their yong    
men4 ,as by experience is seen1 in      
certaine citees of the ,weste countrie1 
where is kepte a live like maners with  
this order4 ,thei devide all their      
inhabiters into divers partes3 and every
 parte thei name of the kinde of those  
weapons1 that thei use in the warre4    
,and for that thei use ,pikes1          
,halbardes1 ,bowes1 and ,harkebuses1    
thei call them ,pike menne1 ,halberders1
 ,harkebutters1 and ,archars3           
,therefore1 it is mete for all the      
inhabiters to declare1 in what orders   
thei will be appoincted in4 ,and for    
that all men1 either for age1 or for    

other impedimentes1 be not fitte for the
 warre1 every order maketh a choise of  
men1 and thei call them the sworen1 whom
 in idell daies1 be bounde to exercise  
themselves in those weapons1 wherof thei
 be named3 and every manne hath his     
place appoincted hym of the cominaltie1 
where soche exercise ought to be made3  
and those whiche be of thesame order1   
but not of the sworen1 are              
contributaries with their money1 to     
thesame expenses1 whiche in soche       
exercises be necessarie3 therfore       
thesame that thei doe1 we maie doe4 ,but
 our smal prudence dooeth not suffre us1
 to take any good waie4 ,of these       
exercises there grewe1 that the         
antiquitie had good souldiours1 and that
 now those of the ,weste1 bee better men
 then ours3 for as moche as the         
antiquitie exercised them1 either at    
home 7as those common weales doe7 or in 
the armies1 as those ,emperours did1 for
 thoccasions aforesaied3 but we1 at home
 will not exercise theim1 in ,campe we  

cannot1 bicause thei are not our        
subjectes1 and for that we are not able 
to binde them to other exercises then   
thei them selves liste to doe3 the      
whiche occacion hath made1 that firste  
the armies bee neclected1 and after1 the
 orders1 and that the kyngdomes1 and the
 common weales1 in especially ,italians1
 live in soche debilitie4 ,but let us   
tourne to our order1 and folowyng this  
matter of exercises1 ,i saie1 how it    
suffiseth not to make good armies1 for  
havyng hardened the men1 made them      
strong1 swift1 and handsome1 it is      
nedefull also1 that thei learne to      
stande in the orders1 to obeie to       
signes1 to soundes1 and to the voice of 
the capitain3 to knowe1 standyng1 to    
retire them selves1 goyng forwardes1    
bothe faightyng1 and marchyng to        
maintain those3 bicause without this    
knowlege1 withal serious diligence      
observed1 and practised1 there was never
 armie good3 and without doubt1 the     
fierce and disordered menne1 bee moche  

more weaker1 then the fearfull that are 
ordered1 for that thorder driveth awaie 
from men feare1 the disorder abateth    
fiercenesse4 ,and to the entente you    
maie the better perceive that1 whiche   
here folowyng shalbe declared1 you have 
to understande1 how every nation1 in the
 orderyng of their men to the warre1    
have made in their hoste1 or in their   
armie1 a principall member1 the whiche  
though thei have varied with the name1  
thei have little varied with the nomber 
of the menne3 for that thei all have    
made it1 betwene sixe and viii4 ,m4 men4
 ,this nomber of men was called of the  
,romaines1 a ,legion1 of ,grekes a      
,fallange1 of ,frenchemen ,caterva3 this
 verie same in our tyme of the          
,suizzers1 whom onely of the auncient   
warfare1 kepe some shadowe1 is called in
 their tongue that1 whiche in ours      
signifieththe maine battaile4 ,true it  
is1 that every one of them1 hath after  
devided it1 accordyng to their purposes4
 ,therefore me thinkes beste1 that wee  

grounde our talke1 upon this name moste 
knowen1 and after1 according to the     
aunciente1 and to the orders now adaies1
 the beste that is possible to ordaine  
it2 and bicause the ,romaines devided   
their ,legion1 whiche was made betwene  
five and sixe thousande men1 in ten     
,cohortes1 ,i will that wee devide our  
main battaile1 into ten battailes1 and  
that we make it of sixe thousande menne 
on foote1 and we will give to every     
battaile1 ,,ccccl4 men1 of whiche shall 
be1 ,,cccc4 armed with heavie armour1   
and ,l4 with light armour3 the heavie   
armed1 shall be ,,ccc4 ,targettes with  
sweardes1 and shalbe called ,target men3
 and ,c4 with ,pikes1 whiche shalbe     
called ordinarie ,pikes3 the light armed
 shalbe1 ,l4 men armed with ,harkabuses1
 ,crosse bowes1 and ,partisans1 and smal
 ,targaettes1 and these by an aunciente 
name1 were called ordinarie ,veliti3 all
 of the ten battailes therefore1 comes  
to have three thousande ,targaet men1 a 
thousande ordinarie ,pikes1 ,,cccc4     

ordinarie ,veliti1 all whiche make the  
nomber of fower thousande and five      
hundred men4 ,and we saied1 that we     
would make the maine battaile of six    
thousande2 therefore there must be added
 an other thousande1 five hundred men1  
of whiche ,i will appoinet a thousande  
with ,pikes1 whom ,i will call          
extraordinarie ,veliti1 and thus my     
menne should come 7as a little before ,i
 have saied7 to bee made halfe of       
,targaetes1 and halfe of ,pikes and     
other weapons4 ,i would appoinete to    
everie battaile1 or bande of men1 a     
,conestable1 fower ,centurions and      
fouretic peticapitaines1 and moreover a 
hedde to the ordinarie ,veliti4 with    
five peticapitaines2 ,i would give to   
the thousande extraordinarie ,pikes1    
three ,conestabelles1 ten ,centurions1  
and a hundred peticapitaines2 to the    
extraodrinarie ,veliti1 two             
,conestabelles1 v4 ,centurions1 and l4  
peticapitaines3 ,i would then apoinet a 
generall hed1 over all the main         

battaile3 ,i would that every           
,conestable should have an ,ansigne1 and
 a ,drum4 ,thus there should be made a  
manne battaile of ten battailes1 of     
three thousande ,targaet men1 of a      
thousande ordinarie ,pikes1 of a        
thousande extraordinarie of five hundred
 ordinarie ,veliti1 of five hundred     
extraordinarie1 so there should come to 
bee sixe thousande men1 emongeste the   
whiche there should bee ,m4,d4          
peticapitaines1 and moreover1 xv4       
,conestables1 with xv4 ,drummes1 and xv4
 ,ansignes1 lv4 ,centurions1 x4 heddes  
of the ordinarie ,veliti1 and a         
,capitaine over all the maine battaile  
with his ,asigne and ,drume1 and ,i have
 of purpose repeated this order the     
oftener1 to the intent1 that after when 
,i shall shewe you1 the maners of       
orderyng the battailes1 and tharmies1   
you should not be confounded3 ,i saie   
therefore1 how that1 that king1 or that 
common weale1 whiche intendeth to       
ordeine their subjectes to armes1 ought 

to appoincte theim with these armoures  
and weapons1 and with these partes1 and 
to make in their countrie so many maine 
battailes1 as it were able3 and when    
thei should have ordained them1         
according to the forsaid distribucion1  
minding to exercise them in the orders1 
it should suffice to exercise every     
battaile by it self3 and although the   
nomber of the men1 of every one of them1
 cannot by it self1 make the facion of a
 juste armie1 notwithstandyng1 every man
 maie learne to dooe thesame1 whiche    
particularly appertaineth unto hym3 for 
that in the armies1 twoo orders is      
observed1 the one1 thesame that the men 
ought to doe in every battaile1 and the 
other that1 whiche the battaile ought to
 doe after1 when it is with the other in
 an armie4 ,and those men1 whiche doe   
wel the first1 mooste easely maie       
observe the seconde3 ,but without       
knowyng thesame1 thei can never come to 
the knowlege of the seconde4 ,then 7as  
,i have saied7 every one of these       

battailes1 maie by them selves1 learne  
to kepe the orders of the araies1 in    
every qualitie of movyng1 and of place1 
and after learne to put them selves     
togethers1 to understande the soundes1  
by meanes wherof in the faight thei are 
commaunded1 to learne to know by that1  
as the ,gallics by the whissell1 what   
ought to be doen1 either to stande      
still1 or to tourne forward1 or to      
tourne backwarde or whiche waie to      
tourne the weapons1 and the face3 so    
that knowyng how to kepe well the araie1
 after soche sorte1 that neither place  
nor movyng maie disorder them1          
understandyng well the commaundementes  
of their heddes1 by meanes of the       
sounde1 and knowyng quickly1 how to     
retourne into their place1 these        
battailes maie after easly 7as ,i have  
said7 beyng brought many together1      
learne to do that1 whiche all the body  
together1 with the other battailes in a 
juste armie1 is bounde to dooe4 ,and    
bicause soche universall practise1 is   

also not to bee estemed a little1 ones  
or twise a yere1 when there is peace1   
all the main battaile maie be brought   
together1 to give it the facion of an   
whole armie1 some daies exercisyng      
theim1 as though thei should faight a   
fielde1 settyng the fronte1 and the     
sides with their succours in their      
places4 ,and bicause a capitaine        
ordeineth his hoste to the fielde1      
either for coumpte of the enemie he     
seeth1 or for that1 of whiche without   
seyng he doubteth1 he ought to exercise 
his armie in the one maner1 and in the  
other1 and to instructe theim in soche  
sorte1 that thei maie knowe how to      
marche1 and to faight1 when nede should 
require1 the wyng to his souldiours1 how
 thei should governe theim selves1 when 
thei should happen to be assaulted of   
this1 or of that side3 and where he     
ought to instructe theim how to faight  
againste the enemie1 whom thei should   
see3 he must shewe them also1 how the   
faight is begun1 and where thei ought to

 retire3 being overthrowen1 who hath to 
succeade in their places1 to what       
signes1 to what soundes1 to what voices1
 thei ought to obeie1 and to practise   
them in soche wise in the battaile1 and 
with fained assaultes1 that thei may    
desire the verie thyng in deede4 ,for   
that an armie is not made coragious1    
bicause in thesame be hardie menne1 but 
by reason the orders thereof bee well   
appoineted3 ,for as moche as if ,i be   
one of the first faighters1 and do      
knowe1 beyng overcome1 where ,i maie    
retire1 and who hath to succeade in my  
place1 ,i shall alwaies faight with     
boldnes1 seing my succour at hand4 ,if  
,i shall be one of the seconde          
faighters1 the first being driven backe1
 and overthrowen1 ,i shall not bee      
afraied1 for that ,i shall have         
presuposed that ,i maie bee1 and ,i     
shall have desire to be thesame1 whiche 
maie give the victory to my maister1 and
 not to bee any of the other4 ,these    
exercises bee moste necessarie1 where an

 armie is made of newe1 and where the   
old armie is1 thei bee also necessarie3 
for that it is also seen1 how the       
,romaines knew from their infancie1     
thorder of their armies1                
notwithstandyng1 those capitaines before
 thei should come to thenemie1          
continually did exercise them in those4 
,and ,josephus in his historie saieth1  
that the continuall exercises of the    
,romaine armies1 made that all thesame  
multitude1 whiche folowe the campe for  
gain1 was in the daie of battaile       
profitable3 bicause thei all knewe1 how 
to stande in the orders1 and to faight  
kepyng the same3 but in the armies of   
newe men1 whether thou have putte theim 
together1 to faight straight waie1 or   
that thou make a power to faight1 when  
neede requires1 without these exercises1
 as well of the battailes severally by  
themselves1 as of all the armie1 is made
 nothing3 wherefore the orders beying   
necessarie1 it is conveniente with      
double industrie and laboure1 to shewe  

them unto soche as knoweth them not1 and
 for to teache it1 many excellent       
capitaines have travailed1 without any  
respecte4  ,,cosimo4 ,my thinkes that   
this reasoning1 hath sumwhat transported
 you3 for asmoche1 as havyng not yet    
declared the waies1 with the whiche the 
battailes bee exercised1 you have       
reasoned of the whole armie1 and of the 
daie of battaile4  ,sidenote3 ,the chief
 importance in the exercisyng of bandes 
of men2 ,three principall for thorderyng
 of menne into battaile raie2 ,the      
manner how to bryng a bande of men into 
battaile raie after a square facion2    
,the better waie for the ordring of a   
band of men in battaile raie1 after the 
first facion2 ,how to exercise men1 and 
to take soche order1 whereby a band of  
men that were by whatsoever chance      
disordred maye straighte wai be brought 
into order againe2 ,what advertisement  
ought to bee used in tourning about a   
whole bande of menne1 after soche sorte1
 as though it were but one bodie2 ,how  

to order a band of menne after soche    
sort that thei maie make their front    
againste thenemie of whiche flanke thei 
list2 ,how a band of man oughte to be   
ordered1 when in marchyng thei should   
bee constrained to faighton their       
backes4  ,,fabricio4 ,you saie truth1   
but surely thoccasion hath been the     
affection1 whiche ,i beare to these     
orders1 and the grief that ,i feele1    
seyng thei be not put in use3           
notwithstanding1 doubt not but that ,i  
will tourne to the purpose3 as ,i have  
saied1 the chief importaunce that is in 
thexercise of the battailes1 is to knowe
 how to kepe well the armies3 and       
bicause ,i tolde you that one of these  
battailes1 ought to bee made of fower   
hundred men heavie armed1 ,i wil staie  
my self upon this nomber4 ,thei ought   
then to be brought into lxxx4 rankes1   
and five to a ranke3 afterward goyng    
fast1 or softly1 to knit them together1 
and to lose them3 the whiche how it is  
dooen1 maie bee shewed better with      

deedes1 then with wordes4 ,which nedeth 
not gretly to be taught1 for that every 
manne1 whom is practised in servise of  
warre1 knoweth how this order procedeth1
 whiche is good for no other1 then to   
use the souldiours to keepe the raie3   
but let us come to putte together one of
 these battailes1 ,i saie1 that there is
 given them three facions principally1  
the firste1 and the moste profitablest  
is1 to make al massive1 and to give it  
the facion of two squares1 the second   
is1 to make it square with the front    
horned1 the thirde is1 to make it with a
 voide space in the middest3 the maner  
to put men together in the first facion1
 maie be of twoo sortes1 tho together in
 the first facion1 maie be of twoo      
sortes1 thone is to double the rankes1  
that is1 to make the seconde ranke enter
 into the first1 the iiii4 into the     
third1 the sixt into the fift1 and so   
foorth1 so that where there was lxxx4   
rankes1 five to a ranke1 thei maie      
become xl4 rankes1 x4 to a ranke4       

,afterward cause theim to double ones   
more in thesame maner1 settyng the one  
ranke into an other1 and so there shall 
remain twentie rankes1 twentie men to a 
ranke3 this maketh twoo squares aboute1 
for as moche as albeit that there bee as
 many men the one waie1 as in the other1
 notwithstandyng to wardes the hedde1   
thei joine together1 that the one side  
toucheth the other3 but by the other    
waie1 thei be distant the one from the  
other1 at least a yarde and a haulfe1   
after soche sorte1 that the square is   
moche longer1 from the backe to the     
fronte1 then from the one side to       
thother3 and bicause we have at this    
presente1 to speake often of the partes 
afore1 of behinde1 and of the sides of  
these battailes1 and of all the armie   
together1 knowe you1 that when ,i saie  
either hedde or fronte1 ,i meane the    
parte afore1 when ,i shall saie backe1  
the part behind1 when ,i shall saie     
flankes1 the partes on the sides4 ,the  
fiftie ordinarie veliti of the battaile1

 muste not mingle with the other rankes1
 but so sone as the battaile is         
facioned1 thei shalbe set a long by the 
flankes therof4 ,the other waie to set  
together the battaile is this1 and      
bicause it is better then the firste1 ,i
 will set it before your ives juste1 how
 it ought to bee ordeined4 ,i beleve    
that you remember of what nomber of     
menne1 of what heddes it is made1 and of
 what armours thei are armed1 then the  
facion1 that this battaile ought to     
have1 is 7as ,i have saied7 of twentie  
rankes1 twentie men to a ranke1 five    
rankes of ,pikes in the front1 and      
fiftene rankes of ,targaettes on the    
backe1 twoo ,centurions standying in the
 fronte1 twoo behinde on the backe1 who 
shall execute the office of those1      
whiche the antiquitie called            
,tergiductori4 ,the ,conestable with the
 ,ansigne1 and with the ,drumme1 shall  
stande in thesame space1 that is betwene
 the five rankes of the ,pikes1 and the 
fiftene of the ,targeaettes4 ,of the    

,peticapitaines1 there shall stande one 
upon every side of the ranckes1 so that 
every one1 maie have on his side his    
men1 those peticapitaines1 whiche shalbe
 on the left hande1 to have their men on
 the right hand1 those ,peticapitaines1 
whiche shall be on the right hand1 to   
have their menne on the left hande3 ,the
 fiftie ,veliti1 muste stande a long the
 flankes1 and on the backe of the       
battaile4 ,to mynde now1 that this      
battaile maie be set together in this   
facion1 the men goyng ordinarily1 it is 
convenient to order them thus4 ,make the
 men to be brought into lxxx4 rankes1   
five to a ranke1 as a little afore we   
have said1 leavyng the ,veliti either at
 the hedde1 or at the taile1 so that    
thei stande out of this order3 and it   
ought to be ordeined1 that every        
,centurion have behinde his back twentie
 rankes1 and to bee nexte behinde every 
,centurion1 five rankes of ,pikes1 and  
the reste ,targaettes4 ,the ,conestable 
shall stande with the ,drum1 and the    

,ansigne1 in thesame space1 whiche is   
betwene the ,pikes1 and the ,targaettes 
of the seconde ,centurion1 and to       
occupie the places of three ,targaette  
men4 ,of the ,peticapitaines1 twentie   
shall stand on the sides of the rankes1 
of the first ,centurion1 on the lefte   
hande1 and twentie shall stande on the  
sides of the rankes1 of the last        
,centurion on the right hande4 ,and you 
muste understande1 that the             
,peticapitaine1 whiche hath to leade the
 ,pikes1 ought to have a ,pike1 and     
those that leade the ,targaettes1 ought 
to have like weapons4 ,then the rankes  
beyng brought into this order1 and      
mindyng in marchyng1 to bryng them into 
battaile1 for to make the hedde1 the    
first ,centurion must be caused to      
stande still1 with the firste twentie   
rankes1 and the seconde to proceade     
marchyng1 and tournyng on the right     
hand1 he must go a long the sides of the
 twentie rankes that stande still1 till 
he come to bee even with the other      

,centurion1 where he must also stande   
still1 and the thirde ,centurion to     
procede marchyng1 likewise tournyng on  
the right hand1 and a long the sides of 
the rankes that stande still1 must go so
 farre1 that he be even with the other  
twoo ,centurions1 and he also standyng  
still1 the other ,centurion must folowe 
with his rankes1 likewise tournyng on   
the right hande1 a longe the sides of   
the rankes that stande still1 so farre  
that he come to the hed of the other1   
and then to stand still1 and straight   
waie twoo ,centurions onely1 shall      
depart from the front1 and go to the    
backe of the battaile1 the whiche cometh
 to bee made in thesame maner1 and with 
thesame order juste1 as a little afore  
,i have shewed you4 ,the ,veliti muste  
stande a long1 by the flankes of        
thesame1 accordyng as is disposed in the
 first waie1 whiche waie is called      
redoublyng by right line1 this is called
 redoublyng by flanke3 the first waie is
 more easie1 this is with better order1 

and commeth better to passe1 and you    
maie better correcte it1 after your owne
 maner1 for that in redoublyng by righte
 line1 you muste bee ruled by the       
nomber1 bicause five maketh ten1 ten    
twentie1 twentie fourtie1 so that with  
redoublyng by right line1 you cannot    
make a hedde of fiftene1 nor of five and
 twentie1 nor of thirtie1 nor of five   
and thirtie1 but you must go where      
thesame nomber will leade you4 ,and yet 
it happeneth every daie in particulare  
affaires1 that it is convenient to make 
the forwarde with sixe hundred1 or eight
 hundred men1 so that to redouble by    
right line1 should disorder you3        
therefore this liketh me better3 that   
difficultie that is1 ought moste with   
practise1 and with exercise to bee made 
easie4 ,therefore ,i saie unto you1 how 
it importeth more then any thyng1 to    
have the souldiours to know how to set  
themselves in araie quickly1 and it is  
necessarie to keepe theim in this       
battaile1 to exercise theim therin1 and 

to make them to go apace1 either forward
 or backward1 to passe through          
difficulte places1 without troublyng    
thorder3 for asmoche as the souldiours1 
whiche can doe this well1 be expert     
souldiours1 and although thei have never
 seen enemies in the face1 thei maie be 
called old souldiours1 and contrariwise1
 those whiche cannot keepe these orders1
 though thei have been in a thousande   
warres1 thei ought alwaies to be reputed
 new souldiours4 ,this is1 concernyng   
setting them together1 when thei are    
marching in small rankes3 but beyng set1
 and after beyng broken by some accident
 or chaunce1 whiche groweth either of   
the situacion1 or of the enemie1 to make
 that in a sodaine1 thei maie come into 
order againe1 this is the importaunce   
and the difficultie1 and where is       
nedefull moche exercise1 and moche      
practise1 and wherin the antiquitie     
bestowed moche studie4 ,therefore it is 
necessarie to doe twoo thynges1 firste  
to have this battaile full of           

countersignes1 the other1 to keepe      
alwaies this order1 that those same men 
maie stand alwaies in the ranke1 which  
thei were firste placed in3 as for      
insample1 if one have begon to stande in
 the seconde1 that he stande after      
alwaie in that1 and not onely in that   
self same rancke1 but in that self same 
place3 for the observyng whereof 7as ,i 
have saied7 bee necessarie many         
countersignes4 ,in especially it is     
requisite1 that the ,ansigne bee after  
soche sorte countersigned1 that         
companyng with the other battailes1 it  
maie be knowen from theim1 accordyng as 
the ,conestable1 and the ,centurions    
have plumes of fethers in their heddes  
differente1 and easie to be knowen1 and 
that whiche importeth moste1 is to      
ordaine that the peticapitaines bee     
knowen4 ,whereunto the antiquitie had so
 moche care1 that thei would have       
nothing els written in their hedde      
peces1 but the nomber that thei were    
named by1 callyng them firste1 seconde1 

thirde1 and fourthe xc4 ,and yet thei   
were not contented with this1 but made  
every souldiour to have written in his  
,targaet1 the nomber of the ranke1 and  
the nomber of the place1 in whiche ranke
 he was appoineted4 ,then the menne     
being countersigned thus1 and used to   
stande betwene these limites1 it is an  
easie thyng1 thei beyng disordered1 to  
sett theim all againe quickly into      
order3 considering1 that the ,ansigne   
standyng still1 the ,centurions1 and the
 ,peticapitaines maie gesse their places
 by the iye1 and beyng brought the left 
of the left1 the right of the right1    
with their accustomed distance1 the     
souldiours led by their rule1 and by the
 differences of the cognisances1 maie be
 quickly in their proper places1 no     
otherwise1 then as if the boordes of a  
tunne should bee taken a sunder1 whiche 
beyng first marked1 moste easely maie   
bee set together again1 where thesame   
beyng not countersigned1 were impossible
 to bryng into order any more4 ,these   

thynges1 with diligence and with        
exercise1 are quickely taught1 and      
quickly learned1 and beyng learned1 with
 difficultie are forgotten3 for that the
 newe menne1 be led of the olde1 and    
with tyme1 a ,province with these       
exercises1 may become throughly         
practised in the war4 ,it is also       
necessarie to teache theim1 to tourne   
theim selves all at ones1 and when neede
 requires1 to make of the flankes1 and  
of the backe1 the fronte1 and of the    
front1 flankes1 or backe1 whiche is     
moste easie3 bicause it suffiseth that  
every manne doe tourne his bodie1       
towardes thesame parte that he is       
commaunded1 and where thei tourne their 
faces1 there the fronte commeth to bee4 
,true it is1 that when thei tourne to   
any of the flanckes1 the orders tourne  
out of their proporcion3 for that from  
the breast to the backe1 there is little
 difference1 and from the one flancke to
 the other1 there is verie moche        
distance1 the whiche is al contrarie to 

the ordinarie order of the battaile3    
therefore it is convenient1 that        
practise1 and discrecion1 doe place them
 as thei ought to be3 but this is small 
disorder1 for that moste easely by      
themselves1 thei maie remedie it4 ,but  
that whiche importeth more1 and where is
 requisite more practise1 is when a     
battaile would tourne all at ones1 as   
though it were a whole bodie1 here is   
meete to have greate practise1 and      
greate discrecion3 bicause mindyng to   
tourne1 as for insample on the left     
hande1 the left corner must stande      
still1 and those that be next to hym    
that standeth still1 muste marche so    
softly1 that thei that bee in the right 
corner1 nede not to runne3 otherwise all
 thing should be confounded4 ,but       
bicause it happeneth alwaies1 when an   
armie marcheth from place to place1 that
 the battailes1 whiche are not placed in
 the front1 shall be driven to faight   
not by hedde1 but either by flancke1 or 
by backe1 so that a battaile muste in a 

sodaine make of flancke1 or of backe1   
hedde3 and mindyng that like battailes  
in soche cace1 maie have their          
proporcion1 as above is declared1 it is 
necessarie1 that thei have the ,pikes on
 thesame flancke1 that ought to be      
hedde1 and the ,peticapitaines1         
,centurions1 and ,conestables1 to       
resorte accordyngly to their places4    
,therefore to mynde to dooe this1 in    
plasyng them together1 you must ordeine 
the fower skore rankes1 of five in a    
ranke1 thus3 ,set all the ,pikes in the 
first twentie rankes1 and place the     
,peticapitaines thereof1 five in the    
first places1 and five in the last3 the 
other three score rankes1 whiche come   
after1 bee all of ,targaettes1 whiche   
come to bee three ,centuries4           
,therefore1 the first and the laste     
ranke of every ,centurion1 would be     
,peticapitaines1 the ,conestable with   
the ,ansigne1 and with the ,drumme1     
muste stande in the middest of the first
 ,centurie of ,targaettes1 and the      

,centurions in the hed of every         
,centurie4 ,the bande thus ordained1    
when you would have the ,pikes to come  
on the left flancke1 you must redouble  
,centurie by ,centurie1 on the right    
flancke3 if you would have them to come 
on the right flancke1 you must redouble 
theim on the lefte4 ,and so this        
battaile tourneth with the ,pikes upon a
 flancke1 and the ,conestable in the    
middeste3 the whiche facion it hath     
marchyng3 but the enemie commyng1 and   
the tyme that it would make of flancke  
hedde1 it nedeth not but to make every  
man to tourne his face1 towardes thesame
 flancke1 where the ,pikes be1 and then 
the battaile tourneth with the rankes1  
and with the heddes in thesame maner1 as
 is aforesaied3 for that every man is in
 his place1 excepte the ,centurions1 and
 the ,centurions straight waie1 and     
without difficultie1 place themselves3  
,but when thei in marchyng1 should bee  
driven to faight on the backe1 it is    
convenient to ordein the rankes after   

soch sorte1 that settyng theim in       
battaile1 the ,pikes maie come behinde1 
and to doe this1 there is to bee kepte  
no other order1 then where in orderyng  
the battaile1 by the ordinarie1 every   
,centurie hath five rankes of ,pikes    
before1 to cause that thei maie have    
them behind1 and in all the other partes
 to observe thorder1 whiche ,i declared 
firste4  ,,cosimo4 ,you have tolde 7if  
,i dooe well remember me7 that this     
maner of exercise1 is to bee able to    
bryng these battailes together into an  
armie1 and that this practise1 serveth  
to be able to order theim selves in the 
same3 ,but if it should happen1 that    
these ,,ccccl4 men1 should have to doe  
an acte seperate1 how would you order   
them8  ,sidenote3 ,how a battaile is    
made with twoo hornes2 ,the orderyng of 
a battaile with a voide space in the    
middeste4  ,,fabricio4 ,he that leadeth 
them1 ought then to judge1 where he will
 place the ,pikes1 and there to put     
them1 the whiche doeth not repugne in   

any part to the order above written3 for
 that also1 though thesame bee the      
maner1 that is observed to faighte a    
fielde1 together with thother battailes1
 notwithstandyng it is a rule1 whiche   
serveth to all those waies1 wherein a   
band of menne should happen to have to  
doe3 but in shewyng you the other twoo  
waies of me propounded1 of ordering the 
battailes1 ,i shal also satisfie you    
more to your question3 for that either  
thei are never used1 or thei are used   
when a battaile is a lone1 and not in   
companie of other1 and to come to the   
waie of ordering them1 with twoo hornes1
 ,i saie1 that thou oughteste to order  
the lxxx4 rankes1 five to a ranke1 in   
this maner4 ,place in the middest1 one  
,centurion1 and after hym xxv4 rankes1  
whiche muste bee with twoo ,pikes on the
 lefte hande1 and with three ,targaettes
 on the right1 and after the first five1
 there must be put in the twentie       
folowyng1 twentie ,peticapitaines1 all  
betwene the pikes1 and the ,targaettes1 

excepte those whiche beare the ,pike1   
whom maie stand with the ,pikes3 after  
these xxv4 rankes thus ordered1 there is
 to be placed an other ,centurion1 and  
behinde hym fiftene rankes of           
,targaettes3 after these1 the           
,conestable betwene the ,drum and the   
,ansigne1 who also must have after him1 
other fiftene rankes of ,targaettes3    
after this1 the thirde ,centurion must  
be placed1 and behinde hym1 xxv4 rankes1
 in every one of whiche1 ought to bee   
three ,targaettes on the lefte flancke1 
and twoo ,pikes on the right1 and after 
the five first rankes1 there must be xx4
 ,peticapitaines placed betwene the     
,pikes1 and the ,targaettes3 after these
 rankes1 the fowerth ,centurion must    
folowe4 ,intendying therefore1 of these 
rankes thus ordered1 to make a battaile 
with twoo hornes1 the first ,centurion  
must stand still1 with the xxv4 rankes1 
whiche be behinde him1 after the second 
,centurion muste move1 with the fiftene 
rankes of ,targaettes1 that bee behinde 

hym1 and to tourne on the right hande1  
and up by the right flancke of the xxv4 
rankes1 to go so farre1 that he arrive  
to the xv4 ranke1 and there to stande   
still3 after1 the ,conestable muste     
move1 with the fiftene rankes of        
,targaettes1 whiche be behinde hym1 and 
tournyng likewise on the right hande1 up
 by the right flancke of the fiftene    
rankes1 that wer firste moved1 muste    
marche so farre1 that he come to their  
heddes1 and there to stand stil3 after1 
the thirde ,centurion muste move with   
the xxv4 rankes1 and with the fowerth   
,centurion1 whiche was behinde1 and     
turnyng up straight1 must go a long by  
the right flanck of the fiftene last    
rankes of the ,targaettes1 and not to   
stande still when he is at the heddes of
 them1 but to followe marchyng so farre1
 that the laste ranke of the xxv4 maie  
come to be even with the rankes behinde4
 ,and this dooen1 the ,centurion1 whiche
 was hedde of the firste fiftene rankes 
of ,targaettes1 must go awaie from thens

 where he stoode1 and go to the backe in
 the lefte corner3 and thus a battaile  
shall be made of xxv4 rankes1 after     
twentie men to a rank1 with two hornes1 
upon every side of the front1 one horn1 
and every one1 shall have ten rankes1   
five to a ranke1 and there shall remain 
a space betwene the twoo hornes1 as     
moche as containeth ten men1 whiche     
tourne their sides1 the one to thother4 
,betwene the two hornes1 the capitain   
shall stande1 and on every poinct of a  
horne1 a ,centurion3 ,there shall bee   
also behinde1 on every corner1 a        
,centurion3 there shal be twoo rankes of
 ,pikes1 and xx4 ,peticapitaines on     
every flancke4 ,these twoo hornes1 serve
 to kepe betwene theim the artillerie1  
when this battaile should have any      
withit1 and the cariages3 ,the ,veliti  
muste stande a long the flankes1 under  
the ,pikes4 ,but mindyng to bring this  
horned battaile1 with a voide space in  
the middeste1 there ought no other to   
bee doen1 then of fiftene rankes1 of    

twentie to a ranke1 to take eight       
rankes1 and to place them on the        
poinctes of the twoo hornes1 whiche then
 of hornes1 become backe of the voide   
space1 in this place1 the cariages are  
kept1 the capitain standeth1 and the    
,ansigne1 but never the ,artillerie1 the
 whiche is placed either in the front1  
or a long the flankes4 ,these be the    
waies1 that a battaile maie use when it 
is constrained to passe alone through   
suspected places3 notwithstandyng1 the  
massive battaile without hornes1 and    
without any soche voide place is better1
 yet purposyng to assure the disarmed1  
the same horned battaile is necessarie4 
,the ,suizzers make also many facions of
 battailes1 emong which1 thei make one  
like unto a crosse3 bicause in the      
spaces that is betwen the armes therof1 
thei kepe safe their ,harkebuters from  
the daunger of the enemies3 but bicause 
soche battailes be good to faight by    
theim selves1 and my intente is to shew1
 how many battailes united1 do faight   

with thenemie1 ,i wil not labour further
 in describing them4  ,,cosimo4 ,my     
thinkes ,i have verie well comprehended 
the waie1 that ought to be kept to      
exercise the men in these battailes3    
,but 7if ,i remember me well7 you have  
saied1 how that besides the tenne       
battailes1 you joyne to the maine       
battaile1 a thousande extraordinarie    
,pikes1 and five hundred extraordinarie 
,veliti3 will you not appoincte these to
 be exercised8  ,sidenote3 ,to what     
purpose the ,pikes and ,velite          
extraordinarie must serve4  ,,fabricio4 
,i would have theim to bee exercised1   
and that with moste great diligence3 and
 the ,pikes ,i would exercise1 at leaste
 ,ansigne after ,ansigne1 in the orders 
of the battailes1 as the other3 ,for as 
moche as these should doe me more       
servise1 then the ordinarie battailes1  
in all particulare affaires3 as to make 
guides1 to get booties1 and to doe like 
thynges3 but the ,veliti1 ,i would      
exercise at home1 without bringing them 

together1 for that their office being to
 faight a sonder1 it is not mete1 that  
thei should companie with other1 in the 
common exercises3 for that it shall     
suffice1 to exercise them well in the   
particular exercises4 ,thei ought then  
7as ,i firste tolde you1 nor now me     
thynkes no labour to rehearse it againe7
 to cause their men to exercise them    
selves in these battailes1 whereby thei 
maie knowe how to kepe the raie1 to     
knowe their places1 to tourne quickly1  
when either enemie1 or situacion        
troubleth them3 for that1 when thei     
knowe how to do this1 the place is after
 easely learned1 which a battaile hath  
to kepe1 and what is the office thereof 
in the armie3 and when a ,prince1 or a  
common weale1 will take the paine1 and  
will use their diligence in these       
orders1 and in these exercisyng1 it     
shall alwaies happen1 that in their     
countrie1 there shall bee good          
souldiours1 and thei to be superiours to
 their neighbours1 and shalbe those1    

whiche shall give1 and not receive the  
lawes of other men3 but 7as ,i have     
saied7 the disorder wherein thei live1  
maketh that thei neclecte1 and doe not  
esteme these thynges1 and therefore our 
armies be not good3 and yet though there
 were either hed1 or member naturally   
vertuous1 thei cannot shewe it4         
,,cosimo4 ,what carriages would you1    
that every one of these battailes should
 have8  ,sidenote3 ,neither ,centurion  
nor ,peticapitaine1 ought not to ride2  
,what carriages the ,capitaines ought to
 have1 and the nomber of carrages       
requisite to every bande of menne4      
,,fabricio4 ,firste1 ,i would that      
neither ,centurion1 nor ,peticapitain1  
should be suffered to ride3 and if the  
,conestable would nedes ride1 ,i would  
that he should have a ,mule1 and not a  
horse3 ,i would allowe hym twoo         
carriages1 and one to every ,centurion1 
and twoo to every three ,peticapitaines1
 for that so many wee lodge in a        
lodgyng1 as in the place therof we shall

 tell you3 ,so that every battaile will 
come to have xxxvi4 carriages1 the      
whiche ,i would should carrie of        
necessitie the tentes1 the vesselles to 
seeth meate1 axes1 barres of ,iron1     
sufficient to make the lodgynges1 and   
then if thei can carry any other thyng1 
thei maie dooe it at their pleasure4    
,,cosimo4 ,i beleve that the heddes of  
you1 ordeined in every one of these     
battailes1 be necessarie3 albeit1 ,i    
would doubt1 lest that so many          
commaunders1 should confounde all4      
,sidenote3 ,without many capitaines1 an 
armie cannot be governed2 ,to what      
purpose ,ansignes ought to serve2 ,for  
what purpose ,drummes oughte to bee     
used2 ,the propertie that soundes of    
instrumentes have in mens myndes4       
,,fabricio4 ,that should bee1 when it   
were not referred to one man1 but       
referryng it1 thei cause order1 ye and  
without theim1 it is impossible to      
governe an armie3 for that a wall1      
whiche on every parte enclineth1        

requireth rather to have many proppes1  
and thicke1 although not so strong1 then
 fewe1 though thei were strong3 bicause 
the vertue of one a lone1 doeth not     
remedie the ruine a farre of4 ,and      
therefore in tharmies1 and emong every  
ten men1 it is convenient that there bee
 one1 of more life1 of more harte1 or at
 leaste wise of more aucthoritie1 who   
with stomacke1 with wordes1 and with    
example1 maie kepe them constante1 and  
disposed to faight1 and these thynges of
 me declared1 bee necessarie in an      
armie1 as the ,heddes1 the ,ansignes1   
and the ,drummes1 is seen that wee have 
theim all in our armies1 but none doeth 
his office4 ,first to mynde that the    
,peticapitaines doe thesame1 for whiche 
thei are ordeined1 it is necessarie 7as 
,i have said7 that there bee a          
difference1 betwene every one of them   
and their men1 and that thei lodge      
together1 doyng their duties1 standyng  
in thorder with them3 for that thei     
placed in their places1 bee a rule and a

 temperaunce1 to maintaine the raies    
straight and steddie1 and it is         
impossible that thei disorder1 or       
disorderyng1 dooe not reduce themselves 
quickly into their places4 ,but we now  
adaies1 doe not use them to other       
purpose1 then to give theim more wages1 
then to other menne1 and to cause that  
thei dooe some particulare feate3 ,the  
very same happeneth of the ,ansigne     
bearers1 for that thei are kept rather  
to make a faire muster1 then for any    
other warlike use3 but the antiquitie   
used theim for guides1 and to bryng     
theim selves againe into order3 for that
 every man1 so sone as the ,ansigne     
stoode still1 knewe the place1 that he  
kept nere to his ,ansigne1 wherunto he  
retourned alwaies3 thei knewe also1 how 
that the same movyng1 or standyng1 thei 
should staie1 or move3 therfore it is   
necessarie in an armie1 that there be   
many bodies1 and every bande of menne to
 have his ,ansigne1 and his guide3      
wherfore havyng this1 it is mete that   

thei have stomackes inough1 and by      
consequence life enough4 ,then the menne
 ought to marche1 accordyng to the      
,ansigne3 and the ,ansigne to move1     
accordyng to the ,drumme1 the whiche    
,drumme well ordered1 commaundeth to the
 armie1 the whiche goyng with paces1    
that answereth the tyme of thesame1 will
 come to kepe easilie thorders3 for     
whiche cause the antiquitie had         
,shalmes1 ,flutes1 and soundes perfectly
 tymed3 ,for as moche as like as he that
 daunseth1 proceadeth with the tyme of  
the ,musick1 and goyng with thesame     
doeth not erre1 even so an armie        
obeiyng1 in movyng it self to thesame   
sounde1 doeth not disorder3 and         
therefore1 thei varied the sounde1      
accordyng as thei would varie the       
mocion1 and accordyng as thei would     
inflame1 or quiete1 or staie the mindes 
of men3 and like as the soundes were    
divers1 so diversly thei named them3 the
 sounde ,dorico1 ingendered constancie1 
the sounde ,frigio1 furie3 whereby thei 

saie1 that ,alexander beyng at the      
,table1 and one soundyng the sounde     
,frigio1 it kendled so moche his minde1 
that he laied hande on his weapons4 ,all
 these maners should be necessarie to   
finde again3 and when this should bee   
difficulte1 at least there would not be 
left behind those that teache the       
,souldiour to obeie1 the whiche every   
man maie varie1 and ordeine after his   
owne facion1 so that with practise1 he  
accustome the eares of his souldiours to
 knowe it3 ,but now adaies of this      
sounde1 there is no other fruicte taken 
for the moste part1 then to make a      
rumour4  ,,cosimo4 ,i would desire to   
understande of you1 if ever with your   
self you have discourced1 whereof       
groweth so moche vilenesse1 and so moche
 disorder1 and so moche necligence in   
these daies of this exercise8           
,sidenote3 ,a notable discourse of the  
aucthour1 declaryng whereof groweth so  
moche vilenes disorder and necligence in
 these daies1 concernyng the exercises  

of warre4  ,,fabricio4 ,with a good will
 ,i will tell you thesame1 that ,i      
thinke4 ,you knowe how that of the      
excellente men of warre1 there hath been
 named many in ,europe1 fewe in ,affric1
 and lesse in ,asia3 this grewe1 for    
that these twoo laste partes of the     
worlde1 have had not paste one kyngdome1
 or twoo1 and fewe common weales1 but   
,europe onely1 hath had many kyngdomes1 
and infinite common weales1 where menne 
became excellent1 and did shewe their   
vertue1 accordyng as thei were sette a  
woorke1 and brought before their        
,prince1 or common weale1 or king that  
he be3 it followeth therefore1 that     
where be many dominions1 there rise many
 valiaunt menne1 and where be fewe1     
fewe4 ,in ,asia is founde ,ninus1       
,cirus1 ,artasercses1 ,mithridates3 and 
verie fewe other1 that to these maie be 
compared4 ,in ,africk1 is named 7lettyng
 stande thesame auncient ,egipt7        
,massinissa1 ,jugurta1 and those        
,capitaines1 whiche of the ,carthaginens

 common weale were nourished1 whom also 
in respecte to those of ,europe1 are    
moste fewe3 bicause in ,europe1 be      
excellente men without nomber1 and so   
many more should be1 if together with   
those should bee named the other1 that  
be through the malignitie of time       
extincte3 for that the worlde hath been 
moste vertuous1 where hath been moste   
states1 whiche have favoured vertue of  
necessitie1 or for other humaine        
passion4 ,there rose therfore in ,asia1 
fewe excellente menne3 bicause thesame  
,province1 was all under one kyngdome1  
in the whiche for the greatnesse        
thereof1 thesame standing for the moste 
parte of tyme idell1 there could not    
growe men in doynges excellent4 ,to     
,africke there happened the verie same1 
yet there were nourished more then in   
,asia1 by reason of the ,carthaginens   
common weale3 for that in common weales1
 there growe more excellent men1 then in
 kingdomes1 bicause in common weales for
 the most part1 vertue is honoured1 in  

,kyngdomes it is helde backe3 wherby    
groweth1 that in thone1 vertuous men are
 nourished1 in the other thei are       
extincte4 ,therefore he that shall      
consider the partes of ,europe1 shall   
finde it to have been full of common    
weales1 and of princedomes1 the whiche  
for feare1 that the one had of the      
other1 thei wer constrained to kepe     
lively the warlike orders1 and to honor 
them1 whiche in those moste prevailed3  
for that in ,grece1 besides the kyngdome
 of the ,macedonians1 there were many   
common weales1 and in every one of      
theim1 were bred moste excellente men4  
,in ,italie1 were the ,romaines1 the    
,sannites1 the ,toscanes1 the ,gallie   
,cisalpini4 ,fraunce1 and ,almainie1 wer
 ful of common weales and princedomes4  
,spaine likewise3 and although in       
comparison of the ,romaines1 there are  
named fewe other1 it groweth through the
 malignitie of the writers1 whom folowe 
fortune1 and to theim for the moste     
parte it suffised1 to honour the        

conquerours3 but it standeth not with   
reason1 that betwene the ,sannites1 and 
the ,toscanes1 whom fought ,,cl4 yeres  
with the ,romaine people1 before thei   
wer overcome1 there should not growe    
exceadyng many excellente menne4 ,and so
 likewise in ,fraunce1 and in ,spaine3  
but that vertue1 whiche the writers did 
not celebrate in particuler menne1 thei 
celebrated generally in the people1     
where thei exalte to the starres1 the   
obstinatenesse that was in them1 to     
defende their libertie4 ,beyng then     
true1 that where bee moste dominions1   
there riseth moste valiaunt menne1 it   
foloweth of necessitie1 that            
extinguishyng those1 vertue is extincte 
straighte waie1 the occasion decaiyng1  
whiche maketh menne vertuous4           
,therefore1 the ,romaine ,empire beyng  
after increased1 and havyng extinguished
 all the common weales1 and ,princedomes
 of ,europe1 and of ,afrike1 and for the
 moste part those of ,asia1 it lefte not
 any waie to vertue1 excepte ,rome3     

whereby grewe1 that vertuous menne began
 to be as fewe in ,europe1 as in ,asia3 
the whiche vertue1 came after to the    
laste caste3 ,for as moche1 as all the  
vertue beyng reduced to ,roome1 so sone 
as thesame was corrupted1 almoste all   
the worlde came to bee corrupted3 and   
the ,scithian people1 were able to come 
to spoile thesame ,empire1 the whiche   
had extinguished the vertue of other1   
and knewe not howe to maintaine their   
owne3 and after1 although through the   
inundacion of those barberous nacions1  
thesame ,empire was devided into many   
partes1 this vertue is not renued3      
,sidenote3 ,the causes why the aunciente
 orders are neclected4  ,the one cause  
is1 for that it greveth theim moche1 to 
take againe the orders when thei are    
marde1 the other1 bicause the maner of  
livyng now adaies1 having respect to the
 ,christian religion1 commaundeth not   
thesame necessitie to menne1 to defende 
themselves1 whiche in olde tyme was3 for
 that then1 the menne overcome in warre1

 either were killed1 or remained        
perpetuall slaves1 where thei led their 
lives moste miserably3 ,the tounes      
overcome1 either were rased1 or the     
inhabiters thereof driven out1 their    
goodes taken awaie1 sent dispersed      
through the worlde3 so that the         
vanquished in warre1 suffered all       
extreme miserie3 of this feare1 men     
beyng made afraied1 thei wer driven to  
kepe lively the warlike exercises1 and  
thei honoured soche as were excellente  
in theim3 ,but nowe adaies1 this feare  
for the moste part is not regarded3 of  
those that are overcom1 fewe bee killed1
 none is kepte longe in prison3 for that
 with facelitie1 thei are sette at      
libertie3 the citees also1 whiche a     
thousande tymes have rebelled1 are not  
destroied1 the men wherof1 are let a    
lone with their goodes1 so that the     
greateste hurte that is feared1 is but a
 taske3 in so moche1 that men will not  
submit them selves to the orders of     
warre1 and to abide alwaies under those1

 to avoide the perilles whereof thei are
 little afraied3 again these ,provinces 
of ,europe1 be under a verie fewe       
heddes1 in respecte as it hath been in  
times past3 for that al ,fraunce1       
obeieth one kyng1 al ,spain1 an other3  
,italie is in fewe partes1 so that the  
weake citees1 are defended with leanyng 
to hym that overcometh1 and the strong  
states1 for the causes aforesaied1 feare
 no soche extreme ruine4  ,,cosimo4 ,yet
 ther hath ben seen many tounes that    
have ben sacked within this xxv4 yeres1 
and lost their dominions1 whose         
insample1 ought to teache other how to  
live1 and to take again some of those   
old orders4  ,,fabricio4 ,you saie true3
 but if you note what tounes have gone  
to sacke1 you shall not finde that thei 
have been the heddes of states1 but of  
the members2 as was seen sacked         
,tortona1 and not ,milaine3 ,capua1 and 
not ,napelles1 ,brescia1 and not        
,venice1 ,ravenna1 and not ,roome3 the  
whiche insamples maketh those that      

governe1 not to chaunge their purposes1 
but rather maketh them to stande more in
 their opinion1 to be able to redeme    
again all thynges with taskes1 and for  
this1 thei will not submit theim selves 
to the troubles of thexercises of warre1
 semyng unto them partly not necessarie1
 partly1 an intrinsicate matter1 whiche 
thei understande not3 ,those other1     
whiche bee subjectes to them1 whom soche
 insamples ought to make afraied1 have  
no power to remedie it3 and those       
,princes1 that have ones loste their    
estates1 are no more able1 and those    
which as yet kept them1 know not1 nor   
wil not4 ,bicause thei will without any 
disease rain by fortune1 and not by     
their vertue3 for that in the worlde    
beyng but little vertue1 thei see       
fortune governeth all thynges4 ,and thei
 will have it to rule theim1 not thei to
 rule it4 ,and to prove this that ,i    
have discoursed to bee true1 consider   
,almaine1 in the whiche1 bicause there  
is many ,princedomes1 and common weales1

 there is moche vertue1 and all thesame1
 whiche in the present service of warre 
is good1 dependeth of the insamples of  
those people3 who beyng all gellious of 
their states1 fearing servitude1 the    
which in other places is not feared1    
thei all maintaine theim selves ,lordes1
 and honourable3 this that ,i have      
saied1 shall suffice to shewe the       
occacions of the presente utilitie1     
accordyng to my opinion3 ,i cannot tell1
 whether it seeme thesame unto you1 or  
whether there be growen in you any      
doubtyng4  ,,cosimo4 ,none1 but rather  
,i understande all verie well3 onely ,i 
desire1 tournyng to our principall      
matter1 to understande of you1 how you  
would ordein the horses with these      
battailes1 and how many1 and how thei   
should be governed1 and how armed4      
,sidenote3 ,the armyng of horsemen2 ,the
 weapons that light horsmenne should    
have2 ,the nombre of horsmen requisite  
for a maine bataille of six thousand    
men2 ,the nombre of carrages that men of

 armes and light horsmen ought to have4 
,,fabricio4 ,you thinke peraventure1    
that ,i have left it behinde3 whereat   
doe not marvell1 for that ,i purpose for
 twoo causes1 to speake therof little1  
the one is1 for that the strengthe1 and 
the importaunce of an armie1 is the     
footemen1 the other is1 bicause this    
part of service of warre1 is lesse      
corrupted1 then thesame of footemen4    
,for that though it be not stronger then
 the old1 yet it maie compare with      
thesame1 nevertheles ther hath been     
spoken a little afore1 of the maner of  
exercisyng them4 ,and concernyng        
tharmyng them1 ,i would arme them as    
thei doe at this present1 as wel the    
light horsemen1 as the menne of armes3  
but the light horsemen1 ,i would that   
thei should be all ,crossebowe shuters1 
with some ,harkebutters emong them3 the 
whiche though in the other affaires of  
warre1 thei bee little profitable1 thei 
be for this most profitable1 to make    
afraied the countrie menne1 and to drive

 them from a passage1 that were kept of 
them3 bicause a ,harkebutter1 shall     
feare them more1 then twentie other     
armed4 ,but commyng to the nomber1 ,i   
saie1 that having taken in hand1 to     
imitate the service of warre of the     
,romaines1 ,i would not ordein more then
 three hundred horse1 profitable for    
every maine battaile1 of whiche ,i would
 that there were ,,cl4 men of armes1 and
 ,,cl4 light horsmen1 and ,i would give 
to every one of these partes1 a hedde1  
making after emong them fiftene         
peticapitaines for a bande1 givyng to   
every one of them a ,trompet1 and a     
standarde3 ,i would that every ten menne
 of armes1 should have five carriages1  
and every ten light horsemen twoo1 the  
whiche as those of the footemen1 should 
carrie the tentes1 the vesselles1 and   
the axes1 and the stakes1 and the rest  
of their other harneis4 ,nor beleve not 
but that it is disorder1 where the menne
 of armes have to their service fower   
horse1 bicause soche a thyng is a       

corrupt use3 for that the men of armes  
in ,almaine1 are seen to bee with their 
horse alone1 every twentie of theim1    
havyng onely a carte1 that carrieth     
after them their necessary thynges4 ,the
 ,romaine horsemen1 were likewise a     
lone3 true it is1 that the ,triary      
lodged nere them1 whiche wer bound to   
minister helpe unto theim1 in the kepyng
 of their horses the whiche maie easely 
be imitated of us1 as in the            
distributyng of the lodgynges1 ,i shall 
shewe you4 ,thesame then that the       
,romaines did1 and that whiche the      
,duchmen doe now a daies1 we maie doe   
also1 ye1 not doyng it1 we erre4 ,these 
horses ordained and appoincted together 
with a main battaile1 maie sometymes be 
put together1 when the battailes bee    
assembled1 and to cause that betwene    
theim bee made some sight of assault1   
the whiche should be more to make them  
acquainted together1 then for any other 
necessitie4 ,but now of this part1 there
 hath been spoke sufficiently1 wherefore

 let us facion the armie1 to be able to 
come into the field against the enemie1 
and hope to winne it3 whiche thyng is   
the ende1 for whiche the exercise of    
warre is ordeined1 and so moche studie  
therein bestowed4     ,,the ,,thirde    
,,booke   ,,cosimo4 ,seeing that we     
chaunge reasonyng1 ,i will that the     
demaunder be chaunged3 bicause ,i would 
not be thought presumptuous1 the which  
,i have alwaies blamed in other3        
therfore1 ,i resigne the ,dictatorship1 
and give this aucthoritie to hym that   
will have it1 of these my other frendes4
  ,,zanobi4 ,we would be moste glad1    
that you should procede1 but seyng that 
you will not1 yet tell at leaste1 whiche
 of us shall succede in your place4     
,,cosimo4 ,i will give this charge to   
signor ,fabricio4  ,,fabricio4 ,i am    
content to take it1 and ,i will that we 
folowe the ,venecian custome1 that is1  
that the youngeste speake firste3       
bicause this beyng an exercise for yong 
men1 ,i perswade my self1 that yong     

menne1 bee moste apt to reason thereof1 
as thei be moste readie to execute it4  
,,cosimo4 ,then it falleth to you       
,luigi3 and as ,i have pleasure of soche
 a successour1 so you shal satisfie your
 self of soche a demaunder3 therefore ,i
 praie you1 let us tourne to the matter1
 and let us lese no more tyme4          
,sidenote3 ,the greateste disorder that 
is used now a daies in pitching of a    
fielde2 ,the order how a ,romain ,legion
 was appoincted to faight2 ,the maner   
that the ,grekes used in their ,falangi1
 when thei fought against their enemies2
 ,the order that the ,suizzers use in   
their main battailes when thei faight2  
,howe to appoincte a main battaile with 
armour and weapons1 and to order thesame
 after the ,greke and ,romain maner4    
,,fabricio4 ,i am certain1 that to mynde
 to shewe wel1 how an armie is prepared1
 to faight a fielde1 it should be       
necessarie to declare1 how the ,grekes1 
and the ,romaines ordeined the bandes of
 their armies3 ,notwithstandyng1 you    

your selves1 beeyng able to rede1 and to
 consider these tnynges1 by meanes of   
the auncient writers4 ,i will passe over
 many particulars3 and ,i will onely    
bryng in those thynges1 whiche ,i thinke
 necessarie to imitate1 mindyng at this 
tyme1 to give to our exercise of warre1 
some parte of perfection3 ,the whiche   
shall make1 that in one instant1 ,i     
shall shewe you1 how an armie is        
prepared to the field1 and how it doeth 
incounter in the verie faight1 and how  
it maie be exercised in the fained4 ,the
 greatest disorder1 that thei make1     
whiche ordeine an armie to the fielde1  
is in giving them onely one fronte1 and 
to binde them to one brunt1 and to one  
fortune3 the whiche groweth1 of havyng  
loste the waie1 that the antiquitie used
 to receive one bande within an other3  
bicause without this waie1 thei can     
neither succour the formoste1 nor       
defende them1 nor succede in the faight 
in their steede3 the whiche of the      
,romaines1 was moste excellently well   

observed4 ,therefore1 purposyng to shewe
 this waie1 ,i saie1 how that the       
,romaines devided into iii4 partes every
 ,legion1 in ,hastati1 ,prencipi1 and   
,triarii1 of which1 the ,hastati wer    
placed in the first front1 or forward of
 the armie1 with thorders thicke and    
sure1 behinde whom wer the ,prencipi1   
but placed with their orders more       
thinne3 after these1 thei set the       
,triarii1 and with so moche thinnes of  
orders1 that thei might1 if nede wer1   
receive betwene them the ,prencipi1 and 
the ,hastati4 ,thei had besides these1  
the ,slingers1 and ,crosbowshoters1 and 
the other lighte armed1 the whiche      
stoode not in these orders1 but thei    
placed them in the bed of tharmie1      
betwene the horses and the other bandes 
of footemen3 therefore these light      
armed1 began the faight1 if thei        
overcame 7whiche happened seldom times7 
thei folowed the victorie3 if thei were 
repulced1 thei retired by the flanckes  
of the armie1 or by the spaces ordained 

for soche purposes1 and thei brought    
them selves emong the unarmed3 after the
 departure of whom1 the ,hastati        
incountered with the enemie1 the whiche 
if thei saw themselves to be overcome1  
thei retired by a little and little1 by 
the rarenesse of thorders betwene the   
,prencipi1 and together with those1 thei
 renued the faight if these also wer    
repulced1 thei retired al in the        
rarenesse of the orders of the ,triarii1
 and al together on a heape1 began      
againe the faight3 and then1 if thei    
were overcome1 there was no more        
remeady1 bicause there remained no more 
waies to renue them again4 ,the horses  
stoode on the corners of the armie1 to  
the likenes of twoo winges to a bodie1  
and somewhiles thei fought with the     
enemies horses1 an other while1 thei    
rescued the fotmen1 according as nede   
required4 ,this waie of renuyng theim   
selves three tymes1 is almoste          
impossible to overcome3 for that1       
fortune muste three tymes forsake thee1 

and the enemie to have so moche         
strengthe1 that three tymes he maie     
overcome thee4 ,the ,grekes1 had not in 
their ,falangi1 this maner of renuyng   
them selves1 and although in those wer  
many heddes1 and many orders1           
notwithstandyng1 thei made one bodie1 or
 els one hedde3 the maner that thei     
kepte in rescuyng the one the other was1
 not to retire the one order within the 
other1 as the ,romaines1 but to enter   
the one manne into the place of the     
other3 the which thei did in this maner4
 ,their ,falange brought into rankes1   
and admit1 that thei put in a ranke     
fiftie menne1 commyng after with their  
hedde againste the enemie1 of all the   
rankes the foremoste sixe1 mighte       
faight3 ,bicause their ,launces1 the    
whiche thei called ,sarisse1 were so    
long1 that the sixt ranke1 passed with  
the hedde of their ,launces1 out of the 
first ranke3 then in faightyng1 if any  
of the first1 either through death1 or  
through woundes fell1 straight waie     

there entered into his place1 thesame   
man1 that was behinde in the second     
ranke1 and in the place that remained   
voide of the seconde1 thesame man       
entred1 whiche was behind hym in the    
thirde1 and thus successively1 in a     
sodaine the rankes behinde1 restored the
 faultes of those afore1 so that the    
rankes alwaies remained whole1 and no   
place of the faighters was voide1 except
 the laste rankes1 the whiche came to   
consume1 havyng not menne behinde their 
backes1 whom might restore theim3 ,so   
that the hurte that the first rankes    
suffered1 consumed the laste1 and the   
firste remained alwaies whole3 and thus 
these ,falangi by their order1 might    
soner be consumed1 then broken1 for that
 the grosse bodie1 made it more         
immovable4 ,the ,romaines used at the   
beginnyng the ,falangi1 and did set in  
order their ,legions like unto them3    
after1 this order pleased them not1 and 
thei devided the ,legions into many     
bodies1 that is1 in bandes and          

companies3 ,bicause thei judged 7as a   
little afore ,i saied7 that thesame     
bodie1 should have neede of many        
capitaines1 and that it should be made  
of sunderie partes1 so that every one by
 it self1 might be governed4 ,the maine 
battailes of the ,suizzers1 use at this 
present1 all the maners of the ,falangi1
 as well in ordryng it grosse1 and      
whole1 as in rescuyng the one the other3
 and in pitchyng the field1 thei set the
 main battailes1 thone to the sides of  
the other3 and though thei set them the 
one behinde the other1 thei have no     
waie1 that the firste retiryng it self1 
maie bee received of the seconde1 but   
thei use this order1 to the entent to   
bee able to succour the one thother1    
where thei put a maine battaile before1 
and an other behinde thesame on the     
right hande3 so that if the first have  
nede of helpe1 that then the other maie 
make forewarde1 and succour it3 the     
third main battaile1 thei put behind    
these1 but distant from them1 a         

,harkebus shot3 this thei doe1 for that 
thesaid two main battailes being        
repulced1 this maie make forwarde1 and  
have space for theim selves1 and for the
 repulced1 and thesame that marcheth    
forward1 to avoide the justling of the  
one the other3 for asmoche as a grosse  
multitude1 cannot bee received as a     
little bodie3 and therefore1 the little 
bodies beyng destincte1 whiche were in a
 ,romaine ,legion1 might be placed in   
soche wise1 that thei might receive     
betwene theim1 and rescue the one the   
other4 ,and to prove this order of the  
,suizzers not to be so good1 as the     
auncient ,romaines1 many insamples of   
the ,romain ,legions doe declare1 when  
thei fought with the ,grekes ,falangi1  
where alwaies thei were consumed of     
theim3 for that the kinde of their      
weapons 7as ,i have said afore7 and this
 waie of renuyng themselves1 could do   
more1 then the massivenesse of the      
,falangi4 ,havyng therefore1 with these 
insamples to ordaine an armie1 ,i have  

thought good1 partly to retaine the     
maner of armyng and the orders of the   
,grekes ,falangi1 and partely of the    
,romain ,legions3 and therfore ,i have  
saied1 that ,i would have in a main     
battaile1 twoo thousande pikes1 whiche  
be the weapons of the ,macedonicall     
,falangi1 and three thousande           
,targaettes with sweardes1 whiche be the
 ,romain weapons3 ,i have devided the   
main battaile1 into x4 battailes1 as the
 ,romaines their ,legion into ten       
,cohortes3 ,i have ordeined the ,veliti1
 that is the light armed1 to begin the  
faight1 as the ,romaines used3 and like 
as the weapons beyng mingled1 doe       
participate of thone and of the other   
nacion1 so the orders also doe          
participate3 ,i have ordained1 that     
every battaile shall have v4 rankes of  
,pikes in the fronte1 and the rest of   
,targaettes1 to bee able with the front1
 to withstande the horses1 and to enter 
easely into the battaile of the enemies 
on foot1 having in the firste fronte1 or

 vawarde1 ,pikes1 as well as the enemie1
 the whiche shall suffice me to         
withstande them1 the ,targaettes after  
to overcome theim4 ,and if you note the 
vertue of this order1 you shal se al    
these weapons1 to doe fully their       
office1 for that the ,pikes1 bee        
profitable against the horses1 and when 
thei come against the footemenne1 thei  
dooe their office well1 before the      
faight throng together1 bicause so sone 
as thei presse together1 thei become    
unprofitable3 wherefore1 the ,suizzers  
to avoide this inconvenience1 put after 
everye three rankes of ,pikes1 a ranke  
of ,halberdes1 the whiche they do to    
make roome to the ,pikes1 which is not  
yet so much as suffiseth4 ,then putting 
our ,pikes afore1 and the ,targaettes   
behinde1 they come to withstande the    
horses1 and in the beginning of the     
fight1 they open the rayes1 and molest  
the footemen3 ,but when the fight is    
thrust together1 and that they become   
unprofitable1 the ,targaettes and       

swoords succeede1 which may in every    
narowe place be handled4  ,,luigi4 ,wee 
looke nowe with desire to understande1  
howe you would ordeyne the armie to     
fighte the fielde1 with these weapons1  
and with these order4  ,sidenote3 ,the  
nomber of men that was in a ,counsulles 
armie2 ,how the ,romaines placed their  
,legions in the field2 ,how to order an 
armie in the fielde to fighte a         
battaile1 according to the minde of the 
authour2 ,how the extraordinary pikes   
bee placed in the set battaile2 ,the    
place where thextraordinarie archars and
 harkebutters1 and the men of armes and 
lighte horsmen ought to stande when the 
field is pitched1 and goeth to faighte  
the battaile2 ,the ordinarie archars and
 harkebutters are placed aboute their   
owne battailes2 ,the place where the    
generall hedde of a maine battaile muste
 stande1 when thesame power of men is   
appoincted to faight2 ,what menne a     
general capitain of a maine battaile    
oughte to have aboute hym2 ,the place   

wher a general capitain of all thearmie 
must stand when the battaile is ready to
 be fought and what nomber of chosen men
 oughte to be aboute hym2 ,how many     
canons is requisite for an armie1 and of
 what sise they ought to bee2 ,where the
 artillerie ought to be placed when     
thearmie is reedie to fight2 ,an armie  
that were ordered as above is declared1 
maie in fighting1 use the ,grekes maner1
 and the ,roman fashion2 ,to what       
purpose the spaces that be betwene every
 bande of men do serve4  ,,fabricio4    
,and ,i will not nowe shewe you other1  
then this3 you have to understande1 how 
that in an ordinarye ,romane armie1     
which they call a ,consull armie1 there 
were no more1 then twoo ,legions of     
,romane ,citezens which were sixe       
hundred horse1 and about aleven         
thousande footemen3 they had besides as 
many more footemen and horsemen1 whiche 
were sente them from their friends and  
confiderates1 whome they divided into   
twoo partes1 and called the one1 the    

right horne and the other the left      
horne3 nor they never permitted1 that   
these aiding footemen1 should passe the 
nomber of the footemen of their         
,legions1 they were well contented1 that
 the nomber of those horse shoulde be   
more then theirs3 with this armie1 which
 was of xxii4 thousand footemen1 and    
about twoo thousande good horse1 a      
,consul executed all affaires1 and went 
to all enterprises3 yet when it was     
needefull to set against a greater      
force1 twoo ,consulles joyned together  
with twoo armies4 ,you ought also to    
note in especially1 that in all the     
three principall actes1 which an armie  
doth that is1 to march1 to incampe1 and 
to fight1 the ,romanes used to put their
 ,legions in the middeste1 for that they
 woulde1 that the same power1 wherein   
they most trusted1 shoulde bee moste    
united1 as in the reasoning of these    
three actes1 shall be shewed you3 those 
aiding footemen1 through the practise   
they had with the ,legion ,souldiours1  

were as profitable as they1 because they
 were instructed1 according as the      
souldiours of the ,legions were1 and    
therefore1 in like maner in pitching the
 field1 they pitched4 ,then he that     
knoweth how the ,romaines disposed a    
,legion in their armie1 to fight a      
field1 knoweth how they disposed all3   
therefor1 having tolde you how they     
devided a ,legion into three bandes1 and
 how the one bande received the other1  
,i have then told you1 how al tharmie in
 a fielde1 was ordained4 ,wherefore1 ,i 
minding to ordain a field like unto the 
,romaines1 as they had twoo ,legions1 ,i
 will take ii4 main batailes1 and these 
being disposed1 the disposicion of all  
an armie shalbe understode therby3      
bycause in joyning more men1 there is no
 other to be doen1 then to ingrosse the 
orders3 ,i thinke ,i neede not to       
rehearse how many men a maine battaile  
hath1 and howe it hath ten battailes1   
and what heades bee in a battaile and   
what weapons they have1 and which be the

 ordinarie ,pikes and ,veliti1 and which
 the extraordinarie for that a litle a  
fore ,i told you it destinctly1 and ,i  
willed you to kepe it in memorie as a   
necessarie thing to purpose1 to         
understande all the other orders3 and   
therfore ,i will come to the            
demonstracion of the order without      
repeating it any more3 ,me thinkes good1
 that the ten battailes of one main     
battaile be set on the left flanke1 and 
the tenne other1 of the other main      
battaile1 on the right3 these that are  
placed on the left flanke1 be ordeined  
in this maner1 there is put five        
battailes the one to the side of the    
other in the fronte1 after suche sorte1 
that betweene the one and the other1    
there remaine a space of three yardes1  
whiche come to occupie for largenesse   
,cvi4 yardes1 of ground1 and for length 
thirtie3 behinde these five battailes1  
,i would put three other distante by    
right line from the firste thirtie      
yardes3 twoo of the whiche1 should come 

behinde by right line1 to the uttermoste
 of the five1 and the other should kepe 
the space in the middeste1 and so these 
three1 shall come to occupie for bredth 
and length1 as moche space1 as the five 
doeth4 ,but where the five have betwene 
the one1 and the other1 a distaunce of  
three yardes1 these shall have a        
distance of xxv4 yardes4 ,after these1  
,i would place the twoo last battailes1 
in like maner behinde the three by right
 line1 and distaunte from those three1  
thirtie yardes1 and ,i would place eche 
of theim1 behinde the uttermoste part of
 the three1 so that the space1 whiche   
should remain betwen the one and the    
other1 should be lxviii4 yardes3 then al
 these battailes thus ordered1 will take
 in bredth ,cvi4 yardes1 and in length  
,,cl4 ,thextraordinarie ,pikes1 ,i would
 deffende a long the flanckes of these  
battailes1 on the left side1 distante   
from them fiftene yardes1 makyng        
,cxliij4 rankes1 seven to a ranke1 after
 soche sorte1 that thei maie impale with

 their length1 all the left sixe of the 
tenne battailes in thesame wise1        
declared of me to be ordained3 and there
 shall remain fourtie rankes to keepe   
the carriages1 and the unarmed1 whiche  
ought to remaine in the taile of the    
armie1 distributyng the ,peticapitaines1
 and the ,centurions1 in their places3  
and of the three ,conestables1 ,i would 
place one in the hedde1 the other in the
 middeste1 the third in the laste ranke1
 the whiche should execute the office of
 a ,tergiductore1 whom the antiquitie so
 called hym1 that was appoincted to the 
backe of the armie4 ,but retournyng to  
the hedde of the armie1 ,i saie how that
 ,i would place nere to the             
extraordinarie pikes1 the ,veliti       
extraordinarie1 whiche you knowe to be  
five hundred1 and ,i would give them a  
space of xxx4 yardes3 on the side of    
these likewise on the left hande1 ,i    
would place the menne of armes1 and ,i  
would thei should have a space of a     
,cxii4 yardes3 after these1 the light   

horsemen1 to whom ,i would appoinct as  
moche ground to stande in1 as the menne 
of armes have3 the ordinarie veliti1 ,i 
would leave about their owne battailes1 
who should stand in those spaces1 whiche
 ,i appoincte betwene thone battaile and
 thother3 whom should be as their       
ministers1 if sometyme ,i thought not   
good to place them under the            
extraordinarie ,pikes3 in dooyng or not 
doyng whereof1 ,i would proceade1       
accordyng as should tourne best to my   
purpose4 ,the generall hedde of all the 
maine battaile1 ,i would place in       
thesame space1 that were betwene the    
first and the seconde order of the      
battailes1 or els in the hedde1 and in  
thesame space1 that is betwene the laste
 battaile of the firste five1 and the   
extraordinarie ,pikes1 accordyng as     
beste should serve my purpose1 with     
thirtie or fourtie chosen men about hym1
 that knewe by prudence1 how to execute 
a commission1 and by force1 to          
withstande a violence1 and thei to be   

also betwen the ,drumme and the         
,ansigne3 this is thorder1 with the     
whiche ,i would dispose a maine         
battaile1 whiche should bee the         
disposyng of halfe the armie1 and it    
should take in breadth three hundred    
fourscore and twoo yardes1 and in length
 as moche as above is saied1 not        
accomptyng the space1 that thesame parte
 of the extraordinarie ,pikes will take1
 whiche muste make a defence for the    
unarmed1 whiche will bee aboute lxxv4   
yardes3 the other maine battaile1 ,i    
would dispose on the righte side1 after 
the same maner juste1 as ,i have        
disposed that on the lefte1 leavyng     
betwene the one main battaile1 and      
thother1 a space of xxii4 yardes3 in the
 hedde of whiche space1 ,i would set    
some little carriages of artillerie1    
behynde the whiche1 should stande the   
generall capitaine of all the armie1 and
 should have about hym with the         
,trumpet1 and with the ,capitaine       
standerde1 twoo hundred menne at least1 

chosen to be on foote the moste parte1  
emongest whiche there should be tenne or
 more1 mete to execute all              
commaundementes1 and should bee in soche
 wise a horsebacke1 and armed1 that thei
 mighte bee on horsebacke1 and on foote1
 accordyng as neede should require4 ,the
 artillerie of the armie1 suffiseth ten 
,cannons1 for the winning of ,townes1   
whose shotte shoulde not passe fiftie   
pounde3 the whiche in the fielde should 
serve mee more for defence of the campe1
 then for to fight the battaile3 ,the   
other artillerie1 should bee rather of  
ten1 then of fifteene pounde the shotte3
 this ,i would place afore on the front 
of all the armie1 if sometime the       
countrie should not stande in such wise1
 that ,i mighte place it by the flancke 
in a sure place1 where it mighte not of 
the enemie be in daunger3 this fashion  
of an armie thus ordered1 may in        
fighting1 use the order of the ,falangi1
 and the order of the ,romane ,legions3 
for that in the fronte1 bee ,pikes1 all 

the men bee set in the rankes1 after    
such sorte1 that incountering with the  
enemie1 and withstanding him1 maye after
 the use of the ,falangi1 restore the   
firste ranckes1 with those behinde3 on  
the other parte1 if they be charged so  
sore1 that they be constrayned to breake
 the orders1 and to retire themselves1  
they maye enter into the voide places of
 the seconde battailes1 which they have 
behinde them1 and unite their selves    
with them1 and making a new force1      
withstande the enemie1 and overcome him3
 and when this sufficeth not1 they may  
in the verie same maner1 retire them    
selves the seconde time1 and the third  
fight3 so that in this order1 concerning
 to fight1 there is to renue them       
selves1 both according to the ,greeke   
maner1 and according to the ,romane3    
concerning the strength of the armie1   
there cannot be ordayned a more         
stronger3 for as much1 as the one and   
the other borne therof1 is exceedingly  
well replenished1 both with heades1 and 

weapons1 nor there remayneth weake1     
other then the part behinde of the      
unarmed1 and the same also1 hath the    
flanckes impaled with the extraordinarie
 ,pikes3 nor the enemie can not of anye 
parte assaulte it1 where he shall not   
finde it well appointed1 and the hinder 
parte can not be assaulted3 ,because    
there can not bee an enemie1 that hath  
so much puissaunce1 whome equallye maye 
assault thee on everye side3 for that   
hee having so great a power1 thou       
oughtest not then to matche thy selfe in
 the fielde with him3 but when he were  
three times more then thou1 and as well 
appointed as thou1 hee doth weaken him  
selfe in assaulting thee in divers      
places1 one part that thou breakest1    
will cause all the reste go to naughte3 
concerning horses1 although he chaunce  
to have more then thine1 thou needest   
not feare3 for that the orders of the   
,pikes1 which impale thee1 defende thee 
from all violence of them1 although thy 
horses were repulced4 ,the heades       

besides this1 be disposed in such place1
 that they may easyly commaunde1 and    
obeye3 the spaces that bee between the  
one battaile1 and the other1 and        
betweene the one order1 and the other1  
not onely serve to be able to receyve   
the one the other1 but also to give     
place to the messengers1 whiche should  
go and come by order of the ,capitayne4 
,and as ,i tolde you firste1 howe the   
,romanes had for an armie1 aboute foure 
and twentie thousande men1 even so this 
oughte to bee3 and as the other         
souldiours tooke ensample of the        
,legions1 for the maner of fighting1 and
 the fashion of the armie1 so those     
souldiours1 whiche you shoulde joyne to 
oure twoo mayne battailes1 oughte to    
take the forme and order of them3       
whereof having put you an ensample1 it  
is an easye matter to imitate it1 for   
that increasing1 either twoo other mayne
 battailes unto the armie1 or as many   
other souldiours1 as they bee1 there is 
no other to bee done1 then to double the

 orders1 and where was put tenne        
battailes on the lefte parte1 to put    
twentie1 either ingrossing1 or          
distending the orders1 according as the 
place1 or the enemie shoulde compell    
thee4  ,,luigi4 ,surelye sir ,i imagine 
in suche wise of this armie1 that mee   
thinkes ,i nowe see it1 and ,i burne    
with a desire to see it incounter1 and  
,i woulde for nothing in the worlde1    
that you shoulde become ,fabius ,maximus
 intendyng to kepe the enemie at a baie1
 and to deferre the daie of battaile3   
bicause ,i would saie worse of you1 then
 the ,romain people saied of hym4       
,sidenote3 ,the descripcion of a        
battaile that is a faightyng4           
,,fabricio4 ,doubt not3 ,doe you not    
heare the artillerie8 ,ours have alredie
 shotte1 but little hurte the enemie3   
and thextraordinarie ,veliti1 issuyng   
out of their places together with the   
light horsemen1 moste speadely1 and with
 moste merveilous furie1 and greateste  
crie that maie be1 thei assaulte the    

enemie3 whose artillerie hath discharged
 ones1 and hath passed over the heddes  
of our footemen1 without doyng them any 
hurt1 and bicause it cannot shoote the  
seconde tyme1 the ,veliti1 and our      
horsemen1 have nowe gotten it1 and the  
enemies for to defende it1 are come fore
 warde1 so that neither our ordinaunce1 
nor thenemies1 can any more doe their   
office4 ,se with how moche vertue1      
strengthe and agilitie our men          
faighteth1 and with how moche knowledge 
through the exercise1 whiche hath made  
them to abide1 and by the confidence1   
that thei have in the armie1 the whiche1
 see1 how with the pace therof1 and with
 the men of armes on the sides1 it      
marcheth in good order1 to give the     
charge on the adversarie3 ,see our      
artillerie1 whiche to give theim place1 
and to leave them the space free1 is    
retired by thesame space1 from whens the
 ,veliti issued3 ,see how the capitaine 
incourageth them1 sheweth them the      
victorie certain3 ,see how the ,veliti  

and light horsemen bee inlarged1 and    
retourned on the flanckes of tharmie1 to
 seke and view1 if thei maie by the     
flanck1 doe any injurie to the          
adversaries3 behold how the armies be   
affronted4 ,se with how moche           
valiauntnesse thei have withstode the   
violence of thenemies1 and with how     
moche silence1 and how the capitain     
commaundeth the menne of armes1 that    
thei sustain1 and not charge1 and that  
thei breake not from the order of the   
footemen3 see how our light horsemen be 
gone1 to give the charge on a band of   
the enemies ,harkebutters1 whiche would 
have hurt our men by flancke1 and how   
the enemies horse have succoured them1  
so that tourned betwene the one and the 
other horse1 thei cannot shoote1 but are
 faine to retire behinde their owne     
battaile3 see with what furie our ,pikes
 doe also affront1 and how the footemen 
be now so nere together the one to the  
other1 that the ,pikes can no more be   
occupied3 so that according to the      

knowlege learned of us1 our pikes do    
retire a little and a little betwen the 
targaettes4 ,se how in this while a     
great bande of men of armes of the      
enemies1 have charged our men of armes  
on the lefte side1 and how ours1        
accordyng to knowlege1 bee retired under
 the extraordinarie ,pikes1 and with the
 help of those1 giving again a freshe   
charge1 have repulced the adversaries1  
and slain a good part of them3 in so    
moche1 that thordinarie pikes of the    
first battailes1 be hidden betwene the  
raies of the ,targaettes1 thei havyng   
lefte the faight to the ,targaet men3   
whom you maie see1 with how moche       
vertue1 securitie1 and leasure1 thei    
kill the enemie3 see you not how moche  
by faightyng1 the orders be thrust      
together8 ,that thei can scarse welde   
their sweardes8 ,behold with how moche  
furie the enemies move3 bicause beyng   
armed with the pike1 and with the swerd 
unprofitable 7the one for beyng to long1
 the other for findyng thenemie to well 

armed7 in part thei fall hurt or dedde1 
in parte thei flie4 ,see1 thei flie on  
the righte corner1 thei flie also on the
 lefte3 behold1 the victorie is ours4   
,have not we wonne a field moste        
happely8 ,but with more happinesse it   
should bee wonne1 if it were graunted me
 to put it in acte4 ,and see1 how there 
neded not the helpe of the seconde1 nor 
of the third order1 for our first fronte
 hath sufficed to overcome theim3 in    
this part1 ,i have no other to saie unto
 you1 then to resolve if any doubt be   
growen you4  ,sidenote3 ,questions      
concerning the shotyng of ordinaunce4   
,,luigi4 ,you have with so moche furie  
wonne this fielde that ,i so moche      
mervaile and am so astonied1 that ,i    
beleve that ,i am not able to expresse1 
if any doubt remain in my mynde3 yet    
trustyng in your prudence1 ,i will be so
 bolde to tell thesame that ,i          
understande4 ,tell me firste1 why made  
you not your ordinaunce to shoote more  
then ones8 ,and why straighte waie you  

made them to retire into tharmie1 nor   
after made no mension of them8 ,me      
thought also1 that you leveled the      
artillerie of the enemie high1 and      
appoincted it after your own devise3 the
 whiche might very well bee1 yet when it
 should happen1 as ,i beleve it         
chaunseth often1 that thei strike the   
rankes1 what reamedie have you8 ,and    
seyng that ,i have begun of the         
artillerie1 ,i will finishe all this    
question1 to the intente ,i nede not to 
reason therof any more4 ,i have heard   
many dispraise the armours1 and the     
orders of the aunciente armies1 arguyng1
 how now a daies1 thei can doe little1  
but rather should bee altogether        
unprofitable1 havyng respecte to the    
furie of the artillerie3 bicause1 this  
breaketh the orders1 and passeth the    
armours in soche wise1 that it semeth   
unto them a foolishenesse to make an    
order1 whiche cannot bee kepte1 and to  
take pain to beare a harneis1 that      
cannot defende a man4  ,sidenote3 ,an   

aunswere to the questions that were     
demaunded1 concernyng the shoting of    
ordinaunce2 ,the best remedie to avoide 
the hurte that the enemie in the fielde 
maie doe with his ordinaunce2 ,a policie
 against bowes and dartes2 ,nothyng     
causeth greater confusion in an armie1  
than to hinder mennes fightes2 ,nothing 
more blindeth the sight of men in an    
armie1 then the smoke of ordinaunce2 ,a 
policie to trouble the enemies sight2   
,the shotte of greate ordinaunce in the 
fielde1 is not moche to bee feared of   
fotemenne2 ,bicause menne of armes stand
 closer together then light horsmen1    
thei ought to remaine behinde the armie 
till the enemies ordinaunce have done   
shootyng2 ,the artillerie is no let1 why
 the auncient orders of warfar ought not
 to be used in these daies4  ,,fabricio4
 ,this question of yours 7bicause it    
hath many heddes7 hath neede of a long  
aunswere4 ,it is true1 that ,i made not 
thartillery to shoote more than ones1   
and also of thesame ones1 ,i stoode in  

doubte3 the occasion was1 for asmoche as
 it importeth more1 for one to take hede
 not to be striken1 then it importeth to
 strike the enemie4 ,you have to        
understande1 that to purpose that a pece
 of ordinaunce hurte you not1 it is     
necessarie either to stande where it    
cannot reche you1 or to get behinde a   
wall1 or behinde a banke3 other thing   
there is not that can witholde it3 and  
it is nedefull also1 that the one and   
the other be moste strong4 ,those       
capitaines whiche come to faight a      
field1 cannot stand behind a wal1 or    
behind bankes1 nor where thei maie not  
be reached3 therfore it is mete for     
them1 seyng thei cannot finde a waie to 
defende them1 to finde some mean1 by the
 whiche thei maie be least hurte3 nor   
thei cannot finde any other waie1 then  
to prevente it quickly3 the waie to     
prevent it1 is to go to finde it out of 
hande1 and hastely1 not at leasure and  
in a heape3 for that through spede1 the 
blowe is not suffered to bee redoubled1 

and by the thinnesse1 lesse nomber of   
menne maie be hurt4 ,this1 a bande of   
menne ordered1 cannot dooe2 bicause if  
thesame marche hastely1 it goweth out of
 order3 if it go scattered1 the enemie  
shall have no paine to breake it1 for   
that it breaketh by it self3 and        
therfore1 ,i ordered the armie after    
soche sorte1 that it might dooe the one 
thyng and the other3 for as moche as    
havyng set in the corners thereof1 a    
thousande ,veliti1 ,i appoincted that   
after that our ordinaunce had shotte1   
thei should issue out together with the 
light horsemen1 to get the enemies      
artillerie3 and therfore1 ,i made not my
 ordinance to shoote again1 to the      
intente1 to give no tyme to the enemie  
to shoote3 ,bicause space could not be  
given to me1 and taken from other men1  
and for thesame occasion1 where ,i made 
my ordinaunce not to shoote the seconde 
tyme1 was for that ,i would not have    
suffered the enemie to have shot at al1 
if ,i had could3 seyng that to mynde    

that the enemies artillerie be          
unprofitable1 there is no other remedie1
 but to assaulte it spedely3 for as     
moche as if the enemies forsake it1 thou
 takeste it1 if thei will defende it1 it
 is requisite that thei leave it behind1
 so that being possessed of enemies1 and
 of frendes1 it cannot shoote4 ,i would 
beleve1 that with out insamples these   
reasons should suffice you1 yet beyng   
able to shewe olde ensamples1 to prove  
my saiynges true1 ,i will4 ,ventidio    
commyng to faight a field with the      
,parthians1 whose strength for the moste
 part1 consisted in bowes and arrowes1  
he suffered theim almoste to come harde 
to his campe1 before he drewe out his   
armie1 the whiche onely he did1 to be   
able quickly to prevent them3 and not to
 give them space to shoote4 ,cesar when 
he was in ,fraunce1 maketh mencion1 that
 in faighting a battaile with the       
enemies1 he was with so moche furie     
assaulted of them1 that his menne had no
 time to whorle their ,dartes1 accordyng

 to the custome of the ,romaines3       
wherfore it is seen1 that to intende1   
that a thyng that shooteth farre of1    
beyng in the field1 doe not hurte thee1 
there is no other remedy1 then with as  
moche celeritie as maie bee1 to prevente
 it4 ,an other cause moved me to        
procede1 without shotyng the ordinaunce1
 whereat peradventure you will laugh3   
yet ,i judge not that it is to be       
dispraised4 ,ther is nothyng that       
causeth greater confusion in an armie1  
then to hinder mennes fightes3 whereby  
many moste puisaunte armies have been   
broken1 by meanes their fighte hath been
 letted1 either with duste1 or with the 
,sunne3 yet there is nothyng1 that more 
letteth the sight then the smoke that   
the artillerie maketh in shotyng3       
therfore1 ,i would thinke that it wer   
more wisedome1 to suffer the enemie to  
blinde hymself1 then to purpose 7thou   
being blind7 to go to finde hym3 for    
this cause1 either ,i would not shote1  
or 7for that this should not be proved1 

considering the reputacion that the     
artillerie hath7 ,i would place it on   
the corners of the armie1 so that       
shootyng1 it should not with the smoke  
thereof1 blinde the front of thesame1   
whiche is the importaunce of my men4    
,and to prove that it is a profitable   
thyng1 to let the sight of the enemie1  
there maie be brought for insample      
,epaminondas1 whom to blind the enemies 
armie1 whiche came to faight with hym1  
he caused his light horsemen1 to run    
before the fronte of the enemies1 to    
raise up the duste1 and to lette their  
sight1 whereby he gotte the victorie4   
,and where it semeth unto you1 that ,i  
have guided the shot of the artillerie1 
after my owne devise1 making it to passe
 over the heddes of my men1 ,i answer   
you1 that most often tymes1 and without 
comparison1 the greate ordinaunce misse 
the footemen1 moche soner than hitte    
theim3 for that the footemen are so     
lowe1 and those so difficult to shoote2 
that every little that thou raisest     

theim1 thei passe over the heddes of    
men3 and if thei be leveled never so    
little to lowe1 thei strike in the      
yearth1 and the blowe cometh not to     
theim3 also the unevenesse of the       
grounde saveth them1 for that every     
little hillocke1 or high place that is1 
betwene the men and thordinance1 letteth
 the shot therof4 ,and concernyng       
horsmen1 and in especially men of armes1
 bicause thei ought to stand more close 
together1 then the light horsemen1 and  
for that thei are moche higher1 maie the
 better be stroken1 thei maie1 untill   
the artillerie have shotte1 be kepte in 
the taile of the armie4 ,true it is1    
that the ,harkebutters doe moche more   
hurt1 and the field peces1 then the     
greate ordinance1 for the whiche1 the   
greatest remedy is1 to come to hande    
strokes quickly3 and if in the firste   
assaulte1 there be slaine some1 alwaies 
there shall bee slaine3 but a good      
capitaine1 and a good armie1 ought not  
to make a coumpte of a hurte1 that is   

particulare1 but of a generall1 and to  
imitate the ,suizzers1 whom never eschue
 to faight1 beyng made afraied of the   
artillerie3 but rather punishe with     
death those1 whiche for feare thereof1  
either should go out of the ranke1 or   
should make with his body any signe of  
feare4 ,i made them 7so sone as thei had
 shotte7 to bee retired into the armie1 
that thei might leave the waie free for 
the battaile3 ,i made no more mencion of
 theim1 as of a thyng unprofitable1 the 
faight beyng begun4 ,you have also      
saied1 that consideryng the violence of 
this instrument1 many judge the armours1
 and the auncient orders to be to no    
purpose1 and it semeth by this your     
talke1 that men now a daies1 have founde
 orders and armours1 whiche are able to 
defend them against the artillerie3 if  
you knowe this1 ,i would bee glad that  
you would teache it me3 for that        
hetherto1 ,i never sawe any1 nor ,i     
beleve that there can any be founde3 so 
that ,i would understande of soche men1 

for what cause the souldiours on foote  
in these daies1 weare the breastplate1  
or the corselet of steele1 and thei on  
horsebacke go all armed3 bicause seyng  
that thei blame the aunciente armyng of 
men as unprofitable1 considryng the     
artillery1 thei ought to despise also   
this8 ,i would understande moreover1 for
 what occasion the ,suizzers1 like unto 
the auncient orders1 make a battaile    
close together of sixe1 or eight        
thousande menne1 and for what occasion  
all other have imitated theim1 this     
order bearyng the verie same perill1    
concernyng the artillerie1 that those   
other should beare1 whiche should       
imitate the antiquitie4 ,i beleve thei  
should not knowe what to answere3 but if
 you should aske soche ,souldiours1 as  
had some judgement1 thei would aunswere 
first1 that thei go armed1 for that     
though thesame armoure defende theim not
 from the artillerie3 it defendeth them 
from crossebowes1 from ,pikes1 from     
sweardes1 from stones1 and from all     

other hurt1 that commeth from the       
enemies1 thei would answere also1 that  
thei went close together1 like the      
,suizzers1 to be able more easely to    
overthrow the footemen1 to be able to   
withstand better the horse and to give  
more difficultie to the enemie to breake
 them3 so that it is seen1 that the     
souldiours have to fear1 many other     
thynges besides the ordinance3 from     
which thynges1 with the armours1 and    
with the orders1 thei are defended3     
whereof foloweth1 that the better that  
an armie is armed1 and the closer that  
it hath the orders1 and stronger1 so    
moche the surer it is3 so that he that  
is of thesame opinion1 that you saie1 it
 behoveth either that he bee of smalle  
wisedome1 or that in this thyng1 he hath
 studied verie little3 for as moche as  
if we see1 that so little a parte of the
 aunciente maner of armyng1 whiche is   
used now a daies1 that is the pike1 and 
so little a parte of those orders1 as   
are the maine battailes of the          

,suizzers1 dooe us so moche good1 and   
cause our armies to bee so strong1 why  
ought not we to beleve1 that the other  
armours1 and thother orders whiche are  
lefte1 be profitable8 ,seyng that if we 
have no regard to the artillerie1 in    
puttyng our selves close together1 as   
the ,suizzers1 what other orders maie   
make us more to feare thesame8 ,for as  
moche as no order can cause us so moche 
to feare thesame1 as those1 whiche bryng
 men together4 ,besides this1 if the    
artillerie of the enemies should not    
make me afraied1 in besiegyng a ,toune1 
where it hurteth me with more safegarde1
 beyng defended of a wall1 ,i beyng not 
able to prevente it1 but onely with     
tyme1 with my artillerie to lette it1   
after soche sorte that it maie double   
the blowe as it liste1 why should ,i    
feare thesame in the field1 where ,i    
maie quickly prevent it8 ,so that ,i    
conclude thus1 that the artillerie1     
according to my opinion1 doeth not let1 
that the aunciente maners cannot be     

used1 and to shewe the auncient vertue3 
and if ,i had not talked alreadie with  
you of this instrument1 ,i would of     
thesame1 declare unto you more at       
length3 but ,i will remit my self to    
that1 whiche then ,i saied4  ,,luigi4   
,wee maie now understande verie well1   
how moche you have aboute the artillerie
 discoursed3 and in conclusion1 my      
thinkes you have shewed1 that the       
preventyng it quickly1 is the greatest  
remedie1 that maie be had for thesame1  
beyng in the fielde1 and havyng an armie
 againste you4 ,upon the whiche there   
groweth in me a doubte3 bicause me      
thinkes1 that the enemie might place his
 ordinaunce in soche wise1 in his armie1
 that it should hurt you1 and should be 
after soche sort garded of the footemen1
 that it could not be prevented4 ,you   
have 7if you remember your self well7 in
 the orderyng of your armie to faight1  
made distaunces of three yardes1 betwene
 the one battaile and the other1 makyng 
those distaunces fiftene1 whiche is from

 the battailes1 to thextraordinarie     
pikes3 if thenemie1 shuld order his     
armie like unto yours1 and should putte 
the artillerie a good waie within those 
spaces1 ,i beleve that from thens1 it   
should hurte you with their moste greate
 safegard3 bicause menne can not enter  
into the force of their enemies to      
prevent it4  ,sidenote3 ,a generall rule
 againste soche thynges as cannot bee   
withstoode4  ,,fabricio4 ,you doubt     
moste prudently1 and ,i will devise with
 my self1 either to resolve you the     
doubte1 or shewe you the remedie3 ,i    
have tolde you1 that continually these  
battailes1 either through goyng1 or     
thorowe faightyng1 are movyng1 and      
alwaies naturally1 thei come to drawe   
harde together1 so that if you make the 
distaunces of a small breadth1 where you
 set the artillerie1 in a little tyme   
thei be shootte up1 after soche sort1   
that the artillerie cannot any more     
shoote3 if you make theim large1 to     
avoide this perill1 you incurre into a  

greater1 where you through those        
distances1 not onely give commoditie to 
the enemie1 to take from you the        
artillerie1 but to breake you3 but you  
have to understande1 that it is         
impossible to keepe the artillerie      
betwene the bandes1 and in especially   
those whiche go on carriages3 ,for that 
the artillerie goeth one waie1 and      
shooteth an other waie3 ,so that havyng 
to go and to shoote1 it is necessary1   
before thei shote1 that thei tourne1 and
 for to tourne theim1 thei will have so 
moche space1 that fiftie cartes of      
artillerie1 would disorder any armie3   
therfore1 it is mete to kepe them out of
 the bandes1 where thei may be overcome 
in the maner1 as a little afore we have 
shewed3 but admit thei might be kept1   
and that there might be found a waie    
betwen bothe1 and of soche condicion1   
that the presyng together of men should 
not hinder the artillerie1 and were not 
so open that it should give waie to the 
enemie1 ,i saie1 that it is remedied    

moste easely1 with makyng distances in  
thy armie against it1 whiche maie give  
free passage to the shot of those1 and  
so the violence thereof shall come to be
 vain1 the which maie be doen moste     
easely3 for asmoche1 as the enemie      
mindyng to have his artillerie stand    
safe1 it behoveth that he put them      
behinde1 in the furthest part of the    
distances1 so that the shot of the same1
 he purposyng that thei hurt not his    
owne men1 ought to passe by right line1 
and by that very same alwaies3 and      
therefore with givyng theim place1      
easely thei maie bee avoided3 for that  
this is a generall rule1 that to those  
thynges1 whiche cannot be withstoode1   
there must bee given waie1 as the       
antiquitie made to the ,eliphantes1 and 
to the carres full of hookes4 ,i beleve1
 ye1 ,i am more then certaine1 that it  
semeth unto you1 that ,i have ordered   
and wonne a battaile after my own maner3
 notwithstanding1 ,i answeer unto you   
this1 when so moche as ,i have saied    

hetherto1 should not suffice1 that it   
should be impossible1 that an armie thus
 ordered1 and armed1 should not overcome
 at the first incounter1 any other armie
 that should bee ordained1 as thei order
 the armies now adaies1 whom most often 
tymes1 make not but one front1 havyng no
 targaettes1 and are in soche wise      
unarmed1 that thei cannot defende       
themselves from the enemie at hand1 and 
thei order theim after soche sorte1 that
 if thei set their battailes by flanck1 
the one to the other1 thei make the     
armie thinne3 if thei put the one behind
 the other1 havyng no waie to receive   
the one the other1 thei doe it          
confusedly1 and apt to be easly         
troubled3 and although thei give three  
names to their armies1 and devide them  
into thre companies1 vaward1 battaile1  
and rereward1 notwithstandyng it serveth
 to no other purpose1 then to marche1   
and to distinguis the lodgynges3 but in 
the daie of battaile1 thei binde them   
all to the first brunte1 and to the     

first fortune4  ,,luigi4 ,i have noted  
also in the faightyng of your fielde1   
how your horsemen were repulced of the  
enemies horsemen3 for whiche cause thei 
retired to the extraordinaire ,pikes3   
whereby grewe1 that with the aide of    
theim1 thei withstode1 and drave the    
enemies backe8 ,i beleve that the ,pikes
 maie withstande the horses1 as you     
saie1 but in a grosse and thicke maine  
battaile1 as the ,suizzers make3 but you
 in your army1 have for the hedde five  
rankes of ,pikes1 and for the flancke   
seven1 so that ,i cannot tell how thei  
maie bee able to withstande them4       
,sidenote3 ,a ,battaile how greate so   
ever it bee1 cannot atones occupy above 
v4 rankes of ,pikes4  ,,fabricio4 ,yet  
,i have told you1 how sixe rankes of    
pikes wer occupied at ones1 in the      
,macedonicall ,falangi1 albeit you ought
 to understande1 that a maine battaile  
of ,suizzers1 if it were made of a      
thousande rankes1 it cannot occupie more
 then fower1 or at the most five3       

bicause the ,pikes be sixe yardes and   
three quarters longe1 one yarde and     
halfe a quarter1 is occupied of the     
handes1 wherefore to the firste ranke1  
there remaineth free five yardes and a  
half1 and a halfe quarter of ,pike3 the 
seconde ranke besides that whiche is    
occupied with the hande1 consumeth a    
yarde and half a quarter in the space1  
whiche remaineth betwene the one ranke  
and thother3 so that there is not left  
of pike profitable1 more then fower     
yardes and a halfe3 to the thirde ranke1
 by this verie same reason1 there       
remaineth three yardes and a quarter and
 a halfe3 to the fowerth1 twoo yardes   
and a quarter3 to the fift one yard and 
halfe a quarter3 the other rankes1 for  
to hurte1 be unprofitable1 but thei     
serve to restore these firste rankes1 as
 we have declared1 and to bee a         
fortificacion to those v4 ,then if five 
of their rankes can withstande the      
horse1 why cannot five of ours          
withstande theim8 to the whiche also    

there lacketh not rankes behinde1 that  
doeth sustain and make them the very    
same staie1 although thei have no pikes 
as the other4 ,and when the rankes of   
thextraordinarie pikes1 which are placed
 on the flanckes1 should seme unto you  
thinne1 thei maie bee brought into a    
quadrante1 and put on the flancke nere  
the twoo battailes1 whiche ,i set in the
 laste companie of the armie3 ,from the 
whiche place1 thei maie easely          
altogether succour the fronte1 and the  
backe of the armie1 and minister helpe  
to the horses1 accordyng as nede shall  
require4  ,,luigi4 ,would you alwaies   
use this forme of order1 when you would 
pitche a fielde4  ,sidenote3 ,an        
advertiement concernyng the pitchying of
 a field4  ,,fabricio4 ,no in no wise3  
for that you ought to varie the facion  
of the armie1 according to the qualitie 
of the situacion1 and the condicion and 
quantitie of the enemie1 as before this 
reasonyng dooe ende1 shall bee shewed   
certaine insamples3 but this forme is   

given unto you1 not so moche as moste   
strongeste of all1 where in deede it is 
verie strong1 as to the intente that    
thereby you maie take a rule1 and an    
order to learne to knowe the waies to   
ordeine the other3 for as moche1 as     
every science hath his generalitie1 upon
 the whiche a good part of it is        
grounded4 ,one thing onely ,i advise    
you1 that you never order an armie1     
after soche sorte1 that those that      
faight afore1 cannot bee sucoured of    
theim1 whiche be set behind3 bicause he 
that committeth this errour1 maketh the 
greateste parte of his armie to bee     
unprofitable1 and if it incounter any   
strength1 it cannot overcome4  ,,luigi4 
,there is growen in me1 upon this parte 
a doubte4 ,i have seen that in the      
placyng of the battailes1 you make the  
fronte of five on a side1 the middeste  
of three1 and the last partes of twoo1  
and ,i beleve1 that it were better to   
ordain them contrariwise3 for that ,i   
thinke1 that an armie should with more  

difficultie bee broken1 when he that    
should charge upon it1 the more that he 
should entre into the-same1 so moche the
 stronger he should finde it3 and the   
order devised of you1 me thinkes maketh1
 that the more it is entered into1 so   
moche the weaker it is founde4          
,sidenote3 ,how the front of the armie  
ought to bee made2 ,how the middell part
 of the armie ought to be ordered4      
,,fabricio4 ,if you should remember how 
to the ,triarii1 whom were the thirde   
order of the ,romain ,legions1 there    
were not assigned more then sixe hundred
 men1 you would doubt lesse1 havyng     
understode how thei were placed in the  
laste companie3 ,for that you should    
see1 how ,i moved of this insample1 have
 placed in the last companie twoo       
battailes1 whiche are nine hundred men1 
so that ,i come rather 7folowyng the    
insample of the ,romaine people7 to     
erre1 for havyng taken to many1 then to 
fewe3 and although this insample should 
suffice1 ,i will tell you the reason1   

the which is this4 ,the first fronte of 
the armie1 is made perfectly whole and  
thicke1 bicause it must withstande the  
brunt of the enemies1 and it hath not to
 receive in it any of their felowes3 and
 for this1 it is fitte that it bee full 
of menne3 bicause a fewe menne1 should  
make it weake1 either thinnesse1 or for 
lacke of sufficiente nomber3 but the    
seconde companie1 for as moche as it    
must first receive their frendes1 to    
sustain the enemie1 it is mete that it  
have greate spaces1 and for this it     
behoveth1 that it be of lesse nomber    
then the first3 for that if it wer of   
greater nomber1 or equall1 it should bee
 conveniente1 either not to leave the   
distaunces1 the whiche should be        
disorder1 or leavyng theim1 to passe the
 boundes of thoseafore1 the whiche      
should make the facion of the armie     
unperfecte3 and it is not true that you 
saie1 that the enemie1 the more that he 
entereth into the maine battaile1 so    
moche the weaker he findeth it3 for that

 the enemie1 can never faight with the  
seconde order1 except the first be      
joined with thesame3 so that he cometh  
to finde the middest of the maine       
battaile more stronger1 and not more    
weaker1 havyng to faight with the first1
 and with the seconde order altogether3 
the verie same happeneth1 when the      
enemie should come to the thirde        
companie3 for that there1 not with twoo 
battailes1 whiche is founde freshe1 but 
with all the maine battaile he must     
faight3 and for that this last part hath
 to receive moste men1 the spaces therof
 is requisite to be greatest1 and that  
whiche receiveth them1 to be the leste  
nomber4  ,sidenote3 ,the orderyng of the
 hinder part of tharmy4  ,,luigi4 ,it   
pleaseth me thesame that you have told3 
but answere me also this3 if the five   
first battailes doe retire betwene the  
three seconde battailes1 and after the  
eight betwene the twoo thirde1 it semeth
 not possible1 that the eight beyng     
brought together1 and then the tenne    

together1 maie bee received when thei   
bee eight1 or when thei be tenne in the 
verie same space1 whiche received the   
five4  ,sidenote3 ,the retire of the    
,pikes1 to place the ,targaet men4      
,,fabricio4 ,the first thyng that ,i    
aunswere is1 that it is not the verie   
same space3 ,for that the five have     
fower spaces in the middeste1 whiche    
retiryng betwene the thre1 or betwene   
the twoo1 thei occupie3 then there      
remaineth thesame space1 that is betwene
 the one maine battaile and other and   
thesame that is1 betwene the battailes1 
and the extraordinarie ,pikes1 al the   
whiche spaces makes largenesse3 besides 
this1 it is to bee considered1 that the 
battailes kepe other maner of spaces1   
when thei bee in the orders without     
beyng altered1 then when thei be        
altered3 for that in the alteracion3    
either thei throng together1 or thei    
inlarge the orders3 thei inlarge theim1 
when thei feare so moche1 that thei fall
 to fliyng1 thei thrust them together1  

when thei feare in soche wise1 that thei
 seke to save them selves1 not with     
runnyng a waie1 but with defence3 ,so   
that in this case1 thei should come to  
be destingueshed1 and not to be         
inlarged4 ,moreover1 the five rankes of 
the ,pikes1 that are before1 so sone as 
thei have begun the faighte1 thei ought 
betwene their battailes to retire1 into 
the taile of the armie1 for to give     
place to the ,targaet men1 that thei    
maie faighte3 and thei goyng into the   
taile of the armie1 maie dooe soche     
service as the capitain should judge1   
were good to occupie theim aboute1 where
 in the forward1 the faight beyng       
mingled1 thei should otherwise bee      
altogether unprofitable4 ,and for this  
the spaces ordained1 come to bee for the
 remnaunte of the menne1 wide inough to 
receive them3 yet when these spaces     
should not suffice1 the flankes on the  
sides be men1 and not walles1 whom      
givyng place1 and inlargyng them selves1
 maie make the space to containe so     

moche1 that it maie bee sufficient to   
receive theim4  ,sidenote3 ,how the     
pikes that are placed on the flankes of 
the armie ought to governe them selves  
when the rest of the armie is driven to 
retire4  ,,luigi4 ,the rankes of the    
extraordinarie ,pikes1 whiche you place 
on the flanckes of the armie1 when the  
first battailes retire into the second1 
will you have them to stande still1 and 
remain with twoo homes to the armie8 ,or
 will you that thei also retire         
together1 with the battailes8 ,the      
whiche when thei should do1 ,i see not  
how thei can1 havyng no battailes       
behinde with distaunces that maie       
receive them4  ,sidenote3 ,thexercise of
 the army in generall2 ,the nomber that 
is mete to be written in the ,ansigne of
 every band of men2 ,the degrees of     
honours in an armie1 whiche soche a man 
ought to rise by1 as should bee made a  
generall capitain4  ,,fabricio4 ,if the 
enemie overcome theim not1 when he      
inforceth the battailes to retire1 thei 

maie stande still in their order1 and   
hurte the enemie on the flanck1 after   
that the firste battailes retired3 but  
if he should also overcome theim1 as    
semeth reason1 beyng so puisaunte1 that 
he is able to repulce the other1 thei   
also ought to retire3 whiche thei maie  
dooe excellently well1 although thei    
have not behinde1 any to receive them3  
bicause from the middest thei maie      
redouble by right line1 entring the one 
ranke into the other1 in the maner      
whereof wee reasoned1 when it was spoken
 of the order of redoublyng3 ,true it   
is1 that to mynde redoublyng to retire  
backe1 it behoveth to take an other     
waie1 then thesame that ,i shewed you3  
for that ,i told you1 that the second   
ranke1 ought to enter into the first1   
the fowerth into the thirde1 and so     
foorth3 in this case1 thei ought not to 
begin before1 but behinde1 so that      
redoublyng the rankes1 thei maie come to
 retire backewarde not to tourne        
forward3 but to aunswere to all thesame1

 that upon this foughten field by me    
shewed1 might of you bee replied4 ,i    
saie unto you again1 that ,i have       
ordained you this armie1 and shewed this
 foughten field for two causes1 thone1  
for to declare unto you how it is       
ordered1 the other to shewe you how it  
is exercised3 thorder1 ,i beleve you    
understande moste well3 and concernyng  
the exersice1 ,i saie unto you1 that    
thei ought to be put together in this   
forme1 as often times as maie be3 for as
 moche as the heddes learne therby1 to  
kepe their battailes in these orders3   
for that to particulare souldiours1 it  
appertaineth to keepe well the orders of
 every battaile1 to the heddes of the   
battailes1 it appertaineth to keepe     
theim well in every order of the armie1 
and that thei knowe how to obeie1 at the
 commaundement of the generall capitain3
 therefore1 it is conveniente that thei 
knowe1 how to joyne the one battaile    
with thother1 that thei maie knowe how  
to take their place atones3 and for this

 cause it is mete that thansigne of     
every battaile1 have written in some    
evident part1 the nomber therof3 as well
 for to be able to commaunde them1 as   
also for that the capitain1 and the     
souldiours by thesame nomber1 maie more 
easely knowe theim againe3 also the     
maine battailes1 ought to be nombred1   
and to have the nomber in their         
principal ,ansigne3 ,therefore it is    
requisite1 to knowe of what nomber the  
maine battaile shall be1 that is placed 
on the left1 or on the right horne of   
what nombers the battailes bee1 that are
 set in the fronte1 and in the middeste1
 and so foorthe of the other4 ,the      
antiquitie would also1 that these       
nombers should bee steppes to degrees1  
of honors of the armies3 as for         
insample1 the first degree1 is the      
,peticapitain1 the seconde1 the hedde of
 fiftie ordinarie ,veliti1 the thirde1  
the ,centurion1 the fowerth1 the hedde  
of the first battaile1 the fifte1 of the
 second1 the sixt1 of the thirde1 and so

 forthe1 even to the tenth battaile1 the
 whiche must be honoured in the seconde 
place1 nexte the generall capitaine of a
 maine battaile3 nor any ought to come  
to thesame hedde1 if first1 he have not 
risen up by all these degrees4 ,and     
bicause besides these heddes1 there be  
the three ,conestables of the           
extraordinarie ,pikes1 and twoo of the  
extraordinarie ,veliti1 ,i would that   
thei should be in the same degree of the
 ,conestable of the first battaile3 nor 
,i would not care1 that there were sixe 
men of like degree1 to thintent1 that   
every one of them might strive1 who     
should doe beste1 for to be promised to 
be hedde of the seconde battaile4 ,then 
every one of these heddes1 knowyng in   
what place his battaile ought to be     
sette in1 of necessitie it must folowe1 
that at a sounde of the ,trompette1 so  
sone as the hedde standarde shall bee   
erected1 all the armie shall be in their
 places3 and this is the first exercise1
 whereunto an armie ought to bee        

accustomed1 that is to set theim quickly
 together3 and to doe this1 it is       
requisite every daie1 and divers times  
in one daie1 to set them in order1 and  
to disorder them4  ,,luigi4 ,what armes 
would you that thansignes of all the    
armie1 shoul'd have beside the nomber8  
,sidenote3 ,the armes that oughte to bee
 in the standarde1 and in the ansignes  
of an armie2 ,the second and thirde     
exercise of an armie2 ,the fowerth      
exercise of an armie2 ,the soundes of   
the instrumentes of musicke1 that the   
antiquitie used in their armies2 ,what  
is signified by the sounde of the       
,trompet4  ,,fabricio4 ,the standarde of
 the generall ,capitaine oughte to have 
the armes of the ,prince of the armie1  
all the other1 maie have the verie same 
armes1 and to varie with the fieldes1 or
 to varie with the armes1 as should seme
 beste to the ,lorde of the armie3      
,bicause this importeth little1 so that 
the effect growe1 that thei be knowen   
the one from the other4 ,but let us     

passe to the other exercise3 the which  
is to make them to move1 and with a     
convenient pace to marche1 and to se1   
that marehyng thei kepe the orders4 ,the
 third exercise is1 that thei learne to 
handle themselves in thesame maner1     
whiche thei ought after to handle       
theimselves in the daie of battaile1 to 
cause the artillerie to shoote1 and to  
bee drawen out of the waie1 to make the 
extraordinarie ,veliti to issue out1    
after a likenes of an assault1 to retire
 theim3 ,to make that the firste        
battailes1 as though thei wer sore      
charged1 retire into the spaces of the  
second3 and after1 all into the thirde1 
and from thens every one to retourne to 
his place3 and in soche wise to use     
theim in this exercise1 that to every   
manne1 all thyng maie be knowen1 and    
familiar3 the which with practise1 and  
with familiaritie1 is brought to passe  
moste quickly4 ,the fowerth exercise is1
 that thei learne to knowe by meane of  
the sounde1 and of the ,ansigne1 the    

commaundemente of their capitaine3 for  
as moche as that1 whiche shall be to    
them pronounced by voice1 thei without  
other commaundemente1 maie understande3 
and bicause the importaunce of this     
commaundement1 ought to growe of the    
sounde1 ,i shall tell you what soundes  
the antiquitie used4 ,of the            
,lacedemonians1 accordyng as ,tucidido  
affirmeth1 in their armies were used    
,flutes3 for that thei judged1 that this
 armonie1 was moste mete to make their  
armie to procede with gravetie1 and with
 furie3 the ,carthaginens beyng moved by
 this verie same reason1 in the first   
assaulte1 used the violone4 ,aliatte    
kyng of the ,lidians1 used in the warre 
the violone1 and the ,flutes3 but       
,alexander ,magnus1 and the ,romaines1  
used hornes1 and ,trumpettes1 as thei1  
that thought by vertue of soche         
instrumentes1 to bee able to incourage  
more the myndes of ,souldiours1 and make
 theim to faight the more lustely3 but  
as we have in armyng the armie1 taken of

 the ,greke maner1 and of the ,romaine1 
so in distrihutyng the soundes1 we will 
keepe the customes of the one1 and of   
the other nacion3 therefore1 nere the   
generall capitain1 ,i would make the    
,trompettes to stand1 as a sounde not   
onely apt to inflame the armie1 but apte
 to bee heard in all the whole tumoult  
more1 then any other sounde3 all the    
other soundes1 whiche should bee aboute 
the ,conestables1 and the heddes of     
maine battailes ,i would1 that thei     
should bee smalle ,drummes1 and ,flutes1
 sounded not as thei sounde theim now   
but as thei use to sounde theim at      
feastes4 ,the capitaine then with the   
,trompet1 should shewe when thei must   
stande still1 and go forward1 or tourne 
backward1 when the artillerie must      
shoote1 when the extraordinarie ,veliti 
must move1 and with the varietie or     
distinccion of soche soundes1 to shewe  
unto the armie all those mocions1 whiche
 generally maie bee shewed1 the whiche  
,trompettes1 should bee after followed  

of the ,drummes1 and in this exercise1  
bicause it importeth moche1 it behoveth 
moche to exercise the armie4 ,concernyng
 the horsemen1 there would be used      
likewise ,trompettes1 but of a lesse    
sounde1 and of a divers voice from those
 of the ,capitaine4 ,this is as moche as
 is come into my remembraunce1 aboute   
the order of the armie1 and of the      
exercise of thesame4  ,,luigi4 ,i praie 
you let it not be grevous unto you to   
declare unto me an other thyng1 that is1
 for what cause you made the light      
horsmen1 and the extraordinarie ,veliti1
 to goe with cries1 rumours1 and furie1 
when thei gave the charge8 ,and after in
 the incountering of the rest of        
tharmie1 you shewed1 that the thing     
folowed with a moste greate scilence8   
,and for that ,i understande not the    
occasion of this varietie1 ,i would     
desire that you would declare it unto   
me4  ,sidenote3 ,the cries1 and rumours1
 wher with the firste charge is given   
unto the enemies1 and the silence that  

ought to bee used after1 when the faight
 is ones begunne4  ,,fabricio4 ,the     
opinion of auncient capitaines1 hath    
been divers about the commyng to handes1
 whether thei ought with rumour to go a 
pace1 or with scilence to go faire and  
softely3 this laste waie1 serveth to    
kepe the order more sure1 and to        
understande better the commaundementes  
of the ,capitaine3 the firste1 serveth  
to incourage more the mindes of men3 and
 for that ,i beleve1 that respecte ought
 to bee had to the one1 and to the other
 of these twoo thynges1 ,i made the one 
goe with rumour1 and thother with       
scilence3 nor me thinkes not in any     
wise1 that the continuall rumours bee to
 purpose3 bicause thei lette the        
commaundementes1 the whiche is a thyng  
moste pernicious3 nor it standeth not   
with reason1 that the ,romaines used1   
except at the firste assaulte to make   
rumour3 for that in their histories1 is 
seen many tymes to have happened1 that  
through the wordes1 and comfortinges of 

the capitain the souldiours that ranne  
awaie1 were made to stande to it1 and in
 sundrie wise by his commaundemente1 to 
have varied the orders1 the whiche      
should not have followed1 if the        
rumoures had been louder then his voyce4
     ,,the ,,fowerth ,,booke   ,,luigi4 
,seng that under my governement1 a field
 hath been wonne so honourably1 ,i      
suppose that it is good1 that ,i tempt  
not fortune any more1 knowyng how       
variable1 and unstable she is3 and      
therefore1 ,i desire to give up my      
governement1 and that ,zanobi do execute
 now this office of demaundyng1 mindyng 
to followe the order1 whiche concerneth 
the youngeste3 and ,i knowe he will not 
refuse this honoure1 or as we would     
saie1 this labour1 as well for to doe me
 pleasure1 as also for beyng naturally  
of more stomach than ,i3 nor it shall   
not make hym afraied1 to have to enter  
into these travailes1 where he maie bee 
as well overcome1 as able to conquere4  
,,zanobi4 ,i am readie to do what soever

 shall please you to appoinete me1      
although that ,i desire more willingly  
to heare3 for as moche as hetherto1 your
 questions have satisfied me more1 then 
those should have pleased me1 whiche in 
harkenyng to your reasonyng1 hath       
chaunced to come into my remembraunce4  
,but sir1 ,i beleve that it is good1    
that you lese no tyme1 and that you have
 pacience1 if with these our ,ceremonies
 we trouble you4  ,,fabricio4 ,you doe  
me rather pleasure1 for that this       
variacion of demaunders1 maketh me to   
knowe the sundrie wittes and sunderie   
appetites of yours3 ,but remaineth there
 any thyng1 whiche seemeth unto you     
good1 to bee joyned to the matter1 that 
alreadie hath been reasoned of8         
,,zanobi4 ,twoo thinges ,i desire1      
before you passe to an other parte3 the 
one is1 to have you to shewe1 if in     
orderyng armies1 there needeth to bee   
used any other facion3 the other1 what  
respectes a capitaine ought to have1    
before he conducte his men to the       

faight1 and in thesame an accidente     
risyng or growyng1 what reamedie maie be
 had4  ,sidenote3 ,to deffende moche the
 fronte of an armie1 is most perillous2 
,what is beste for a capitaine to dooe1 
where his power is1 moche lesse then    
thenemies power2 ,a general rule2 ,the  
higher grounde ought to be chosen2 ,an  
advertisement not to place an armie wher
 the enemie maie se what the same doeth2
 ,respectes for the ,sonne and ,winde2  
,the variyng of order and place maie    
cause the conquered to become victorius2
 ,a policie in the ordering of men and  
pitchyng of a fielde2 ,how to compasse  
about the enemies power2 ,how a         
capitaine maie faight and bee as it were
 sure1 not to be overcome2 ,how to      
trouble the orders of the enemie2 ,what 
a capitaine oughte to dooe when he hath 
not so many horsmen as the enemie2 ,a   
greate aide for horsemen2 ,the policies 
used betwene ,aniball and ,scipio4      
,,fabricio4 ,i will inforce my self to  
satisfie you1 ,i will not answere now   

distinctly to your questions3 for that  
whileste ,i shall aunswere to one1 many 
tymes it will come to passe1 that ,i    
muste aunswere to an other4 ,i have     
tolde you1 how ,i have shewed you a     
facion of an armie1 to the intent1 that 
accordyng to thesame1 there maie bee    
given all those facions1 that the       
enemie1 and the situacion requireth3    
,for as moche as in this case1 bothe    
accordyng to the power thereof1 and     
accordyng to the enemie1 it proceadeth3 
but note this1 that there is not a more 
perillous facion1 then to deffende moche
 the front of tharmie1 if then thou have
 not a most puisant1 and moste great    
hoste3 otherwise1 thou oughtest to make 
it rather grosse1 and of small          
largenesse1 then of moche largenes and  
thin3 for when thou hast fewe men in    
comparison to thenemie1 thou oughtest to
 seke other remedies1 as is to ordain   
thine army in soche a place1 wher thou  
maiest be fortefied1 either through     
rivers1 or by meanes of fennes1 after   

soch sort1 that thou canst not bee      
compassed aboute1 or to inclose thy self
 on the flanckes with diches1 as ,cesar 
did in ,fraunce4 ,you have to take in   
this cace1 this generall rule1 to       
inlarge your self1 or to draw in your   
self with the front1 according to your  
nomber1 and thesame of the enemie4 ,for 
thenemies being of lesse nomber1 thou   
oughtest to seke large places1 havyng in
 especially thy men well instructed3 to 
the intent thou maiest1 not onely       
compasse aboute the enemie1 but to      
deffende thy orders3 for that in places 
rough and difficulte1 beyng not able to 
prevaile of thy orders1 thou commeste   
not to have any advauntage1 hereby      
grewe1 that the ,romaines almoste       
alwaies1 sought the open fieldes1 and   
advoided the straightes4 ,to the        
contrarie1 as ,i have said1 thou        
oughtest to doe1 if thou hast fewe      
menne1 or ill instructed3 for that then 
thou oughteste to seeke places1 either  
where the little nomber maye be saved1  

and where the small experience dooe not 
hurte thee3 ,thou oughtest also to chuse
 the higher grounde1 to be able more    
easily to infest them3 notwithstandyng1 
this advertisment ought to be had1 not  
to ordaine thy armie1 where the enemie  
maie spie what thou doest and in place  
nere to the rootes of the same1 where   
the enemies armie maie come3 ,for that  
in this case1 havyng respecte unto the  
artillerie1 the higher place shall gette
 thee disadvauntage3 ,bicause that      
alwaies and commodiously1 thou mightest 
of the enemies artillerie bee hurte1    
without beyng able to make any remedy1  
and thou couldest not commodiously hurte
 thesame1 beyng hindered by thine owne  
men4 ,also1 he that prepareth an armie  
to faight a battaile1 ought to have     
respecte1 bothe to the ,sunne1 and to   
the ,winde1 that the one and the other1 
doe not hurte the fronte1 for that the  
one and the other1 will let thee the    
sight1 the one with the beames1 and the 
other with the duste3 and moreover1 the 

,winde hindereth the weapons1 whiche are
 stroken at the enemie1 and maketh their
 blowes more feable3 and concerning the 
,sunne1 it sufficeth not to have care1  
that at the firste it shine not in the  
face1 but it is requisite to consider1  
that increasyng the daie1 it hurte thee 
not3 and for this1 it should bee        
requsite in orderyng the men1 to have it
 all on the backe1 to the entente it    
should have to passe moche tyme1 to come
 to lye on the fronte4 ,this waie was   
observed of ,aniball at ,canne1 and of  
,mario against the ,cimbrians4 ,if thou 
happen to be moche inferiour of horses1 
ordaine thine armie emongeste ,vines1   
and trees1 and like impedimentes1 as in 
our time the ,spaniardes did1 when thei 
overthrewe the ,frenchmenne at          
,cirignuola4 ,and it hath been seen many
 times1 with all one ,souldiours1       
variyng onely the order1 and the place1 
that thei have become of losers         
victorers3 as it happened to the        
,carthageners1 whom havyng been overcome

 of ,marcus ,regolus divers tymes1 were 
after by the counsaill of ,santippo a   
,lacedemonian1 victorious3 whom made    
them to go doune into the plaine1 where 
by vertue of the horses1 and of         
,eliphantes1 thei were able to overcome 
the ,romaines4 ,it semes unto me1       
accordyng to the auncient insamples that
 almoste all the excellente ,capitaines1
 when thei have knowen1 that the enemie 
hath made strong one side of his        
battaile1 thei have not set against it1 
the moste strongest parte1 but the moste
 weakest1 and thother moste strongest   
thei have set against the most weakest3 
after in the beginning the faighte1 thei
 have commaunded to their strongest     
parte1 that onely thei sustaine the     
enemie1 and not to preace upon hym1 and 
to the weaker1 that thei suffer them    
selves to be overcome1 and to retire    
into the hindermoste bandes of the      
armie4 ,this breadeth twoo greate       
disorders to the enemie3 the firste1    
that he findeth his strongest parte     

compassed about1 the second is1 that    
semyng unto him to have the victorie1   
seldome tymes it happeneth1 that thei   
disorder not theim selves1 whereof      
groweth his sodain losse4 ,cornelius    
,scipio beyng in ,spain1 againste       
,asdruball of ,carthage1 and            
understanding how to ,asdruball it was  
knowen1 that he in the orderyng the     
armie1 placed his ,legions in the       
middest1 the whiche was the strongest   
parte of his armie1 and for this how    
,asdruball with like order ought to     
procede3 after when he came to faighte  
the battaile1 he chaunged order1 and put
 his ,legions on the hornes of the      
armie1 and in the middest1 placed all   
his weakeste men3 then commyng to the   
handes1 in a sodain those men placed in 
the middeste1 he made to marche softly1 
and the hornes of the armie1 with       
celeritie to make forwarde1 so that     
onely the hornes of bothe the armies    
fought1 and the bandes in the middest1  
through beyng distaunt the one from the 

other1 joyned not together1 and thus the
 strongest parte of ,scipio1 came to    
faight with the weakest of ,asdruball1  
and overcame hym4 ,the whiche waie was  
then profitable1 but now havyng respect 
to the artillerie1 it cannot be used3   
bicause the same space1 whiche should   
remain in the middest1 betwene the one  
armie and the other1 should give tyme to
 thesame to shoote3 ,the whiche is moste
 pernicious1 as above is saied3         
,therefore it is requisite to laie this 
waie aside1 and to use1 as a little     
afore we saied1 makyng all the armie to 
incounter1 and the weakest parte to give
 place4 ,when a capitaine perceiveth1   
that he hath a greater armie then his   
enemie1 mindyng to compasse hym aboute1 
before he be aware let hym ordaine his  
fronte equall1 to thesame of his        
adversaries1 after1 so sone as the      
faight is begun1 let hym make the fronte
 by a little and little to retire1 and  
the flanckes to deffende1 and alwaies it
 shall happen1 that the enemie shal find

 hymself1 before he be aware compassed  
about4 ,when a capitain will faight1 as 
it wer sure not to be broken1 let hym   
ordaine his armie in place1 where he    
hath refuge nere1 and safe1 either      
betwene ,fennes1 or betwene hilles1 or  
by some strong citee3 for that in this  
case1 he cannot bee followed of the     
enemie1 where the enemie maie be pursued
 of him3 this poincte was used of       
,aniball1 when fortune began to become  
his adversarie1 and that he doubted of  
the valiauntnesse of ,marcus ,marcello4 
,some to trouble the orders of the      
enemie1 have commaunded those that were 
light armed1 to begin the faight1 and   
that beyng begunne1 to retire betwene   
the orders3 and when the armies were    
after buckled together1 and that the    
fronte of either of them were occupied  
in faightyng1 thei have made theim to   
issue out by the flanckes of the        
battaile1 and thesame have troubled and 
broken4 ,if any perceive hymself to bee 
inferiour of horse1 he maie besides the 

waies that are alredie shewed1 place    
behinde his horsemen a battaile of      
,pikes1 and in faightyng take order1    
that thei give waie to the ,pikes1 and  
he shall remain alwaies superiour4 ,many
 have accustomed to use certain         
fotemenne lighte armed1 to faighte emong
 horsemen1 the whiche hath been to the  
chivalrie moste greate helpe4 ,of all   
those1 which have prepared armies to the
 field1 be moste praised ,aniball and   
,scipio1 when thei fought in ,africk3   
and for that ,aniball had his armie made
 of ,carthaginers1 and of straungers of 
divers nacions1 he placed in the first  
fronte thereof lxxx4 ,elephantes1 after 
he placed the straungers1 behinde whom  
he sette his ,carthaginers1 in the      
hindermoste place1 he putte the         
,italians1 in whom he trusted little3   
the whiche thing he ordained so1 for    
that the straungers havyng before theim 
the enemie1 and behinde beyng inclosed  
of his men1 could not flie3 so that     
being constrained to faight thei should 

overcome1 or wearie the ,romaines1      
supposyng after with his freshe and     
valiaunte men1 to be then able easely to
 overcome the ,romaines1 beeyng wearied4
 ,against this order1 ,scipio set the   
,astati1 the ,prencipi1 and the         
,triarii1 in the accustomed maner1 to   
bee able to receive the one the other1  
and to rescue the one the other3 he made
 the fronte of the armie1 full of voide 
spaces1 and bicause it should not be    
perceived but rather should seme united1
 he filled them ful of veliti1 to whom  
he commaunded1 that so sone as the      
,eliphantes came1 thei should avoide1   
and by the ordinarie spaces1 should     
enter betwene the ,legins1 and leave    
open the waie to the ,eliphauntes1 and  
so it came to passe1 that it made vaine 
the violence of theim1 so that commyng  
to handes1 he was superiour4  ,,zanobi4 
,you have made me to remember1 in       
alledging me this battaile1 how ,scipio 
in faighting1 made not the ,astati to   
retire into thorders of the ,prencipi1  

but he devided theim1 and made theim to 
retire in the hornes of the armie1 to   
thintent thei might give place to the   
,prencipi1 when he would force forwarde3
 therfore ,i would you should tell me1  
what occasion moved hym1 not to observe 
the accustomed order4  ,sidenote3       
,cartes full of hookes made to destroie 
the enemies2 ,the remedy that was used  
against ,cartes full of hookes2 ,the    
straunge maner that ,silla used in      
orderyng his army against ,archelaus2   
,how to trouble in the faighte the armie
 of the enemies2 ,a policie of ,caius   
,sulpitius1 to make his enemies afraied2
 ,a policie of ,marius againste the     
,duchmenne2 ,a policie of greate        
importaunce1 while a battaile is a      
faightyng2 ,how horsemen maie bee       
disordered2 ,how the turke gave the     
,sophie an overthrowe2 ,how the         
,spaniardes overcame the armie of       
,amilcare2 ,how to traine the enemie1 to
 his destruccion2 ,a policie of ,tullo  
,hostilio and ,lucius ,silla in         

dessemlyng of a mischaunce2 ,sertorius  
slue a man for telling him of the death 
of one of his capitaines2 ,howe certaine
 captaines have staied their men that   
hath been running awaie2 ,attillius     
constrained his men that ran awaie to   
tourne again and to faight2 ,how ,philip
 king of ,macedonia made his men afraied
 to run awaie2 ,victorie ought with all 
celeritie to bee folowed2 ,what a       
capitaine ought to dooe1 when he should 
chaunce to receive an overthrowe2 ,how  
,martius overcame the armie of the      
,carthaginers2 ,a policie of ,titus     
,dimius to hide a losse1 whiche he had  
received in a faight2 ,a general rule2  
,aniball2 ,scipio2 ,asdruball2 ,a       
,capitaine ought not to faight without  
advantage1 excepte he be constrained2   
,how advauntage maie bee taken of the   
enemies2 ,furie withstode1 converteth   
into vilenesse2 ,what maner of men a    
capitaine ought to have about him       
continually1 to consult withall2 ,the   
condicions of the capitain of the       

enemies1 and of those that are about hym
 is moste requisite to bee knowen2 ,a   
timerous army is not to be conducted to 
faight2 ,how to avoide the faightyng of 
a fielde4  ,,fabricio4 ,i will tell you4
 ,aniball had putte all the strengthe of
 his armie1 in the seconde bande3       
wherefore ,scipio for to set againste   
thesame like strengthe1 gathered the    
,prencipi and the ,triarii together3 ,so
 that the distaunces of the ,prencipi1  
beyng occupied of the ,triarii1 there   
was no place to bee able to receive the 
,astati3 and therefore he made the      
,astati to devide1 and to go in the     
hornes of the armie1 and he drewe them  
not betwene the ,prencipi4 ,but note1   
that this waie of openyng the first     
bande1 for to give place to the seconde1
 cannot bee used1 but when a man is     
superiour to his enemie3 for that then  
there is commoditie to bee able to dooe 
it1 as ,scipio was able3 but beyng      
under1 and repulced1 it cannot be doen1 
but with thy manifest ruine3 and        

therefore it is convenient to have      
behinde1 orders that maie receive thee1 
but let us tourne to our reasonyng4 ,the
 auncient ,asiaticans1 emongest other   
thynges devised of them to hurt the     
enemies1 used carres4 ,the whiche had on
 the sides certaine hookes1 so that not 
onely thei served to open with their    
violence the bandes1 but also to kill   
with the hookes the adversaries3 against
 the violence of those1 in thre maners  
thei provided1 either thei sustained    
theim with the thickenesse of the raies1
 or thei received theim betwene the     
bandes1 as the ,eliphantes were         
received1 or els thei made with arte    
some strong resistence3 ,as ,silla a    
,romaine made againste ,archelaus1 whom 
had many of these cartes1 whiche thei   
called hooked1 who for to sustaine      
theim1 drave many stakes into the       
grounde1 behinde his first bandes of    
men1 whereby the cartes beyng stopped1  
lost their violence4 ,and the newe maner
 that ,silla used against hym in        

orderyng the armie1 is to bee noted3 for
 that he put the ,veliti1 and the horse1
 behinde1 and all the heavie armed      
afore1 leavyng many distaunces to be    
able to sende before those behinde1 when
 necessite required3 whereby the fight  
beyng begun1 with the helpe of the      
horsemen1 to the whiche he gave the     
waie1 he got the victorie4 ,to intende  
to trouble in the faight the enemies    
armie1 it is conveniente to make some   
thyng to growe1 that maie make theim    
afraied1 either with showyng of newe    
helpe that commeth1 or with showyng     
thynges1 whiche maie represente a       
terrour unto theim3 after soche sorte1  
that the enemies begiled of that sight1 
maie be afraied1 and being made afraied1
 thei maie easely bee overcome3 the     
whiche waies ,minutio ,rufo used1 and   
,accilio ,glabrione ,consulls of ,rome4 
,caius ,sulpitius also set a greate many
 of sackes upon ,mules1 and other       
beastes unprofitable for the warre1 but 
in soche wise ordained1 that thei semed 

men of armes1 and he commaunded1 that   
thei should appere upon a hill1 while he
 were a faightyng with the ,frenchemen1 
whereby grewe his victorie4 ,the verie  
same did ,marius1 when he foughte       
against the ,duchemen4 ,then the fained 
assaultes availyng moche1 whilest the   
faight continueth1 it is conveniente1   
that the very assaultes in deede1 dooe  
helpe moche3 inespecially if at unwares 
in the middest of the faight1 the enemie
 might bee assaulted behinde1 or on the 
side3 the whiche hardely maie be doen1  
if the countrie helpe thee not3 for that
 when it is open1 parte of thy men      
cannot bee hid1 as is mete to bee doen  
in like enterprises3 but in woddie or   
hille places1 and for this apt for      
ambusshes parte of thy men maie be well 
hidden1 to be able in a sodain1 and     
contrary to thenemies opinion to assaut 
him1 whiche thyng alwaies shall be      
occasion to give thee the victorie4 ,it 
hath been sometyme of greate            
importaunce1 whilest the faighte        

continueth1 to sowe voices1 whiche doe  
pronounce the capitaine of thenemies to 
be dedde1 or to have overcome on the    
other side of the armie3 the whiche many
 times to them that have used it1 hath  
given the victorie4 ,the chivalrie of   
the enemies maie bee easely troubled1   
either with sightes1 or with rumours1   
not used3 as ,creso did1 whom put       
,camelles againste the horses of the    
adversaries1 and ,pirrus sette againste 
the ,romaine horsemen ,eliphantes1 the  
sighte of whiche troubled and disordered
 them4 ,in our time1 the ,turke         
discomfited the ,sophi in ,persia1 and  
the ,soldane in ,surria with no other1  
then with the noise of ,harkabuses1 the 
whiche in soche wise1 with their        
straunge rumours1 disturbed the horses  
of those1 that the ,turke mighte easely 
overcome them3 ,the ,spaniardes to      
overcome the armie of ,amilcare1 put in 
the firste fronte ,cartes full of towe  
drawen of oxen1 and comming to handes1  
thei kindeled fire to thesame1 wherfore 

the oxen to flie from the fire1 thrust  
into the armie of ,amilcar1 and opened  
it4 ,thei are wonte 7as we have saied7  
to begile the enemie in the faight1     
drawyng him into their ambusshes1 where 
the ,countrie is commodious for the same
 purpose1 but where it were open and    
large1 many have used to make diches1   
and after have covered them lightly with
 bowes and yearth1 and lefte certain    
spaces whole1 to be able betnene those  
to retire3 after1 so sone as the faight 
hath been begunne1 retiryng by those1   
and the enemie folowing them1 hath      
fallen in the pittes4 ,if in the faight 
there happen thee1 any accident that    
maie feare thy souldiours1 it is a moste
 prudente thyng1 to knowe how to        
desemble it1 and to pervert it to good1 
as ,tullo ,hostilio did1 and ,lucius    
,silla3 whom seyng while thei fought1   
how a parte of his men wer gone to the  
enemies side1 and how thesame thing had 
verie moche made afraied his men1 he    
made straighte waie throughout all the  

armie to be understoode1 how all thing  
proceded1 accordyng to his order3 the   
whiche not onely did not trouble the    
armie1 but it increased in them so moche
 stomack1 that he remained victorious4  
,it happened also to ,silla1 that havyng
 sente certaine souldiours to doe some  
businesse1 and thei beyng slain he      
saied1 to the intent his armie should   
not be made afraied thereby1 that he had
 with crafte sent theim into the handes 
of the enemies1 for that he had found   
them nothyng faithfull4 ,sertorius      
faightyng a battaile in ,spaine1 slue   
one1 whom signified unto hym the death  
of one of his capitaines1 for feare that
 tellyng the very same to other1 he     
should make theim afraied4 ,it is a     
moste difficult thyng1 an armie beyng   
now moved to flie1 to staie it1 and make
 it to faight4 ,and you have to make    
this distinccion3 either that it is all 
moved1 and then to be impossible to     
tourne it1 or there is moved a parte    
thereof1 and then there is some remedie4

 ,many ,romain capitaines1 with making  
afore those whiche fled1 have caused    
them to staie1 making them ashamed of   
running awaie1 as ,lucius ,silla did1   
where alredy parte of his ,legions beyng
 tourned to flight1 driven awaie by the 
men of ,mithridates1 he made afore them 
with a swearde in his hande criyng3 if  
any aske you1 where you left your       
capitaine1 saie1 we have left hym in    
,boecia1 where he faighteth4 ,attillius 
a consull set againste that ran awaie1  
them that ranne not awaie1 and made them
 to understande1 that if thei would not 
tourne1 thei should be slaine of their  
frendes1 and of their enemies4 ,philip  
of ,macedonia understanding how his men 
feared the ,scithian ,souldiours1 placed
 behinde his armie1 certaine of his     
moste trustie horsemen1 and gave        
commission to theim1 that thei should   
kill whom so ever fledde3 wherfore1 his 
men mindyng rather to die faightyng1    
then fliyng1 overcame4 ,many ,romaines1 
not so moche to staie a flight1 as for  

to give occasion to their men1 to make  
greater force1 have whileste thei have  
foughte1 taken an ,ansigne out of their 
owne mennes handes1 and throwen it      
emongeste the enemies1 and appoincted   
rewardes to hym that could get it again4
 ,i doe not beleve that it is out of    
purpose1 to joyne to this reasonyng     
those thynges1 whiche chaunce after the 
faight1 in especially beyng brief       
thinges1 and not to be left behinde1 and
 to this reasonyng conformable inough4  
,therefore ,i saie1 how the fielde is   
loste1 or els wonne3 when it is wonne1  
the victorie ought with all celeritie to
 be folowed1 and in this case to imitate
 ,cesar1 and not ,aniball1 whom staiyng 
after that he had discomfited the       
,romaines at ,canne1 loste the ,empire  
of ,rome3 ,the other never rested after 
the victorie1 but folowed the enemie    
beyng broken1 with greater violence and 
furie1 then when he assalted hym whole3 
but when a capitaine dooeth loese1 he   
ought to see1 if of the losse there maie

 growe any utilite unto hym1            
inespecially if there remain any residue
 of tharmie4 ,the commoditie maie growe 
of the small advertisment of the enemie1
 whom moste often times after the       
victorie1 becometh negligent1 and giveth
 thee occasion to oppresse hym1 as      
,marcius a ,romaine oppressed the armie 
of the ,carthaginers1 whom having slain 
the twoo ,scipions1 and broken their    
armie1 not estemyng thesame remnaunt of 
menne1 whiche with ,marcius remained a  
live1 were of hym assaulted and         
overthrowen3 for that it is seen1 that  
there is no thing so moche to bee       
brought to passe1 as thesame1 whiche the
 enemie thinketh1 that thou canst not   
attempte3 bicause for the moste parte1  
men bee hurte moste1 where thei doubt   
leaste3 therefore a capitain ought when 
he cannot doe this1 to devise at least  
with diligence1 that the losse bee lesse
 hurtfull1 to dooe this1 it is          
necessarie for thee to use meanes1 that 
the enemie maie not easely folowe thee1 

or to give him occasion to make delaie3 
in the first case1 some after thei have 
been sure to lese1 have taken order with
 their heddes1 that in divers partes1   
and by divers waies thei should flie1   
havyng appoincted wher thei should after
 assemble together3 the which made1 that
 thenemie 7fearing to devide the armie7 
was faine to let go safe either all1 or 
the greatest part of them4 ,in the      
seconde case1 many have cast before the 
enemie1 their dearest thinges1 to the   
entent that he tariyng about the spoile1
 might give them more laisure to flie4  
,titus ,dimius used no small policie to 
hide the losse1 whiche he had received  
in the faight1 for asmoche as havyng    
fought untill night1 with great losse of
 his menne1 he made in the night to be  
buried1 the greatest part of them1      
wherefore in the mornyng1 the enemies   
seyng so many slaine of theirs1 and so  
fewe of the ,romaines1 belevyng that    
thei had the disavauntage1 ran awaie4 ,i
 trust ,i have thus confusedly1 as ,i   

saied1 satisfied in good part your      
demaunde3 in dede about the facions of  
the armies1 there resteth me to tell    
you1 how some tyme1 by some ,capitaines1
 it hath been used to make theim with   
the fronte1 like unto a wedge1 judgyng  
to bee able by soche meane1 more easely 
to open the enemies armie4 ,against this
 facion1 thei have used to make a facion
 like unto a paire of sheres1 to be able
 betwene thesame voide place1 to receive
 that wedge1 and to compasse it about1  
and to faight with it on every side3    
whereupon ,i will that you take this    
generall rule1 that the greatest remedie
 that is used againste a devise of the  
enemie1 is to dooe willingly thesame1   
whiche he hath devised that thou shalt  
dooe perforce3 bicause that doyng it    
willingly1 thou doest it with order1 and
 with thy advauntage1 and his           
disadvauntage1 if thou shouldest doe it 
beyng inforced1 it should be thy        
undoyng3 ,for the provyng whereof1 ,i   
care not to reherse unto you1 certain   

thynges alredy tolde4 ,the adversary    
maketh the wedge to open thy bandes3 if 
thou gowest with them open1 thou        
disorderest hym1 and he disordereth not 
thee4 ,aniball set the ,elephantes in   
the fronte of his armie1 to open with   
theim the armie of ,scipio4 ,scipio went
 with it open1 and it was the occasion  
of his victorie1 and of the ruine of    
hym4 ,asdruball placed his strongest men
 in the middest of the fronte of his    
armie1 to overthrowe ,scipios menne3    
,scipio commaunded1 that by them selves 
thei should retire and he broke theim3  
,so that like devises when thei are     
foreseen1 bee the causes of the victorie
 of him1 against whom thei be prepared4 
,there remaineth me also1 if ,i remember
 my self well1 to tell you what         
respectes a ,capitaine ought to have1   
before he leade his men to faight3 upon 
whiche ,i have to tell you firste1 how a
 capitaine ought never to faight a      
battaile1 except he have advauntage1 or 
be constrained4 ,the vantage groweth of 

the situacion1 of the order1 of havyng  
more1 or better menne3 the necessitie   
groweth when thou seest how that not    
faightyng1 thou muste in any wise lose1 
as should bee for lackyng of money1 and 
for this1 thy armie to bee ready all    
maner of waies to resolve1 where        
famishemente is ready to assaulte thee1 
where the enemie looketh to bee ingrosed
 with newe men3 in these cases1 thou    
oughtest alwaies to faight1 although    
with thy disadvauntage3 for that it is  
moche better to attempte fortune1 where 
she maie favour thee1 then not          
attemptyng1 to see thy certaine ruine3  
and it is as grevous a faulte in this   
case1 in a capitain not to faight1 as to
 have had occasion to overcome1 and not 
to have either knowen it through        
ignoraunce1 or lefte it through         
vilenesse4 ,the advauntages some tymes  
the enemie giveth thee1 and some tymes  
thy prudence3 ,many in passyng ,rivers  
have been broken of their enemie1 that  
hath been aware thereof1 whom hath      

taried1 till the one halfe hath been of 
the one side1 and the other halfe on the
 other1 and then hath assaulted them3 as
 ,cesar did to the ,suizzers1 where he  
destroied the fowerth parte of theim1   
through beyng halfe over a river4 ,some 
tyme thy enemie is founde wearie1 for   
havyng folowed thee to undescritely1 so 
that findyng thy self freshe and lustie1
 thou oughtest not to let passe soche an
 occasion3 besides this1 if the enemie  
offer unto thee in the mornyng betymes  
to faight1 thou maiest a good while     
deferre to issue out of thy lodgyng1 and
 when he hath stoode long in armour1 and
 that he hath loste that same firste    
heate1 with the whiche he came1 thou    
maiest then faight with him4 ,this waie 
,scipio and ,metellus used in ,spaine3  
the one against ,asdruball1 the other   
against ,sertorius4 ,if the enemie be   
deminished of power1 either for havyng  
devided the armie1 as the ,scipions in  
,spain1 or for some other occasion1 thou
 oughteste to prove chaunce4 ,the       

greateste parte of prudent capitaines1  
rather receive the violence of the      
enemies1 then go with violence to       
assalte them3 for that the furie is     
easely withstoode of sure and steddie   
menne1 and the furie beyng sustained1   
converteth lightly into vilenesse3 ,thus
 ,fabius did againste the ,sannites1 and
 against the ,galles1 and was victorious
 and his felowe ,decius remained slain4 
,some fearing the power of their        
enemies1 have begun the faight a little 
before night1 to the intent that their  
men chaunsyng to bee overcome1 might    
then by the helpe of the darkenesse     
thereof1 save theim selves4 ,some havyng
 knowen1 how the enemies armie beyng    
taken of certaine supersticion1 not to  
faight in soche a tyme1 have chosen     
thesame tyme to faighte1 and overcome3  
,the whiche ,cesar observed in ,fraunce1
 againste ,arionistus1 and ,vespasian in
 ,surrie1 againste the ,jewes4 ,the     
greatest and moste importaunte          
advertismente1 that a capitaine ought to

 have1 is to have aboute hym faithfull  
menne1 that are wise and moste expert in
 the warre1 with whom he must           
continually consulte and reason of his  
men1 and of those of the enemies1 whiche
 is the greater nomber1 whiche is beste 
armed1 or beste on horsebacke1 or best  
exercised1 whiche be moste apte to      
suffer necessitie1 in whom he trusteth  
moste1 either in the footemen1 or in the
 horsemen3 after thei ought to consider 
the place where thei be1 and whether it 
be more to the purpose for thenemie1    
then for him3 which of theim hath       
victualles moste commodious3 whether it 
be good to deferre the battaile1 or to  
faight it3 what good might bee given    
hym1 or taken awaie by tyme3 for that   
many tymes1 souldiours seyng the warre  
to be delaied1 are greved1 and beyng    
wearie1 in the pain and in the          
tediousnesse therof1 wil forsake thee4  
,it importeth above all thyng1 to knowe 
the capitain of the enemies1 and whom he
 hath aboute hym1 whether he be rashe1  

or politike1 whether he be fearfull1 or 
hardie3 to see how thou maiest truste   
upon the aidyng souldiours4 ,and above  
all thyng thou oughtest to take hede1   
not to conducte the armie to faight when
 it feareth1 or when in any wise it     
mistrusteth of the victorie3 for that   
the greatest signe to lose1 is thei     
beleve not to be able to winne3 and     
therfore in this case1 thou oughtest to 
avoide the faightyng of the fielde1     
either with doyng as ,fabius ,maximus1  
whom incampyng in strong places1 gave no
 courage to ,aniball1 to goe to finde   
hym1 or when thou shouldest thinke1 that
 the enemie also in strong places1 would
 come to finde thee1 to departe out of  
the fielde1 and to devide the menne into
 thy tounes to thentent that            
tediousnesse of winnyng them1 maie      
wearie hym4  ,,zanobi4 ,cannot the      
faightyng of the battaile be otherwise  
avoided1 then in devidyng the armie in  
sunderie partes and placyng the men in  
tounes8  ,sidenote3 ,fabius ,maximus4   

,,fabricio4 ,i beleve that ones         
alreadie1 with some of you ,i have      
reasoned1 how that he1 that is in the   
field1 cannot avoide to faight the      
battaile1 when he hath an enemie1 which 
will faight with hym in any wise1 and he
 hath not1 but one remedie1 and that is1
 to place him self with his armie       
distant fiftie miles at leaste1 from his
 adversarie1 to be able betymes to      
avoide him1 when he should go to finde  
hym4 ,for ,fabius ,maximus never avoided
 to faight the battaile with ,aniball1  
but he would have it with his           
advauntage3 and ,aniball did not presume
 to bee able to overcome hym1 goyng to  
finde hym in the places where he        
incamped3 where if he had presupposed1  
to have been able to have overcome1 it  
had been conveniente for ,fabius1 to    
have fought the battaile with hym1 or to
 have avoided4  ,sidenote3 ,philip king 
of ,macedonia1 overcome by the          
,romaines2 ,how ,cingentorige avoided   
the faightyng of the fielde with ,cesar2

 ,the ignorance of the ,venecians2 ,what
 is to be doen wher soldiours desire to 
faight1 contrary to their capitaines    
minde2 ,how to incourage souldiers2 ,an 
advertisment to make the soldiour most  
obstinately to faight4  ,philip ,kyng of
 ,macedonia1 thesame that was father to 
,perse1 commyng to warre with the       
,romaines1 pitched his campe upon a     
verie high hill1 to the entent not to   
faight with theim3 but the ,romaines    
wente to find hym on thesame hill1 and  
discomfaited hym4 ,cingentorige capitain
 of the ,frenche menne1 for that he     
would not faight the field with ,cesar1 
whom contrarie to his opinion1 had      
passed a river1 got awaie many miles    
with his men4 ,the ,venecians in our    
tyme1 if thei would not have come to    
have fought with the ,frenche kyng1 thei
 ought not to have taried till the      
,frenche armie1 had passed the ,river   
,addus1 but to have gotten from them as 
,cingentorige1 where thei havyng taried 
knewe not how to take in the passyng of 

the men1 the occasion to faight the     
battaile1 nor to avoide it3 ,for that   
the ,frenche men beyng nere unto them1  
as the ,venecians went out of their     
,campe1 assaulted theim1 and discomfited
 theim3 so it is1 that the battaile     
cannot bee avoided1 when the enemie in  
any wise will faight1 nor let no man    
alledge ,fabius1 for that so moche in   
thesame case1 he did flie the daie of   
battaile1 as ,aniball4 ,it happeneth    
many tymes1 that thy souldiours be      
willyng to faight1 and thou knoweste by 
the nomber1 and by the situacion1 or for
 some other occasion to have            
disadvauntage1 and desirest to make them
 chaunge from this desire3 it happeneth 
also1 that necessitie1 or occasion1     
constraineth thee to faight1 and that   
thy souldiours are evill to be trusted1 
and smally disposed to faight3 where it 
is necessarie in thone case1 to make    
theim afraied1 and in the other to      
incourage theim3 ,in the firste case1   
when perswacions suffiseth not1 there is

 no better waie1 then to give in praie1 
a part of them unto thenemie1 to        
thintent those that have1 and those that
 have not fought1 maie beleve thee3 and 
it may very wel be doen with art1       
thesame which to ,fabius ,maximus hapned
 by chaunce4 ,tharmie of ,fabius 7as you
 knowe7 desired to faight with ,aniballs
 armie3 the very same desire had the    
master of his horses3 to ,fabius it     
semed not good1 to attempte the faight3 
so that through soche contrary opinions1
 he was fain to devide the armie3       
,fabius kept his men in the campe1 the  
other fought1 and commyng into great    
perill1 had been overthrowen1 if ,fabius
 had not rescued him3 by the whiche     
insample the maister of the horse1      
together with all the armie1 knewe how  
it was a wise waie to obeie ,fabius4    
,concernyng to incourage theim to       
faight1 it should be well doen1 to make 
them to disdain the enemies1 shewyng how
 thei speake slaunderous woordes of     
them1 to declare to have intelligence   

with them1 and to have corrupted part of
 them1 to incampe in place1 where thei  
maie see the enemies1 and make some     
light skirmishe with them1 for that the 
thyng that is dailie seen1 with more    
facilitie is despised3 to shewe theim to
 bee unworthie1 and with an oracion for 
the purpose1 to reprehende them of their
 cowardnesse1 and for to make them      
ashamed1 to tell theim that you will    
faight alone1 when thei will not beare  
you companie4 ,and you ought above all  
thyng to have this advertismente1       
mindyng to make the ,souldiour obstinate
 to faight1 not to permitte1 that thei  
maie send home any of their substaunce1 
or to leave it in any place1 till the   
warre bee ended1 that thei maie         
understande1 that although fliyng save  
their life1 yet it saveth not theim     
their goodes1 the love whereof1 is wonte
 no lesse then thesame1 to make men     
obstinate in defence4  ,,zanobi4 ,,you  
have tolde1 how the souldiours maie be  
tourned to faight1 with speakyng to     

theim3 doe you meane by this1 that all  
the armie must bee spoken unto1 or to   
the heddes thereof8  ,sidenote3 ,it is  
requisite for excellent ,capitaines to  
bee good orators2 ,alexander ,magnus    
used openly to perswade his armie2 ,the 
effecteousnes of speking2 ,souldiours   
ought to be accustomed to heare their   
,capitaine speake2 ,how in olde time    
souldiers were threatened for their     
faltes2 ,enterprises maie the easelier  
be brought to passe by meanes of        
religion2 ,sertorius2 ,a policie of     
,silla2 ,a policie of ,charles the      
seventh king of ,fraunce against the    
,englishmen2 ,how souldiers maiebee made
 to esteme little their enemies2 ,the   
surest wai to make souldiours moste     
obstinat to faight2 ,by what meanes     
obstinatenesse to faighte is increased4 
,,fabricio4 ,,to perswade1 or to diswade
 a thyng unto fewe1 is verie easie1 for 
that if woordes suffise not1 you maie   
then use aucthoritie and force3 but the 
difficultie is1 to remove from a        

multitude an evill opinion1 and that    
whiche is contrary either to the common 
profite1 or to thy opinion1 where cannot
 be used but woordes1 the whiche is     
meete that thei be heard of every man1  
mindyng to perswade them all4 ,wherfore1
 it was requisite that the excellente   
,capitaines were oratours3 for that     
without knowyng how to speake to al the 
army1 with difficultie maie be wrought  
any good thing3 the whiche altogether in
 this our tyme is laied aside4 ,rede the
 life of ,alexander ,magnus1 and you    
shall see how many tymes it was         
necessarie for hym to perswade1 and to  
speake publikly to his armie3 otherwise 
he should never have brought theim1     
beyng become riche1 and full of spoile1 
through the desertes of ,arabia1 and    
into ,india with so moche his disease1  
and trouble3 for that infinite tymes    
there growe thynges1 wherby an armie    
ruinateth1 when the capitain either     
knoweth not1 or useth not to speake unto
 thesame1 for that this speakyng taketh 

awaie feare1 in courageth the mindes1   
increaseth the obstinatenes to faight1  
discovereth the deceiptes1 promiseth    
rewardes1 sheweth the perilles1 and the 
waie to avoide theim1 reprehendeth1     
praieth1 threatened1 filleth full of    
hope1 praise1 shame1 and doeth a#aa     
those thynges1 by the whiche the humaine
 passions are extincte or kendled3      
wherefore1 that prince1 or common weale1
 whiche should appoincte to make a newe 
power1 and cause reputacion to their    
armie1 ought to accustome the           
,souldiours thereof1 to heare the       
capitain to speake1 and the capitain to 
know how to speake unto them4 ,in kepyng
 desposed the souldiours in old tyme1 to
 faight for their countrie1 the religion
 availed moche1 and the othes whiche    
thei gave them1 when thei led theim to  
warfare3 for as moche as in al their    
faultes1 thei threatned them not onely  
with those punishementes1 whiche might  
be feared of men but with those whiche  
of ,god might be looked for3 the whiche 

thyng mingled with the other ,religious 
maners1 made many tymes easie to the    
auncient capitaines all enterprises1 and
 will doe alwaies1 where religion shall 
be feared1 and observed4 ,sertorius     
prevailed1 by declaryng that he spake   
with a ,stagge1 the whiche in ,goddes   
parte1 promised hym the victorie4 ,silla
 saied1 he spoke with an ,image1 whiche 
he had taken out of the ,temple of      
,apollo4 ,many have tolde how ,god hath 
appered unto them in their slepe1 whom  
hath admonished them to faight4 ,in our 
fathers time1 ,charles the seventh kyng 
of ,fraunce1 in the warre whiche he made
 againste the ,englishemen1 saied1 he   
counsailed with a maide1 sent from ,god1
 who was called every where the         
,damosell of ,fraunce1 the which was    
occacion of his victorie4 ,there maie be
 also used meanes1 that maie make thy   
men to esteme little the enemie1 as     
,agesilao a ,spartaine used1 whom shewed
 to his souldiours1 certain ,persians   
naked1 to the intent that seyng their   

delicate members1 thei should not have  
cause to feare them4 ,some have         
constrained their men to faight through 
necessitie1 takyng awaie from them all  
hope of savyng theim selves1 savyng in  
overcommyng4 ,the whiche is the         
strongest1 and the beste provision that 
is made1 to purpose to make the         
souldiour obstinate to faight3 whiche   
obstinatenesse is increased by the      
confidence1 and love of the ,capitaine1 
or of the countrie4 ,confidence is      
caused through the armour1 the order the
 late victorie1 and the opinion of the  
,capitaine4 ,the love of the countrie1  
is caused of nature3 that of the        
,capitain1 through vertue1 more then by 
any other benefite3 the necessities maie
 be many1 but that is strongest1 whiche 
constraineth thee2 either to overcome1  
or to dye4     ,,the ,,fiveth ,,booke   
,sidenote3 ,how the ,romaines marched   
with their armies2 ,how the ,romaines   
ordered their armie when it happened to 
be assaulted on the waie2 ,how the main 

battailes ought to marche2 ,the orderyng
 of an armie after soche sorte1 that it 
maie marche safelie through the enemies 
countrie and be alwaies in a redines to 
faight2 ,the place in the armie wher the
 bowmen and ,harkabutters are           
appoincted2 ,the place in the armie wher
 thextraordinarie ,pikes are appoincted4
 ,the place in the armie wherthe        
generall capitain must be2 ,where the   
artillerie must be placed4 ,the light   
horsmenne must be sente before to       
discover the countrie and the menne of  
armes to come behind tharmy2 ,a generall
 rule concernyng horse2 ,wher the       
carriages and the unarmed are placed2   
,the waie must be made plaine wher the  
armie shall marche in order2 ,how many  
miles a day an armie maie marche in     
battaile raie1 to bee able to incampe   
before sunne set2 ,the orderyng of the  
armie1 when it is assaulted on the      
vawarde2 ,the orderyng of tharmie when  
thenemie commes to assaulte it behinde2 
,how the armie is ordered when it is    

assaulted of any of the sides2 doen when
 the army is assaulted on twoo sides4   
,,fabricio4 ,i have shewed you1 how an  
armi1 is ordained to faight a fielde    
with an other armie1 which is seen      
pitched against it1 and have declared   
unto you1 howe the same is overcome1 and
 after many circumstaunces1 ,i have     
likewise shewed you1 what divers        
chaunces1 maie happen about thesame1 so 
that me thinkes tyme to shewe you now1  
how an armie is ordered1 againste       
thesame enemie1 whiche otherwise is not 
seen1 but continually feared1 that he   
assaulte thee3 this happeneth when an   
armie marcheth through the enemies      
countrie1 or through suspected places4  
,firste1 you must understande1 how a    
,romaine armie1 sent alwaies ordinarely 
afore1 certaine bandes of horsemen1 as  
spies of the waie3 after followed the   
right horne1 after this1 came all the   
carriages1 whiche to thesame            
apperteined1 after this1 came a ,legion1
 after it1 the carriages therof1 after  

that1 an other legion1 and next to it1  
their carriages1 after whiche1 came the 
left horne1 with the carriages thereof  
at their backe1 and in the laste part1  
folowed the remnaunte of the chivalrie3 
this was in effecte the maner1 with     
whiche ordinarily thei marched3 and if  
it happened that the armie were         
assaulted in the waie on the fronte1 or 
on the backe1 thei made straight waie   
all the carriages to bee drawen1 either 
on the right1 or on the lefte side1     
accordyng as chaunsed1 or as thei could 
beste1 havyng respecte to the situacion3
 and all the men together free from     
their impedimentes1 made hedde on that  
parte1 where the enemie came4 ,if thei  
were assaulted on the flancke1 thei drue
 the carriages towardes thesame parte   
that was safe1 and of the other1 thei   
made hedde4 ,this waie beyng well and   
prudently governed1 ,i have thought     
meete to imitate1 sending afore the     
light horsemen1 as exploratours of the  
,countrie3 ,then havyng fower maine     

battailes ,i would make them to marche  
in araie1 and every one with their      
carriages folowyng theim4 ,and for that 
there be twoo sortes of carriages1 that 
is partainyng to particulare souldiours1
 and partainyng to the publike use of   
all the ,campe1 ,i would devide the     
publike ,carriages into fower partes1   
and to every maine battaile1 ,i would   
appoinct his parte1 deviding also the   
artillerie into fower partes1 and all   
the unarmed1 so that every nomber of    
armed menne1 should equally have their  
impedimentes4 ,but bicause it happeneth 
some times1 that thei marche through the
 countrie1 not onely suspected1 but so  
daungerous1 that thou fearest every     
hower to be assaulted1 thou art         
constrained for to go more sure1 to     
chaunge the forme of marchyng1 and to   
goe in soche wise prepared1 that neither
 the countrie menne1 nor any armie1 maie
 hurte thee1 findyng thee in any parte  
unprovided4 ,in soche case1 the         
aunciente capitaines were wont1 to      

marche with the armie quadrante1 whiche 
so thei called this forme1 not for that 
it was altogether quadrante1 but for    
that it was apte to faight of fower     
partes1 and thei saied1 that thei wente 
prepared1 bothe for the waie1 and for   
the faight3 from whiche waie1 ,i will   
not digresse1 and ,i will ordaine my    
twoo maine battailes1 whiche ,i have    
taken for to make an armie of1 to this  
effect4 ,mindyng therefore1 to marche   
safely through the enemies ,countrie1   
and to bee able to aunswere hym on every
 side1 when at unwares the armie might  
chaunce to be assaulted1 and intendyng  
therefore1 accordyng to the antiquitie1 
to bryng thesame into a square1 ,i would
 devise to make a quadrant1 that the    
rome therof should be of space on every 
part ,clix4 yardes1 in this maner4      
,first ,i would put the flanckes1       
distant the one flanck from the other1  
,clix4 yardes1 and ,i would place five  
battailes for a flancke1 in a raie in   
length1 and distant the one from the    

other1 twoo yardes and a quarter3 the   
whiche shall occupie with their spaces1 
every battaile occupiyng thirtie yardes1
 ,clix4 yardes4 ,then betwen the hedde  
and the taile of these two flanckes1 ,i 
would place the other tenne battailes1  
in every parte five1 orderyng them after
 soche sorte1 that fower should joyne to
 the hedde of the right flanck1 and     
fower to the taile of the lefte flancke1
 leaving betwene every one of them1 a   
distance of thre yardes3 one should     
after joyne to the hedde of the lefte   
flancke1 and one to the taile of the    
right flancke3 and for that the space   
that is betwene the one flancke and the 
other1 is ,clix4 yardes1 and these      
battailes whiche are set the one to the 
side of the other by breadth1 and not by
 length1 will come to occupie with the  
distaunces one hundred yardes and a     
halfe yarde1 there shall come betwene   
theim fower battailes1 placed in the    
fronte on the right flancke1 and the one
 placed in thesame on the lefte1 to     

remaine a space of fiftie and eighte    
yardes and a halfe1 and the verie same  
space will come to remaine in the       
battailes1 placed in the hinder parte3  
nor there shall bee no difference1      
saving that the one space shall come on 
the parte behind towardes the right     
horne1 and thother shall come on the    
parte afore1 towardes the lefte home4   
,in the space of the lviii4 yardes and a
 halfe before1 ,i would place all the   
ordinarie ,veliti1 in thesame behinde1  
the extraordinarie1 which wil come to be
 a thousande for a space1 and mindyng to
 have the space that ought to be within 
the armie1 to be every waie ,clix4      
yardes1 it is mete that the five        
battailes1 whiche are placed in the     
hedde1 and those whiche are placed in   
the taile1 occupie not any parte of the 
space1 whiche the flanckes keepe3 and   
therefore it shall be convenient1 that  
the five battailes behinde1 doe touche  
with the fronte1 the taile of their     
flanckes1 and those afore1 with the     

taile to touche he hedde1 after soche   
sorte1 that upon every corner of the ame
 armie1 there maie remaine a space1 to  
receive an other battaile3 and for that 
there bee fower spaces1 ,i would take   
fower bandes of the extraordinarie      
,pikes1 and in every corner ,i would    
place one1 and the twoo ,ansignes of the
 foresaied ,pikes1 whiche shall remain  
overplus1 ,i would sette in the middest 
of the rome of this armie1 in a square  
battaile1 on the hedde whereof1 should  
stande the generall capitaine1 with his 
menne about him4 ,and for that these    
battailes ordeined thus1 marche all one 
waie1 but faight not all one waie1 in   
puttyng them together1 those sides ought
 to be ordained to faight1 whiche are   
not defended of thother battailes4 ,and 
therfore it ought to be considered1 that
 the five battailes that be in the      
front1 have all their other partes      
defended1 excepte the fronte3 and       
therfore these ought to bee put together
 in good order1 and with the ,pikes     

afore4 ,the five battailes whiche are   
behinde1 have all their sides defended1 
except the parte behinde1 and therefore 
those ought to bee put together in soche
 wise1 that the ,pikes come behind1 as  
in the place therof we shall shewe4 ,the
 five battailes that bee in the right   
flancke1 have all their sides defended1 
except the right flancke4 ,the five that
 be on the left flanck1 have all their  
partes defended1 excepte the lefte      
flancke3 and therefore in orderyng the  
battailes1 thei ought to bee made1 that 
the ,pikes maie tourne on the same      
flanck1 that lieth open3 and the        
,peticapitaines to stand on the hedde1  
and on the taile1 so that nedyng to     
faight1 all the armour and weapons maie 
be in their due places1 the waie to doe 
this1 is declared where we reasoned of  
the maner of orderyng the battailes4    
,the artillerie ,i would devide1 and one
 parte ,i would place without1 on the   
lefte flancke1 and the other on the     
right4 ,the light horsemen1 ,i would    

sende afore to discover the countrie4   
,of the menne of armes1 ,i would place  
part behinde1 on the right home1 and    
parte on the lefte1 distante about      
thirtie yardes from the battailes3 and  
concerning horse1 you have to take this 
for a general rule in every condicion1  
where you ordaine an armie1 that alwaies
 thei ought to be put1 either behinde1  
or on the flanckes of thesame3 he that  
putteth them afore1 over against the    
armie1 it behoveth hym to doe one of    
these twoo thinges1 either that he put  
them so moche afore1 that beyng         
repulced1 thei maie have so moche space1
 that maie give them tyme1 to be able to
 go a side from thy footemen1 and not to
 runne upon them1 or to order them in   
soche wise1 with so many spaces1 that   
the horses by those maie enter betwene  
them1 without disorderyng them4 ,nor let
 no man esteme little this remembraunce1
 for as moche as many capitaines1 whom  
havyng taken no hede thereof1 have been 
ruinated1 and by themselves have been   

disordered1 and broken4 ,the carriages  
and the unarmed menne are placed1 in the
 rome that remaineth within the armie1  
and in soche sorte equally devided1 that
 thei maie give the waie easely1 to whom
 so ever would go1 either from the one  
corner to the other1 or from the one    
hedde1 to the other of the armie4 ,these
 battailes without the artillerie and   
the horse1 occupie every waie from the  
utter side1 twoo hundred and eleven     
yardes and a halfe of space3 and bicause
 this quadrante is made of twoo main    
battailes1 it is convenient to          
distinguishe1 what part thone maine     
battaile maketh1 and what the other3 and
 for that the main battailes are called 
by the nomber1 and every of theim hath  
7as you knowe7 tenne battailes1 and a   
generall hed1 ,i would cause that the   
first main battaile1 should set the     
first v4 battailes therof in the front1 
the other five1 in the left flanck1 and 
the capitain of the same should stande  
in the left corner of the front4 ,the   

seconde maine battaile1 should then put 
the firste five battailes therof1 in the
 right flanck1 and the other five in the
 taile1 and the hedde capitain of       
thesame1 should stande in the right     
corner1 whom should come to dooe the    
office of the ,tergiductor4 ,the armie  
ordained in this maner1 ought to be made
 to move1 and in the marchyng1 to       
observe all this order1 and without     
doubte1 it is sure from all the tumultes
 of the countrie men4 ,nor the capitain 
ought not to make other provision1 to   
the tumultuarie assaultes1 then to give 
sometyme ,commission to some horse1 or  
,ansigne of ,veliti1 that thei set      
themselves in order3 nor it shall never 
happen that these tumultuous people1    
will come to finde thee at the drawyng  
of the swerd1 or pikes poincte3 for that
 men out of order1 have feare of those  
that be in araie3 and alwaies it shall  
bee seen1 that with cries and rumours1  
thei will make a greate assaulte1       
without otherwise commyng nere unto     

thee1 like unto barking curres aboute a 
,mastie4 ,aniball when he came to the   
hurte of the ,romaines into ,italie1 he 
passed through all ,fraunce1 and alwaies
 of the ,frenche tumultes1 he took small
 regarde4 ,mindyng to marche1 it is     
conveniente to have plainers and        
labourers afore1 whom maie make thee the
 waie plaine1 whiche shall bee garded of
 those horsemen1 that are sent afore to 
viewe the countrie3 an armie in this    
order maie marche tenne mile the daie1  
and shall have tyme inough to incampe1  
and suppe before ,sunne goyng doune1 for
 that ordinarely1 an armie maie marche  
twentie mile3 if it happen that thou be 
assaulted1 of an armie set in order1    
this assaulte cannot growe sodainly3 for
 that an armie in order1 commeth with   
his pace1 so that thou maiest have tyme 
inough1 to set thy self in order to     
faight the field1 and reduce thy menne  
quickly into thesame facion1 or like to 
thesame facion of an armie1 which afore 
is shewed thee4 ,for that if thou be    

assaulted1 on the parte afore1 thou     
needeste not but to cause1 that the     
artillerie that be on the flanckes1 and 
the horse that be behinde1 to come      
before1 and place theimselves in those  
places1 and with those distaunces1 as   
afore is declared4 ,the thousande       
,veliti that bee before1 must go out of 
their place1 and be devided into        
,,ccccc4 for a parte1 and go into their 
place1 betwene the horse and the hornes 
of tharmy3 then in the voide place that 
thei shal leave1 the twoo ,ansignes of  
the extraordinarie ,pikes muste entre1  
whiche ,i did set in the middest of the 
quadrante of the armie4 ,the thousande  
,veliti1 whiche ,i placed behinde1 must 
departe from thesame place1 and devide  
them selves in the flanckes of the      
battailes1 to the fortificacion of      
those3 and by the open place that thei  
shal leave1 all the carriages and       
unarmed menne must go out1 and place    
themselves on the backe of the battaile4
 ,then the rome in the middeste beyng   

voided1 and every man gone to his place3
 the five battailes1 whiche ,i placed   
behinde on the armie1 must make forward 
in the voide place1 that is betwene the 
one and the other flanck1 and marche    
towardes the battailes1 that stand in   
the hedde1 and three of theim1 muste    
stande within thirtie yardes of those1  
with equall distances1 betwene the one  
and the other1 and the other twoo shal  
remain behinde1 distaunte other thirtie 
yardes3 the whiche facion maie bee      
ordained in a sodaine1 and commeth      
almoste to bee like1 unto the firste    
disposicion1 whiche of tharmy afore we  
shewed4 ,and though it come straighter  
in the fronte1 it commeth grosser in the
 flanckes1 whiche giveth it no lesse    
strength3 but bicause the five          
battailes1 that be in the taile1 have   
the ,pikes on the hinder parte1 for the 
occasion that before we have declared1  
it is necessarie to make theim to come  
on the parte afore1 mindyng to have     
theim to make a backe to the front of   

tharmie3 and therfore it behoveth either
 to make them to tourne battaile after  
battaile1 as a whole body1 or to make   
them quickly to enter betwen thorders of
 targettes1 and conduct them afore1 the 
whiche waie is more spedy1 and of lesse 
disorder1 then to make them to turn al  
together3 and so thou oughtest to doe of
 all those1 whiche remain behind in     
every condicion of assault1 as ,i shal  
shewe you4 ,if it appere that thenemie  
come on the part behinde1 the first     
thyng that ought to bee dooen1 is to    
cause that every man tourne his face    
where his backe stode1 and straight waie
 tharmie cometh to have made of taile1  
hed1 and of hed taile3 then al those    
waies ought to be kept1 in orderyng     
thesame fronte1 as ,i tolde afore4 ,if  
the enemie come to incounter the right  
flancke1 the face of thy armie ought to 
bee made to tourne towardes thesame     
side3 after1 make all those thynges in  
fortificacion of thesame hedde1 whiche  
above is saied1 so that the horsemen1   

the ,veliti1 and the artillerie1 maie be
 in places conformable to the hed       
thereof3 onely you have this difference1
 that in variyng the hed of those1 which
 are transposed1 some have to go more1  
and some lesse4 ,in deede makyng hedde  
of the right flancke1 the ,veliti ought 
to enter in the spaces1 that bee betwene
 the horne of the armie1 and those      
horse1 whiche were nerest to the lefte  
flancke1 in whose place ought to enter1 
the twoo ,ansignes of the extraordinarie
 ,pikes1 placed in the middest3 ,but    
firste the carriages and the unarmed1   
shall goe out by the open place1        
avoidyng the rome in the middest1 and   
retiryng themselves behinde the lefte   
flancke1 whiche shall come to bee then  
the taile of the armie3 the other       
,veliti that were placed in the taile1  
accordyng to the principall orderyng of 
the armie1 in this case1 shall not move3
 ,bicause the same place should not     
remaine open1 whiche of taile shall come
 to be flancke3 all other thyng ought to

 bee dooen1 as in orderyng of the firste
 hedde is saied3 this that is told about
 the makyng hed of the right flanck1    
must be understode to be told1 havyng   
nede to make it of the left flanck3 for 
that the very same order ought to bee   
observed4 ,if the enemie should come    
grose1 and in order to assaulte thee on 
twoo sides1 those twoo sides1 whiche he 
commeth to assaulte thee on1 ought to   
bee made stronge with the other twoo    
sides1 that are not assaulted1 doublyng 
the orders in eche of theim1 and        
devidyng for bothe partes the           
artillerie1 the ,veliti1 and the horse4 
,if he come on three or on fower sides1 
it is necessarie that either thou or he 
lacke prudence3 for that if thou shalt  
bee wise1 thou wilte never putte thy    
self in place1 that the enemie on three 
or fower sides1 with a greate nomber of 
men1 and in order1 maie assault thee3   
for that mindyng1 safely to hurte thee1 
it is requisit1 that he be so great1    
that on every side1 he maie assault     

thee1 with as many men1 as thou haste   
almoste in al thy army3 and if thou be  
so unwise1 that thou put thy self in the
 daunger and force of an enemie1 whom   
hath three tymes more menne ordained    
then thou1 if thou catche hurte1 thou   
canste blame no man but thy self3 if it 
happen not through thy faulte1 but      
throughe some mischaunce1 the hurt shall
 be without the shame1 and it shal      
chaunce unto thee1 as unto the ,scipions
 in ,spaine1 and to ,asdruball in       
,italie but if the enemie have not many 
more men then thou1 and intende for to  
disorder thee1 to assaulte thee on      
divers sides1 it shal be his            
foolishnesse1 and thy good fortune3 for 
as moche as to doe so1 it is convenient1
 that he become so thinne in soche wise1
 that then easely thou maiste overthrow 
one bande1 and withstande an other1 and 
in short time ruinate him3 this maner of
 ordering an armie against an enemie1   
whiche is not seen1 but whiche is       
feared1 is a necessarie and a profitable

 thing1 to accustome thy souldiours1 to 
put themselves together1 and to march   
with soche order1 and in marchyng1 to   
order theimselves to faight1 accordyng  
to the first hedde1 and after to        
retourne in the forme1 that thei marched
 in1 then to make hedde of the taile1   
after1 of the flanckes1 from these1 to  
retourne into the first facion3 the     
whiche exercises and uses bee           
necessarie1 mindyng to have an armie1   
throughly instructed and practised3 in  
whiche thyng the ,princes and the       
capitaines1 ought to take paine4 ,nor   
the discipline of warre is no other1    
then to knowe how to commaunde1 and to  
execute these thynges4 ,nor an          
instructed armie is no other1 then an   
armie that is wel practised in these    
orders3 nor it cannot be possible1 that 
who so ever in this time1 should use    
like disciplin shall ever bee broken4   
,and if this quadrante forme whiche ,i  
have shewed you1 is somewhat difficulte1
 soche difficultnesse is necessarie1    

takyng it for an exercise3 for as moche 
as knowyng well1 how to set theim selves
 in order1 and to maintaine theim selves
 in the same1 thei shall knowe after    
more easely1 how to stand in those1     
whiche should not have so moche         
difficultie4  ,,zanobi4 ,i beleve as you
 saie1 that these orders bee verie      
necessarie1 and ,i for my parte1 knowe  
not what to adde or take from it3 true  
it is1 that ,i desire to know of you    
twoo thynges1 the one1 if when you will 
make of the taile1 or of the flancke    
hedde1 and would make them to tourne1   
whether this be commaunded by the voice1
 or with the sounde3 thother1 whether   
those that you sende afore1 to make     
plain the waie1 for the armie to marche1
 ought to be of the verie same          
souldiours of your battailes1 or other  
vile menne appoincted1 to like exercise4
  ,sidenote3 ,commaundementes of        
,capitaines being not wel understoode1  
maie be the destruction of an armie2    
,respect that is to be had in           

commaundementes made with the sounde of 
the ,trompet2 ,in commaundmentes made   
with the voice1 what respect is to be   
had2 ,of ,pianars4  ,,fabricio4 ,your   
firste question importeth moche3 for    
that many tymes the commaundementes of  
,capitaines1 beyng not well understoode1
 or evill interpreted1 have disordered  
their armie3 therfore the voices1 with  
the whiche thei commaunde in perilles1  
ought to bee cleare1 and nete4 ,and if  
thou commaunde with the sounde1 it is   
convenient to make1 that betwene the one
 waie and the other1 there be so moche  
difference1 that the one cannot be      
chaunged for the other3 and if thou     
commaundest with the voice1 thou        
oughteste to take heede1 that thou flie 
the general voices1 and to use the      
particulares1 and of the particulars1 to
 flie those1 whiche maie be interpreted 
sinisterly4 ,many tymes the saiyng      
backe1 backe1 hath made to ruinate an   
armie2 therfore this voice ought not to 
be used1 but in steede therof to use1   

retire you4 ,if you will make theim to  
tourne1 for to chaunge the hedde1 either
 to flanck1 or to backe1 use never to   
saie tourne you1 but saie to the lefte1 
to the right1 to the backe1 to the      
front3 thus all the other voices ought  
to be simple1 and nete1 as thrust on1   
march1 stande stronge1 forwarde1        
retourne you3 and all those thynges1    
whiche maie bee dooen with the voice1   
thei doe1 the other is dooen with the   
sounde4 ,concernyng those menne1 that   
must make the waies plaine for the armie
 to marche1 whiche is your seconde      
question1 ,i would cause my owne        
souldiours to dooe this office1 as well 
bicause in the aunciente warfare thei   
did so1 as also for that there should be
 in the armie1 lesser nomber of unarmed 
men1 and lesse impedimentes3 and ,i     
would choose out of every battaile1     
thesame nomber that should nede1 and ,i 
would make theim to take the            
instrumentes1 meete to plaine the       
grounde withall1 and their weapons to   

leave with those rankes1 that should bee
 nereste them1 who should carrie them1  
and the enemie commyng1 thei shall have 
no other to doe1 then to take them      
again1 and to retourne into their araie4
  ,,zanobi4 ,who shall carrie           
thinstrumentes to make the waie plaine  
withall8  ,,fabricio4 ,the ,cartes that 
are appoincted to carrie the like       
instrumentes4  ,,zanobi4 ,i doubte      
whether you should ever brynge these our
 souldiours1 to labour with ,shovell or 
,mattocke1 after soche sorte4           
,sidenote3 ,the victualles that         
thantiquitie made provision of1 for     
their armies4  ,,fabricio4 ,all these   
thynges shall bee reasoned in the place 
thereof1 but now ,i will let alone this 
parte1 and reason of the maner of the   
victualing of the armie3 for that me    
thinketh1 havyng so moche traivailed    
theim1 it is tyme to refreshe them1 and 
to comfort them with meate4 ,you have to
 understande1 that a ,prince ought to   
ordaine his armie1 as expedite as is    

possible1 and take from thesame all     
those thynges1 whiche maie cause any    
trouble or burthen unto it1 and make    
unto hym any enterprise difficulte4     
,emongest those thynges that causeth    
moste difficultie1 is to be constrained 
to keepe the armie provided of wine1 and
 baked bread4 ,the antiquitie cared not 
for ,wine1 for that lackyng it1 thei    
dranke water1 mingeled with a little    
vinegre1 to give it a taste3 ,for whiche
 cause1 emong the municions of          
victualles for the hoste1 vineger was   
one1 and not wine4 ,thei baked not the  
breade in ,ovens1 as thei use for       
,citees1 but thei provided the ,meale1  
and of thesame1 every ,souldiour after  
his owne maner1 satisfied hym self1     
havyng for condimente ,larde and ,baken1
 the whiche made the breade saverie1    
that thei made1 and maintained theim    
strong1 so that the provision of        
victualles for the armie1 was ,meale1   
,vineger1 ,larde1 and ,bacon1 and for   
the horses ,barley4 ,thei had ordinarely

 heardes of greate beastes and small1   
whiche folowed the armie1 the whiche    
havyng no nede to bee carried1 caused   
not moche impedimente4 ,of this order   
there grewe1 that an armie in old time1 
marched somtymes many daies through     
solitarie places1 and difficulte1       
without sufferyng disease of victualles3
 for that thei lived of thyngs1 whiche  
easely thei might convey after them4 ,to
 the contrarie it happeneth in the      
armies1 that are now a daies1 whiche    
mindyng not to lacke wine1 and to eate  
baked breade in thesame maner1 as when  
thei are at home1 whereof beyng not able
 to make provision long1 thei remaine   
often tymes famished1 or though thei be 
provided1 it is dooen with disease1 and 
with moste greate coste3 therfore ,i    
would reduce my armie to this maner of  
living3 and ,i would not that thei      
should eate other bread1 then that1     
which by themselves thei should bake4   
,concernyng wine1 ,i would not prohibite
 the drinkyng thereof1 nor yet the      

commyng of it into the armie1 but ,i    
would not use indevour1 nor any labour  
for to have it1 and in the other        
provisions1 ,i would governe my self    
altogether1 like unto the antiquitie3   
the whiche thing1 if you consider well1 
you shall see how moche difficultie is  
taken awaie1 and how moche trouble and  
disease1 an armie and a capitaine is    
avoided of1 and how moche commoditie    
shall bee given1 to what so ever        
enterprise is to bee dooen4  ,,zanobi4  
,we have overcome thenemie in the field1
 marched afterward upon his countrie1   
reason would1 that spoiles be made1     
tounes sacked1 prisoners taken1         
therefore ,i would knowe how the        
antiquitie in these thynges1 governed   
them selves4  ,sidenote3 ,the occasions 
why the warres made nowe adaies1 doe    
impoverishe the conquerors as well as   
the conquered2 ,the order that the      
,romaines toke1 concerning the spoile   
and the booties that their souldiours   
gotte2 ,an order that the antiquitie    

tooke1 concernyng their soldiours wages4
  ,,fabricio4 ,beholde1 ,i will satisfie
 you4 ,i beleve you have considered1 for
 that once alredie with some of you ,i  
have reasoned1 howe these present       
warres1 impoverishe as well those lordes
 that overcome1 as those that leese3 for
 that if the one leese his estate1 the  
other leeseth his money1 and his        
movables3 the whiche in olde time was   
not1 for that the conquerour of the     
warre1 waxed ritche4 ,this groweth of   
keepyng no compte in these daies of the 
spoiles1 as in olde tyme thei did1 but  
thei leave it to the discreacion of the 
souldiours4 ,this manner maketh twoo    
moste great disorders3 the one1 that    
whiche ,i have tolde3 the other that the
 souldiour becometh more covetous to    
spoyle1 and lesse observeth the orders3 
and manie times it hath been seen1 howe 
the covetousnesse of the praye1 hath    
made those to leese1 whome were         
victorious4 ,therefore the ,romaines    
whiche were princes of armies1 provided 

to the one and to the other of these    
inconvenienses1 ordainyng that all the  
spoyle should apertaine to the publicke1
 and that the publicke after should     
bestowe it1 as shoulde be thought good3 
and therfore thei had in tharmie the    
questours1 whom were as we would say1   
the chamberlaines1 to whose charge all  
the spoyle and booties were committed3  
whereof the consull was served to geve  
the ordinarie pay to the souldiours1 to 
succour the wounded1 and the sicke1 and 
for the other businesse of the armie4   
,the consull might well1 and he used it 
often1 to graunte a spoyle to soldiours3
 but this grauntyng1 made no disorder3  
for that the armie beyng broken all the 
pray was put in the middest1 and        
distributed by hedde1 accordyng to the  
qualitee of everie man3 the which maner 
thei constituted1 to thintente1 that the
 soldiours should attend to overcome1   
and not to robbe3 and the ,romaine      
,legions overcame the enemies1 and      
folowed them not1 for that thei never   

departed from their orders3 onely there 
folowed them1 the horsemenne with those 
that were light armed1 and if there were
 any other souldiours then those of the 
legions1 they likewyse pursued the      
chase4 ,where if the spoyle shoulde have
 ben his that gotte it1 it had not ben  
possible nor reasonable1 to have kepte  
the legions steddie1 and to withstonde  
manie perils2 hereby grewe therefore1   
that the common weale inritched1 and    
every ,consull carried with his triumphe
 into the treasurie1 muche treasure1    
whiche all was of booties and spoiles4  
,an other thing the antiquetie did upon 
good consideration1 that of the wages1  
whiche they gave to every souldiour1 the
 thirde parte they woulde shoulde be    
laied up nexte to him1 whome carried the
 ansigne of their bande1 whiche never   
gave it them againe1 before the warre   
was ended3 this thei did1 beyng moved of
 twoo reasons1 the first was to         
thintente1 that the souldiour should    
thrive by his wages1 because the        

greatest parte of them beyng yonge men1 
and carelesse1 the more thei have1 so   
muche the more without neede thei       
spende1 the other cause was1 for that   
knowyng1 that their movabelles were     
nexte to the ansigne1 thei should be    
constrained to have more care thereof1  
and with more obstinatenesse to defende 
it3 and this made them stronge and to   
holde together3 all which thynges is    
necessarie to observe1 purposinge to    
reduce the exercise of armes unto the   
intier perfection therof4  ,,zanobi4 ,i 
beleeve that it is not possible1 that to
 an armie that marcheth from place to   
place1 there fal not perrilous          
accidentes1 where the industerie of the 
capitaine is needefull1 and the         
worthinesse of the souldiours1 mindyng  
to avoyde them4 ,therefore ,i woulde be 
glad1 that you remembring any1 would    
shew them4  ,sidenote3 ,captaines mai   
incurre the daunger of ambusshes twoo   
maner of wayes2 ,how to avoide the      
perill of ambusshes2 ,howe ambusshes    

have ben perceived2 ,howe the ,capitaine
 of the enemies ought to be esteemed2   
,where men be in greatest perill2 ,the  
description of the countrey where an    
army muste marche1 is most requiset for 
a ,capitaine to have2 ,a most profitable
 thyng it is for a capitayne to be      
secrete in all his affaires2 ,an        
advertisment concernyng the marchyng of 
an armie2 ,the marching of an armie     
ought to be ruled by the stroke of the  
,drumme2 ,the condicion of the enemie   
ought to be considered4  ,,fabricio4 ,i 
shall contente you with a good will1    
beyng inespetially necessarie1 intendyng
 to make of this exercise a perfecte    
science4 ,the ,capitaines ought above   
all other thynges1 whileste thei marche 
with an armie1 to take heede of         
ambusshes1 wherein they incurre daunger 
twoo waies1 either marchynge thou       
entrest into them1 or thoroughe crafte  
of the enemie thou arte trained in      
before thou arte aware4 ,in the first   
case1 mindyng to avoide suche perill1 it

 is necessarie to sende afore double    
warde1 whome may discover the countrey1 
and so muche the more dilligence ought  
to be used1 the more that the countrey  
is apte for ambusshes1 as be the woddie 
or hilly countries1 for that alwaies    
thei be layd either in a wodde1 or      
behind a hille3 and as the ambusshe not 
forseene1 doeth ruin thee1 so forseyng  
the same1 it cannot hurte thee4 ,manie  
tymes birdes or muche duste have        
discovered the enemie3 for that alwayes 
where the enemie cometh to finde thee1  
he shall make great duste1 whiche shall 
signifie unto thee his comyng3 so often 
tymes a ,capitaine seyng in the places  
where he ought to passe1 ,doves to rise1
 or other of those birdes that flie in  
flockes1 and to tourne aboute and not to
 light1 hath knowen by the same the     
ambusshe of the enemies to be there1 and
 sendynge before his men1 and sertainely
 understandyng it1 hath saved him selfe 
and hurte his enemie4 ,concernyng the   
seconde case1 to be trained in1 7which  

these our men cal to be drawen to the   
shot7 thou ought to take heede1 not     
straight way to beleve those thinges1   
which are nothyng reasonable1 that thei 
be as they seeme3 as shoulde be1 if the 
enemie should set afore thee a praie1   
thou oughtest to beleeve that in the    
same is the hooke1 and that therin is   
hid the deceipte4 ,if many enemies be   
driven away by a fewe of thine1 if a    
fewe enemies assaulte manie of thine1 if
 the enemies make a sodeine flight1 and 
not standynge with reason1 alwaies thou 
oughtest in suche cases to feare        
deceipte1 and oughtest never to beleeve 
that the enemie knoweth not how to doe  
his businesse1 but rather intendyng that
 he may begile thee the lesse1 and      
mindyng to stand in lesse peril1 the    
weaker that he is1 and the lesse        
craftier that the enemie is1 so muche   
the more thou oughtest to esteeme him3  
and thou muste in this case use twoo    
sundrie poinctes1 for that thou oughtest
 to feare him in thy minde and with the 

order1 but with wordes1 and with other  
outewarde demonstracion1 to seeme to    
dispyse him3 because this laste way1    
maketh that the souldiours hope the more
 to have the victorie3 the other maketh 
thee more warie1 and lesse apte to be   
begyled4 ,and thou hast to understand1  
that when men marche thoroughe the      
enemies countrey1 they ar in muche more1
 and greater perils1 then in fayghtyng  
the fielde3 and therefore the ,capitaine
 in marchyng1 ought to use double       
diligence3 and the first thyng that he  
ought to doo1 is to get described1 and  
payncted oute all the countrie1 thorough
 the which he must marche1 so that he   
maye know the places1 the number1 the   
distances1 the waies1 the hilles1 the   
rivers1 the fennes1 and all the         
quallites of them3 and to cause this to 
bee knowen1 it is convenient to have    
with him diversly1 and in sundrie maners
 such men1 as know the places1 and to   
aske them with diligence1 and to se     
whether their talke agree1 and accordyng

 to the agreyng therof1 to note3 he     
oughte also to sende afore the horsemen1
 and with them prudente heddes1 not so  
muche to discover the enemie1 as to     
viewe the countrey1 to se whether it    
agree with the description1 and with the
 knowledge that they have of the same4  
,also the guydes that are sente1 ought  
to be kepte with hope of rewarde1 and   
feare of paine4 ,and above all thynges  
it ought to be provided1 that the armie 
knowe not to what businesse he leadeth  
them3 for that there is nothyng in the  
warre more profitable1 then to keepe    
secret the thynges that is to be dooen3 
and to thintente a suddeine assaulte    
dooe not trouble thy soldiours1 thou    
oughteste to see them to stande reddie  
with their weapons1 because the thynges 
that ar provided for1 offend lesse4     
,manie for to avoyde the confusion of   
marchyng1 have placed under the         
standerde1 the carriages1 and the       
unarmed1 and have commaunded them to    
folow the same1 to the intente that in  

marchyng needyng to staye1 or to retire1
 they might dooe it more easely1 which  
thyng as profitable1 ,i alowe very      
muche4 ,also in marchyng1 advertismente 
ought to be had1 that the one parte of  
the armie goe not a sunder from the     
other1 or that thoroughe some goyng     
fast1 and some softe1 the armie become  
not slender3 the whiche thynges1 be     
occation of dissorder3 therfore the     
heddes muste be placed in suche wise1   
that they may maintaine the pace even1  
causing to goe softe those that goe to  
fast1 and to haste forward the other    
that goe to sloe1 the whiche pace can   
not bee better ruled1 then by the stroke
 of the drumme4 ,the waies ought to be  
caused to be inlarged1 so that alwaies  
at least a bande of iiii4 hundred men   
may marche in order of battaile4 ,the   
custome and the qualitie of the enemie  
ought to be considered1 and whether that
 he wil assaulte thee either in the     
mornyng1 or at none or in the evenynge1 
and whether he be more puisante with    

fotemen or horsemen1 and accordyng as   
thou understandest1 to ordeine and to   
provide for thy self4 ,but let us come  
to some particular accidente4 ,it       
hapneth sometime1 that thou gettyng from
 the enemie1 because thou judgest thy   
selfe inferiour1 and therfore mindynge  
not to faight with him1 and he comyng at
 thy backe1 thou arivest at the banke of
 a river1 passyng over the which1 asketh
 time1 so that the enemie is redie to   
overtake thee and to fayght with thee4  
,some1 which chaunsing to bee in suche  
perill1 have inclosed their armie on the
 hinder parte with a diche1 and fillyng 
the same full of towe1 and firyng it1   
have then passed with the armie without 
beyng able to be letted of the enemie1  
he beyng by the same fire that was      
betwene them held backe4  ,sidenote3    
,annone of ,carthage4  ,,zanobi4 ,i am  
harde of beliefe1 that this fyre coulde 
stay theim1 in especially because ,i    
remember that ,i have harde1 howe       
,annone of ,carthage1 beyng besieged of 

enemies1 inclosed him selfe on the same 
parte1 with wodde1 which he did set on  
fire where he purposed to make eruption4
 ,wherfore the enemies beyng not        
intentive on the same parte to looke to 
him1 he made his armie to passe over the
 same flame1 causing every man to holde 
his ,target before his face for to      
defend them from the fire1 and smoke4   
,sidenote3 ,nabide a spartayne2 ,quintus
 ,luttatius pollecie to passe over a    
river2 ,how to passe a ryver without a  
bridge2 ,a polecie of ,cesar to passe a 
river1 where his enemie beyng on the    
other side therof sought to lette hym4  
,,fabricio4 ,you saye well3 but consider
 you howe ,i have saied1 and howe       
,annone did3 for as muche as ,i saied   
that they made a diche1 and filled it   
with towe1 so that he1 that woulde passe
 over the same1 should be constrained to
 contende with the diche and with fire3 
,annone made the fire1 without the      
diche1 and because he intended to passe 
over it1 he made it not great1 for that 

otherwise without the diche1 it shoulde 
have letted him4 ,dooe you not knowe1   
that ,nabide a ,spartan beyng besieged  
in ,sparta of the ,romaines1 set fire on
 parte of his towne to let the way to   
the ,romaines1 who alredie wer entred   
in8 ,and by meane of the same flame not 
onely hindered their way1 but drave them
 oute3 but let us turne to our matter4  
,quintus ,luttatius a ,romaine1 havyng  
at his backe the ,cimbri1 and commyng to
 a river1 to thentente the enemie should
 give him time to passe over1 semed to  
geve time to them to faight with him3   
and therfore he fained that he would    
lodge there1 and caused trenches to be  
made1 and certaine pavilions to be      
erected1 and sent certayne horsemen into
 the countrie for forredge3 so that the 
,cimbrise beleevyng1 that he incamped1  
they also incamped1 and devided them    
selves into sundrie partes1 to provide  
for victuals1 wherof ,luttatius being   
aware1 passed the river they beyng not  
able to let him4 ,some for to passe a   

river havynge no bridge1 have devided   
it1 and one parte they have turned      
behynde their backes1 and the other then
 becomynge shalower1 with ease they have
 passed it3 when the rivers be swift1   
purposyng to have their footemen to     
passe safely1 they place their strongest
 horses on the higher side1 that thei   
may sustain the water1 and an other     
parte be lowe that may succour the men1 
if any of the river in passyng should be
 overcome with the water3 ,they passe   
also rivers1 that be verie deepe1 with  
bridges1 with botes1 and with barrelles3
 and therfore it is good to have in a   
redinesse in an armie wherewith to be   
able to make all these thynges4 ,it     
fortuneth sometime that in passyng a    
river1 the enemie standynge agaynst thee
 on the other banke1 doeth let thee3 to 
minde to overcome this difficultie1 ,i  
know not a better insample to folow1    
then the same of ,cesar1 whome havynge  
his armie on the banke of a river in    
,fraunce1 and his passage beynge letted 

of ,vergintorige a ,frenche man1 the    
whiche on the other side of the river   
had his men1 marched many daies a longe 
the river1 and the like did the enemie3 
wherfore ,cesar incamping in a woddie   
place1 apte to hide men1 he tooke out of
 every legion three cohortes1 and made  
them to tarie in the same place1        
commaundynge theim that so soone as he  
was departed1 they shoulde caste over a 
bridge1 and should fortefie it1 and he  
with his other menne folowed on the     
waye3 wherfore ,vergintorige seyng the  
number of the legions1 thinkyng that    
there was not left anie parte of theim  
behinde1 folowed also his way3 but      
,cesar when he supposed that the bridge 
was made1 tourned backewarde1 and       
findynge all thinges in order1 passed   
the river without difficultee4          
,,zanobi4 ,have ye any rule to know the 
foordes8  ,sidenote3 ,how to know the   
,foordes of a river4  ,,fabricio4 ,yea1 
we have3 alwaies the river1 in that     
parte1 whiche is betwene the water1 that

 is stilleste1 and the water that       
runneth fastest1 there is least depth   
and it is a place more meete to be      
looked on1 then any other where4 ,for   
that alwaies in thesame place1 the river
 is moste shallowest4 ,the whiche thyng1
 bicause it hath been proved many tymes1
 is moste true4  ,,zanobi4 ,if it       
chaunce that the ,river hath marde the  
,foorde1 so that the horses sincke1 what
 reamedy have you8  ,sidenote3 ,howe to 
escape oute of a straight where the same
 is besette with enemies2 ,howe ,lutius 
,minutius escaped out of a strayght     
wherin he was inclosed of his enemies2  
,howe some ,capitaynes have suffered    
them selves to be compassed aboute of   
their enemies2 ,a polecie of ,marcus    
,antonius2 ,a defence for the shotte of 
arrowes4  ,,fabricio4 ,the remedie is to
 make hardels of roddes whiche must be  
placed in the bottome of the river1 and 
so to passe upon those3 but let us      
folowe our reasonyng4 ,if it happen that
 a capitain be led with his armie1      

betwen two hilles1 and that he have not 
but twoo waies to save hymself1 either  
that before1 or that behinde1 and those 
beyng beset of thenemies1 he hath for   
remidie to doe the same1 which some have
 doen heretofore3 that which have made  
on their hinder parte a greate trenche1 
difficult to passe over1 and semed to   
the enemie1 to mynde to kepe him of1 for
 to be able with al his power1 without  
neding to feare behinde1 to make force  
that waie1 whiche before remaineth open4
 ,the whiche the enemies belevyng1 have 
made theim selves stronge1 towardes the 
open parte1 and have forsaken the       
inclosed and he then castyng a bridge of
 woode over the ,trenche1 for soche an  
effect prepared1 bothe on thesame parte1
 with out any impedimente hath passed1  
and also delivered hymself out of the   
handes of the enemie4 ,lucius ,minutus a
 ,consul of ,rome1 was in ,liguria with 
an armie1 and was of the enemies        
inclosed1 betwene certaine hilles1      
whereby he could not go out3 therefore  

he sente certaine souldiours of ,numidia
 on horsebacke1 whiche he had in his    
armie 7whom were evill armed1 and upon  
little leane horses7 towardes the places
 that were kepte of the enemies1 whom at
 the first sight made the enemies1 to   
order theim selves together1 to defende 
the passage3 but after that thei sawe   
those men ill apoincted1 and accordyng  
to their facion evill horsed1 regardyng 
theim little1 enlarged the orders of    
their warde1 wherof so sone as the      
,numidians wer a ware1 givyng the       
spurres to their horses1 and runnyng    
violently upon theim1 passed before thei
 could provide any remedy1 whom beyng   
passed1 destroied and spoiled the       
countrie after soche sorte1 that thei   
constrained the enemies1 to leave the   
passage free to the armie of ,lucius4   
,some capitaine1 whiche hath perceived  
hymself to be assaulted of a greate     
multitude of enemies1 hath drawen       
together his men1 and hath given to the 
enemie commoditie1 to compasse hym all  

about1 and then on thesame part1 whiche 
he hath perceived to be moste weake1    
hath made force1 and by thesame waie1   
hath caused to make waie1 and saved     
hymself4  ,marcus ,antonius retiryng    
before the armie of the ,parthians1     
perceived how the enemies every daie    
before ,sunne risyng1 when he removed1  
assaulted him1 and all the waie troubled
 hym3 in so moch1 that he determined not
 to departe the nexte daie1 before      
,none3 so that the ,parthians beleving1 
that he would not remove that daie1     
retourned to their tentes4 ,whereby     
,marcus ,antonius might then all the    
reste of the daie1 marche without any   
disquietnesse4 ,this self same man for  
to avoide the arrowes of the ,parthians1
 commaunded his men1 that when the      
,parthians came towardes them1 thei     
should knele1 and that the second ranke 
of the battailes1 should cover with     
their ,targaettes1 the heddes of the    
firste1 the thirde1 the seconde1 the    
fowerth the third1 and so successively1 

that all the armie came1 to be as it    
were under a pentehouse1 and defended   
from the shotte of the enemies4 ,this is
 as moche as is come into my            
remembraunce1 to tell you1 which maie   
happen unto an armie marchyng3          
therefore1 if you remember not any thyng
 els1 ,i will passe to an other parte4  
,,the ,,sixthe ,,booke   ,,zanobi4 ,i   
beleve that it is good1 seyng the       
reasonyng must be chaunged1 that        
,baptiste take his office1 and ,i to    
resigne myne1 and wee shall come in this
 case1 to imitate the good ,capitaines  
7accordyng as ,i have nowe here         
understoode of the gentilman7 who place 
the beste souldiours1 before and behinde
 the armie1 semyng unto theim necessarie
 to have before1 soche as maie lustely  
beginne the faight1 and soche as behinde
 maie lustely sustaine it4 ,now seyng   
,cosimus began this reasonyng prudently1
 ,baptiste prudently shall ende it4 ,as 
for ,luigi and ,i1 have in this middeste
 intertained it1 and as every one of us 

hath taken his part willingly1 so ,i    
beleve not1 that ,baptiste wil refuse   
it4  ,,baptiste4 ,i have let my self    
been governed hetherto1 so ,i minde to  
doe still4 ,therfore be contente sir1 to
 folowe your reasonyng1 and if we       
interrupte you with this practise of    
ours1 have us excused4  ,sidenote3 ,how 
the ,grekes incamped2 ,howe the         
,romaines incamped2 ,the maner of the   
incamping of an armie2 ,the lodging for 
the generall capitaine4  ,,fabricio4    
,you dooe me1 as all readie ,i have     
saied1 a moste greate pleasure2 for this
 your interrupting me1 taketh not awaie 
my fantasie1 but rather refresheth me4  
,but mindyng to followe our matter ,i   
saie1 how that it is now tyme1 that we  
lodge this our armie1 for that you knowe
 every thyng desireth reste and saftie1 
bicause to reste1 and not to reste      
safely1 is no perfecte reste3 ,i doubte 
moche1 whether it hath not been desired 
of you1 that ,i should firste have      
lodged them1 after made theim to marche1

 and laste of all to faight1 and we have
 doen the contrary3 whereunto necessitie
 hath brought us1 for that intendyng to 
shewe1 how an armie in going1 is reduced
 from the forme of marching1 to thesame 
maner of faightyng1 it was necessarie to
 have firste shewed1 how thei ordered it
 to faight4 ,but tournyng to our matter1
 ,i saie1 that minding to have the      
,campe sure1 it is requisite that it be 
strong1 and in good order3 the industrie
 of the ,capitaine1 maketh it in order1 
the situacion1 or the arte1 maketh it   
stronge4 ,the ,grekes sought strong     
situacions1 nor thei would never place  
theim selves1 where had not been either 
cave1 or bancke of a river1 or multitude
 of trees1 or other naturall            
fortificacion1 that might defende theim3
 but the ,romaines not so moche incamped
 safe through the situacion1 as through 
arte1 nor thei would never incampe in   
place1 where thei should not have been  
able to have raunged all their bandes of
 menne1 accordyng to their discipline4  

,hereby grewe1 that the ,romaines might 
kepe alwaies one forme of incamping1 for
 that thei would1 that the situacion    
should bee ruled by them1 not thei by   
the situacion3 the which the ,grekes    
could not observe1 for that beyng ruled 
by the situacion1 and variyng the       
situacion and forme1 it was conveniente1
 that also thei should varie the maner  
of incampyng1 and the facion of their   
lodgynges4 ,therefore the ,romaines1    
where the situacion lacked strength thei
 supplied thesame with arte1 and with   
industrie4 ,and for that ,i in this my  
declaracion1 have willed to imitate the 
,romaines1 ,i will not departe from the 
maner of their incamping1 yet not       
observyng altogether their order1 but   
takyng thesame parte1 whiche semeth unto
 me1 to be mete for this present tyme4  
,i have told you many tymes1 how the    
,romaines had in their consull armies1  
twoo ,legions of ,romaine men1 whiche   
were aboute a leven thousande footemen1 
and sixe hundred horsemen1 and moreover 

thei had an other leven thousande       
footemen1 sente from their frendes in   
their aide3 nor in their armie thei had 
never more souldiers that were          
straungers1 then ,romaines1 excepte     
horsemenne1 whom thei cared not1 though 
thei were more in nomber then theirs3   
and in all their doynges1 thei did place
 their ,legions in the middeste1 and the
 aiders1 on the sides3 the whiche maner1
 thei observed also in incampyng1 as by 
your self you maie rede1 in those       
aucthoures1 that write of their actes3  
and therefore ,i purpose not to shewe   
you distinctly how thei incamped1 but to
 tell you onely with what order1 ,i at  
this presente would incampe my armie1   
whereby you shall then knowe1 what parte
 ,i have taken out of the ,romaine      
maners4 ,you knowe1 that in stede of    
twoo ,romaine ,legions1 ,i have taken   
twoo maine battailes of footemen1 of    
sixe thousande footemen1 and three      
hundred horsemen1 profitable for a maine
 battaile1 and into what battailes1 into

 what weapons1 into what names ,i have  
devided theim3 you knowe howe in        
orderyng tharmie to marche1 and to      
faight1 ,i have not made mencion of     
other men1 but onely have shewed1 how   
that doublyng the men1 thei neded not   
but to double the orders3 but mindyng at
 this presente1 to shew you the maner of
 incampyng1 me thinketh good not to     
stande onely with twoo maine battailes1 
but to bryng together a juste armie1    
made like unto the ,romaines1 of twoo   
maine battailes1 and of as many more    
aidyng men3 the whiche ,i make1 to the  
intent that the forme of the incampyng1 
maie be the more perfect1 by lodgyng a  
perfecte armie3 whiche thyng in the     
other demonstracions1 hath not semed    
unto me so necessarie4 ,purposing then1 
to incampe a juste armie1 of xxiiii4    
thousande footemen1 and of twoo         
thousande good horsemenne1 beeyng       
devided into fower maine battailes1 twoo
 of our owne menne1 and twoo of         
straungers1 ,i would take this waie4    

,the situacion beyng founde1 where ,i   
would incampe1 ,i would erecte the hed  
standarde1 and aboute it1 ,i would marke
 out a quadrant1 whiche should have     
every side distante from it xxxvii4     
yardes and a half1 of whiche every one  
of them should lye1 towardes one of the 
fower regions of heaven1 as ,easte1     
,weste1 ,southe1 and ,northe3 betwene   
the whiche space1 ,i would that the     
capitaines lodgyng should be appoincted4
 ,and bicause ,i beleve that it is      
wisedom1 to devide the armed from the   
unarmed1 seyng that so1 for the moste   
parte the ,romaines did1 ,i would       
therefore seperate the menne1 that were 
cumbered with any thing1 from the       
uncombered4 ,i would lodge all1 or the  
greatest parte of the armed1 on the side
 towardes the ,easte1 and the unarmed1  
and the cumbred1 on the ,weste side1    
makyng ,easte the hedde1 and ,weste the 
backe of the ,campe1 and ,southe1 and   
,northe should be the flanckes3 and for 
to distinguishe the lodgynges of the    

armed1 ,i would take this waie4 ,i would
 drawe a line from the hedde standarde1 
and lead it towardes the ,easte1 the    
space of ,,ccccc4x4 yardes and a half3  
,i would after1 make two other lines1   
that should place in the middeste the   
same1 and should bee as longe as that1  
but distante eche of theim from it a    
leven yardes and a quarter3 in the ende 
whereof1 ,i would have the ,easte gate1 
and the space that is betwene the twoo  
uttermoste lines1 should make a waie1   
that should go from the gate1 to the    
capitaines lodging1 whiche shall come to
 be xxii4 yardes and a halfe broad1 and 
,c,c,c,clxxii4 yardes and a halfe longe1
 for the xxxvii4 yardes and a halfe1 the
 lodgyng of the ,capitaine will take up3
 and this shall bee called the          
,capitaine waie4 ,then there shall be   
made an other waie1 from the ,southe    
gate1 to the ,northe gate1 and shall    
passe by the hedde of the capitaine     
waie1 and leave the ,capitaines lodgyng 
towardes theaste1 whiche waie shalbe    

ix4,c4xxxvii4 yardes and a halfe long   
7for the length therof wilbe as moche as
 the breadth of all the lodgynges7 and  
shall likewise be xxii4 yardes and a    
half broad1 and shalbe called the crosse
 waie4 ,then so sone as the ,capitaines 
lodgyng1 were appoincted out1 and these 
twoo waies1 there shall bee begun to be 
appoincted out1 the lodginges of our own
 two main battailes1 one of the whiche1 
,i would lodge on the right hand of the 
capitaines waie1 and the other1 on the  
lefte3 and therefore passing over the   
space1 that the breadth of the crosse   
waie taketh1 ,i would place xxxii4      
lodgynges1 on the lefte side of the     
capitain waie1 and xxxii4 on the right  
side1 leavyng betwene the xvi4 and the  
xvii4 lodgyng1 a space of xxii4 yardes  
and a halfe1 the whiche should serve for
 a waie overthwart1 whiche should runne 
overthwarte1 throughout all the         
lodgynges of the maine battailes as in  
the distributyng of them shall bee seen4
  ,sidenote3 ,the lodgings for the men  

of armes1 and their ,capitaine2 ,note1  
which is breadth and whiche length in   
the square campe2 ,the lodgings for the 
lighte horsemen1 and their capitain2    
,the lodgings for the footemen of twoo  
ordinary main battailes2 ,the lodgings  
for the conestables2 ,the nomber of     
footemen appoincted to every lodging2   
,the lodynges for the chiefe ,capitaines
 of the maine battayles and for the     
treasurers1 marshals and straungers2    
,lodginges for the horsemen1 of the     
extraordinarie mayne battailes2 ,the    
lodgynges for the extraordinarie ,pykes 
and ,veliti2 ,how the ,artillerie must  
be placed in the ,campe2 ,lodgynges for 
the unarmed men1 and the places that are
 apoineted for the impedimentes of the  
campe4  ,of these twoo orders of        
lodgynges in the beginnyng of the head1 
whiche shall come to joygne to the      
crosse waye1 ,i would lodge the         
,capitaine of the men of armes1 in the  
xv4 lodgynges1 which on everie side     
foloweth next1 their men of armes1 where

 eche main battaile1 havyng a ,,cl4 men 
of armes1 it will come to ten men of    
armes for a lodgyng4 ,the spaces of the 
,capitaines lodgynges1 should be in     
bredth xxx4 and in length vii4 yardes   
and a halfe4 ,and note that when so ever
 ,i sai bredeth1 it signifieth the space
 of the middest from ,southe to ,northe1
 and saiyng length1 that whiche is from 
weste to ,easte4 ,those of the men of   
armes1 shoulde be xi4 yardes and a      
quarter in length1 and xxii4 yardes and 
a halfe in bredeth4 ,in the other xv4   
lodgynges1 that on everie syde should   
folowe1 the whiche should have their    
beginnyng on the other side of the      
overthwarte way1 and whiche shall have  
the very same space1 that those of the  
men of armes had1 ,i woulde lodge the   
light horsemen3 wherof beynge a hundred 
and fiftie1 it will come to x4 horsemen 
for a lodgyng1 and in the xvi4 that     
remaineth1 ,i woulde lodge their        
,capitaine1 gevynge him the verie same  
space1 that is geven to the ,capitain of

 the men of armes3 and thus the         
lodginges of the horsemen of two maine  
battailes1 will come to place in the    
middest the ,capitaine way1 and geve    
rule to the lodginges of the footemen1  
as ,i shall declare4 ,you have noted how
 ,i have lodged the ,,ccc4 horsemen of  
everie main battaile with their         
,capitaines1 in xxxii4 lodgynges placed 
on the ,captaine waie1 havynge begun    
from the crosse waie1 and how from the  
xvi4 to the xvii4 there remaineth a     
space of xxii4 yardes and a halfe1 to   
make awaie overthwarte4 ,mindyng        
therefore to lodge the xx4 battailes1   
which the twoo ordinarie maine battailes
 have1 ,i woulde place the lodgyng of   
everie twoo battailes1 behinde the      
lodgynges of the horsemen1 everie one of
 whiche1 should have in length xi4      
yardes and a quarter1 and in bredeth    
xxii4 yardes and a half as those of the 
horsemens1 and shoulde bee joigned on   
the hinder parte1 that thei shoulde     
touche the one the other4 ,and in every 

first lodgyng on everie side which      
cometh to lie on the crosse waie1 ,i    
woulde lodge the ,counstable of a       
battaile1 whiche should come to stand   
even with the lodgyng of the ,capitayne 
of the men of armes1 and this lodgyng   
shall have onely of space for bredeth   
xv4 yardes1 and for length vii4 yardes  
and a halfe4 ,in the other xv4          
lodgynges1 that on everie side followeth
 after these1 even unto the overthwarte 
way1 ,i would lodge on everie part a    
battaile of foote men1 whiche beyng     
iiii4 hundred and fiftie1 there will    
come to a lodgyng xxx4 ,the other xv4   
lodgynges1 ,i woulde place continually  
on every side on those of the light     
horse men1 with the verie same spaces1  
where ,i woulde lodge on everie part1 an
 other battaile of fote men1 and in the 
laste lodgyng1 ,i would place on every  
parte the ,conestable of the battaile1  
whiche will come to joigne with the same
 of the ,capitaine of the lighte        
horsemen1 with the space of vii4 yardes 

and a halfe for length1 and xv4 for     
bredeth3 and so these two firste orders 
of lodgynges1 shal be halfe of horsemen1
 and halfe of footemen4 ,and for that ,i
 woulde 7as in the place therof ,i have 
tolde you7 these horse menne shoulde be 
all profitable1 and for this havynge no 
servauntes whiche in kepyng the horses1 
or in other necessarie thynges might    
helpe them1 ,i woulde that these        
footemen1 who lodge behynde the horse1  
should bee bounde to helpe to provide1  
and to keepe theim for their maisters3  
and for this to bee exempted from the   
other doynges of the ,campe4 ,the whiche
 maner1 was observed of the ,romanies4  
,then leavyng after these lodgynges on  
everie parte1 a space of xxii4 yardes   
and a halfe1 whiche shoulde make awaye1 
that shoulde be called the one1 the     
firste waye on the righte hande1 and the
 other the firste waie on the lefte     
hand1 ,i woulde pitche on everie side an
 other order of xxxii4 double lodgynges1
 whiche should tourne their hinder      

partes the one againste the other with  
the verie same spaces1 as those that ,i 
have tolde you of1 and devided after the
 sixtenth in the verie same maner for to
 make the overthwarte waie1 where ,i    
would lodge on every side iiii4         
battailes of footemen1 with their       
constables in bothe endes4 ,then leavyng
 on every side an other space of xxii4  
yardes and a halfe1 that shoulde make a 
waie1 whiche shoulde be called of the   
one side1 the seconde waie on the right 
hande1 and on the other syde1 the       
seconde way on the lefte hande1 ,i would
 place an other order on everie side of 
xxxii4 double lodgynges1 with the verie 
same distance and devisions1 where ,i   
would lodge on everie side1 other iiii4 
battailes with their ,constables3 and   
thus the horesemenne and the bandes of  
the twoo ordinarie maine battailes1     
should come to be lodged in three orders
 of lodgynges1 on the one side of the   
capitaine waie1 and in three other      
orders of lodgynges on the other side of

 the ,capitaine waie4 ,the twoo aidyng  
maine battels 7for that ,i cause them to
 be made of the verie same nation7 ,i   
woulde lodge them on everie parte of    
these twoo ordinarie maine battailes1   
with the very same orders of double     
lodgynges1 pitchyng first one order of  
lodgynges1 where should lodge halfe the 
horsemen1 and half the foote men1       
distance xxii4 yardes and a halfe from  
the other1 for to make a way whiche     
should be called the one1 the thirde    
waie on the right hande1 and the other  
the thirde waie on the lefte hande4 ,and
 after1 ,i woulde make on everie side1  
twoo other orders of lodgynges1 in the  
verie same maner destinguesshed and     
ordeined1 as those were of the ordinarie
 maine battelles1 which shall make twoo 
other wayes1 and they all should be     
called of the numbre1 and of the hande1 
where thei should be placed3 in suche   
wyse1 that all this side of the armie1  
shoulde come to be lodged in xii4 orders
 of double lodgynges1 and in xiii4      

waies1 reckenynge captaine waie1 and    
crosse waie3 ,i would there should      
remayne a space from the lodgynges to   
the ,trenche of lxxv4 yardes rounde     
aboute3 and if you recken al these      
spaces1 you shall see that from the     
middest of the ,capitaines lodgyng to   
the easte gate1 there is ,dx4 yardes4   
,now there remaineth twoo spaces1       
whereof one is from the ,capitaines     
lodgyng to the ,southe gate1 the other  
is from thense to the ,northe gate3     
whiche come to be 7either of them       
measurynge them from the poincte in the 
middest7 ,,cccc4lxxvi4 yardes4 ,then    
takyng out of everie one of these spaces
 xxxvii4 yardes and a halfe1 whiche the 
,capitaynes lodgynge occupieth1 and     
xxxiiii4 yardes everie waie for a market
 place1 and xxii4 yardes and a halfe for
 way that devides everie one of the     
saied spaces in the middest1 and lxxv4  
yardes1 that is lefte on everie part    
betweene the lodgynges and the ,trenche1
 there remaineth on every side a space  

for lodginges of ,,ccc4 yardes broade1  
and lxxv4 yardes longe1 measurynge the  
length with the space that the          
,captaines lodgynge taketh up4          
,devidynge then in the middest the saied
 lengthe1 there woulde be made on every 
hande of the ,capitaine xl4 lodgynges   
xxxvii4 yardes and a halfe longe1 and   
xv4 broade1 whiche will come to be in   
all lxxx4 lodgynges1 wherin shall be    
lodged the heddes of the maine          
battailes1 the ,treasurers1 the         
,marshalles of the fielde1 and all those
 that shoulde have office in the armie1 
leavyng some voide for straungers that  
shoulde happen to come1 and for those   
that shall serve for good will of the   
,capitaine4 ,on the parte behinde the   
,capitaines lodgynge1 ,i would have a   
way from ,southe to ,northe xxiii4      
yardes large1 and shoulde be called the 
bed way1 whiche shall come to be placed 
a longe by the lxxx4 lodgynges          
aforesayd3 for that this waie1 and the  
crosseway1 shall come to place in the   

middest betweene them bothe the         
,capitaines lodgynge1 and the lxxx4     
lodgynges that be on the sides therof4  
,from this bed waie1 and from over      
agaynst the captaines lodgyng1 ,i would 
make an other waie1 which shoulde goe   
from thens to the weste gate1 lykewyse  
broade xxii4 yardes and a halfe1 and    
should aunswer in situation and in      
length to the ,captaine way1 and should 
be called the market waie4 ,these twoo  
waies beynge made1 ,i woulde ordeine the
 market place1 where the market shall   
bee kepte1 whiche ,i woulde place on the
 head of the market way over against the
 capitaines lodgynge1 and joigned to the
 head way1 and ,i woulde have it to be  
quadrante1 and woulde assigne lxxxx4    
yardes and three quarters to a square3  
and on the right hande and lefte hande1 
of the saied market place1 ,i would make
 two orders of lodginges1 where everie  
order shal have eight double lodginges1 
which shall take up in length1 ix4      
yardes1 and in bredeth xxii4 yardes and 

a halfe1 so that there shall come to be 
on every hande of the market place1 xvi4
 lodgynges that shall place the same in 
the middest which shall be in al xxxii4 
wherin ,i woulde lodge those horsemen1  
which shoulde remaine to the aidyng     
mayne battailes3 and when these should  
not suffise1 ,i woulde assigne theim    
some of those lodginges that placeth    
between them the ,capitaines lodgynge1  
and in especially those1 that lie       
towardes the ,trenche4 ,there resteth   
now to lodge the ,pikes1 and            
extraordinarie ,veliti1 that everie main
 battaile hath1 which you know          
accordynge to our order1 how everie one 
hath besides the x4 battailes ,m4       
extraordinarie ,pikes1 and five hundreth
 ,veliti3 so that the twoo cheefe maine 
battailes1 have two thousande           
extraordinarie ,pikes1 and a thousande  
extraordinarie ,veliti1 and the ayders  
as many as those1 so that yet there     
remaineth to be lodged1 vi4 ,m4 menne1  
whome ,i woulde lodge all on the weste  

side1 and a longe the ,trenche4 ,then   
from the ende of the hed waye1 towardes 
,northe1 leavyng the space of lxxv4     
yardes from them to the trenche1 ,i     
woulde place an order of v4 double      
lodgynges1 whiche in all shoulde take up
 lvi4 yardes in lengthe1 and xxx4 in    
bredeth3 so that the bredeth devided1   
there will come to everie lodgyng xi4   
yardes and a quarter for lengthe1 and   
for bredeth twoo and twentie yardes and 
a half4 ,and because there shall be x4  
lodgynges1 ,i will lodge three hundred  
men1 apoinctyng to every lodging xxx4   
men3 leavyng then a space of three and  
twentie yardes and a quarter1 ,i woulde 
place in like wise1 and with like spaces
 an other order of five double          
lodgynges1 and againe an other1 till    
there were five orders of five double   
lodgynges3 which wil come to be fiftie  
lodgynges placed by right line on the   
,northe side1 every one of them distante
 from the ,trenche lxxv4 yardes1 which  
will lodge fifteene hundred men4        

,tournyng after on the lefte hande      
towardes the weste gate1 ,i woulde      
pitche in all the same tracte1 whiche   
were from them to the saied gate1 five  
other orders of double lodgynges1 with  
the verie same spaces1 and with the     
verie same maner3 true it is1 that from 
the one order to the other1 there shall 
not be more then a xi4 yardes and a     
quarter of space3 wherin shall be lodged
 also fifteene hundred men3 and thus    
from the ,northe gate to the weste1 as  
the ,trenche turneth1 in a hundred      
lodginges devided in x4 rewes of five   
double lodgynges in a rowe1 there will  
be lodged all the ,pikes and            
extraordinarie ,veliti of the cheefe    
maine battayles4 ,and so from the west  
gate to the ,southe1 as the ,trenche    
tourneth even in the verie same maner1  
in other ten rewes of ten lodgynges in a
 rewe1 there shall be lodged the pikes1 
and extraordinarie ,veliti of the aidyng
 mayne battailes4 ,their headdes or     
their counstables may take those        

lodgynges1 that shal seeme unto them    
moste commodious1 on the parte towardes 
the trenche4 ,the ,artillerie1 ,i woulde
 dispose throughoute all the ,campe1 a  
longe the banke of the ,trenche3 and in 
all the other space that shoulde remaine
 towardes weste1 ,i woulde lodge all the
 unarmed1 and place all the impedimentes
 of the ,campe4 ,and it is to be        
understoode1 that under this name of    
impedimentes 7as you know7 the          
antiquitee mente all the same trayne1   
and all those thynges1 which are        
necessarie for an armie1 besides the    
souldiours3 as are ,carpenters1         
,smithes1 ,masons1 ,ingeners1           
,bombardiers1 althoughe that those might
 be counted in the numbre of the armed1 
herdemen with their herdes of motons and
 beeves whiche for victuallyng of the   
armie1 are requiset3 and moreover       
maisters of all sciences1 together with 
publicke carriages of the publicke      
munition1 whiche pertaine as well to    
victuallyng1 as to armynge4 ,nor ,i     

would not distinguishe these lodginges  
perticularly1 only ,i would marke out   
the waies which should not be occupied  
of them3 then the other spaces1 that    
betweene the waies shall remaine1 whiche
 shall be fower1 ,i woulde appoincte    
theim generally for all the saied       
impedimentes1 that is one for the       
herdemen1 the other for artificers and  
craftes men1 the thirde for publicke    
carriages of victuals1 the fowerth for  
the municion of armour and weapons4 ,the
 waies whiche ,i woulde shoulde be lefte
 without ocupiyng them1 shal be the     
market waie1 the head waye1 and more    
over a waie that shoulde be called the  
midde waye1 whiche should goe from      
,northe to ,southe1 and should passe    
thoroughe the middest of the market     
waie1 whiche from the weste parte1      
shoulde serve for the same purpose that 
the overthwarte way doeth on the east   
parte4 ,and besides this1 a waye whiche 
shall goe aboute on the hinder parte1   
alonge the lodgynges of the ,pikes and  

extraordinarie ,veliti1 and all these   
wayes shall be twoo and tweentie vardes 
and a halfe broade4 ,and the ,artilerie1
 ,i woulde place a longe the ,trenche of
 the ,campe1 rounde aboute the same4    
,,baptiste4 ,i confesse that ,i         
understand not1 nor ,i beleeve that also
 to saye so1 is any shame unto me1 this 
beyng not my exercise3 notwithstandyng1 
this order pleaseth me muche3 onely ,i  
woulde that you shoulde declare me these
 doubtes3 ,the one1 whie you make the   
waie1 and the spaces aboute so large4   
,the other1 that troubleth me more1 is  
these spaces1 whiche you apoincte oute  
for the lodgynges1 howe they ought to be
 used4  ,sidenote3 ,the ,campe ought to 
be all waies of one facion4  ,,fabricio4
 ,you must note1 that ,i make all the   
waies1 xxii4 yardes and a halfe broade1 
to the intente that thorowe them1 maie  
go a battaile of men in araie1 where if 
you remember wel1 ,i tolde you how every
 bande of menne1 taketh in breadth      
betwene xviii4 and xxii4 yardes of space

 to marche or stande in4 ,nowe where the
 space that is betwene the trenche1 and 
the lodgynges1 is lxxv4 yardes broade1  
thesame is moste necessarie1 to the     
intent thei maie there order the        
battailes1 and the artillerie1 bothe to 
conducte by thesame the praies1 and to  
have space to retire theim selves with  
newe trenches1 and newe fortificacion if
 neede were3 ,the lodginges also1 stande
 better so farre from the diches1 beyng 
the more out of daunger of fires1 and   
other thynges1 whiche the enemie1 might 
throwe to hurte them4 ,concernyng the   
seconde demaunde1 my intent is not that 
every space1 of me marked out1 bee      
covered with a pavilion onely1 but to be
 used1 as tourneth commodious to soch as
 lodge there1 either with more or with  
lesse ,tentes1 so that thei go not out  
of the boundes of thesame4 ,and for to  
marke out these lodginges1 there ought  
to bee moste cunnyng menne1 and moste   
excellente ,architectours1 whom1 so sone
 as the ,capitaine hath chosen the      

place1 maie knowe how to give it the    
facion1 and to distribute it1           
distinguishyng the waies1 devidyng the  
lodgynges with ,coardes and staves1 in  
soche practised wise1 that straight     
waie1 thei maie bee ordained1 and       
devided3 and to minde that there growe  
no confusion1 it is conveniente to      
tourne the ,campe1 alwaies one waie1 to 
the intente that every manne maie knowe 
in what waie1 in what space he hath to  
finde his lodgyng3 and this ought to be 
observed in every tyme1 in every place1 
and after soche maner1 that it seme a   
movyng ,citee1 the whiche where so ever 
it goweth1 carrieth with it the verie   
same waies1 the verie same habitacions1 
and the verie same aspectes1 that it had
 at the firste3 ,the whiche thing thei  
cannot observe1 whom sekyng strong      
situacions1 must chaunge forme1         
accordyng to the variacion of the       
grounde3 but the ,romaines in the       
plaine1 made stronge the place where    
thei incamped with trenches1 and with   

,rampires1 bicause thei made a space    
about the campe1 and before thesame a   
ditche1 ordinary broad fower yardes and 
a halfe1 and depe aboute twoo yardes and
 a quarter1 the which spaces1 thei      
increased1 according as thei intended to
 tarie in a place1 and accordyng as thei
 feared the enemie4 ,i for my parte at  
this presente1 would not make the       
listes1 if ,i intende not to ,winter in 
a place3 yet ,i would make the ,trenche 
and the bancke no lesse1 then the       
foresaied1 but greater1 accordyng to    
necessitie4 ,also1 consideryng the      
artellerie1 ,i would intrench upon every
 corner of the ,campe1 a halfe circle of
 ground1 from whens the artillerie might
 flancke1 whom so ever should seke to   
come over the ,trenche4 ,in this        
practise in knowyng how to ordain a     
campe1 the souldiours ought also to be  
exercised1 and to make with them the    
officers expert1 that are appoincted to 
marke it out1 and the ,souldiours readie
 to knowe their places3 nor nothyng     

therein is difficulte1 as in the place  
thereof shall bee declared3 wherefore1  
,i will goe forewarde at this tyme to   
the warde of the campe1 bicause without 
distribucion of the watche1 all the     
other pain that hath been taken1 should 
be vain4  ,,baptiste4 ,before you passe 
to the watche1 ,i desire that you would 
declare unto me1 when one would pitche  
his campe nere the enemie1 what waie is 
used3 for that ,i knowe not1 how a man  
maie have tyme1 to be able to ordaine it
 without perill4  ,,fabricio4 ,you shall
 understande this1 that no ,capitaine   
will lye nere the enemie1 except he1    
that is desposed to faight the fielde1  
when so ever his adversarie will3 and   
when a capitaine is so disposed1 there  
is no perill1 but ordinarie3 for that   
the twoo partes of the armie1 stande    
alwaies in a redinesse1 to faight the   
battaile1 and thother maketh the        
lodginges4 ,the ,romaines in this case1 
gave this order of fortifiyng the       
,campe1 unto the ,triarii3 and the      

,prencipi1 and the ,astati1 stoode in   
armes4 ,this thei did1 for as moche as  
the ,triarii1 beyng the last to faight1 
might have time inough1 if the enemie   
came1 to leave the woorke1 and to take  
their weapons1 and to get them into     
their places4 ,therfore1 accordyng unto 
the ,romaines maner1 you ought to cause 
the ,campe to be made of those          
battailes1 whiche you will set in the   
hinder parte of the armie1 in the place 
of the ,triarii4 ,but let us tourne to  
reason of the watche4  ,sidenote3       
,theantiquitie used no ,scoutes2 ,the   
watche and warde of the ,campe4  ,i     
thinke ,i have not founde1 emongest the 
antiquitie1 that for to warde the campe 
in the night1 thei have kepte watche    
without the ,trenche1 distaunte as thei 
use now a daies1 whom thei call         
,scoutes3 the whiche ,i beleve thei did1
 thinkyng that the armie might easely   
bee deceived1 through the difficultie1  
that is in seeyng them againe1 for that 
thei might bee either corrupted1 or     

oppressed of the enemie3 ,so that to    
truste either in parte1 or altogether on
 them1 thei judged it perillous4 ,and   
therefore1 all the strength of the      
watche1 was with in the trenche1 whiche 
thei did withall diligence kepe1 and    
with moste greate order1 punished with  
death1 whom so ever observed not thesame
 order3 the whiche how it was of them   
ordained1 ,i will tell you no other     
wise1 leaste ,i should bee tedious unto 
you1 beyng able by your self to see it1 
if as yet you have not seen it3 ,i shall
 onely briefly tell that1 whiche shall  
make for my purpose1 ,i wold cause to   
stand ordinarely every night1 the thirde
 parte of the armie armed1 and of       
thesame1 the fowerth parte alwaies on   
foote1 whom ,i would make to bee        
destributed1 throughout all the banckes1
 and throughout all the places of the   
armie1 with double warde1 placed in     
every quadrante of thesame3 ,of whiche1 
parte should stande still1 parte        
continually should go from the one      

corner of the ,campe1 to the other3 and 
this order1 ,i would observe also in the
 daie1 when ,i should have the enemie   
nere4  ,sidenote3 ,dilligence ought to  
be used1 to knowe who lieth oute of the 
,campe1 and who they be that cometh of  
newe2 ,claudius ,nero2 ,the justice that
 ought to be in a campe4 ,the fauts that
 the antiquitie punisshed with ,death2  
,where greate punishementes be1 there   
oughte likewise to bee great rewardes2  
,it was no marvel that the ,romaines    
became mightie ,princes2 ,a meane to    
punishe and execute ,justice1 without   
raising tumultes2 ,manlius ,capitolinus2
 ,souldiours sworen to kepe the         
discipline of warre4  ,concernyng the   
givyng of the watche worde1 and renuyng 
thesame every evening1 and to doe the   
other thynges1 whiche in like watches is
 used1 bicause thei are thynges well    
inough knowen1 ,i will speake no further
 of them3 onely ,i shall remember one   
thyng1 for that it is of greate         
importaunce1 and whiche causeth great   

saulfgarde observyng it1 and not        
observyng it1 moche harme3 ,the whiche  
is1 that there be observed greate       
diligence1 to knowe at night1 who       
lodgeth not in the ,campe1 and who      
commeth a newe3 and this is an easie    
thing to see who lodgeth1 with thesame  
order that wee have appoincted3 for as  
moche as every lodgyng havyng the       
determined nomber of menne1 it is an    
easie matter to see1 if thei lacke1 or  
if there be more menne3 and when thei   
come to be absente without lisence1 to  
punishe them as ,fugetives1 and if there
 bee more1 to understande what thei be1 
what they make there1 and of their other
 condicions4 ,this diligence maketh that
 the enemie cannot but with difficultie1
 practise with thy capitaines1 and have 
knowlege of thy counsailes3 which thing 
if of the ,romaines1 had not been       
diligently observed1 ,claudius ,nero    
could not1 havyng ,aniball nere hym1    
depart from his ,campe1 whiche he had in
 ,lucania1 and to go and to retourne    

from ,marca1 without ,aniball should    
have firste heard thereof some thyng4   
,but it suffiseth not to make these     
orders good1 excepte thei bee caused to 
bee observed1 with a greate severtie3   
for that there is nothyng that would    
have more observacion1 then is requisite
 in an armie3 therefore the lawes for   
the maintenaunce of thesame1 ought to be
 sharpe and harde1 and the executour    
therof moste harde4 ,the ,romaines      
punished with death him that lacked in  
the watch1 he that forsoke the place    
that was given hym to faight in1 he that
 caried any thynge1 hidde out of the    
,campe1 if any manne should saie1 that  
he had doen some worthy thing in the    
faight1 and had not doen it1 if any had 
fought without the commaundemente of the
 ,capitaine1 if any had for feare1 caste
 awaie his weapons3 and when it         
happened1 that a ,cohorte1 or a whole   
,legion1 had committed like fault1      
bicause thei would not put to death all1
 thei yet tooke al their names1 and did 

put them in a bagge1 and then by lotte1 
thei drue oute the tenthe parte1 and so 
those were put to death3 the whiche     
punishemente1 was in soche wise made1   
that though every man did not feele it  
every man notwithstandyng feared it3 and
 bicause where be greate punishementes1 
there ought to be also rewardes1 mindyng
 to have menne at one instant1 to feare 
and to hope1 thei had appoincted        
rewardes to every worthie acte3 as he   
that faighting1 saved the life of one of
 his ,citezeins1 to hym that firste     
leapte upon the walle of the enemies    
,toune1 to hym that entered firste into 
the ,campe of the enemies1 to hym that  
had in faightyng hurte1 or slaine the   
enemie1 he that had stroken him from his
 horse3 and so every vertuous act1 was  
of the ,consulles knowen and rewarded1  
and openly of every manne praised3 and  
soche as obtained giftes1 for any of    
these thynges1 besides the glorie and   
fame1 whiche thei got emongest the      
souldiours1 after when thei returned    

into their countrie1 with solemne pompe1
 and with greate demonstracion emong    
their frendes and kinsfolkes1 thei      
shewed them4 ,therefore it was no       
marveile1 though thesame people gotte so
 moche dominion1 having so moche        
observacion in punishemente1 and rewarde
 towardes theim1 whom either for their  
well doyng1 or for their ill doyng1     
should deserve either praise or blame3  
,of whiche thynges it were convenient1  
to observe the greater parte4 ,nor ,i   
thinke not good to kepe secrete1 one    
maner of punishmente of theim observed1 
whiche was1 that so sone as the         
offendour1 was before the ,tribune1 or  
,consulle convicted1 he was of the same 
lightely stroken with a rodde3 after the
 whiche strikyng1 it was lawfull for the
 offendour to flie1 and to all the      
,souldiours to kill hym3 so that        
straight waie1 every man threwe at hym  
either stones1 or dartes1 or with other 
weapons1 stroke hym in soche wise1 that 
he went but little waie a live1 and     

moste fewe escaped1 and to those that so
 escaped1 it was not lawfull for them to
 retourne home1 but with so many        
incommodities1 and soche greate shame   
and ignomie1 that it should have ben    
moche better for him to have died4 ,this
 maner is seen to be almoste observed of
 the ,suizzers1 who make the condempned 
to be put to death openly1 of thother   
souldiours1 the whiche is well          
considered1 and excellently dooen3 for  
that intendyng1 that one be not a       
defendour of an evill doer1 the         
greateste reamedie that is founde1 is to
 make hym punisher of thesame3 bicause  
otherwise1 with other respecte he       
favoureth hym3 where when he hymself is 
made execucioner1 with other desire1 he 
desireth his punishemente1 then when the
 execucion commeth to an other4         
,therefore mindyng1 not to have one     
favored in his faulte of the people1 a  
greate remedie it is1 to make that the  
people1 maie have hym to judge4 ,for the
 greater proofe of this1 thinsample of  

,manlius ,capitolinus might be brought1 
who being accused of the ,scenate1 was  
defended of the people1 so longe as thei
 were not ,judge1 but becommyng         
arbitratours in his cause1 thei         
condempned hym to death4 ,this is then a
 waie to punishe1 without raisyng       
tumultes1 and to make justise to be     
kepte3 and for as moche as to bridell   
armed menne1 neither the feare of the   
,lawes1 nor of menne suffise not1 the   
antiquitie joined thereunto the         
aucthoritie of ,god3 and therefore with 
moste greate ,ceremonies1 thei made     
their souldiours to sweare1 to kepe the 
discipline of warre1 so that doyng      
contrariewise1 thei should not onely    
have to feare the ,lawes1 and menne1 but
 ,god3 and thei used all diligence1 to  
fill them with ,religion4  ,sidenote3   
,women and idell games1 were not        
suffered by the antiquitie1 to bee in   
their armies4  ,,baptiste4 ,did the     
,romaines permitte1 that women might bee
 in their armies1 or that there might be

 used these idell plaies1 whiche thei   
use now a daies4  ,,fabricio4 ,thei     
prohibited the one and thother1 and this
 prohibicion was not moche difficulte3  
,for that there were so many exercises1 
in the whiche thei kept every daie the  
souldiours1 some whiles particularely1  
somewhiles generally occupied that thei 
had no time to thinke1 either on ,venus1
 or on plaies1 nor on any other thyng1  
whiche sedicious and unproffitable      
souldiours doe4  ,,baptiste4 ,i am      
herein satisfied1 but tell me1 when the 
armie had to remove1 what order kepte   
thei8  ,sidenote3 ,ordre in the removing
 the armie by the soundes of a ,trumpet4
  ,,fabricio4 ,the chief ,trumpet       
sounded three tymes1 at the firste      
sound1 thei toke up the ,tentes1 and    
made the packes1 at the seconde1 thei   
laded the carriage1 at the thirde1 thei 
removed in thesame maner aforsaied1 with
 the impedimentes after every parte of  
armed men1 placyng the ,legions in the  
middeste3 and therefore you ought to    

cause after thesame sorte1 an           
extraordinarie maine battaile to remove3
 and after that1 the particulare        
impedimentes therof1 and with those1 the
 fowerth part of the publike            
impedimentes1 which should bee all      
those1 that were lodged in one of those 
partes1 whiche a little afore we        
declared3 and therfore it is            
conveniente1 to have every one of them1 
appointed to a maine battaile1 to the   
entente that the armie removyng1 every  
one might knowe his place in marchyng3  
and thus every maine battaile ought to  
goe awaie1 with their owne impedimentes1
 and with the fowerth parte of the      
publike impedimentes1 followyng after in
 soche maner1 as wee shewed that the    
,romaines marched4  ,,baptiste4 ,in     
pitchyng the ,campe1 had thei other     
respectes1 then those you have tolde8   
,sidenote3 ,respectes to be had for     
incampyng2 ,how to choose a place to    
incampe2 ,how to avoide diseases from   
the armie2 ,the wonderfull commoditie of

 exercise2 ,the provision of victualles 
that ought alwaies to bee in a          
readinesse in an armie4  ,,fabricio4 ,i 
tell you again1 that the ,romaines when 
thei encamped1 would be able to kepe the
 accustomed fashion of their maner1 the 
whiche to observe1 thei had no other    
respecte3 but concernyng for other      
consideracions1 thei had twoo           
principall1 the one1 to incampe theim   
selves in a wholesome place1 the other1 
to place themselves1 where thenemie     
could not besiege theim1 nor take from  
them the waie to the water1 or          
victualles4 ,then for to avoide         
infirmitie1 thei did flie from places   
,fennie1 or subjecte to hurtfull windes3
 whiche thei knewe not so well1 by the  
qualitie of the situacion1 as by the    
face of the inhabitours3 for when thei  
sawe theim evill coloured1 or swollen1  
or full of other infeccion1 thei would  
not lodge there3 concernyng thother     
respecte to provide not to be besieged1 
it is requisite to consider the nature  

of the place1 where the friendes lye1   
and thenemies1 and of this to make a    
conjecture1 if thou maiest be besieged  
or no3 and therefore it is meete1 that  
the ,capitaine be moste experte1 in the 
knowlege of situacions of countries1 and
 have aboute him divers men1 that have  
the verie same expertenes4 ,thei avoide 
also diseases1 and famishment1 with     
causyng the armie to kepe no misrule1   
for that to purpose to maintain it in   
health1 it is nedefull to provide1 that 
the souldiours maie slepe under tentes1 
that thei maie lodge where bee ,trees1  
that make shadowe1 where woodde is for  
to dresse their meate1 that thei go not 
in the heate1 and therefore thei muste  
bee drawen out of the campe1 before daie
 in ,summer1 and in ,winter1 to take    
hede that thei marche not in the ,snowe1
 and in the ,froste1 without havyng     
comoditie to make fire1 and not to lack 
necessarie aparel1 nor to drink naughtie
 water3 those that fall sicke by        
chaunce1 make them to bee cured of      

,phisicions3 bicause a capitain hath no 
reamedie1 when he hath to faight with   
sicknesse1 and with an enemie3 but      
nothing is so profitable1 to maintaine  
the armie in health1 as is the exercise3
 and therfore the antiquitie every daie1
 made them to exercise3 wherby is seen  
how muche exercise availeth3 for that in
 the ,campe1 it kepeth thee in health1  
and in the faight victorious4           
,concernyng famishemente1 it is         
necessarie to see1 that the enemie      
hinder thee not of thy victualles1 but  
to provide where thou maieste have it1  
and to see that thesame whiche thou     
haste1 bee not loste3 and therefore it  
is requisite1 that thou have alwaies in 
provision with the armie1 sufficiente   
victuall for a monethe1 and then        
removyng into some strong place1 thou   
muste take order with thy nexte frendes1
 that daily thei maie provide for thee1 
and above al thinges bestowe the victual
 with diligence1 givyng every daie to   
every manne1 a reasonable measure1 and  

observe after soche sorte this poincte1 
that it disorder thee not3 bicause all  
other thyng in the warre1 maie with tyme
 be overcome1 this onely with tyme      
overcometh thee3 nor there shall never  
any enemie of thyne1 who maie overcome  
thee with famishemente1 that will seeke 
to overcome thee with iron4 ,for that   
though the victory be not so honourable1
 yet it is more sure and more certaine3 
,then1 thesame armie cannot avoide      
famishemente1 that is not an observer of
 justice1 whiche licenciously consumeth 
what it liste3 bicause the one disorder1
 maketh that the victualls commeth not  
unto you1 the other1 that soche victuall
 as commeth1 is unprofitably consumed3  
therefore thantiquitie ordained1 that   
thei should spende thesame1 whiche thei 
gave1 and in thesame tyme when thei     
appoincted3 for that no souldiour did   
eate1 but when the ,capitaine did eate3 
,the whiche how moche it is observed of 
the armies nowe adaies1 every manne     
knoweth1 and worthely thei can not bee  

called menne of good order and sober1 as
 the antiquitie1 but lasivious and      
drunkardes4  ,,baptiste4 ,you saied in  
the beginnyng of orderynge the ,campe1  
that you woulde not stande onely uppon  
twoo maine battailes1 but woulde take   
fower1 for to shewe how a juste armie   
incamped3 therfore ,i would you shoulde 
tell me twoo thynges1 the one1 when ,i  
shoulde have more or lesse men1 howe ,i 
ought to incampe them1 the other1 what  
numbre of souldiours should suffice you 
to faight against what so ever enemie   
that were4  ,sidenote3 ,howe to lodge in
 the ,campe more or lesse menne1 then   
the ordinarie2 ,the nombre of men that  
an army ought to be made of1 to bee able
 to faighte with the puisantest enemie  
that is2 ,howe to cause men to do soche 
a thing as shold bee profitable for     
thee1 and hurtfull to them selves2 ,howe
 to overcome menne at unwares2 ,how to  
tourne to commoditie the doynges of     
soche1 as use to advertise thy enemie of
 thy proceadynges2 ,how to order the    

campe1 that the enemie shal not perceive
 whether the same bee deminished1 or    
increased2 ,a saiyng of ,metellus2      
,marcus ,crassus2 ,how to understand the
 secretes of thy enemie2 ,a policie of  
,marius1 to understande howe he might   
truste the ,frenchmen2 ,what some       
,capitaines have doen when their        
countrie have been invaded of enemies2  
,to make the enemie necligente in his   
doynges2 ,silla ,asdruball2 ,the policie
 of ,aniball1 where by he escaped out of
 the danger of ,fabius ,maximus2 ,a     
,capitayne muste devise how to devide   
the force of his enemies2 ,how to cause 
the enemie to have in suspect his most  
trusty men2 ,aniball ,coriolanus2       
,metellus against ,jugurte2 ,a practis  
of the ,romayne oratours1 to bryng      
,aniball out of ,credit with ,antiochus2
 ,howe to cause the enemie to devide his
 power2 ,howe ,titus ,didius staied his 
enemies that wer going to incounter a   
legion of men that were commyng in his  
ayde2 ,howe some have caused the enemie 

to devide his force2 ,a policie to winne
 the enemies countrie before he be      
aware2 ,howe to reforme sedicion and    
discorde2 ,the benefitte that the       
reputacion of the ,capitaine causeth1   
which is only gotten by vertue2 ,the    
chiefe thyng that a capitayne ought to  
doe2 ,when paie wanteth1 punishment is  
not to be executed2 ,the inconvenience  
of not punisshynge2 ,cesar chaunsynge to
 fall1 made the same to be supposed to  
signifi good lucke2 ,religion taketh    
away fantasticall opinions2 ,in what    
cases a ,capitaine ought not to faight  
with his enemie if he may otherwyse     
choose2 ,a policie of ,fulvius wherby he
 got and spoyled his enemies ,campe2 ,a 
policie to disorder the enemie2 ,a      
policie to overcome the enemie2 ,a      
policie2 ,how to beguile the enemie2    
,howe ,mennonus trained his enemies oute
 of stronge places to bee the better    
able to overcom them4  ,,fabricio4 ,to  
the first question ,i answer you1 that  
if the armie be more or lesse1 then     

fower or sixe thousande souldiours1 the 
orders of lodgynges1 may bee taken awaie
 or joined1 so many as suffiseth3 and   
with this way a man may goe in more1 and
 in lesse1 into infinite3               
,notwithstandynge the ,romaines1 when   
thei joigned together twoo consull      
armies1 thei made twoo campes1 and thei 
tourned the partes of the unarmed1 thone
 against thother4 ,concernyng the second
 question1 ,i say unto you1 that the    
,romaines ordinary armie1 was about     
xxiiii4 ,m4 souldiours3 but when thei   
were driven to faight against the       
greatest power that might be1 the moste 
that thei put together1 wer ,l4 ,m4     
,with this number1 thei did set against 
two hundred thousand ,frenchemen1 whome 
assaulted them after the first warre1   
that thei had with the ,carthageners4   
,with this verie same numbre1 thei      
fought againste ,anniball4 ,and you     
muste note1 that the ,romaines1 and the 
,grekes1 have made warre with fewe1     
fortefiyng themselves thorough order1   

and thorough arte3 the west1 and the    
easte1 have made it with multitude3 ,but
 the one of these nacions1 doeth serve  
with naturall furie3 as doe the men of  
the west partes1 the other through the  
great obedience whiche those men have to
 their kyng4 ,but in ,grece1 and in     
,italy1 beyng no naturall furie1 nor the
 naturall reverence towardes their king1
 it hath been necessary for them to     
learne the discipline of warre1 the     
whiche is of so muche force1 that it    
hath made that a fewe1 hath been able to
 overcome the furie1 and the naturall   
obstinatenesse of manie4 ,therefore ,i  
saie1 that mindyng to imitate the       
,romaines1 and the ,grekes1 the number  
of ,l4 ,m4 souldiers ought not to bee   
passed1 but rather to take lesse3       
because manie make confucion1 nor suffer
 not the discipline to be observed1 and 
the orders learned1 and ,pirrus used to 
saie1 that with xv4 thousande men he    
woulde assaile the worlde3 but let us   
pas to an other parte4 ,we have made    

this our armie to winne a field and     
shewed the travailes1 that in the same  
fight may happen3 we have made it to    
marche1 and declared of what            
impedimentes in marchyng it may be      
disturbed3 and finally we have lodged   
it3 where not only it ought to take a   
littell reste of the labours passed1 but
 also to thinke howe the warre ought to 
be ended3 for that in the lodgynges1 is 
handeled many thynges1 inespecially thy 
enemies as yet remainyng in the fielde1 
and in suspected townes1 of whome it is 
good to be assured1 and those that be   
enemies to overcome them3 therfore it is
 necessarie to come to this             
demonstracion1 and to passe this        
difficultie with the same glorie1 as    
hitherto we have warred4 ,therfore      
comynge to particular matters1 ,i saie  
that if it shoulde happen1 that thou    
wouldest have manie men1 or many people 
to dooe a thyng1 whiche were to thee    
profittable1 and to theim greate hurte1 
as should be to breake downe the wall of

 their citie1 or to sende into exile    
many of them1 it is necessarie for thee1
 either to beguile them in such wise    
that everie one beleeve not that it     
toucheth him3 so that succouryng not the
 one the other1 thei may finde them     
selves al to be oppressed without       
remedie1 or els unto all to commaunde   
the same1 whiche they ought to dooe in  
one selfe daie1 to the intente that     
every man belevyng to be alone1 to whome
 the commaundement is made1 maie thinke 
to obey and not to remedie it3 and so   
withoute tumulte thy commaundement to be
 of everie man executed4 ,if thou       
shouldest suspecte the fidelitie of anie
 people1 and woulde assure thee1 and    
overcome them at unawares1 for to colour
 thy intente more easelie1 thou canst   
not doe better1 then to counsel with    
them of some purpose of thine1 desiryng 
their aide1 and to seeme to intende to  
make an other enterprise1 and to have   
thy minde farre from thinkyng on them3  
the whiche will make1 that thei shall   

not think on their owne defence1        
beleevyng not that thou purposest to    
hurte them1 and thei shal geve thee     
commoditie1 to be able easely to        
satisfie thy desire4 ,when thou         
shouldest perceive1 that there were in  
thine armie some1 that used to advertise
 thy enemie of thy devises1 thou canst  
not doe better1 myndynge to take        
commoditie by their traiterous mindes1  
then to commen with them of those       
thynges1 that thou wilte not doe1 and   
those that thou wilt doe1 to kepe       
secret1 and to say to doubte of thynges1
 that thou doubtest not1 and those of   
whiche thou doubtest1 to hide3 the which
 shall make thenemie to take some       
enterprise in hand1 beleving to know thy
 devises1 where by easly thou maiest    
beguile and opresse hym4 ,if thou       
shouldest intende 7as ,claudius ,nero   
did7 to deminishe thy armie1 sendynge   
helpe to some freende1 and that the     
enemie shoulde not bee aware therof1 it 
is necessarie not to deminishe the      

lodgynges1 but to maintayne the signes1 
and the orders whole1 makyng the verie  
same fires1 and the verye same wardes   
throughout all the campe1 as wer wont to
 be afore4 ,lykewise if with thy armie  
there should joigne new men1 and        
wouldest that the enemie shoulde not    
know that thou werte ingrosed1 it is    
necessarie not to increase the          
lodgynges3 ,because keepyng secrete     
doynges and devises1 hath alwaies been  
moste profitable4 ,wherfore ,metellus   
beyng with an armie in ,hispayne1 to    
one1 who asked him what he would doe the
 nexte daie1 answered1 that if his      
sherte knew therof1 he would bourne it4 
,marcus ,craussus1 unto one1 whome asked
 him1 when the armie shoulde remove1    
saied beleevest thou to be alone not to 
here the trumpet8 ,if thou shouldest    
desire to understande the secretes of   
thy enemie1 and to know his orders1 some
 have used to sende embassadours1 and   
with theim in servauntes aparel1 moste  
expertest men in warre3 whom havynge    

taken occasion to se the enemies armie1 
and to consider his strengthe and       
weakenesse1 it hath geven them          
oportunitie to overcome him4 ,some have 
sente into exile one of their familiars1
 and by meanes of the same1 hath knowen 
the devises of his adversarie4 ,also    
like secrettes are understoode of the   
enemies when for this effecte there were
 taken any prisoners4 ,marius whiche in 
the warre that he made with the         
,cimbrie1 for to know the faieth of     
those ,frenchmen1 who then inhabited    
,lombardie1 and were in leage with the  
,romaine people1 sent them letters open1
 and sealed3 and in the open he wrote1  
that they shoulde not open the sealed1  
but at a certaine time1 and before the  
same time demaundyng them againe1 and   
finding them opened1 knew thereby that  
their faithe was not to be trusted4     
,some ,capitaines1 being invaded1 have  
not desired to goe to meete the enemie1 
but have gone to assaulte his countrey1 
and constrained him to retorne to       

defende his owne home3 ,the whiche manie
 times hath come wel to passe1 for that 
those soldiours beginnyng to fil them   
selves with booties1 and confidence to  
overcome1 shall sone make the enemies   
souldiours to wexe afraide1 when they   
supposynge theim selves conquerours1    
shal understand to become losers3 ,so   
that to him that hath made this         
diversion1 manie times it hath proved   
well4 ,but onely it may be doen by him1 
whiche hath his countrey stronger then  
that of the enemies1 because when it    
were otherwise1 he should goe to leese4 
,it hath been often a profitable thyng  
to a capitaine1 that hath been besieged 
in his lodgynges by the enemie1 to move 
an intreatie of agreemente1 and to make 
truse with him for certaine daies3 the  
which is wonte to make the enemies more 
necligente in all doynges3 so that      
avaylynge thee of their necligence1 thou
 maiest easely have occacion to get thee
 oute of handes4 ,by this way ,silla    
delivered him selfe twise from the      

enemies3 and with this verie same       
deceipte1 ,asdruball in ,hispayne got   
oute of the force of ,claudious ,nero1  
whome had besieged him4 ,it helpeth also
 to deliver a man out of the daunger of 
the enemie1 to do some thyng beside the 
forsaied1 that may keepe him at a baye3 
this is dooen in two maners1 either to  
assaulte him with parte of thy power1 so
 that he beyng attentive to the same    
faight1 may geve commoditie to the reste
 of thy men to bee able to save theim   
selves1 or to cause to rise some newe   
accidente1 which for the strayngenesse  
of the thynge1 maie make him to marvell1
 and for this occasion to stande        
doubtefull1 and still3 as you knowe howe
 ,anniball dyd1 who beynge inclosed of  
,fabius ,maximus1 tied in the nighte    
small ,bavens kindeled beetweene the    
hornes of manie ,oxen1 so that ,fabius  
astonied at the strangenesse of the same
 sight1 thought not to lette him at all 
the passage4 ,a ,capitayne oughte amonge
 all other of his affaires1 with al     

subtiltie to devise to devide the force 
of the enemie1 either with makyng him to
 suspecte his owne menne1 in whome he   
trusteth1 or to give him occasion1 that 
he maye seperate his menne1 and therby  
to be come more weake4 ,the fyrste way  
is dooen with keepyng saulfe the thynges
 of some of those whiche he hath aboute 
him1 as to save in the warre their menne
 and their possessions1 renderynge theim
 their children1 or other their         
necessaries withoute raunsome4 ,you know
 that ,anniball havynge burned all the  
fieldes aboute ,rome1 he made onely to  
bee reserved saulfe those of ,fabius    
,maximus4 ,you know how ,coriolanus     
comyng with an armie to ,rome1 preserved
 the possessions of the nobilitie1 and  
those of the comminaltie he bourned1 and
 sacked4 ,metellus havinge an armie     
againste ,jugurte1 all the oratours1    
whiche of ,jugurte were sente him1 were 
required of him1 that they woulde geve  
him ,jugurte prisoner1 and after to the 
verie same men writyng letters of the   

verie same matter1 wrought in suche     
wise1 that in shorte tyme ,jugurte      
havyng in suspecte all his counsellours1
 in diverse maners put them to death4   
,anniball beynge fled to ,antiochus1 the
 ,romaine oratours practised with him so
 familiarly1 that ,antiochus beyng in   
suspecte of him1 trusted not anie more  
after to his counselles4 ,concernyng to 
devide the enemies men1 there is no more
 certainer waie1 then to cause their    
countrie to be assaulted to the intente 
that being constrained to goe to defende
 the same1 they maie forsake the warre4 
,this way ,fabius used havynge agaynst  
his armie the power of the ,frenchemen1 
of the ,tuscans1 ,umbries and ,sannites4
 ,titus ,didius havyng a few men in     
respecte to those of the enemies1 and   
lookynge for a legion from ,rome1 and   
the enemies purposinge to goe to        
incounter it1 to the intente that they  
should not goe caused to bee noised     
through all his armie1 that he intended 
the nexte daie to faighte the field with

 the enemies3 after he used means1 that 
certaine of the prisoners1 that he had  
taken afore1 had occasion to runne      
awaie4 ,who declaryng the order that the
 ,consull had taken to faighte the nexte
 daie1 by reason wherof the enemies     
beyng afraide to deminishe their owne   
strength1 went not to incounter the same
 legion1 and by this way thei wer       
conducted safe4 ,the which means serveth
 not to devide the force of the enemies1
 but to augmente a mans owne4 ,some have
 used to devide the enemies force1 by   
lettyng him to enter into their         
countrie1 and in profe have let him take
 manie townes1 to the intente that      
puttynge in the same garrisons1 he might
 thereby deminishe his power1 and by    
this waie havynge made him weake1 have  
assaulted and overcomen him4 ,some other
 mindyng to goe into one province1 have 
made as though they woulde have invaded 
an other1 and used so much diligence1   
that sodenly entryng into the same1     
where it was not doubted that they      

woulde enter1 they have first wonne it1 
before the ennemie coulde have time to  
succour it3 for that thy enemie beynge  
not sure1 whether thou purposest to     
tourne backe1 to the place fyrste of    
thee threatned1 is constrained not to   
forsake the one place1 to succour the   
other1 and so many times he defendeth   
neither the one nor the other4 ,it      
importeth besides the sayde thynges to a
 ,capitaine1 if there growe sedicion or 
discorde amonge the souldiours1 to knowe
 with arte howe to extynguishe it3 ,the 
beste waie is to chastise the headdes of
 the faultes1 but it muste be doen in   
such wise1 that thou maiest first have  
oppressed them1 before they be able to  
be aware3 ,the way is if they be        
distante from thee1 not onely to call   
the offenders1 but together with theim  
all the other1 to the entente that not  
beleevynge1 that it is for any cause to 
punishe them1 they become not           
contumelius1 but geve commoditie to the 
execution of the punishemente3 when thei

 be present1 thou oughtest to make thy  
selfe stronge with those that be not in 
faulte1 and by meane of their helpe to  
punishe the other4 ,when there hapneth  
discorde amonge them1 the beste waye is1
 to bryng them to the perill1 the feare 
whereof is wonte alwaies to make them   
agree4 ,but that1 which above all other 
thynge kepeth the armie in unitee1 is   
the reputacion of the ,capitaine1 the   
whiche onely groweth of his vertue3     
because neither bloud1 nor authoritie   
gave it ever without vertue4 ,and the   
chiefe thyng1 whiche of a ,capitain is  
looked for to be doen1 is1 to keepe his 
souldiours punisshed1 and paied3 for    
that when so ever the paie lacketh1 it  
is conveniente that the punisshement    
lacke3 because thou canst not correcte a
 souldiour1 that robbeth1 if thou doest 
not paie him1 nor the same mindynge to  
live1 cannot abstaine from robbynge3 but
 if thou paiest him and punisshest him  
not1 he beecometh in everie condicion   
insolente3 ,for that thou becomest of   

small estimacion1 where thou chaunsest  
not to bee able to maintaine the        
dignitie of thy degree1 and not         
mainetainyng it1 there foloweth of      
necessitee tumulte1 and discorde1 whiche
 is the ruine of an armie4 ,olde        
,capitaines had a troubell1 of the which
 the presente be almoste free1 whiche   
was to interprete to their purpose the  
sinister auguries3 because if there fell
 a thunderbolte in an armie1 if the     
sunne were darkened or the ,moone1 if   
there came an erthequake1 if the        
,capitaine either in gettyng up1 or in  
lightynge of his horse fell1 it was of  
the souldiours interpreted              
sinisterously3 ,and it ingendred in them
 so moche feare1 that comynge to faight 
the fielde1 easely they should have lost
 it3 and therefore the aunciente        
,capitaines so sone as a lyke accidente 
grewe1 either they shewed the cause of  
the same1 and redused it to a naturall  
cause1 or they interpreted it to their  
purpose4 ,cesar fallyng in ,africa1 in  

comyng of the sea saied1 ,africa ,i have
 taken thee4 ,moreover manie have       
declared the cause of the obscuryng of  
the ,moone1 and of earthquakes3 which   
thing in our time cannot happen1 as well
 because our men be not so              
supersticious1 as also for that our     
religion taketh away altogether such    
opinions3 al be it when they should     
chaunse1 the orders of the antiquitie   
ought to be imitated4 ,when either      
famishement1 or other naturall          
necessitie1 or humaine passion1 hath    
broughte thy enemie to an utter         
desperation1 and he driven of the same1 
cometh to faight with thee1 thou        
oughtest to stande within thy campe1 and
 as muche as lieth in thy power1 to flie
 the faight4 ,so the ,lacedemonians did 
against the ,masonians1 so ,cesar did   
against ,afranio1 and ,petreio4 ,fulvius
 beyng ,consul1 against the ,cimbrians1 
made his horsemen manie daies           
continually to assaulte the enemies1 and
 considered how thei issued out of their

 campe for to folow them3 wherfore he   
sette an ambusshe behinde the ,campe of 
the ,cimbrians1 and made them to be     
assaulted of his horsmen1 and the       
,cimbrians issuyng oute of their campe  
for to follow them4 ,fulvio gotte it1   
and sacked it4 ,it hath ben of great    
utilitie to a ,capitaine1 havyng his    
armie nere to the enemies armie1 to     
sende his menne with the enemies        
ansignes to robbe1 and to burne his owne
 countrey1 whereby the enemies          
beleevynge those to bee menne1 whiche   
are come in their aide1 have also runne 
to helpe to make them the pray3 and for 
this disorderyng them selves1 hathe     
therby given oportunitie to the         
adversary to overcome them4 ,this waie  
,alexander of ,epirus used againste the 
,illirans and ,leptenus of ,siracusa    
against the ,carthaginers and bothe to  
the one and to the other1 the devise    
came to passe most happely4 ,manie have 
overcome the enemie1 gevyng him occasion
 to eate and to drinke oute of measure1 

fayning to have feared1 and leaving     
their ,campes full of wyne and herdes of
 cattell1 wherof the enemie beyng filled
 above all naturall use1 have then      
assaulted him1 and with his destruction 
overthrowen him4 ,so ,tamirus did       
against ,cirus1 and ,tiberius ,graccus  
agaynst the ,spaniardes4 ,some have     
poysoned the wine1 and other thynges to 
feede on1 for to be able more easely to 
overcome them4 ,i saied a littel afore  
how ,i founde not1 that the antiquetie  
kepte in the night ,scoutes abroade1 and
 supposed that they did it for to avoide
 the hurte1 whiche might growe therby3  
because it is founde1 that through no   
other meane then throughe the watche    
man1 whiche was set in the daie to      
watche the enemie1 hath been cause of   
the ruin of him1 that set him there3 for
 that manie times it hath hapned1 that  
he beyng taken1 hath been made perforce 
to tell theim the token1 whereby they   
might call his felowes1 who commyng to  
the token1 have been slaine or taken4   

,it helpeth to beguile the enemie       
sometime to varie a custome of thine1   
whereupon he having grounded him self1  
remaineth ruinated3 as a ,capitaine did 
once1 whome usinge to cause to be made  
signes to his men for comynge of the    
enemies in the night with fire1 and in  
the daie with smoke1 commaunded that    
withoute anie intermission1 they shoulde
 make smoke and fire1 and after commynge
 upon them the enemie1 they should      
reste1 whome beleevyng to come without  
beynge seen1 perceivyng no signe to be  
made of beyng discovered1 caused        
7through goeyng disordered7 more easie  
the victorie to his adversarie4         
,mennonus a ,rodian mindynge to drawe   
from stronge places the enemies armie1  
sente one under colour of a fugitive1   
the whiche affirmed1 howe his armie was 
in discorde1 and that the greater parte 
of them wente awaie3 and for to make the
 thynge to be credited1 he caused to    
make in sporte1 certaine tumultes amonge
 the lodgynges3 whereby the enemie      

thvnkyng thereby to be able to          
discomfaighte them1 assaultynge theim1  
were overthrowen4  ,sidenote3 ,the      
enemie ought not to be brought into     
extreme desperacion2 ,how ,lucullus     
constrained certaine men that ran awaie 
from him to his enemies1 to fayght      
whether they wold or not4  ,besides     
thesaied thynges1 regarde ought to be   
had not to brynge the enemie into       
extreme desperacion3 whereunto ,cesar   
had regarde1 faightyng with the         
,duchemen1 who opened them the waie1    
seyng1 howe thei beyng not able to flie1
 necessitie made them strong1 and would 
rather take paine to followe theim1 when
 thei fled1 then the perill to overcome 
them1 when thei defended them selves4   
,lucullus seyng1 how certaine           
,macedonian horsemenne1 whiche were with
 hym1 went to the enemies parte1        
straight waie made to sounde to         
battaile1 and commaunded1 that the other
 men should folowe hym3 whereby the     
enemies beleving1 that ,lucullus would  

begin the faight1 went to incounter the 
same ,macedonians1 with soche violence1 
that thei were constrained to defende   
themselves3 and so thei became against  
their willes1 of fugetives1 faighters4  
,it importeth also to knowe1 how to be  
assured of a toune1 when thou doubteste 
of the fidelitie thereof1 so sone as    
thou haste wonne the fielde1 or before1 
the whiche certain old insamples maie   
teache thee4  ,sidenote3 ,a policie wher
 by ,pompey got a towne2 ,how ,publius  
,valerius assured him self of a towne2  
,a policie that ,alexander ,magnus used 
to be assured of all ,tracia1 which     
,philip kynge of ,spaine did practise to
 be asured of ,england when he wente to 
sainct ,quintens2 ,examples for         
,capitaines to winne the hartes of the  
people4  ,pompei doubtyng of the        
,catinensians1 praied them that thei    
would bee contente1 to receive certaine 
sicke menne1 that he had in his armie1  
and sendyng under the habite of sicke   
persones1 most lustie menne1 gotte the  

toune4 ,publius ,valerius1 fearyng the  
fidelitie of the ,epidannians1 caused to
 come1 as who saieth1 a ,pardon to a    
churche without the toune1 and when al  
the people wer gone for ,pardon1 he     
shutte the gates1 receivyng after none  
in1 but those whom he trusted4          
,alexander ,magnus1 mindyng to goe into 
,asia1 and to assure himself of         
,thracia1 toke with him all the         
principall of thesame ,province1 givyng 
theim provision1 and he set over the    
common people of ,thracia1 men of lowe  
degree1 and so he made the ,princes     
contented with paiyng theim1 and the    
people quiete1 havyng no heddes that    
should disquiete them3 ,but emong all   
the thynges1 with the whiche the        
,capitaines1 winne the hartes of the    
people1 be the insamples of chastitie   
and justice1 as was thesame of ,scipio  
in ,spaine1 when he rendered that yong  
woman1 moste faire of personage to her  
father1 and to her housebande3 the      
whiche made him more1 then with force of

 armes to winne ,spain4  ,cesar having  
caused that woodde to bee paied for1    
whiche he had occupied for to make the  
,listes1 about his armie in ,fraunce1   
got so moche a name of justice1 that he 
made easier the conquest of thesame     
province4 ,i cannot tell what remaineth 
me1 to speake more upon these           
accidentes1 for that concerning this    
matter1 there is not lefte any parte1   
that hath not been of us disputed4      
,onely there lacketh to tell1 of the    
maner of winnyng1 and defendyng a toune3
 the whiche ,i am readie to doe         
willingly1 if you be not now wearie4    
,,baptiste4 ,your humanitie is so moche1
 that it maketh us to followe our       
desires1 without beyng afraied to be    
reputed presumptuous1 seyng that you    
liberally offer thesame1 whiche we      
should have been ashamed1 to have asked 
you3 ,therefore1 we saie unto you onely 
this1 that to us you cannot dooe a      
greater1 nor a more gratefuller         
benefite1 then to finishe this          

reasonyng4 ,but before that you passe to
 that other matter1 declare us a doubte1
 whether it bee better to continewe the 
warre1 as well in the ,winter1 as thei  
use now adaies1 or to make it onely in  
the ,sommer1 and to goe home in the     
,winter1 as the antiquitie did4         
,sidenote3 ,warre ought not to be made  
in winter2 ,rough situacions1 colde and 
watrie times1 are enemies to the oder of
 warre2 ,an overthrowe caused by winter4
  ,,fabricio4 ,see1 that if the prudence
 of the demaunder were not1 there had   
remained behinde a speciall part1 that  
deserveth consideracion4 ,i answere you 
againe1 that the antiquitie did all     
thynges better1 and with more prudence  
then wee3 and if wee in other things    
commit some erroure1 in the affaires of 
warre1 wee commit all errour4 ,there is 
nothing more undiscrete1 or more        
perrillous to a ,capitayne1 then to make
 warre in the ,winter1 and muche more   
perrill beareth he1 that maketh it1 then
 he that abideth it3 the reason is this4

 ,all the industrie that is used in the 
discipline of warre1 is used for to bee 
prepared to fighte a fielde with thy    
enemie1 because this is the ende1       
whereunto a ,capitayne oughte to goo or 
endevour him selfe3 ,for that the       
foughten field1 geveth thee the warre   
wonne or loste3 then he that knoweth    
best how to order it1 and he that hath  
his army beste instructed1 hath moste   
advauntage in this1 and maye beste hope 
to overcome4 ,on the other side1 there  
is nothing more enemie to the orders1   
and then the rough situacions1 or the   
colde watery time3 for that the rough   
situacions1 suffereth thee not to       
deffende thy bandes1 according to thee  
discipline3 the coulde and watery times1
 suffereth thee not to keepe thy men    
together1 nor thou canst not bring them 
in good order to the enemy3 but it is   
convenient for thee to lodge them a     
sunder of necessitie1 and without order1
 being constrayned to obeye to          
,castells1 to ,boroughes1 and to the    

,villages1 that maye receyve thee1 in   
maner that all thy laboure of thee1 used
 to instructe the army is vaine4 ,nor   
marvayle you not though now a daies1    
they warre in the ,winter1 because the  
armies being without discipline1 know   
not the hurt that it dooth them1 in     
lodging not together1 for that it is no 
griefe to them not to be able to keepe  
those orders1 and to observe that       
discipline1 which they have not3 yet    
they oughte to see howe much harme1 the 
,camping in the ,winter hath caused1 and
 to remember1 how the ,frenchmen in the 
yeare of oure ,lorde ,god1 a thousande  
five hundred and three1 were broken at  
,gariliano of the ,winter1 and not of   
the ,spaniardes3 ,for as much as ,i have
 saide1 he that assaulteth1 hath more   
disadvauntage then he that defendeth3   
because the fowle weather hurteth him   
not a littell1 being in the dominion of 
others and minding to make warre4 ,for  
that he is constrayned1 either to stande
 together with his men1 and to sustaine 

the incommoditie of water and colde1 or 
to avoide it to devide his power3 ,but  
he that defendeth1 may chuse the place  
as he listeth1 and tary him with his    
freshe men3 and he in a sodayne may set 
his men in araye1 and goo to find a band
 of the enemies men1 who cannot resiste 
the violence of them4 ,so the           
,frenchemen were discomfited1 and so    
they shall alwayes be discomfited1 which
 will assaulte in the ,winter an enemye1
 whoo hath in him prudence4 ,then he    
that will that force1 that orders1 that 
discipline and vertue1 in anye condition
 availe him not1 let him make warre in  
the fielde in the winter3 and because   
that the ,romaines woulde that all these
 thinges1 in which they bestowed so much
 diligence1 should availe them1 fleedde 
no otherwise the ,winter1 then the highe
 ,alpes1 and difficulte places1 and     
whatsoever other thing shoulde let them1
 for being able to shewe their arte and 
their vertue4 ,so this suffiseth to your
 demaund1 wherefore we wil come to      

intreate of the defending and besieging 
of tounes1 and of their situacions and  
edifications4     ,,the ,,seventh       
,,booke   ,sidenote3 ,tounes and        
,fortresses maie be strong twoo waies2  
,the place that now a daies is moste    
sought to fortifie in2 ,how a ,toune    
walle ought to bee made2 ,the walle of a
 toune ought to bee high1 and the diche 
within1 and not without2 ,the thickenes 
that a ,toune walle ought to bee of1 and
 the distaunces betwene everie flancker1
 and of what breadth and deapth the dich
 ought to bee2 ,how the ordinaunce is   
planted1 for the defence of a toune2    
,the nature of the batterie4  ,you      
oughte to knowe1 how that tounes and    
fortresses1 maie bee strong either by   
nature1 or by industrie2 by nature1     
those bee strong1 whiche bee compassed  
aboute with rivers1 or with ,fennes1 as 
,mantua is and ,ferrara1 or whiche bee  
builded upon a ,rocke1 or upon a stepe  
hille1 as ,monaco1 and ,sanleo3 ,for    
that those that stande upon hilles1 that

 be not moche difficulct to goe up1 be  
now a daies1 consideryng the artillerie 
and the ,caves1 moste weake4 ,and       
therfore moste often times in building1 
thei seke now a daies a plain1 for to   
make it stronge with industrie4 ,the    
firste industrie is1 to make the walles 
crooked1 and full of tournynges1 and of 
receiptes3 the whiche thyng maketh1 that
 thenemie cannot come nere to it1       
bicause he maie be hurte1 not onely on  
the front1 but by flancke4 ,if the      
walles be made high1 thei bee to moche  
subjecte to the blowes of the           
artillerie3 if thei be made lowe1 thei  
bee moste easie to scale4 ,if thou      
makeste the diches on the out side      
thereof1 for to give difficultie to the 
,ladders1 if it happen that the enemie  
fill them up 7whiche a great armie maie 
easely dooe7 the wall remaineth taken of
 thenemie4 ,therefore purposyng to      
provide to the one and thother foresaid 
inconveniences1 ,i beleve 7savyng       
alwaies better judgement7 that the walle

 ought to be made highe1 and the ,diche 
within1 and not without4 ,this is the   
moste strongeste waie of edificacion1   
that is made1 for that it defendeth thee
 from the artillerie1 and from ,ladders1
 and it giveth not facilitie to the     
enemie1 to fill up the diche3 ,then the 
walle ought to be high1 of that heighth 
as shall bee thought beste1 and no lesse
 thick1 then two yardes and a quarter1  
for to make it more difficult to        
ruinate4 ,moreover it ought to have the 
toures placed1 with distances of ,,cl4  
yardes betwen thone and thother3 the    
diche within1 ought to be at leaste twoo
 and twentie yardes and a halfe broad1  
and nine depe1 and al the yearth that is
 digged out1 for to make the diche1     
muste be throwen towardes the ,citee1   
and kepte up of a walle1 that muste be  
raised from the bottome of the diche1   
and goe so high over the toune1 that a  
man maie bee covered behinde thesame1   
the whiche thing shal make the depth of 
the diche the greater4 ,in the bottome  

of the diche1 within every hundred and  
l4 yardes1 there would be a slaughter   
house1 which with the ordinaunce1 maie  
hurte whom so ever should goe doune into
 thesame3 the greate artillerie that    
defende the citee1 are planted behinde  
the walle1 that shutteth the diche1     
bicause for to defende the utter walle1 
being high1 there cannot bee occupied   
commodiously1 other then smalle or meane
 peeses4 ,if the enemie come to scale1  
the heigth of the firste walle moste    
easely defendeth thee3 if he come with  
ordinaunce1 it is convenient for hym to 
batter the utter walle3 but it beyng    
battered1 for that the nature of the    
batterie is1 to make the walle to fall1 
towardes the parte battered1 the ruine  
of the walle commeth1 finding no diche  
that receiveth and hideth it1 to        
redouble the profunditie of thesame     
diche3 after soche sorte1 that to passe 
any further1 it is not possible1 findyng
 a ruine that with holdeth thee1 a diche
 that letteth thee1 and the enemies     

ordinaunce1 that from the walle of the  
diche1 moste safely killeth thee4 ,onely
 there is this remedie1 to fill the     
diche3 the whiche is moste difficulte to
 dooe1 as well bicause the capacitie    
thereof is greate1 as also for the      
difficultie1 that is in commyng nere it1
 the walle beeyng strong and concaved1  
betwene the whiche1 by the reasons      
aforesaied1 with difficultie maie be    
entered1 havyng after to goe up a       
breache through a ruin1 whiche giveth   
thee moste greate difficultie1 so that  
,i suppose a citee thus builded1 to be  
altogether invinsible4  ,,baptiste4     
,when there should bee made besides the 
diche within1 a diche also without1     
should it not bee stronger8  ,,fabricio4
 ,it should be without doubt1 but       
mindyng to make one diche onely1 myne   
opinion is1 that it standeth better     
within then without4  ,,baptiste4 ,would
 you1 that water should bee in the      
diches1 or would you have them drie8    
,sidenote3 ,a drie diche is moste       

sureste4  ,,fabricio4 ,the opinion of   
men herein bee divers1 bicause the      
diches full of water1 saveth thee from  
mines under grounde1 the ,diches without
 water1 maketh more difficulte the      
fillyng of them3 but ,i havyng          
considered all1 would make them without 
water1 for that thei bee more sure3 ,for
 diches with water1 have been seen in   
the ,winter to bee frosen1 and to make  
easie the winnyng of a citee1 as it     
happened to ,mirandola1 when ,pope      
,julie besieged it3 and for to save me  
from mines1 ,i would make it so deepe1  
that he that would digge lower1 should  
finde water4  ,sidenote3 ,an            
advertisemente for the buildyng and     
defending of a ,toune or ,fortresse2    
,small fortresses cannot bee defended2  
,a toune of war or ,fortresse1 ought not
 to have in them any retiring places2   
,cesar ,borgia2 ,the causes of the losse
 of the ,fortresse of ,furlie1 that was 
thought invincible2 ,howe the houses    
that are in a toune of war or ,fortresse

 ought to be builded4  ,the ,fortresses 
also1 ,i would builde concernyng the    
diches and the walles in like maner1 to 
the intent thei should have the like    
difficultie to be wonne4 ,one thyng ,i  
will earnestly advise hym1 that         
defendeth a ,citee3 and that is1 that he
 make no ,bulwarkes without distaunte   
from the walle of thesame3 and an other 
to hym that buildeth the ,fortresse1 and
 this is1 that he make not any refuge   
place in them1 in whiche he that is     
within1 the firste walle beyng loste1   
maie retire3 ,that whiche maketh me to  
give the firste counsaile is1 that no   
manne ought to make any thyng1 by meane 
wherof1 he maie be driven without       
remedie to lese his firste reputacion1  
the whiche losyng1 causeth to be estemed
 lesse his other doinges1 and maketh    
afraied them1 whom have taken upon theim
 his defence1 and alwaies it shall      
chaunce him this1 whiche ,i saie1 when  
there are made ,bulwarkes out of the    
,toune1 that is to bee defended1 bicause

 alwaies he shall leese theim1 little   
thynges now a daies1 beyng not able to  
bee defended1 when thei be subject to   
the furie of ordinance1 in soche wise   
that lesyng them1 thei be beginning and 
cause of his ruine4 ,when ,genua        
rebelled againste king ,leus of         
,fraunce1 it made certaine ,bulwarkes   
alofte on those hilles1 whiche bee about
 it1 the whiche so sone as thei were    
loste1 whiche was sodainly1 made also   
the citee to be loste4 ,concernyng the  
second counsaile1 ,i affirme nothyng to 
be to a ,fortresse more perilous1 then  
to be in thesame refuge places1 to be   
able to retire3 ,bicause the hope that  
menne have thereby1 maketh that thei    
leese the utter warde1 when it is       
assaulted3 and that loste1 maketh to bee
 loste after1 all the ,fortresse4 ,for  
insample there is freshe in             
remembraunce1 the losse of the          
,fortresse of ,furly1 when ,catherin the
 ,countesse defended it againste ,cesar 
,borgia1 sonne to ,pope ,alexander the  

vi4 who had conducted thether the armie 
of the king of ,fraunce3 thesame        
,fortresse1 was al full of places1 to   
retire out of one into an other3 for    
that there was firste the kepe1 from the
 same to the ,fortresse1 was a diche    
after soche sorte1 that thei passed over
 it by a draw bridge3 the fortresse was 
devided into three partes1 and every    
parte was devided from the other with   
diches1 and with water1 and by ,bridges1
 thei passed from the one place to the  
other3 wherefore the ,duke battered with
 his artillerie1 one of the partes of   
the fortresse1 and opened part of the   
walle3 ,for whiche cause ,maister ,jhon 
,casale1 whiche was appoincted to that  
,warde1 thought not good to defende that
 breache1 but abandoned it for to retire
 hymself into the other places3 so that 
the ,dukes men having entered into that 
parte without incounter1 in a sodaine   
thei gotte it all3 ,for that the ,dukes 
menne became lordes of the bridges1     
whiche went from one place to an other4 

,thei loste then this ,fortresse1 whiche
 was thought invinsible1 through two    
defaultes1 the one for havyng so many   
retiryng places1 the other1 bicause     
every retiryng place1 was not ,lorde of 
the bridge thereof4 ,therefore1 the     
naughtie builded ,fortresse1 and the    
little wisedome of them that defended   
it1 caused shame to the noble enterprise
 of the countesse1 whoe had thought to  
have abidden an armie1 whiche neither   
the kyng of ,naples1 nor the ,duke of   
,milaine would have abidden3 and        
although his inforcementes had no good  
ende1 yet notwithstandyng he gotte that 
honoure1 whiche his valiauntnesse had   
deserved3 ,the whiche was testified of  
many ,epigrammes1 made in those daies in
 his praise4 ,therefore1 if ,i should   
have to builde a ,fortresse1 ,i would   
make the walles strong1 and the diches  
in the maner as we have reasoned1 nor ,i
 would not make therein other1 then     
houses to inhabite1 and those ,i would  
make weake and lowe1 after soche sorte  

that thei should not let him that should
 stande in the middest of the ,market   
place1 the sight of all the walle1 to   
the intente that the ,capitain might see
 with the iye1 where he maie succour3   
and that every manne should understande1
 that the walle and the diche beyng     
lost1 the fortresse were lost4 ,and yet 
when ,i should make any retiryng places1
 ,i would make the bridges devided in   
soche wise1 that every parte should be  
,lorde of the bridges of his side1      
ordainyng1 that thei should fall upon   
postes1 in the middest of the diche4    
,,baptiste4 ,you have saied that littel 
thynges now a daies can not bee         
defended1 and it seemed unto me to have 
understoode the contrarie1 that the     
lesser that a thyng wer1 the better it  
might be defended4  ,sidenote3 ,the     
fortifiyng of the entrance of a ,toune4 
,,fabricio4 ,you have not understoode   
well1 because that place cannot be now a
 daies called stronge1 wher he that     
defendeth it1 hath not space to retire  

with new diches1 and with new           
fortificacions1 for that the force of   
the ordinance is so much1 that he that  
trusteth uppon the warde of one wall and
 of one fortification only1 is deceived3
 and because the ,bulwarkes 7mindyng    
that they passe not their ordinarie     
measure1 for that then they shoulde be  
townes and ,castels7 be not made1 in    
suche wise that men maie have space     
within them to retire1 thei are loste   
straight waie4 ,therefore it is wisdom  
to let alone those ,bulwarkes without1  
and to fortifie thenterance of the      
toune1 and to kever the gates of the    
same with turnyngs after suche sort1    
that men cannot goe in nor oute of the  
gate by right line3 and from the        
tournynges to the gate1 to make a diche 
with a bridge4 ,also they fortifie the  
gate1 with a ,percullis1 for to bee     
abell to put therin their menne1 when   
they be issued out to faight1 and       
hapnyng that the enemies pursue them1 to
 avoide1 that in the mingelynge         

together1 they enter not in with them3  
and therfore these be used1 the which   
the antiquitie called ,cattarratte1 the 
whiche beyng let fall1 exclude          
thenemies1 and save the freendes1 for   
that in suche a case1 men can do no good
 neither by bridges nor by a gate1 the  
one and the other beynge ocupied with   
prease of menne4  ,,baptiste4 ,i have   
seene these ,perculleses that you speake
 of1 made in ,almayne of littell        
quarters of woodde after the facion of a
 grate of ,iron1 and these percullises  
of ouers1 be made of plankes all        
massive3 ,i woulde desire to understande
 whereof groweth this difference1 and   
which be the strongest4  ,sidenote3     
,battelments ought to be large and      
thicke and the flanckers large within4  
,,fabricio4 ,i tell you agayne1 that the
 manners and orders of the warre1       
throughe oute all the worlde1 in        
respecte to those of the antiquitie1 be 
extinguesshed1 and in ,italye they bee  
altogether loste1 for if there bee a    

thing somewhat stronger then the        
ordinarye1 it groweth of the insample of
 other countries4 ,you mighte have      
understoode and these other may         
remember1 with howe muche debilitie     
before1 that king ,charles of ,fraunce  
in the yere of our salvation a thousande
 ,,cccc4 xciiii4 had passed into        
,italie1 they made the batelmentes not  
halfe a yarde thicke1 the loopes1 and   
the flanckers were made with a litle    
opening without1 and muche within1 and  
with manye other faultes whiche not to  
be tedious ,i will let passe3 for that  
easely from thinne battelments the      
defence is taken awaye1 the flanckers   
builded in the same maner1 moste easylye
 are opened3 ,nowe of the ,frenchemen is
 learned to make the battelment large   
and thicke1 and the flanckers to bee    
large on the parte within1 and to drawe 
together in the middeste of the wall1   
and then agayn to waxe wider unto the   
uttermost parte without3 this maketh    
that the ordinaunce hardlye can take    

away the defence4 ,therfore the         
,frenchmen have1 manye other devises    
like these1 the whiche because they have
 not beene seene of our men1 they have  
not beene considered4 ,among whiche1 is 
this kinde of perculles made like unto a
 grate1 the which is a greate deale     
better then oures3 for that if you have 
for defence of a gate a massive         
parculles as oures1 letting it fall1 you
 shutte in your menne1 and you can not  
though the same hurte the enemie1 so    
that hee with axes1 and with fire1 maye 
breake it downe safely3 but if it bee   
made like a grate1 you maye1 it being   
let downe1 through those holes and      
through those open places1 defende it   
with ,pikes1 with crosbowes1 and with   
all other kinde of weapons4  ,,baptiste4
 ,i have seene in ,italye an other use  
after the outelandishe fashion1 and this
 is1 to make the carriage of the        
artillery with the spokes of the wheele 
crooked towardes the ,axeltree4 ,i      
woulde knowe why they make them so3     

seeming unto mee that they bee stronger 
when they are made straighte as those of
 oure wheeles4  ,sidenote3 ,neither the 
ditche1 wall tillage1 nor any kinde of  
edificacion1 ought to be within a mile  
of a toune of warre4  ,,fabricio4 ,never
 beleeve that the thinges that differ   
from the ordinarie wayes1 be made by    
chaunce3 and if you shoulde beleeve that
 they make them so1 to shewe fayrer1 you
 are deceaved3 because where strength is
 necessarie1 there is made no counte of 
fayrenesse3 but all groweth1 for that   
they be muche surer and muche stronger  
then ours4 ,the reason is this3 the     
carte when it is laden1 either goeth    
even1 or leaning upon the righte1 or    
upon the lefte side3 when it goeth even1
 the wheeles equally sustayne the       
wayght1 the which being equallye devided
 betweene them1 doth not burden much1   
but leaning1 it commeth to have all the 
paise of the cariage on the backe of    
that wheele upon the which it leaneth4  
,if the spokes of the same be straight  

they wil soone breake3 for that the     
wheele leaning1 the spokes come also to 
leane1 and not to sustaine the paise by 
the straightnesse of them1 and so when  
the carte goeth even1 and when they are 
least burdened1 they come to bee        
strongest3 when the ,carte goeth awrye1 
and that they come to have moste paise1 
they bee weakest4 ,even the contrarie   
happeneth to the crooked spokes of the  
,frenche ,cartes1 for that when the     
carte leaning upon one side poincteth   
uppon them1 because they bee ordinary   
crooked1 they come then to bee straight1
 and to be able to sustayne strongly al 
the payse1 where when the carte goeth   
even1 and that they bee crooked1 they   
sustayne it halfe3 but let us tourne to 
our citie and ,fortresse4 ,the          
,frenchemen use also for more safegarde 
of the gates of their townes1 and for to
 bee able in sieges more easylye to     
convey and set oute men of them1 besides
 the sayde thinges1 an other devise1 of 
which ,i have not seene yet in ,italye  

anye insample3 and this is1 where they  
rayse on the oute side from the ende of 
the drawe bridge twoo postes1 and upon  
either of them they joigne a beame1 in  
suche wise that the one halfe of them   
comes over the bridge1 the other halfe  
with oute3 then all the same parte that 
commeth withoute1 they joygne together  
with small quarters of woodde1 the      
whiche they set thicke from one beame to
 an other like unto a grate1 and on the 
parte within1 they fasten to the ende of
 either of the beames a chaine3 then    
when they will shutte the bridge on the 
oute side1 they slacke the chaines1 and 
let downe all the same parte like unto a
 grate1 the whiche comming downe1       
shuttethe the bridge1 and when they will
 open it1 they drawe the chaines1 and   
the same commeth to rise up1 and they   
maye raise it up so much that a man may 
passe under it1 and not a horse1 and so 
much that there maye passe horse and    
man1 and shutte it againe at ones1 for  
that it falleth and riseth as a window  

of a battelment4 ,this devise is more   
sure than the ,parculles1 because       
hardely it maye be of the enemye lette  
in such wise1 that it fall not downe1   
falling not by a righte line as the     
,parculles1 which easely may be         
underpropped4 ,therfore they which will 
make a citie oughte to cause to be      
ordained all the saide things3 and      
moreover aboute the walle1 there woulde 
not bee suffered any grounde to be      
tilled1 within a myle thereof1 nor any  
wall made1 but shoulde be all champaine1
 where should be neither ditch nor      
banck1 neither tree nor house1 which    
might let the fighte1 and make defence  
for the enemie that incampeth4          
,sidenote3 ,noote2 ,the provision that  
is meete to be made for the defence of a
 toune4  ,and noote1 that a ,towne1     
whiche hathe the ditches withoute1 with 
the banckes higher then the grounde1 is 
moste weake3 for as muche as they make  
defence to the enemye which assaulteth  
thee1 and letteth him not hurte thee1   

because easely they may be opened1 and  
geve place to his artillerye3 but let us
 passe into the ,towne4 ,i will not     
loose so muche time in shewing you howe 
that besides the foresayde thinges1 it  
is requisite to have provision of       
victualles1 and wherewith to fight1 for 
that they be thinges that everye man    
underdeth1 and without them1 all other  
provision is vaine3 and generally twoo  
thinges oughte to be done1 to provide   
and to take the commoditie from the     
enemie that he availe not by the things 
of thy countrey3 therfore the straw1 the
 beastes1 the graine1 whiche thou canste
 not receive into house1 ought to be    
destroied4 ,also he that defendeth a    
,towne1 oughte to provide that nothing  
bee done tumultuouslye and              
disordinatelye1 and to take suche order1
 that in all accidentes everye man maye 
knowe what he hath to doo4  ,sidenote3  
,what incoragethe the enemy most that   
besiegeth a toune2 ,what he that        
besiegeth and he that defendeth oughte  

to doo2 ,advertisementes for a besieged 
towne2 ,howe the ,romaines vitaled      
,casalino besieged of ,aniball2 ,a      
policie for the besieged4  ,the order   
that oughte to be taken is thus1 that   
the women1 the olde folkes1 the         
children1 and the impotent1 be made to  
keepe within doores1 that the ,towne    
maye be left free1 to yong and lustie   
men1 whom being armed1 must be          
destributed for the defence of the same1
 appointing part of them to the wall1   
parte to the gates1 parte to the        
principall places of the ,citie1 for to 
remedie those inconveniences1 that might
 growe within3 an other parte must not  
be bound to any place1 but be ready to  
succour all1 neede requiring3 and the   
thing beeing ordained thus1 with        
difficultie tumulte can growe1 whiche   
maye disorder thee4 ,also ,i will that  
you note this1 in the besieging and     
defending of a ,citie1 that nothing     
geveth so muche hoope to the adversarye 
to be able to winne a towne1 as when he 

knoweth that the same is not accustomed 
to see the enemie3 for that many times  
for feare onely without other experience
 of force1 cities have bene loste3      
,therefore a man oughte1 when he        
assaulteth a like ,citie1 to make all   
his ostentacions terrible4 ,on the other
 parte he that is assaulted1 oughte to  
appoincte to the same parte1 whiche the 
enemie fighteth againste1 strong men and
 suche as opinion makethe not afraide1  
but weapons onely3 for that if the first
 proofe turne vaine1 it increaseth      
boldenesse to the besieged1 and then the
 enemie is constrained to overcome them 
within1 with vertue and reputacion4 ,the
 instrumentes wherwith the antiquitie   
defended townes1 where manie3 as        
balistes1 onagris1 scorpions1           
,arcubalistes1 ,fustibals1 ,slinges3 and
 also those were manie with which thei  
gave assaultes4 ,as ,arrieti1 ,towers1  
,musculi ,plutei1 ,viney1 ,falci1       
testudeni1 in steede of which thynges be
 now a daies the ordinance1 the whiche  

serve him that bessegeth1 and him that  
defendeth3 and therfore ,i will speake  
no forther of theim3 ,but let us        
retourne to our reasonyng and let us    
come to particular offences4 ,they ought
 to have care not to be taken by famine1
 and not to be overcome through         
assaultes3 concernyng famin1 it hath ben
 tolde1 that it is requiset before the  
siege come1 to be well provided of      
vitualles4 ,but when a towne throughe   
longe siege1 lacketh victuals1 some     
times hath ben seen used certaine       
extraordinarie waies to be provided of  
their friendes1 whome woulde save them3 
inespeciall if through the middest of   
the besieged ,citie there runne a river1
 as the ,romaines vittelled their       
castell called ,casalino besieged of    
,anibal1 whom being not able by the     
river to sende them other victual then  
,nuttes1 wherof castyng in the same     
great quantitie1 the which carried of   
the river1 without beyng abel to be     
letted1 fedde longe time the            

,casalinians4 ,some besieged1 for to    
shew unto the enemie1 that they have    
graine more then inough and for to make 
him to dispaire1 that he cannot1 by     
famin overcome theim1 have caste breade 
oute of the gates1 or geven a ,bullocke 
graine to eate1 and after have suffered 
the same to be taken1 to the intent that
 kilde and founde full of graine1 might 
shewe that aboundance1 whiche they had  
not4 ,on the other parte excellent      
,capitaines have used sundrie waies to  
werie the enemie4  ,sidenote3 ,a policie
 of ,fabius in besieging of a toune2 ,a 
policie of ,dionisius in besiegynge of a
 toune4  ,fabius suffered them whome he 
besieged1 to sowe their fieldes1 to the 
entente that thei should lacke the same 
corne1 whiche they sowed4  ,dionisius   
beynge in ,campe at ,regio1 fained to   
minde to make an agreement with them1   
and duryng the practise therof he caused
 him selfe to be provided of their      
victuales1 and then when he had by this 
mean got from them their graine1 he     

kepte them straight and famished them4  
,sidenote3 ,howe ,alexander wanne       
,leucadia4  ,alexander ,magnus mindyng  
to winne ,leucadia overcame all the     
,castels aboute it1 and by that means   
drivyng into the same citie a great     
multitude of their owne countrie men1   
famished them4  ,sidenote3 ,the besieged
 ought to take heed of the first brunte2
 ,the remedie that townes men have1 when
 the enemies ar entred into the towne2  
,how to make the townes men yeelde4     
,concernynge the assaultes1 there hath  
been tolde that chiefely thei ought to  
beware of the firste bronte1 with whiche
 the ,romaines gotte often times manie  
townes1 assaultyng them sodainly1 and on
 every side3 and thei called it ,aggredi
 urbem corona4 ,as ,scipio did1 when he 
wanne newe ,carthage in ,hispayne3 the  
which brunte if of a towne it be        
withstoode1 with difficultie after will 
bee overcome3 and yet thoughe it should 
happen that the enemie were entred into 
the citie1 by overcomynge the wall1 yet 

the townes men have some remedie1 so    
thei forsake it not3 for as much as     
manie armies through entring into a     
toune1 have ben repulced or slaine3 the 
remedie is1 that the townes men doe     
keepe them selves in highe places1 and  
from the houses1 and from the towers to 
faight with them3 the whiche thynge1    
they that have entered into the citie1  
have devised to overcome in twoo        
manners3 the one with openyng the gates 
of the citie1 and to make the waie for  
the townes men1 that thei might safely  
flie3 the other with sendynge foorthe a 
proclamacion1 that signifieth1 that none
 shall be hurte but the armed1 and to   
them that caste their weapons on the    
grounde1 pardon shall be graunted3 the  
whiche thynge hath made easie the       
victorie of manie cities4  ,sidenote3   
,how townes or cities are easelie wonne2
 ,how duke ,valentine got the citie of  
,urbine2 ,the besieged ought to take    
heede of the deciptes and policies of   
the enemie2 ,how ,domitio ,calvino wan a

 towne4  ,besides this1 the ,citees are 
easie to bee wonne1 if thou come upon   
them unawares3 whiche is dooen beyng    
with thy armie farre of1 after soche    
sort1 that it be not beleved1 either    
that thou wilte assaulte theim1 or that 
thou canst dooe it1 without commyng     
openly1 bicause of the distance of the  
place3 wherefore1 if thou secretely and 
spedely assaulte theim1 almoste alwaies 
it shall followe1 that thou shalte gette
 the victorie4 ,i reason unwillingly of 
the thynges succeded in our tyme1 for   
that to me and to mine1 it should be a  
burthen1 and to reason of other1 ,i     
cannot tel what to saie3                
notwithstanding1 ,i cannot to this      
purpose but declare1 the insample of    
,cesar ,borgia1 called duke ,valentine1 
who beyng at ,nocera with his menne1    
under colour of goyng to besiege        
,camerino1 tourned towardes the state of
 ,urbin1 and gotte a state in a daie1   
and without any paine1 the whiche an    
other with moche time and cost1 should  

scante have gotten4 ,it is conveniente  
also to those1 that be besieged1 to take
 heede of the deceiptes1 and of the     
policies of the enemie1 and therefore   
the besieged ought not to truste to any 
thyng1 whiche thei see the enemie dooe  
continually1 but let theim beleve       
alwaies1 that it is under deceipte1 and 
that he can to their hurte varie it4    
,domitio ,calvino besiegyng a toune1    
used for a custome to compasse aboute   
every daie1 with a good parte of his    
menne1 the wall of the same3 whereby the
 ,tounes menne1 belevyng that he did it 
for exercise1 slacked the ,ward3 whereof
 ,domicius beyng aware1 assaulted and   
overcame them4  ,sidenote3 ,a policie to
 get a towne4  ,certaine ,capitaines    
understandyng1 that there should come   
aide to the besieged1 have apareled     
their ,souldiours1 under the ,ansigne of
 those1 that should come1 and beyng let 
in1 have gotte the ,toune4  ,sidenote3  
,how ,simon of ,athens wan a towne2 ,a  
policie to get a towne2 ,how ,scipio    

gotte certaine castels in ,afrike4      
,simon of ,athens set fire in a night on
 a ,temple1 whiche was out of the toune1
 wherefore1 the tounes menne goyng to   
succour it1 lefte the toune in praie to 
the enemie4 ,some have slaine those1    
whiche from the besieged ,castle1 have  
gone a foragyng1 and have appareled     
their souldiours1 with the apparell of  
the forragers1 whom after have gotte the
 toune4 ,the aunciente ,capitaines1 have
 also used divers waies1 to destroie the
 ,garison of the ,toune1 whiche thei    
have sought to take4 ,scipio beyng in   
,africa1 and desiring to gette certaine 
,castles1 in whiche were putte the      
,garrisons of ,carthage1 he made many   
tymes1 as though he would assaulte      
theim1 albeit1 he fained after1 not     
onely to abstaine1 but to goe awaie from
 them for feare3 the whiche ,aniball    
belevyng to bee true1 for to pursue hym 
with greater force1 and for to bee able 
more easely to oppresse him1 drewe out  
all the garrisons of theim3 ,the whiche 

,scipio knowyng1 sente ,massinissa his  
,capitaine to overcome them4  ,sidenote3
 ,howe ,pirrus wan the chiefe ,citie of 
,sclavonie2 ,a policie to get a towne2  
,how the beseiged are made to yelde2    
,howe to get a towne by treason2 ,a     
policie of ,aniball for the betraiyng of
 a ,castell2 ,how the besieged maie be  
begiled2 ,how ,formion overcame the     
,calcidensians2 ,what the besieged muste
 take heede of2 ,liberalitie maketh     
enemies frendes2 ,the diligence that the
 besieged ought to use in their watche  
and ward4  ,pirrus makyng warre in      
,sclavonie1 to the chiefe citee of the  
same countrie1 where were brought many  
menne in ,garrison1 fained to dispaire  
to bee able to winne it1 and tourning to
 other places1 made that the same for to
 succour them1 emptied it self of the   
warde1 and became easie to bee wonne4   
,many have corrupted the water1 and have
 tourned the rivers an other waie to    
take ,tounes4 ,also the besieged1 are   
easely made to yelde them selves1 makyng

 theim afraied1 with signifiyng unto    
them a victorie gotten1 or with new     
aides1 whiche come in their disfavour4  
,the old ,capitaines have sought to     
gette ,tounes by treason1 corruptyng    
some within1 but thei have used divers  
meanes4 ,sum have sente a manne of      
theirs1 whiche under the name of a      
fugetive1 might take aucthoritie and    
truste with the enemies1 who after have 
used it to their profite4 ,some by this 
meanes1 have understode the maner of the
 watche1 and by meanes of the same      
knowledge1 have taken the ,toune4 ,some 
with a ,carte1 or with ,beames under    
some colour1 have letted the gate1 that 
it could not bee shutte1 and with this  
waie1 made the entrie easie to the      
enemie4 ,aniball perswaded one1 to give 
him a castle of the ,romaines1 and that 
he should fain to go a huntyng in the   
night1 makyng as though he could not goe
 by daie1 for feare of the enemies1 and 
tournyng after with the ,venison1 should
 put in with hym certaine of his menne1 

and so killyng the watchmen1 should give
 hym the gate4 ,also the besieged are   
beguiled1 with drawyng them out of the  
,toune1 and goyng awaie from them1      
faining to flie when thei assault thee4 
,and many 7emong whom was ,anibal7 have 
for no other intente1 let their ,campe  
to be taken1 but to have occasion to get
 betwene theim and home1 and to take    
their ,toune4 ,also1 thei are beguiled  
with fainyng to departe from them1 as   
,formion of ,athens did1 who havyng     
spoiled the countrie of the             
,calcidensians1 received after their    
ambassadours1 fillyng their ,citee with 
faire promises1 and hope of safetie1    
under the which as simple menne1 thei   
were a little after of ,formione        
oppressed4 ,the besieged ought to beware
 of the men1 whiche thei have in        
suspecte emong them3 but some times thei
 are wont1 as well to assure them selves
 with deserte1 as with punishemente4    
,marcellus knoweyng how ,lucius ,bancius
 a ,nolane1 was tourned to favour       

,aniball so moche humanitie and         
liberalitie1 he used towardes him1 that 
of an enemie1 he made him moste         
frendely4 ,the besieged ought to use    
more diligence in the warde1 when the   
enemie is gone from theim1 then when he 
is at hande4 ,and thei ought to warde   
those places1 whiche thei thinke1 that  
maie bee hurt least3 for that many      
tounes have been loste1 when thenemie   
assaulteth it on thesame part1 where    
thei beleve not possible to be          
assaulted4 ,and this deceipt groweth of 
twoo causes1 either for the place being 
strong1 and to beleve1 that it is       
invinsible1 or through craft beyng used 
of the enemie1 in assaltyng theim on one
 side with fained alaroms1 and on the   
other without noise1 and with verie     
assaltes in deede3 and therefore the    
besieged1 ought to have greate          
advertisment1 and above all thynges at  
all times1 and in especially in the     
night to make good watche to bee kepte  
on the walles1 and not onely to         

appoincte menne1 but ,dogges1 and soche 
fiearse ,mastives1 and lively1 the      
whiche by their sente maie descrie the  
enemie1 and with barkyng discover him3  
and not ,dogges onely1 but ,geese have  
ben seen to have saved a citee1 as it   
happened to ,roome1 when the ,frenchemen
 besieged the ,capitoll4  ,sidenote3 ,an
 order of ,alcibiades for the dew keping
 of watch and warde4  ,alcibiades for to
 see1 whether the warde watched1        
,athense beeyng besieged of the         
,spartaines1 ordained that when in the  
night1 he should lifte up a light1 all  
the ward should lift up likewise1       
constitutyng punishmente to hym that    
observed it not4  ,sidenote3 ,the       
secrete conveighyng of ,letters2 ,the   
defence against a breach2 ,how the      
antiquitie got tounes by muining under  
grounde4  ,isicrates of ,athens killed a
 watchman1 which slept1 saiyng that he  
lefte him as he found him4 ,those that  
have been besieged1 have used divers    
meanes1 to sende advise to their        

frendes3 and mindyng not to send their  
message by mouth1 thei have written     
letters in ,cifers1 and hidden them in  
sundrie wise3 the ,cifers be according1 
as pleaseth him that ordaineth them1 the
 maner of hidyng them is divers4 ,some  
have written within the scaberde of a   
sweard3 ,other have put the ,letters in 
an unbaked lofe1 and after have baked   
the same1 and given it for meate to hym 
that caried theim4 ,certaine have hidden
 them1 in the secreteste place of their 
bodies3 other have hidden them in the   
collor of a ,dogge1 that is familiare   
with hym1 whiche carrieth theim3 ,some  
have written in a letter ordinarie      
thinges1 and after betwene thone line   
and thother1 have also written with     
water1 that wetyng it or warming it     
after1 the letters should appere4 ,this 
waie hath been moste politikely observed
 in our time3 where some myndyng to     
signifie to their freendes inhabityng   
within a towne1 thinges to be kept      
secret1 and mindynge not to truste any  

person1 have sente common matters       
written1 accordyng to the common use and
 enterlined it1 as ,i have saied above1 
and the same have made to be hanged on  
the gates of the ,temples1 the whiche by
 countersignes beyng knowen of those1   
unto whome they have been sente1 were   
taken of and redde3 the whiche way is   
moste politique1 bicause he that        
carrieth them maie bee beguiled1 and    
there shall happen hym no perill4 ,there
 be moste infinite other waies1 whiche  
every manne maie by himself rede and    
finde3 but with more facilitie1 the     
besieged maie bee written unto1 then the
 besieged to their frendes without1 for 
that soche letters cannot be sent1 but  
by one1 under colour of a fugetive1 that
 commeth out of a toune3 the whiche is a
 daungerous and perilous thing1 when    
thenemie is any whit craftie3 ,but those
 that sende in1 he that is sente1 maie  
under many colours1 goe into the ,campe 
that besiegeth1 and from thens takyng   
conveniente occasion1 maie leape into   

the toune3 but lette us come to speake  
of the present winnyng of tounes4 ,i    
saie that if it happen1 that thou bee   
besieged in thy citee1 whiche is not    
ordained with diches within1 as a little
 before we shewed1 to mynde that        
thenemie shall not enter through the    
breach of the walle1 whiche the         
artillerie maketh3 bicause there is no  
remedie to lette thesame from makyng of 
a breache1 it is therefore necessarie   
for thee1 whileste the ordinance        
battereth1 to caste a diche within the  
wall which is battered1 and that it be  
in bredth at leaste twoo and twentie    
yardes and a halfe1 and to throwe all   
thesame that is digged towardes the     
toun1 whiche maie make banke1 and the   
diche more deper3 and it is convenient  
for thee1 to sollicitate this worke in  
soche wise1 that when the walle falleth1
 the ,diche maie be digged at least1    
fower or five yardes in depth3 the      
whiche diche is necessarie1 while it is 
a digging1 to shutte it on every side   

with a slaughter house3 and when the    
wall is so strong1 that it giveth thee  
time to make the diche1 and the         
slaughter houses1 that battered parte1  
commeth to be moche stronger1 then the  
rest of the citee3 for that soche       
fortificacion1 cometh to have the forme1
 of the diches which we devised within3 
but when the walle is weake1 and that it
 giveth thee not tyme1 to make like     
fortificacions1 then strengthe and      
valiauntnesse muste bee shewed1 settyng 
againste the enemies armed menne1 with  
all thy force4 ,this maner of           
fortificacion was observed of the       
,pisans1 when you besieged theim1 and   
thei might doe it1 bicause thei had     
strong walles1 whiche gave them time1   
the yearth beyng softe and moste meete  
to raise up banckes1 and to make        
fortificacions3 where if thei had lacked
 this commoditie1 thei should have loste
 the toune4 ,therefore it shall bee     
alwaies prudently doen1 to provide afore
 hand1 makyng diches within the citee1  

and through out all the circuite        
thereof1 as a little before wee devised3
 for that in this case1 the enemie maie 
safely be taried for at laisure1 the    
fortificacions beyng redy made4 ,the    
antiquitie many tymes gotte tounes1 with
 muinyng under ground in twoo maners1   
either thei made a waie under grounde   
secretely1 whiche risse in the toune1   
and by thesame entered1 in whiche maner 
the ,romaines toke the citee of         
,veienti1 or with the muinyng1 thei     
overthrewe a walle1 and made it ruinate3
 this laste waie is now a daies moste   
stronge1 and maketh1 that the citees    
placed high1 be most weake1 bicause thei
 maie better bee under muined3 and      
puttyng after in a ,cave of this ,gunne 
pouder1 whiche in a momente kindelyng1  
not onely ruinateth a wall1 but it      
openeth the hilles1 and utterly         
dissolveth the strength of them4        
,sidenote3 ,the reamedie against ,caves 
or undermuinynges2 ,what care the       
besieged ought to have2 ,what maketh a  

citee or campe difficulte to bee        
defended2 ,by what meanes thei that     
besiege ar made afraied2 ,honour got by 
constancie4  ,the remedie for this1 is  
to builde in the plain1 and to make the 
diche that compasseth thy citee1 so     
deepe1 that the enemie maie not digge   
lower then thesame1 where he shall not  
finde water1 whiche onely is enemie to  
the caves3 for if thou be in a toune1   
which thou defendest on a high ground1  
thou canst not remedie it otherwise1    
then to make within thy walles many     
deepe ,welles1 the whiche be as drouners
 to thesame ,caves1 that the enemie is  
able to ordain against thee4 ,an other  
remedie there is1 to make a cave        
againste it1 when thou shouldeste bee   
aware where he muineth1 the whiche waie 
easely hindereth hym1 but difficultly it
 is foreseen1 beyng besieged of a       
craftie enemie4 ,he that is besieged1   
ought above al thinges to have care1 not
 to bee oppressed in the tyme of reste3 
as is after a battaile fought1 after the

 watche made1 whiche is in the ,mornyng 
at breake of daie1 and in the ,evenyng  
betwen daie and night1 and above al1 at 
meale times3 in whiche tyme many tounes 
have been wonne1 and armies have been of
 them within ruinated3 therefore it is  
requisite with diligence on all partes1 
to stande alwaies garded1 and in a good 
part armed4 ,i will not lacke to tell   
you1 how that1 whiche maketh a citee or 
a campe difficult to be defended1 is to 
be driven to kepe sundred all the force1
 that thou haste in theim1 for that the 
enemie beyng able to assaulte thee at   
his pleasure altogether1 it is          
conveniente for thee on every side1 to  
garde every place1 and so he assaulteth 
thee with all his force1 and thou with  
parte of thine defendest thee4 ,also1   
the besieged maie bee overcome          
altogether1 he without cannot bee1 but  
repulced3 wherefore many1 whom have been
 besieged1 either in a ,campe1 or in a  
,toune1 although thei have been         
inferiour of power1 have issued out with

 their men at a sodaine1 and have       
overcome the enemie4 ,this ,marcellus of
 ,nola did3 this did ,cesar in ,fraunce1
 where his ,campe beeyng assaulted of a 
moste great nomber of ,frenchmen1 and   
seeyng hymself not able to defende it1  
beyng constrained to devide his force   
into many partes1 and not to bee able   
standyng within the ,listes1 with       
violence to repulce thenemie3 he opened 
the campe on thone side1 and turning    
towardes thesame parte with all his     
power1 made so moche violence against   
them1 and with moche valiantnes1 that he
 vanquisshed and overcame them4 ,the    
constancie also of the besieged1 causeth
 many tymes displeasure1 and maketh     
afraied them that doe besiege4 ,pompei  
beyng against ,cesar1 and ,cesars armie 
beeyng in greate distresse through      
famine1 there was brought of his bredde 
to ,pompei1 whom seyng it made of       
grasse1 commaunded1 that it should not  
bee shewed unto his armie1 least it     
shoulde make them afraide1 seyng what   

enemies they had against theim4 ,nothyng
 caused so muche honour to the ,romaines
 in the warre of ,aniball1 as their     
constancie3 for as muche as in what so  
ever envious1 and adverse fortune thei  
were troubled1 they never demaunded     
peace1 thei never made anie signe of    
feare1 but rather when ,aniball was     
aboute ,rome1 thei solde those fieldes1 
where he had pitched his campe1 dearer  
then ordinarie in other times shoulde   
have been solde3 and they stoode in so  
much obstinacie in their enterprises1   
that for to defende ,rome1 thei would   
not raise their campe from ,capua1 the  
whiche in the verie same time that      
,roome was besieged1 the ,romaines did  
besiege4  ,i knowe that ,i have tolde   
you of manie thynges1 the whiche by your
 selfe you might have understoode1 and  
considered1 notwithstandyng ,i have doen
 it 7as to daie also ,i have tolde you7 
for to be abell to shewe you better by  
meane therof1 the qualitie of this      
armie1 and also for to satisfie those1  

if there be anie1 whome have not had the
 same commoditie to understand them as  
you4 ,nor me thinkes that there resteth 
other to tell you1 then certaine        
generall rules1 the whiche you shal have
 moste familiar1 which be these4        
,sidenote3 ,generall rules of warre4    
,the same that helpeth the enemie1      
hurteth thee3 and the same that helpeth 
thee1 hurteth the enemie4  ,he that     
shall be in the warre moste vigilant to 
observe the devises of the enemie1 and  
shall take moste payne to exercise his  
armie1 shall incurre least perilles and 
maie hope moste of the victorie4  ,never
 conducte thy men to faight the field1  
if first them hast not confirmed their  
mindes and knowest them to be without   
feare1 and to be in good order3 for thou
 oughteste never to enterprise any      
dangerous thyng with thy souldiours1 but
 when thou seest1 that they hope to     
overcome4  ,it is better to conquere the
 enemie with faminne1 then with yron3 in
 the victorie of which1 fortune maie doe

 much more then valiantnesse4  ,no      
purpose is better then that1 whiche is  
hidde from the enemie untill thou have  
executed it4  ,to know in the warre how 
to understande occasion1 and to take it1
 helpeth more then anie other thynge4   
,nature breedeth few stronge menne1 the 
industrie and the exercise maketh manie4
  ,discipline maie doe more in warre1   
then furie4  ,when anie departe from the
 enemies side for to come to serve thee1
 when thei be faithfull1 thei shalbe    
unto thee alwaies great gaines3 for that
 the power of thadversaries are more    
deminisshed with the losse of them1 that
 runne awaie1 then of those that be     
slaine1 although that the name of a     
fugetive be to new frendes suspected1 to
 olde odius4  ,better it is in pitchyng 
the fielde1 to reserve behynde the first
 front aide inoughe1 then to make the   
fronte bigger to disperse the           
souldiours4  ,he is difficultely        
overcome1 whiche can know his owne power
 and the same of the enemie4  ,the      

valiantenesse of the souldiours availeth
 more then the multitude4  ,some times  
the situacion helpeth more then the     
valiantenesse4  ,new and sudden thynges1
 make armies afrayde4  ,slowe and       
accustomed thinges1 be littell regarded 
of them4 ,therfore make thy armie to    
practise and to know with small faightes
 a new enemie1 before thou come to      
faight the fielde with him4  ,he that   
with disorder foloweth the enemie after 
that he is broken1 will doe no other1   
then to become of a conquerour a loser4 
,he that prepareth not necessarie       
victualles to live upon1 is overcome    
without yron4  ,he that trusteth more in
 horsemen then in footemen1 more in     
footemen then in horsemen1 must         
accommodate him selfe with the          
situacion4  ,when thou wilte see if in  
the daie there be comen anie spie into  
the ,campe1 cause everie man to goe to  
his lodgynge4  ,chaunge purpose1 when   
thou perceivest that the enemie hath    
forseene it4  ,sidenote3 ,how to        

consulte4  ,consulte with many of those 
thinges1 which thou oughtest to dooe3   
the same that thou wilt after dooe1     
conferre with fewe4  ,souldiours when   
thei abide at home1 are mainteined with 
feare and punishemente1 after when thei 
ar led to the warre with hope and with  
rewarde4  ,good ,capitaines come never  
to faight the fielde1 excepte necessitie
 constraine theim1 and occasion call    
them4  ,cause that thenemies know not1  
how thou wilte order thy armie to       
faight1 and in what so ever maner that  
thou ordainest it1 make that the firste 
bande may be received of the seconde and
 of the thirde4  ,in the faight never   
occupie a battell to any other thyng1   
then to the same1 for whiche thou haste 
apoineted it1 if thou wilt make no      
disorder4  ,the sodene accidentes1 with 
difficultie are reamedied3 those that   
are thought upon1 with facilitie4       
,sidenote3 ,what thynges are the        
strength of the warre4  ,men1 yron1     
money1 and bread1 be the strengthe of   

the warre1 but of these fower1 the first
 twoo be moste necessarie3 because men  
and yron1 finde money and breade3 but   
breade and money fynde not men and yron4
  ,the unarmed riche man1 is a bootie to
 the poore souldiour4  ,accustome thy   
souldiours to dispise delicate livyng   
and lacivius aparell4  ,this is as muche
 as hapneth me generally to remember    
you1 and ,i know that there might have  
ben saied manie other thynges in all    
this my reasonynge3 as should be1 howe  
and in howe manie kinde of waies the    
antiquitie ordered their bandes1 how    
thei appareled them1 and how in manie   
other thynges they exercised them1 and  
to have joygned hereunto manie other    
particulars1 the whiche ,i have not     
judged necessarie to shew1 as wel for   
that you your self may se them1 as also 
for that my intente hath not been to    
shew juste how the olde servis of warre 
was apoincted1 but howe in these daies a
 servis of warre might be ordained1     
whiche should have more vertue then the 

same that is used4 ,wherfore ,i have not
 thought good of the auncient thynges to
 reason other1 then that1 which ,i have 
judged to suche introduction necessarie4
 ,i know also that ,i might have delated
 more upon the service on horsebacke1   
and after have reasoned of the warre on 
the ,sea3 for as muche as he that       
destinguissheth the servis of warre1    
saieth1 how there is an armie on the    
sea1 and of the lande1 on foote1 and on 
horsebacke4 ,of that on the sea1 ,i will
 not presume to speake1 for that ,i have
 no knowledge therof3 but ,i will let   
the ,genoues1 and the ,venecians speake 
therof1 whome with like studies have    
heretofore doen great thinges4  ,also of
 horses1 ,i wil speake no other1 then as
 afore ,i have saied1 this parte beynge 
7as ,i have declared7 least corrupted4  
,besides this1 the footemen being wel   
ordained1 which is the puissance of the 
armie1 good horses of necessitie will   
come to be made4  ,sidenote3 ,provisions
 that maie bee made to fill a ,realme   

full of good horse2 ,the knowledge that 
a capitaine oughte to have4  ,onely ,i  
counsel him that would ordayne the      
exercise of armes in his owne countrey1 
and desireth to fill the same with good 
horses1 that he make two provisions3 the
 one is1 that he destribute ,mares of a 
good race throughe his dominion1 and    
accustome his menne to make choise of   
coltes1 as you in this countrie make of 
,calves and ,mules3 the other is1 that  
to thentente the excepted might finde a 
byer1 ,i woulde prohibet that no man    
should kepe a ,mule excepte he woulde   
keepe a horse3 so that he that woulde   
kepe but one beaste to ride on1 shoulde 
be constrained to keepe a horse3 and    
moreover that no man should weare fine  
cloathe except he which doeth keepe a   
horse3 this order ,i under stande hath  
beene devised of certaine princes in our
 time1 whome in short space have therby1
 brought into their countrey an         
excellente numbre of good horses4       
,aboute the other thynges1 as much as   

might be looked for concernynge horse1  
,i remit to as much as ,i have saied to 
daie1 and to that whiche they use4      
,peradventure also you woulde desire to 
understand what condicions a ,capitaine 
ought to have3 wherof ,i shal satisfie  
you moste breeflie3 for that ,i cannot  
tell how to chose anie other man then   
the same1 who shoulde know howe to doe  
all those thynges whiche this daie hath 
ben reasoned of by us3 the which also   
should not suffise1 when he should not  
knowe howe to devise of him selfe3 for  
that no man without invencion1 was ever 
excellent in anie science3 and if       
invencion causeth honour in other       
thynges1 in this above all1 it maketh a 
man honorable3 for everie invention is  
seen1 although it were but simple1 to be
 of writers celebrated3 as it is seen1  
where ,alexander ,magnus is praised1 who
 for to remove his ,campe moste         
secretely1 gave not warnyng with the    
,trumpette1 but with a hatte upon a     
,launce4 ,and was praised also for      

havyng taken order that his souldiours  
in buckelynge with the enemies1 shoulde 
kneele with the lefte legge1 to bee able
 more strongly to withstande their      
violence3 the whiche havyng geven him   
the victorie1 it got him also so muche  
praise1 that all the ,images1 whiche    
were erected in his honour1 stoode after
 the same facion4 ,but because it is    
tyme to finishe this reasonyng1 ,i wil  
turne againe to my first purpose1 and   
partly ,i shall avoide the same         
reproche1 wherin they use to condempne  
in this towne1 such as knoweth not when 
to make an ende4  ,sidenote3 ,the auctor
 retorneth to his first purpose and     
maketh a littel discorse to make an ende
 of his reasonyng4  ,if you remembre    
,cosimus you tolde me1 that ,i beyng of 
one side an exalter of the antiquitie1  
and a dispraiser of those1 which in     
waightie matters imitated them not1 and 
of the other side1 ,i havynge not in the
 affaires of war1 wherin ,i have taken  
paine1 imitated them1 you coulde not    

perceive the occasion3 wherunto ,i      
answered1 how that men which wil doo any
 thing1 muste firste prepare to knowe   
how to doe it1 for to be able1 after to 
use it1 when occasion permitteth3       
whether ,i doe know how to bryng the    
servis of warre to the auncient manners 
or no1 ,i will be judged by you1 whiche 
have hearde me upon this matter longe   
dispute wherby you may know1 how much   
time ,i have consumed in these studies3 
and also ,i beleeve that you maie       
imagen1 how much desire is in me to     
brynge it to effecte3 the whiche whether
 ,i have been able to have doen1 or that
 ever occasion hath been geven me1 most 
easely you maie conjecture3 yet for to  
make you more certaine and for my better
 justificacion1 ,i will also aledge the 
occasions3 and as much as ,i have       
promised1 ,i will partely performe1 to  
shew you the difficultie and the        
facelitie1 whiche bee at this presente  
in suche imitacions4  ,sidenote3 ,a     
prince may easelie brynge to intiere    

perfection the servis of warre2 ,two    
sortes of ,capitaines worthie to bee    
praysed4  ,therfore ,i saie1 how that no
 deede that is doen now a daies emong   
men1 is more easie to be reduced unto   
the aunciente maners1 then the service  
of ,warre3 but by them onely that be    
,princes of so moche state1 who can at  
least gather together of their owne     
subjectes1 xv4 or twentie thousande yong
 menne3 otherwise1 no thyng is more     
difficulte1 then this1 to them whiche   
have not soche commoditie3 and for that 
you maie the better understande this    
parte1 you have to knowe1 howe that     
there bee of twoo condicions1           
,capitaines to bee praised3 ,the one are
 those1 that with an armie ordained     
through the naturalle discipline        
thereof1 have dooen greate thynges3 as  
were the greater parte of the ,romaine  
,citezeins1 and suche as have ledde     
armies1 the which have had no other     
paine1 then to maintaine them good1 and 
to se them guided safely3 the other are 

they1 whiche not onely have had to      
overcome the enemie1 but before they    
come to the same1 have been constrained 
to make good and well ordered their     
armie3 who without doubte deserve muche 
more praise1 then those have deserved1  
which with olde armies1 and good1 have  
valiantely wrought4 ,of these1 such wer 
,pelopida1 and ,epaminonda1 ,tullus     
,hostillius1 ,phillip of ,macedony      
father of ,alexander1 ,cirus kyng of the
 ,percians1 ,graccus a ,romaine3 they   
all were driven first to make their     
armies good1 and after to faighte with  
them3 they all coulde doe it1 as well   
throughe their prudence1 as also for    
havynge subjectes whome thei might in   
like exercises instruct3 nor it shuld   
never have ben otherwise possible1 that 
anie of theim1 though they had ben never
 so good and ful of al excellencie1     
should have been able in a straunge     
countrey1 full of men corrupted1 not    
used to anie honest obedience1 to have  
brought to passe anie laudable worke4   

,it suffiseth not then in ,italie1 to   
know how to governe an army made1 but   
first it is necessarie to know how to   
make it and after to know how to        
commaunde it3 and to do these things it 
is requisit they bee those princes1     
whome havyng much dominion1 and         
subjectes inoughe1 maie have commoditie 
to doe it3 of whiche ,i can not bee1 who
 never commaunded1 nor cannot commaunde1
 but to armies of straungers1 and to men
 bounde to other1 and not to me3 in     
whiche if it be possible1 or no1 to     
introduce anie of those thynges that    
this daie of me hath ben reasoned1 ,i   
will leave it to your judgement4        
,albeit when coulde ,i make one of these
 souldiours which now a daies practise1 
to weare more armur then the ordinarie1 
and besides the armur1 to beare their   
owne meate for two or three daies1 with 
a mattocke3 ,when coulde ,i make theim  
to digge1 or keepe theim every daie     
manie howers armed1 in fained exercises1
 for to bee able after in the verie     

thyng in deede to prevaile8 ,when woulde
 thei abstaine from plaie1 from         
laciviousnesse1 from swearynge1 from the
 insolence1 whiche everie daie they     
committe8 when would they be reduced    
into so muche dissepline1 into so much  
obedience and reverence1 that a tree    
full of appels in the middest of their  
,campe1 shoulde be founde there and     
lefte untouched8 ,as is redde1 that in  
the auncient armies manie times hapned4 
,what thynge maye ,i promis them1 by    
meane wherof thei may have me in        
reverence to love1 or to feare1 when the
 warre beyng ended1 they have not anie  
more to doe with me8 wher of maie ,i    
make them ashamed1 whiche be borne and  
brought up without shame8 whie shoulde  
thei be ruled by me who knowe me not8   
,by what ,god or by what sainctes may ,i
 make them to sweare8 ,by those that    
thei worship1 or by those that they     
blaspheme8 ,who they worship ,i knowe   
not anie3 but ,i knowe well they        
blaspheme all4 ,how shoulde ,i beleeve  

that thei will keepe their promise to   
them1 whome everie hower they dispise8  
,how can they1 that dispise ,god1       
reverence men8 ,then what good fashion  
shoulde that be1 whiche might be        
impressed in this matter8 ,and if you   
should aledge unto me that ,suyzzers and
 ,spaniardes bee good souldiours1 ,i    
woulde confesse unto you1 how they be   
farre better then the ,italians3 but if 
you note my reasonynge1 and the maner of
 procedyng of bothe1 you shall see1 howe
 they lacke many thynges to joygne to   
the perfection of the antiquetie4 ,and  
how the ,suyzzers be made good of one of
 their naturall uses caused of that1    
whiche to daie ,i tolde you3 those other
 are made good by mean of a necessitie3 
for that servyng in a straunge countrie1
 and seemyng unto them to be constrained
 either to die1 or to overcome1 thei    
perceivynge to have no place to flie1   
doe become good3 but it is a goodnesse  
in manie partes fawtie3 for that in the 
same there is no other good1 but that   

they bee accustomed to tarie the enemie 
at the ,pike and sweardes poincte3 nor  
that1 which thei lacke1 no man should be
 meete to teache them1 and so much the  
lesse1 he that coulde not speake their  
language4  ,sidenote3 ,the ,auctor      
excuseth the people of ,italie to the   
great reproche of their prynces for     
their ignorance in the affaires of      
warre4  ,but let us turne to the        
,italians1 who for havynge not had wise 
,princes1 have not taken anie good      
order3 and for havyng not had the same  
necessitie1 whiche the ,spaniardes have 
hadde1 they have not taken it of theim  
selves1 so that they remaine the shame  
of the worlde3 and the people be not to 
blame1 but onely their princes1 who have
 ben chastised1 and for their ignorance 
have ben justely punisshed1 leesinge    
moste shamefully their states1 without  
shewing anie vertuous ensample4 ,and if 
you will see whether this that ,i say be
 trew3 consider how manie warres have   
ben in ,italie since the departure of   

kyng ,charles to this day1 where the war
 beyng wonte to make men warlyke and of 
reputacion1 these the greater and       
fierser that they have been1 so muche   
the more they have made the reputacion  
of the members and of the headdes therof
 to bee loste4 ,this proveth that it    
groweth1 that the accustomed orders were
 not nor bee not good1 and of the newe  
orders1 there is not anie whiche have   
knowen how to take them4 ,nor never     
beleeve that reputacion will be gotten1 
by the ,italians weapons1 but by the    
same waie that ,i have shewed1 and by   
means of theim1 that have great states  
in ,italie3 for that this forme maie be 
impressed in simple rude men1 of their  
owne1 and not in malicious1 ill brought 
up1 and straungers4 ,nor there shall    
never bee founde anie good mason1 whiche
 will beleeve to be able to make a faire
 image of a peece of ,marbell ill hewed1
 but verye well of a rude peece4        
,sidenote3 ,a discription of the        
folishenesse of the ,italian princes2   

,cesar and ,alexander1 were the formoste
 in battell2 ,the ,venecians and the    
duke of ,ferare began to have reduced   
the warfare to the ,aunciente maners2   
,he that despiseth the servis of warre1 
despiseth his own welthe4  ,our ,italian
 ,princes beleved1 before thei tasted   
the blowes of the outlandishe warre1    
that it should suffice a ,prince to     
knowe by writynges1 how to make a       
subtell answere1 to write a goodly      
letter1 to shewe in saiynges1 and in    
woordes1 witte and promptenesse1 to     
knowe how to canvas a fraude1 to decke  
theim selves with precious stones and   
gold1 to slepe and to eate with greater 
glorie then other3 ,to keepe many       
lascivious persones aboute them1 to     
governe theim selves with their         
subjectes1 covetuously and proudely3 ,to
 rotte in idlenesse1 to give the degrees
 of the exercise of warre1 for good     
will1 to despise if any should have     
shewed them any laudable waie1 minding  
that their wordes should bee aunswers of

 oracles3 nor the sely wretches were not
 aware1 that thei prepared theim selves 
to bee a praie1 to whom so ever should  
assaulte theim4 ,hereby grewe then in   
the thousande fower hundred nintie and  
fower yere1 the greate feares1 the      
sodain flightes1 and the marveilous     
losses3 and so three most mightie states
 which were in ,italie1 have been divers
 times sacked and destroied4 ,but that  
which is worse1 is where those that     
remaine1 continue in the verie same     
erroure1 and live in the verie same     
disorder1 and consider not1 that those1 
who in old time would kepe their states1
 caused to be dooen these thynges1 which
 of me hath been reasoned1 and that     
their studies wer1 to prepare the body  
to diseases1 and the minde not to feare 
perilles4 ,whereby grewe that ,cesar1   
,alexander1 and all those menne and     
excellente ,princes in old tyme1 were   
the formoste emongest the faighters1    
goyng armed on foote3 and if thei loste 
their state1 thei would loose their     

life1 so that thei lived and died       
vertuously4 ,and if in theim1 or in     
parte of theim1 there might bee         
condempned to muche ambicion to reason  
of3 yet there shall never bee founde1   
that in theim is condempned any         
tendernesse or any thynge that maketh   
menne delicate and feable3 the whiche   
thyng1 if of these ,princes were redde  
and beleved1 it should be impossible1   
that thei should not change their forme 
of living1 and their provinces not to   
chaunge fortune4 ,and for that you in   
the beginnyng of this our reasonyng1    
lamented your ordinaunces1 ,i saie unto 
you1 that if you had ordained it1 as ,i 
afore have reasoned1 and it had given of
 it self no good experience1 you might  
with reason have been greved therewith3 
but if it bee not so ordained1 and      
exercised1 as ,i have saied1 it maie be 
greeved with you1 who have made a       
counterfaite thereof1 and no perfecte   
figure4 ,the ,venecians also1 and the   
,duke of ,ferare1 beganne it1 and       

followed it not1 the whiche hath been   
through their faulte1 not through their 
menne4 ,and therfore ,i assure you1 that
 who so ever of those1 whiche at this   
daie have states in ,italie1 shall enter
 firste into this waie1 shall be firste1
 before any other1 ,lorde of this       
,province1 and it shall happen to his   
state1 as to the kyngdome of the        
,macedonians1 the which commyng under   
,philip1 who had learned the maner of   
settyng armies in order of ,epaminondas 
a ,thebane1 became with this order1 and 
with these exercises 7whileste the reste
 of ,grece stoode in idlenesse1 and     
attended to risite comedes7 so puisant1 
that he was able in few yeres to        
possesse it all1 and to leave soche     
foundacion to his sonne1 that he was    
able to make hymself1 prince of all the 
world4 ,he then that despiseth these    
studies1 if he be a ,prince1 despiseth  
his ,princedome3 if he bee a ,citezein1 
his ,citee4 ,wherefore1 ,i lamente me of
 nature1 the whiche either ought not to 

have made me a knower of this1 or it    
ought to have given me power1 to have   
been able to have executed it3 ,for now 
beyng olde1 ,i cannot hope to have any  
occasion1 to bee able so to dooe3 ,in   
consideracion whereof1 ,i have been     
liberall with you1 who beeyng grave yong
 menne1 maie 7when the thynges saied of 
me shall please you7 at due tymes in    
favour of your ,princes1 helpe theim and
 counsaile them1 wherein ,i would have  
you not to bee afraied1 or mistrustfull1
 bicause this ,province seemes to bee   
altogether given1 to raise up againe the
 thynges dedde1 as is seen by the       
perfeccion that poesie1 paintyng1 and   
writing1 is now brought unto3 ,albeit1  
as moche as is looked for of me1 beyng  
strooken in yeres1 ,i do mistruste4     
,where surely1 if ,fortune had          
heretofore graunted me so moche state1  
as suffiseth for a like enterprise1 ,i  
would not have doubted1 but in moste    
shorte tyme1 to have shewed to the      
worlde1 how moche the aunciente orders  

availe3 and without peradventure1 either
 ,i would have increased it with glory1 
or loste it without shame4         99   
99       99       99       99  ,the ende
 of the seventh and laste booke of the  
arte of warre1 of ,nicholas ,machiavell1
 ,citezein and ,secretarie of ,florence1
 translated out of ,italian into        
,englishe3 ,by ,peter ,whitehorne1 felow
 of ,graise ,inne4     ,,nicholas       
,,machiavel1  ,,citezein ,,and          
,,secretarie ,,of ,,florence1  ,,to     
,,the ,,readers   ,to thentente that    
such as rede this booke maie without    
difficultie understande the order of the
 battailes1 or bandes of men1 and of the
 armies1 and lodgynges in the ,campe1   
accordynge as they in the discription of
 theim are apoincted1 ,i thinke it      
necessarie to shewe you the figure of   
everie one of them3 wherefore it is     
requiset firste1 to declare unto you1 by
 what poinctes and letters1 the         
footemen1 the horsemen1 and everie other
 particuler membre are set foorthe4     

,,know ,,therfore ,,that  4 ,signifieth 
,targetmen4  ' ,pikemen4  c a ,capitaine
 of ten men4  v ,veliti ordinarie4      
7,those men that shoot with harcabuses  
or bowes7  r ,veliti extraordinari4  ,c 
a ,centurion or captaine of a hundred   
men4  k a ,constable or a captaine of a 
band of fower hundred and fiftie men4   
,h ,the hed captain of a maine battel4  
,g ,the general ,captaine of the whole  
armie4  t ,the ,trompet4  d ,the ,drum4 
b ,the ,ansigne4  s ,the ,standerde4  m 
,men of ,armes4  l ,light horsemen4  ,a 
,artillerie or ordinance4  ,in the first
 figure nexte folowyng1 is discribed the
 forme of an ordinarie battaile or bande
 of fower hundred and fiftie men1 and in
 what maner it is redoubled by flanke4  
,and also how with the verie same order 
of lxxx4 rankes1 by chaungyng onely to  
the hinder parte the five rankes of     
,pikes which were the formost of everie 
,centurie1 thei maye likewise in        
bringyng them in battaile raie1 come to 
bee placed behinde3 whiche may be doen1 

when in marchyng1 the enemies should    
come to assaulte them at their backes3  
accordynge as the orderyng therof is    
before declared4 ,fol4 #hg4  ,in the    
seconde figure1 is shewed how a battaile
 or bande of men is ordered1 whiche in  
marchyng should be driven to faight on  
the flanke3 accordyng as in the booke is
 declared4 ,fol4 #hg4  ,in the thirde   
figure1 is shewed how a battaile or     
bande of men1 is ordered with two       
hornes1 fol4 #hh1 and after is shewed   
how the same maie be made with a voide  
place in the middest3 accordynge as the 
orderyng therof1 in the booke moste     
plainely is declared1 fol4 #hi4  ,in the
 fowerth figure1 is shewed the forme or 
facion of an armie apoincted to faight  
the battaile with the enemies3 and for  
the better understandynge thereof1 the  
verie same is plainlier set foorthe in  
the figure next unto it1 wherby the     
other two figures next folowyng maie the
 easier be understoode3 accordynge as in
 the booke is expressed4 ,fol4 #aje4    

,in the fifte figure1 is shewed the     
forme of a fower square armie3 as in the
 booke is discribed4 ,fol4 #aeb4  ,in   
the sixte figure1 is shewed howe an     
,armie is brought from a fower square   
facion1 to the ordinarie forme1 to      
faight a fielde3 accordyng as afore is  
declared4 ,fol4 #aef4  ,in the seventh  
figure1 is discribed the maner of       
incamping3 according as the same in the 
booke is declared4 ,fol4 #agd4   ,,the  
,,firste ,,figure  ,this is the maner of
 ordering of ,,cccc4 men1 into lxxx4    
rankes1 five to a ranke1 to bring them  
into a iiii square battaile with the    
,pikes on the front1 as after foloweth4 
,c c'''' c'''' c'''' c'''' c'''' c4444  
c4444 c4444 c4444 c4444 c4444 c4444     
c4444 c4444 c4444 c4444 c4444 c4444     
c4444 c4444   ,c ''''' ''''' ''''' '''''
 ''''' 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444    
44444 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444     
44444 44444 44444 44444   ,c ''''' '''''
 ''''' ''''' ''''' 44444 44444 44444    
44444 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444     

44444 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444   ,c
 ''''c ''''c ''''c ''''c ''''c 4444c    
4444c 4444c 4444c 4444c 4444c 4444c     
4444c 4444c 4444c 4444c 4444c 4444c     
4444c 4444c   ,this is the foresaied    
lxxx4 rankes of iiii4 ,c4 men brought   
into a fower square battaile with the   
,pikes on the fronte4 ,and the fiftie   
,veliti on the sides and on the backe4  
,c                    ,c                
vc''''''''''''''''''cv                  
vc''''''''''''''''''cv                  
vc''''''''''''''''''cv                  
vc''''''''''''''''''cv                  
vc''''''''''''''''''cv                  
vc44444444dkb4444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  

vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv                  
vc444444444444444444cv ,c v v v v v v v 
v v v ,c   ,,the ,,seconde ,,figure     
,this is the maner of ordering of       
,,cccc4 men1 into lxxx4 rankes1 five to 
a ranke1 to bring them into a iiii      
square battaile with the ,pikes on the  
side1 as after foloweth4     ,c ccccc   
''''' ''''' ''''' ''''' ''''' '''''     
''''' ''''' ''''' ''''' ''''' '''''     
''''' ''''' ''''' ''''' ''''' '''''     
ccccc   ,c ccccc 44444 44444 44444 44444
 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444    
44444 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444     
44444 44444 ccccc   ,c ccccc 44444 44444
 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444    
44444 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444     
44444 44444 44444 44444 ccccc   ,c ccccc
 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444    
44444 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444     
44444 44444 44444 44444 44444 44444     
ccccc   ,this is the foresaied lxxx4    

rankes of iiii4 ,c4 men brought into a  
fower square battaile with the ,pikes on
 the side4   ,cvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv,c   
cccccccccccccccccccc                    
v444444444444444'''''                   
444444444444444'''''                    
v444444444444444'''''                   
444444444444444'''''                    
v444444444444444'''''                   
444444444444444'''''                    
v444444444444444'''''                   
444444444444444'''''                    
v444444444444444'''''                   
444444444444444'''''                    
v444444444444444'''''                   
444444444444444'''''                    
v444444444444444'''''                   
444444444444444'''''                    
v444444444444444'''''                   
444444444444444'''''                    
v444444444444444'''''                   
444444444444444'''''                    
v444444444444444'''''                   
cccccccccccccccccccc                    
,cvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv,c   ,,the        

,,thyrde ,,figure  ,these are the       
nombers of rankes appoincted to make the
 horned battaile of1 and the square     
battaile with the voide space in the    
middest1 as after foloweth4             
'''''''''''''''''''''''''               
444444444444444                         
'''''''''''''''''''''''''               
444444444444444                         
cccccccccccccccccccc44444,c4444444444444
44,c 4444444444444444444444444          
444444444444444                         
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444444444444444                         
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444444444444444  444444444444444        
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444444444444444b  444444444444444       
444444444444444  444444444444444        
444444444444444                         

4444444444444444444444444               
4444444444444444444444444               
,ccccccccccccccccccccc44444,c           
'''''''''''''''''''''''''               
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444444444444444                         
4444444444444444444444444               
444444444444444                         
4444444444444444444444444               
444444444444444,ccccccccccccccccccccc444
44,c 444444444444444                    
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444444444444444                         
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4444444444444444444444444  4444444      
44444444  4444444          44444444     
4444444          44444444  4444444    d 
44444444  4444444    k     44444444     
4444444    b     44444444  4444444      
44444444  4444444          44444444     
4444444          44444444  4444444      

44444444  4444444444444444444444444     
4444444444444444444444444               
,ccccccccccccccccccccc44444,c           
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'''''''''''''''''''''''''   ,,the       
,,fourth ,,figure        ,a           ,a
     ,a     ,a     ,a     ,a llm        
m,cr,c,c,c                              
,cu11u,c,cu11u,c,cu11u,c,cu11u,c,cu11u,c
,a llm mrrr111                          
vu11uvvu11uvvu11uvvu11uvvu11uv,a llm    
mrrrdkb   vdk bvvdk bvvdk bvvdk bvvdk bv
 lltksdkb111                            
vc44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uv   t ,g   
llm mrrr111                             
vc44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uv   lll ktm
 mrrr111                                
vc44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uv  4444 lsm
 m,cr7111                               
,cu44u,c,cu44u,c,cu44u,c,cu44u,c,cu44u,c
 llm m   111 llm m   111                
44444 llm m   111                d,hb   
llm m   111               44444 111 111 
111 111   ,cu44u,c      ,cu44u,c        
,cu44u,c 111   vu11uv      vu11uv       

vu11uv 111   vdk bv      vdk bv      vdk
 bv ,cdkb,c  vu44uv      vu44uv         
vu44uv 11   vu44uv      vu44uv          
vu44uv 111   vu44uv      vu44uv         
vu44uv 111   ,cu44u,c      ,cu44u,c     
,cu44u,c 111 111 111 111 111 111 111 111
   ,cu11u,c                  ,cu11u,c   
111   vu11uv                  vu11uv 111
   vdk bv                  vdk bv 111   
vu44uv                  vu44uv dkb      
vu44uv                  vu44uv 111      
vu44uv                  vu44uv ,c ,c    
,cu44u,c                  ,cu44u,c  ,the
 cariages and the unarmed4     ,a     ,a
     ,a     ,a     ,a     ,a ,a         
,cu11u,c,cu11u,c,cu11u,c,cu11u,c,cu11u,c
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vu11uvvu11uvvu11uvvu11uvvu11uv   111rrrm
 mll m vdk bvvdk bvvdk bvvdk bvvdk bv   
dkbrrrm mll s                           
vu44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uv   111dkbm
 mll llvu44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uv   
111rrrtksll 44vu44                      
vvu44uvvu44uvvu44uvvu44uv   111rrrm mtk 
,cu44u,c,cu44u,c  44u,c,cu44u,c,cu44u,c 

111rrrm msl 111   m mll 111   m mll d,hb
           111   m mll 4444          111
   m mll 111 111 111 ,cu11u,c           
,cu11u,c      ,cu11u,c   111 vu11uv     
uv11uv      uv11uv   111 vdk bv      vdk
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      vu44uv  ,cdkb,c vu44uv      vu44uv
      vu44uv   111 vu44uv      vu44uv   
vu44uv   111 ,cu44u,c      ,cu44u,c     
,cu44u,c   111 111 111 111 111 111 111  
111 ,cu11u,c                  ,cu11u,c  
111 vu11uv                  uv11uv   111
 vdk bv                  vdk bv   111   
vu44uv                  vu44uv   111    
vu44uv                  vu44uv   dkb    
vu44uv                  vu44uv   111    
,cu44u,c                  ,cu44u,c   ,c 
,c   ,,the ,,fift ,,figure   ,a 7 1111  
,c7 1111 ,c7 1111 ,c71111,c7111177v7    
v,cv,c71111,c7 1111 ,c ,a   u 1111 uu   
1111 uu 1111                            
uu1111uu1111uvvvvvvvvu1111uu 1111 u   u 
1111 uu  dkb uu  dkb uu dkbuu           
dkbuvvvvvvvvu dkbuu 1111 u   u  dkb uu  
4444 uu 4444 uu4444uu4444u7vv           

vvv,cu4444uu  dkb u  ,a ,a u 1111 uu    
4444 uu 4444                            
uu4444uu4444uvvvvvvvvu4444uu 1111 u   u 
1111 uu 4444 uu 4444                    
uu4444uu4444uvvvvvvvvu4444uu 1111 u ,a  
7 1111 ,c7 4444 ,c7 4444                
,c74444,c74444,c7v7 v,cv,c7444477 1111  
,c ,a 7 uuu,c                           
7  uuu ,c   11114444                    
44441111 ,a   11114444    4444          
44441111   11dkb444    d,hb             
44dkb11 ,a 11114444    4444             
44441111   11114444                     
44441111 ,a   7 n n n,c                 
7 n n n,c ,a 7 u u u,c                  
7 u u u,c   11114444                    
44441111   11114444                     
444,,iii44                44441111 ,a   
11 dkb44                  44 mm 44      
44 dkb11 ,a 11114444                  44
 t,gs44                44441111         
11114444                  44444444      
44441111   7 n n n,c                    
7 n n n,c ,a   7 u u u,c                
71111,c71111,c               7 u u u,c  

,a 11114444               u1111uu1111u  
44441111   11114444                     
u1111uu1111u               44441111 ,a  
11 dkb44               u dkbuu dkbu     
44 dkb11   11114444                     
u1111uu1111u               44441111     
11114444               u1111uu1111u     
44441111 ,a 7 n n n,c                   
71111,c71111,c               7 n n n,c  
_/  _/ ,a 7 u u u,c                     
7 u u u,c ,a   11114444                 
44441111   11114444                     
44441111   11 dkb44                     
44 dkb11 ,a 11114444                    
44441111 ,a   11114444                  
44441111   7 n n n,c                    
7 n n n,c   7 u u u,c                   
7 u u u,c ,a 11114444                   
44441111 ,a   11114444                  
4444    44441111   11 dkb44             
d ,hb    44 dkb11   11114444            
4444    44 dkb11 ,a 11114444            
44441111 ,a   7 n n n,c                 
7 n n n,c   7 1111 ,c74444,c 7 r7 r,c   
r,c 74444,c74444,c74444,c74444,c7 1111  

,c   u 1111                             
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u  dkb uu dkbu rrrrrrrrrrru dkbnu dkbuu 
dkbuu dkbuu  dkb u   u 1111 uu1111urr   
dkb dkb ru1111uu1111uu1111uu1111uu 1111 
u   u 1111 uu1111u                      
rrrrrrrrrrru1111uu1111uu1111uu1111uu    
1111 u ,a 7 1111 ,c71111,c 7 r7 r,c r,c 
71111u71111,c71111,c71111,c7 1111 ,c ,a 
mmmm mmmm                               
mmmm mmmm   mmmm mmmm                   
mmmm mmmm   mmmm mmmm                   
mmmm mmmm   mmmtksmmm                   
mmmtksmmm   mmmm mmmm                   
mmmm mmmm   mmmm mmmm                   
mmmm mmmm   mmmm mmmm                   
mmmm mmmm          ,a      ,a      ,a   
,a     ,a mmmmmmmm ,cv,c7u1 1u,c7u1     
1u,c7u1 1u,c7u11u,c7u1 mmmmmmmm vvvru1  
1urru1 1urru1 1urru11urru11 mmmmmmmm    
vvvrudkburrudkburrd k brrdk brrudk      
mmmtksmmmvvvru4 4urru4 4urru4           
4urru44urru44 mmmmmmmm vvvru4 4ruur4    

4urru4 4urru44urru44 mmmmmmmm vvv7u4    
4u,c7u4 4u,c7u4 4u,c7u44u,c,cu 4        
mmmmmmmm vvv711111,c                    
dkbr111444r       4444        4lll      
vvvr1dkb44r       d,hb         4 4m     
vvvr111444r       4444        444t      
vvvr111444r                   4444      
vvv7111444,c          vvv7111444,c      
vvvr111444r      7u1 1u,c      7u11     
7v,cr1dkb 4r      ru4 1ur      ru11     
r111444r      rudkbur      ru1d         
r111444r      ru4 4ur      ru44         
r111444r      ru4 4ur      ru44         
7111444,c      7u4 4u,c      7u4        
7111444,c             r111444r          
r1dkb44r             r111444r           
r111444r             7111444,c          
7111444,c             r111444r      7u4 
4u,c             r1dkb44r      ru1 1ur  
r111444r      rudkbur                   
r111444r      ru4 4ur             7111  
44,c      ru4 4ur             7111444,c 
7u4 4u,c             r111444r      7u4  
4u,c             r11dkb4r               
r111444r             r111444r           

7111 44,c             7111111,c         
r111111r             r1 dkb1r           
r111111r             r111111r           
7111111,c       ,a     ,a       ,a      
,a      ,a 1u,c7u1 1u,c7u1 1u,c7u1      
1u,c7u1 1u,c7v7 mmmmmmmm 1urru1 1urru1  
1urru1 1urru1 1urvvv mmmmmmmm           
b1rr1dkb1rr1dkb1rr1dkb1rr dkb rvvv      
mmmmmmmm 4urru4 4urru4 4urru4 4urru4    
4urvvvmmmtkfmmm 4urru4 4urru4 4urru4    
4urru4 4urvvv mmmmmmmm 4u,c7u4 4u,c7u4  
4u,c7u4 4u,c,cu4 4u7vvv mmmmmmmm        
744411,cvvv mmmmmmmm 4ll44       4444   
r444111rdkb 4m4         d,hb            
r4dkb1 rvvv ,gs44        4444           
r444111rvvv 4444                        
r444111rvvv                         7444
 11,cvvv 1u,c       7u4 4u,c       7444 
11,cvvv 1ur       ru1 1ur               
r444111rvvv kb1r      r1dkb1r           
r4dkb1 r,c 7 1ur       ru4 4ur          
r444111r 1ur       ru4 4ur              
r444111r 1u,c       7u4 4u7       7444  
11,c                         7444 11,c  
r444111r                         r4dkb1 

r                         r444111r      
r444111r                                
7444111,c                               
7444111,c           7u1 1u,c            
r44411 r           ru1 1ur       r4dkb1 
r           r1dkb1r       r444111r      
ru4 4ur       r444111r           ru4 4ur
       7444 11,c           7u4 4u,c     
7444 11,c                               
r444111r                         r4dkb1 
r                         r444111r      
r444111r                         7444   
11,c                         7111 11,c  
r111111r                         r1dkb1 
r                         r111111r      
r111111r                         7111   
11,c        ,,nicholas ,,machiavel',s   
,,prince  ,,translated ,,out ,,of       
,,italian ,,into ,,english ,,by  ,e4,d4 
,,with ,,some ,,animadversions ,,noting 
,,and ,,taxing ,,his ,,errors  #afdj    
,,to ,,the ,,most ,,noble ,,and         
,,illustrious1 ,,james ,duke of ,lenox1 
,earle of ,march1 ,baron of ,setrington1
 ,darnly1 ,terbanten1 and ,methuen1     

,lord ,great ,chamberlain and ,admiral  
of ,scotland1 ,knight of the most ,noble
 ,order of the ,garter1 and one of his  
,majesties most honourable ,privy       
,counsel in both kingdomes4  ,poysons   
are not all of that malignant and       
noxious quality1 that as destructives of
 ,nature1 they are utterly to be abhord2
 but we find many1 nay most of them have
 their medicinal uses4 ,this book       
carries its poyson and malice in it2 yet
 mee thinks the judicious peruser may   
honestly make use of it in the actions  
of his life1 with advantage4 ,the       
,lamprey1 they say1 hath a venemous     
string runs all along the back of it2   
take that out1 and it is serv'd in for a
 choyce dish to dainty palates2         
,epictetus the ,philosopher1 sayes1     
,every thing hath two handles1 as the   
fire brand1 it may be taken up at one   
end in the bare hand without hurt3 the  
other being laid hold on1 will cleave to
 the very flesh1 and the smart of it    
will pierce even to the heart4 ,sin hath

 the condition of the fiery end2 the    
touch of it is wounding with griefe unto
 the soule3 nay it is worse2 one sin    
goes not alone but hath many            
consequences4 ,your ,grace may find the 
truth of this in your perusal of this   
,author3 your judgement shall easily    
direct you in finding out the good uses 
of him3 ,i have pointed at his chiefest 
errors with my best endeavors1 and have 
devoted them to your ,graces service3   
which if you shall accept and protect1  
,i shall remain  ,your ,graces humble   
and devoted servant1  ,,edward ,,dacres4
     ,,the ,,epistle ,,to ,,the         
,,reader4   ,questionless some men will 
blame me for making this ,author speak  
in our vulgar tongue4 ,for his ,maximes 
and ,tenents are condemnd of all1 as    
pernicious to all ,christian ,states1   
and hurtfull to all humane ,societies4  
,herein ,i shall answer for my self with
 the ,comoedian1 ,placere studeo bonis  
quam plurimis1 et minim multos ldere3 ,i
 endeavor to give content to the most ,i

 can of those that are well disposed1   
and no scandal to any4 ,i grant1 ,i find
 him blamed and condemned3 ,i do no less
 my self4 ,reader1 either do thou read  
him without a prejudicate opinion1 and  
out of thy own judgement taxe his       
errors2 or at least1 if thou canst stoop
 so low1 make use of my pains to help   
thee2 ,i will promise thee this reward  
for thy labor3 if thou consider well the
 actions of the world1 thou shalt find  
him much practised by those that condemn
 him2 who willingly would walk as       
theeves do with close lanternes in the  
night1 that they being undescried1 and  
yet seeing all1 might surprise the      
unwary in the dark4 ,surely this book   
will infect no man3 out of the wicked   
treasure of a mans own wicked heart1 he 
drawes his malice and mischief4 ,from   
the same flower the ,bee sucks honey1   
from whence the ,spider hath his poyson4
 ,and he that means well1 shall be here 
warnd1 where the deceitfull man learnes 
to set his snares4 ,a judge who hath    

often used to examine theeves1 becomes  
the more expert to sift out their       
tricks4 ,if mischief come hereupon1     
blame not me1 nor blame my ,author3 lay 
the saddle on the right horse3 but ,hony
 soit qui mal y pense3 let shame light  
on him that hatcht the mischief4        
,,the ,,prince  ,,nicholas              
,,machiavelli1  to the ,magnificent     
,,laurence sonne to ,,peter ,,of        
,,medicis health4   ,they that desire to
 ingratiate themselves with a ,prince1  
commonly use to offer themselves to his 
view1 with things of that nature as such
 persons take most pleasure and delight 
in3 whereupon we see they are many times
 presented with ,horses and ,armes1     
cloth of gold1 pretious stones1 and such
 like ornaments1 worthy of their        
greatness4 ,having then a mind to offer 
up my self to your ,magnificence1 with  
some testimony of my service to you1 ,i 
found nothing in my whole inventory1    
that ,i think better of1 or more        
esteeme1 than the knowlege of great mens

 actions1 which ,i have learned by a    
long experience of modern affairs1 and a
 continual reading of those of the      
ancients4 ,which1 now that ,i have with 
great diligence long workt it out1 and  
throughly sifted1 ,i commend to your    
,magnificence4 ,and1 however ,i may well
 think this work unworthy of your view2 
yet such is your humanity1 that ,i doubt
 not but it shall find acceptance1      
considering1 that for my part ,i am not 
able to tender a greater gift1 than to  
present you with the means1 whereby in a
 very short time you may be able to     
understand all that1 which ,i1 in the   
space of many years1 and with many      
sufferances and dangers1 have made proof
 and gaind the knowledge of4 ,and this  
work ,i have not set forth either with  
elegancy of discourse or stile1 nor with
 any other ornament whereby to captivate
 the reader1 as others use1 because ,i  
would not have it gain its esteem from  
elsewhere than from the truth of the    
matter1 and the gravity of the subject4 

,nor can this be thought presumption1 if
 a man of humble and low condition      
venture to dilate and discourse upon the
 governments of ,princes2 for even as   
they that with their pensils designe out
 countreys1 get themselves into the     
plains below to consider the nature of  
the mountains1 and other high places    
above2 and again to consider the plains 
below1 they get up to the tops of the   
mountains2 in like manner to understand 
the nature of the people1 it is fit to  
be a ,prince2 and to know well the      
dispositions of ,princes1 sutes best    
with the understanding of a subject4    
,your ,magnificence then may be pleased1
 to receive this small present1 with the
 same mind that ,i send it2 which if you
 shall throughly peruse and consider1   
you shall perceive therein that ,i      
exceedingly wish1 that you may attain to
 that greatness1 which your own fortune1
 and your excellent endowments promise  
you3 and if your ,magnificence from the 
very point of your ,highness shall      

sometime cast your eyes upon these      
inferior places1 you shall see how      
undeservedly ,i undergoe an extream and 
continual despight of ,fortune4         
,,the ,,table ,,of ,,the ,,chapters     
,,chap4 #a4  ,how many sorts of         
,principalities there are1 and how many 
wayes they are attained to1 #bfc        
,,chap4 #b4  ,of hereditary             
,principalities1 #bfd  ,,chap4 #c4  ,of 
mixt ,principalities1 #bfe  ,,chap4 #d4 
,wherefore ,darius his ,kingdome1 taken 
by ,alexander1 rebelled not against his 
successors after ,alexanders death1 #bgc
  ,,chap4 #e4  ,in what manner ,cities  
and ,principalities are to be governed1 
which before they were conquered1 lived 
under their own laws1 #bgf  ,,chap4 #f4 
,of new ,principalities that are        
conquered by ones own armes and valor1  
#bgg  ,,chap4 #g4  ,of new              
,principalities gotten by fortune and   
other mens forces1 #bha  ,,chap4 #h4    
,concerning those who by wicked means   
have attaind to a ,principality1 #bhi   

,,chap4 #i4  ,of the ,civil             
,principality1 #bic  ,,chap4 #aj4  ,in  
what manner the forces of all           
,principalities ought to be measured1   
#big  ,,chap4 #aa4  ,concerning         
,ecclesiastical ,principalities1 #bii   
,,chap4 #ab4  ,how many sorts of        
,military discipline there be2 and      
touching mercenary soldiers1 #cjb       
,,chap4 #ac4  ,of ,auxiliary ,soldiers1 
mixt and natives1 #cjg  ,,chap4 #ad4    
,what belongs to the ,prince touching   
military discipline1 #caj  ,,chap4 #ae4 
,of those things in respect whereof men1
 and especially ,princes are prais'd or 
disprais'd1 #cac  ,,chap4 #af4  ,of     
,liberality and ,miserableness1 #cae    
,,chap4 #ag4  ,of ,cruelty and          
,clemency1 and whether it is better to  
be belov'd or feared1 #cah  ,,chap4 #ah4
  ,in what manner ,princes ought to keep
 their word1 #cba  ,,chap4 #ai4  ,that  
,princes should take a care not to incur
 contempt or hatred1 #cbe  ,,chap4 #bj4 
,whether the ,citadels and many other   

things1 which ,princes make use of1 are 
profitable or dammageable1 #cce  ,,chap4
 #ba4  ,how a ,prince ought to behave   
himself to gain reputation1 #cci        
,,chap4 #bb4  ,touching ,princes        
,secretaries1 #cdc  ,,chap4 #bc4  ,that 
,flatterers are to be avoyded1 #cdd     
,,chap4 #bd4  ,wherefore the ,princes of
 ,italy have lost their ,states1 #cdg   
,,chap4 #be4  ,how great power ,fortune 
hath in humane affairs1 and what means  
there is to resist it1 #cdi  ,,chap4    
#bf4  ,an exhortation to free ,italy    
from the ,barbarions1 #cec     ,,the    
,,prince  ,written by  ,,nicholas       
,,machiavelli1 ,secretary and ,citizen  
of ,florence4   ,,chap4 ,i  ,how many   
sorts of ,principalities there are1 and 
how many wayes they are attained to4    
,all ,states1 all ,dominions that have  
had1 or now have rule over men1 have    
been and are1 either ,republiques or    
,principalities4 ,principalities are    
either hereditary1 whereof they of the  
blood of the ,lord thereof have long    

time been ,princes2 or else they are    
new2 and those that are new1 are either 
all new1 as was the ,dutchy of ,millan  
to ,francis ,sforce2 or are as members  
adjoyned to the hereditary ,state of the
 ,prince that gains it2 as the ,kingdom 
of ,naples is to the ,king of ,spain4   
,these ,dominions so gotten1 are        
accustomed either to live under a       
,prince1 or to enjoy their liberty2 and 
are made conquest of1 either with others
 forces1 or ones own1 either by fortune1
 or by valor4     ,,chap4 ,,ii  ,of     
,hereditary ,principalities4   ,i will  
not here discourse of ,republiques1     
because ,i have other where treated of  
them at large3 ,i will apply my self    
only to a ,principality1 and proceed1   
while ,i weave this web1 by arguing     
thereupon1 how these ,principallities   
can be governed and maintained4 ,i say  
then that in ,states of inheritance1 and
 accustomed to the blood of their       
,princes1 there are far fewer           
difficulties to keep them1 than in the  

new3 for it suffices only not to        
transgress the course his ,ancestors    
took1 and so afterward to temporise with
 those accidents that can happen2 that  
if such a ,prince be but of ordinary    
industry1 he shall allwaies be able to  
maintain himself in his ,state1 unless  
by some extraordinary or excessive power
 he be deprived thereof2 and when he had
 lost it1 upon the least sinister chance
 that befalls the usurper1 he recovers  
it again4 ,we have in ,italy the ,duke  
of ,ferrara for example hereof1 who was 
of ability to resist the ,venetians1 in 
the year #hd1 and to withstand ,pope    
,julius in the tenth for no other       
reason1 than because he had of old      
continued in that rule2 for the natural 
,prince hath fewer occasions1 and less  
heed to give offence1 whereupon of      
necessity he must be more beloved2 and  
unless it be that some extravagant vices
 of his bring him into hatred1 it is    
agreeable to reason1 that naturally he  
should be well beloved by his own       

subjects3 and in the antiquity and      
continuation of the ,dominion1 the      
remembrances and occasions of           
innovations are quite extinguished3 for 
evermore one change leaves a kind of    
breach or dent1 to fasten the building  
of another4     ,,chap4 ,,iii  ,of mixt 
,principalities4   ,but the difficulties
 consist in the new ,principality2 and  
first1 if it be not all new1 but as a   
member1 so that it may be termed        
altogether as mixt2 and the variations  
thereof proceed in the first place from 
a natural difficulty1 which we commonly 
finde in all new ,principalities2 for   
men do willingly change their ,lord1    
beleeving to better their condition2 and
 this beliefe causes them to take armes 
against him that rules over them1       
whereby they deceive themselves1 because
 they find after by experience1 they    
have made it worse3 which depends upon  
another natural and ordinary necessity1 
forcing him alwaies to offend those1    
whose ,prince he newly becomes1 as well 

by his soldiers he is put to entertain  
upon them as by many other injuries1    
which a new conquest draws along with   
it2 in such manner as thou findest all  
those thine enemies1 whom thou hast     
endammaged in the seizing of that       
,principality1 and afterwards canst not 
keep them thy friends that have seated  
thee in it1 for not being able to       
satisfie them according to their        
expectations1 nor put in practice strong
 remedies against them1 being obliged to
 them4 ,for however one be very well    
provided with strong armies1 yet hath he
 alwaies need of the favor of the       
inhabitants in the ,countrey1 to enter  
thereinto4 ,for these reasons1 ,lewis   
the twelfth1 ,king of ,france1 suddenly 
took ,milan1 and as soon lost it2 and   
the first time ,lodwick his own forces  
served well enough to wrest it out of   
his hands2 for those people that had    
opened him the gates1 finding themselves
 deceived of their opinion1 and of that 
future good which they had promised     

themselves1 could not endure the        
distastes the new ,prince gave them4    
,true it is1 that ,countreys that have  
rebelled again the second time1 being   
recovered1 are harder lost2 for their   
,lord1 taking occasion from their       
rebellion1 is less respective of        
persons1 but cares only to secure       
himself1 by punishing the delinquents1  
to clear all suspicions1 and to provide 
for himself where he thinks he is       
weakest3 so that if to make ,france lose
 ,milan the first time1 it was enough   
for ,duke ,lodwick to make some small   
stir only upon the confines2 yet        
afterwards1 before they could make him  
lose it the second time1 they had need  
of the whole world together against him1
 and that all his armies should be      
wasted and driven out of ,italy2 which  
proceeded from the forenamed causes3    
however though both the first and second
 time it was taken from him4 ,the       
generall causes of the first we have    
treated of2 it remains now that we see  

those of the second2 and set down the   
remedies that he had1 or any one else   
can have that should chance to be in    
those termes he was1 whereby he might be
 able to maintain himself better in his 
conquest than the ,king of ,france did4 
,i say therefore1 that these ,states    
which by ,conquest are annexed to the   
ancient states of their conqueror1 are  
either of the same province and the same
 language1 or otherwise2 and when they  
are1 it is very easy to hold them1      
especially when they are not used to    
live free2 and to enjoy them securely1  
it is enough to have extinguished the   
,princes line who ruled over them3 ,for 
in other matters1 allowing them their   
ancient conditions1 and there being not 
much difference of manners betwixt them1
 men ordinarily live quiet enough2 as we
 have seen that ,burgundy did1 ,britany1
 ,gascony1 and ,normandy1 which so long 
time continued with ,france3 for however
 there be some difference of language   
between them1 yet can they easily       

comport one with another2 and whosoever 
makes the conquest of them1 meaning to  
hold them1 must have two regards2 the   
first1 that the race of their former    
,prince be quite extinguished2 the      
other1 that he change nothing1 neither  
in their lawes nor taxes1 so that in a  
very short time they become one entire  
body with their ancient ,principality4  
,but when any ,states are gaind in a    
,province disagreeing in language1      
manners1 and orders1 here are the       
difficulties1 and here is there need of 
good fortune1 and great industry to     
maintain them2 and it would be one of   
the best and livelyest remedies1 for the
 ,conqueror to goe in person and dwell  
there2 this would make the possession   
hereof more secure and durable2 as the  
,turk hath done in ,greece1 who among   
all the other courses taken by him for  
to hold that ,state1 had he not gone    
thither himself in person to dwell1 it  
had never been possible for him to have 
kept it3 for abiding there1 he sees the 

disorders growing in their beginnings1  
and forthwith can remedy them2 whereas  
being not there present1 they are heard 
of when they are grown to some height1  
and then is there no help for them4     
,moreover1 the ,province is not pillaged
 by the officers thou sendest thither3  
the subjects are much satisfied of      
having recourse to the ,prince near at  
hand1 whereupon have they more reason to
 love him1 if they mean to be good2 and 
intending to do otherwise1 to fear him3 
and forrein ,princes will be well aware 
how they invade that ,state2 insomuch1  
that making his abode there1 he can very
 hardly lose it4 ,another remedy1 which 
is also a better1 is to send ,colonies  
into one or two places1 which may be as 
it were the keys of that ,state2 for it 
is necessary either to do this1 or to   
maintain there many horse and foot4 ,in 
these colonies the ,prince makes no     
great expence1 and either without his   
charge1 or at a very small rate1 he may 
both send and maintain them2 and gives  

offence only to them from whom he takes 
their fields and houses1 to bestow them 
on those new inhabitants who are but a  
very small part of that ,state2 and     
those that he offends1 remaining        
dispersed and poore1 can never hurt him3
 and all the rest on one part1 have no  
offence given them1 and therefore a     
small matter keeps them in quiet3 on the
 other side1 they are wary not to erre1 
for fear it befalls not them1 as it did 
those that were dispoild4 ,i conclude   
then1 that those colonies that are not  
chargeable1 are the more trusty1 give   
the less offence2 and they that are     
offended1 being but poor and scattered1 
can do but little harme1 as ,i have     
said2 for it is to be noted1 that men   
must either be dallyed and flattered    
withall1 or else be quite crusht2 for   
they revenge themselves of small        
dammages2 but of great ones they are not
 able2 so that when wrong is done to any
 man1 it ought so to be done1 that it   
need fear no return of revenge again4   

,but in lieu of ,colonies1 by           
maintaining soldiers there1 the expence 
is great2 for the whole revenues of that
 ,state are to be spent in the keeping  
of it2 so the conquest proves but a loss
 to him that hath got it1 and endammages
 him rather2 for it hurts that whole    
,state to remove the army from place to 
place1 of which annoyance every one hath
 a feeling1 and so becomes enemie to    
thee2 as they are enemies1 ,i wis1 who  
are outraged by thee in their own       
houses1 whensoever they are able to do  
thee mischief4 ,every way then is this  
guard unprofitable4 ,besides1 he that is
 in a different ,province1 7as it is    
said7 should make himself ,head and     
defender of his less powerfull          
neighbors1 and devise alwaies to weaken 
those that are more mighty therein1 and 
take care that upon no chance there     
enter not any foreiner as mighty as     
himself2 for it will alwaies come to    
pass1 that they shall be brought in by  
those that are discontented1 either upon

 ambition1 or fear2 as the ,etolians    
brought the ,romans into ,greece2 and   
they were brought into every countrey   
they came1 by the ,natives2 and the     
course of the matter is1 that so soon as
 a powerfull ,stranger enters a         
countrey1 all those that are the less   
powerfull there1 cleave to him1 provoked
 by an envy they beare him that is more 
mighty than they2 so that for these of  
the weaker sort1 he may easily gain them
 without any pains3 for presently all of
 them together very willingly make one  
lump with that he hath gotten3 ,he hath 
only to beware that these increase not  
their strengths1 nor their authorities1 
and so he shall easily be able by his   
own forces1 and their assistances1 to   
take down those that are mighty1 and    
remain himself absolute arbitre of that 
,countrey4 ,and he that playes not well 
this part1 shall quickly lose what he   
hath gotten2 and while he holds it1     
shall find therein a great many troubles
 and vexations4 ,the ,romans in the     

,provinces they seiz'd on1 observed well
 these points1 sent colonies thither1   
entertained the weaker sort1 without    
augmenting any thing their power1 abated
 the forces of those that were mighty1  
and permitted not any powerfull         
forreiner to gain too much reputation   
there4 ,and ,i will content my self only
 with the countrey of ,greece for       
example hereof4 ,the ,achayans and      
,etolians were entertained by them1 the 
,macedons kingdome was brought low1     
,antiochus was driven thence1 nor ever  
did the ,achayans or ,etolians deserts  
prevail so far for them1 that they would
 ever promise to enlarge their ,state1  
nor the perswasions of ,philip induce   
them ever to be his friends1 without    
bringing him lower2 nor yet could       
,antiochus his power make them ever     
consent that he should hold any ,state  
in that countrey3 for the ,romans did in
 these cases that which all judicious   
,princes ought to do1 who are not only  
to have regard unto all present         

mischiefs1 but also to the future1 and  
to provide for those with all industry2 
for by taking order for those when they 
are afarre off1 it is easie to prevent  
them2 but by delaying till they come    
near hand to thee1 the remedy comes too 
late2 for this malignity is grown       
incurable3 and it befalls this1 as the  
physicians say of the hectick feaver1   
that in the beginning it is easily      
cur'd1 but hardly known2 but in the     
course of time1 not having been known in
 the beginning1 nor cured1 it becomes   
easie to know1 but hard to cure4 ,even  
so falls it out in matters of ,state2   
for by knowing it aloof off 7which is   
given only to a wise man to do7 the     
mischiefs that then spring up1 are      
quickly helped2 but when1 for not having
 been perceived1 they are suffered to   
increase1 so that every one sees them1  
there is then no cure for them3         
therefore the ,romans1 seeing these     
inconvenients afar off1 alwaies         
prevented them1 and never sufferd them  

to follow2 for to escape a war1 because 
they knew that a war is not undertaken1 
but deferred for anothers advantage2    
therefore would they rather make a war  
with ,philip and ,antiochus in ,greece1 
to the end it should not afterwards be  
made with them in ,italy1 though for    
that time they were able to avoid both  
the one and the other1 which they       
thought not good to do3 nor did they    
approve of that saying that is          
ordinarily in the mouthes of the ,sages 
of our dayes1 to enjoy the benefits of  
the present time2 but that rather1 to   
take the benefit of their valor and     
wisdome2 for time drives forward        
everything1 and may bring with it as    
well good as evil1 and evil as good4    
,but let us return to ,france1 and      
examine if any of the things prescribed 
have been done by them3 and we will     
speak of ,lewis1 and not of ,charles1 as
 of whom by reason of the long          
possession he held in ,italy we better  
knew the wayes he went3 and you shall   

see he did the clean contrary to what   
should have been done by him that would 
maintain a ,state of different ,language
 and conditions4 ,king ,lewis was       
brought into ,italy by the ,venetians   
ambition1 who would have gotten for     
their shares half the ,state of         
,lombardy3 ,i will not blame his        
comming1 or the course he took1 because 
he had a mind to begin to set a foot in 
,italy2 but having not any friends in   
the country1 all gates being barred     
against him1 by reason of ,king ,charles
 his carriage there1 he was constrained 
to joyn friendship with those he could2 
and this consideration well taken1 would
 have proved lucky to him1 when in the  
rest of his courses he had not committed
 any error4 ,the ,king then having      
conquered ,lombardy1 recovered presently
 all that reputation that ,charles had  
lost him2 ,genua yeelded to him1 the    
,florentines became friends with him2   
the ,marquess of ,mantua1 the ,duke of  
,ferrara1 the ,bentivolti1 the ,lady of 

,furli1 the ,lord of ,faenza1 ,pesaro   
,rimino1 ,camerino1 and ,piombino1 the  
,lucheses1 ,pisans and ,sienses1 every  
one came and offered him friendship3    
then might the ,venetians consider the  
rashness of the course they had taken1  
who1 only to get into their hands two   
,townes in ,lombardy1 made the ,king    
,lord of two thirds in ,italy4 ,let any 
man now consider with how small         
difficulty could the ,king have         
maintained his reputation in ,italy1 if 
he had followed these aforenamed rules1 
and secured and defended those his      
friends1 who because their number was   
great1 and they weak and fearful1 some  
of the ,church1 and others of the       
,venetians were alwaies forced to hold  
with him1 and by their means he might   
easily have been able to secure himself 
against those that were mightiest3 but  
he was no sooner got into ,milan1 than  
he took a quite wrong course1 by giving 
ayd to ,pope ,alexander1 to seize upon  
,romania1 and perceiv'd not that by this

 resolution he weakned himself1 ruining 
his own friends1 and those had cast     
themselves into his bosom1 making the   
,church puissant1 by adding to their    
,spiritual power1 they gaind their      
authority1 and so much temporal estate4 
,and having once got out of the way1 he 
was constrained to go on forward2       
insomuch as to stop ,alexanders         
ambition1 and that he should not become 
,lord of all ,tuscany1 of force he was  
to come into ,italy3 and this sufficed  
him not1 to have made the ,church       
mighty1 and taken away his own friends2 
but for the desire he had to get the    
,kingdome of ,naples1 he divided it with
 the ,king of ,spain3 and where before  
he was the sole arbitre of ,italy1 he   
brought in a competitor1 to the end that
 all the ambitious persons of that      
country1 and all that were ill affected 
to him1 might have otherwhere to make   
their recourse3 and whereas he might    
have left in that ,kingdome some        
,vice-,king of his own1 he took him from

 thence1 to place another there1 that   
might afterward chace him thence4 ,it is
 a thing indeed very natural and        
ordinary1 to desire to be of the getting
 hand3 and alwaies when men undertake   
it1 if they can effect it1 they shall be
 prais'd for it1 or at least not blam'd3
 but when they are not able1 and yet    
will undertake it1 here lies the blame1 
here is the error committed4 ,if ,france
 then was able with her own power to    
assail the ,kingdome of ,naples1 she    
might well have done it2 but not being  
able1 she should not have divided it3   
and if the division she made of         
,lombardy with the ,venetians1 deserv'd 
some excuse1 thereby to set one foot in 
,italy2 yet this merits blame1 for not  
being excused by that necessity4 ,lewis 
then committed these five faults2       
extinguisht the feebler ones1 augmented 
the ,state of another that was already  
powerful in ,italy1 brought thereinto a 
very puissant forreiner1 came not       
thither himself to dwell there1 nor     

planted any colonies there3 which faults
 while he liv'd1 he could not but be the
 worse for2 yet all could not have gone 
so ill1 had he not committed the sixt1  
to take from the ,venetians their       
,state2 for if he had not enlarg'd the  
,churches territories nor brought the   
,spaniard into ,italy1 it had bin       
necessary to take them lower2 but having
 first taken those other courses1 he    
should never have given way to their    
destruction2 for while they had been    
strong1 they would alwaies have kept the
 others off from venturing on the       
conquest of ,lombardy4 ,for the         
,venetians would never have given their 
consents thereto1 unless they should    
have been made ,lords of it themselves2 
and the others would never have taken it
 from ,france1 to give it them3 and then
 they would never have dar'd to go and  
set upon them both together4 ,and if any
 one should say1 that ,king ,lewis      
yeelded ,romania to ,alexander1 and the 
,kingdome of ,naples to ,spain1 to avoid

 a war2 ,i answer with the reasons above
 alledged1 that one should never suffer 
any disorder to follow1 for avoiding of 
a war2 for that war is not sav'd1 but   
put off to thy disadvantage4 ,and if any
 others argue1 that the ,king had given 
his word to the ,pope1 to do that       
exploit for him1 for dissolving of his  
marriage1 and for giving the ,cardinals 
,cap to him of ,roan2 ,i answer with    
that which hereafter ,i shall say       
touching ,princes words1 how they ought 
to be kept4 ,king ,lewis then lost      
,lombardy1 for not having observ'd some 
of those termes which others us'd1 who  
have possessed themselves of countries1 
and desir'd to keep them4 ,nor is this  
any strange thing1 but very ordinary and
 reasonable3 and to this purpose ,i     
spake at ,nantes with that ,french      
,cardinal1 when ,valentine 7for so      
ordinarily was ,csar ,borgia ,pope      
,alexanders son call'd7 made himself    
master of ,romania2 for when the        
,cardinal said to me1 that the ,italians

 understood not the feats of war2 ,i    
answered1 the ,frenchmen understood not 
matters of ,state3 for had they been    
well vers'd therein1 they would never   
have suffer'd the ,church to have grown 
to that greatness4 ,and by experience we
 have seen it1 that the power hereof in 
,italy1 and that of ,spain also1 was    
caused by ,france1 and their own ruine  
proceeded from themselves4 ,from whence 
a general rule may be taken1 which      
never1 or very seldom fails1 ,that he   
that gives the means to another to      
become powerful1 ruines himself2 for    
that power is caus'd by him either with 
his industry1 or with his force2 and as 
well the one as the other of these two  
is suspected by him that is grown       
puissant4     ,,chap4 ,,iv  ,wherefore  
,darius his ,kingdome taken by          
,alexander1 rebelled not against        
,alexanders ,successors after his death4
   ,the difficulties being consider'd1  
which a man hath in the maintaining of a
 ,state new gotten1 some might marvaile 

how it came to pass1 that ,alexander the
 great subdued all ,asia in a few years2
 and having hardly possessed himself of 
it1 died2 whereupon it seemed probable  
that all that ,state should have        
rebelled2 nevertheless his ,successors  
kept the possession of it1 nor found    
they other difficulty in holding it1    
than what arose among themselves through
 their own ambition4 ,i answer1 that all
 the ,principalities whereof we have    
memory left us1 have been governed in   
two several manners2 either by a        
,prince1 and all the rest ,vassals1 who 
as ministers by his favor and allowance1
 do help to govern that ,kingdom2 or by 
a ,prince and by ,barons1 who not by    
their ,princes favor1 but by the        
antiquity of blood hold that degree4    
,and these kinds of ,barons have both   
states of their own1 and ,vassals who   
acknowledge them for their ,lords2 and  
bare them a true natural affection4     
,those ,states that are govern'd by a   
,prince and by ,vassals1 have their     

,prince ruling over them with more      
authority2 for in all his countrey1     
there is none acknowledged for superior1
 but himself3 and if they yeeld         
obedience to any one else1 it is but as 
to his minister and officer1 nor beare  
they him any particular good will4 ,the 
examples of these two different         
,governments now in our dayes1 are1 the 
,turk1 and the ,king of ,france4 ,the   
,turks whole ,monarchy is govern'd by   
one ,lord1 and the rest are all his     
,vassals2 and dividing his whole        
,kingdom into divers ,sangiacques or    
,governments1 he sends several thither1 
and those he chops and changes1 as he   
pleases4 ,but the ,king of ,france is   
seated in the midst of a multitude of   
,lords1 who of old have been            
acknowledg'd for such by their subjects1
 and being belov'd by them1 enjoy their 
preheminencies2 nor can the ,king take  
their ,states from them without danger4 
,he then that considers the one and the 
other of these two ,states1 shall find  

difficulty in the conquest of the ,turks
 ,state2 but when once it is subdu'd1   
great facility to hold it4 ,the reasons 
of these difficulties in taking of the  
,turks ,kingdom from him1 are1 because  
the ,invader cannot be called in by the 
,princes of that ,kingdom1 nor hope by  
the rebellion of those which he hath    
about him1 to be able to facilitate his 
enterprize3 which proceeds from the     
reasons aforesaid2 for they being all   
his slaves1 and oblig'd to him1 can more
 hardly be corrupted2 and put case they 
were corrupted1 little profit could he  
get by it1 they not being able to draw  
after them any people1 for the reasons  
we have shewed3 whereupon he that       
assails the ,turk1 must think to find   
him united2 and must rather relie upon  
his own forces1 than in the others      
disorders3 but when once he is overcome 
and broken in the field1 so that he     
cannot repair his armies1 there is      
nothing else to be doubted than the     
,royal blood1 which being once quite    

out1 there is none else left to be      
feard1 none of the others having any    
credit with the people4 ,and as the     
conqueror before the victory could not  
hope in them2 so after it1 ought he not 
to fear them4 ,the contrary falls out in
 ,kingdoms governed as is that of       
,france3 for it is easie to be enterd by
 the gaining of any ,baron in the       
,kingdom2 for there are alwaies some    
malecontents to be found1 and those that
 are glad of innovation4 ,those for the 
reasons alledg'd are able to open thee a
 way into that ,state1 and to further   
thy victory1 which afterwards to make   
good to thee1 draws with it exceeding   
many difficulties1 as well with those   
that have ayded thee1 as those thou hast
 supprest4 ,nor is it enough for thee to
 root out the ,princes race3 for there  
remaine still those ,lords who quickly  
will be the ring-leaders of new changes2
 and in case thou art not able to       
content these1 nor extinguish them1 thou
 losest that ,state1 whensoever the     

occasion is offerd4 ,now if thou shalt  
consider what sort of government that of
 ,darius was1 thou shalt find it like to
 the ,turks dominion1 and therefore     
,alexander was necessitated first to    
defeat him utterly1 and drive him out of
 the field2 after which victory ,darius 
being dead1 that ,state was left secure 
to ,alexander1 for the reasons we       
treated of before3 and his successors1  
had they continued in amity1 might have 
enjoy'd it at ease3 nor ever arose there
 in that ,kingdome other tumults1 than  
those they themselves stir'd up4 ,but of
 the ,states that are order'd and       
grounded as that of ,france1 it is      
impossible to become master at such     
ease3 and from hence grew the frequent  
rebellions of ,spain1 ,france1 and      
,greece against the ,romans1 by reason  
of the many ,principalities those       
,states had3 whereof while the memory   
lasted1 the ,romans were alwayes        
doubtfull of the possession of them2 but
 the memory of them being quite wip't   

out1 by the power and continuance of the
 ,empire1 at length they enjoy'd it     
securely2 and they also were able       
afterwards fighting one with another1   
each of one them to draw after them the 
greater part of those provinces1        
according as their authority had gain'd 
them credit therein3 and that because   
the blood of their ancient ,lords was   
quite spent1 they acknowledg'd no other 
but the ,romans4 ,by the consideration  
then of these things1 no man will       
marvaile that ,alexander had so little  
trouble to keep together the ,state of  
,asia2 and that others have had such    
great difficulties to maintain their    
conquest1 as ,pyrrhus1 and many others2 
which proceeds not from the small or    
great valour of the conquerour1 but from
 the difference of the subject4         
,,chap4 ,v  ,in what manner ,cities and 
,principalities are to be govern'd1     
which1 before they were conquer'd1 liv'd
 under their own ,laws4   ,when those   
,states that are conquered1 as it is    

said1 have been accustomed to live under
 their own ,laws1 and in liberty1 there 
are three wayes for a man to hold them4 
,the first is to demolish all their     
strong places2 the other1 personally to 
goe and dwell there2 the third1 to      
suffer them to live under their own     
,laws1 drawing from them some tribute1  
and creating therein an ,oligarchy1 that
 may continue it in thy service3 for    
that ,state being created by that       
,prince1 knowes it cannot consist       
without his aid and force1 who is like  
to doe all he can to maintain it2 and   
with more facility is a ,city kept by   
meanes of her own ,citizens1 which hath 
been us'd before to live free1 than by  
any other way of keeping4 ,we have for  
example the ,spartans and the ,romans2  
the ,spartans held ,athens and ,thebes1 
creating there an ,oligarchy3 yet they  
lost it4 ,the ,romans to be sure of     
,capua1 ,carthage1 and ,numantia1       
dismantell'd them quite1 and so lost    
them not3 they would have kept ,greece  

as the ,spartans had held them1 leaving 
them free1 and letting them enjoy their 
own ,laws2 and it prospered not with    
them3 so that they were forc'd to deface
 many ,cities of that province to hold  
it4 ,for in truth there is not a surer  
way to keep them under1 than by         
demolishments2 and whoever becomes      
master of a ,city us'd to live free1 and
 dismantells it not1 let him look       
himselfe to bee ruin'd by it2 for it    
alwayes in time of rebellion takes the  
name of liberty for refuge1 and the     
ancient orders it had2 which neither by 
length of time1 nor for any favours     
afforded them1 are ever forgotten2 and  
for any thing that can be done1 or      
order'd1 unlesse the inhabitants be     
disunited and dispers'd1 that name is   
never forgotten1 nor those customes3 but
 presently in every chance recourse is  
thither made3 as ,pisa did after so many
 yeeres that she had been subdu'd by the
 ,florentines4 ,but when the ,cities or 
the ,provinces are accustomed to live   

under a ,prince1 and that whole race is 
quite extirpated3 on one part being us'd
 to obey2 on the other1 not having their
 old ,prince2 they agree not to make one
 from among themselves3 they know not   
how to live in liberty1 in such manner  
that they are much slower to take armes2
 and with more facility may a ,prince   
gaine them1 and secure himselfe of them4
 ,but in ,republiques there is more life
 in them1 more violent hatred1 more     
earnest desire of revenge2 nor does the 
remembrance of the ancient liberty ever 
leave them1 or suffer them to rest2 so  
that the safest way1 is1 either to ruine
 them1 or dwell among them4     ,,chap4 
,,vi  ,of new ,principalities1 that are 
conquer'd by ones own armes and valour4 
,let no man marvaile1 if in the         
discourse ,i shall make of new          
,principalities1 both touching a        
,prince1 and touching a ,state1 ,i shall
 alledge very famous examples3 for      
seeing men almost alwayes walk in the   
pathes beaten by others1 and proceed in 

their actions by imitation2 and being   
that others wayes cannot bee exactly    
follow'd1 nor their vertues1 whose      
patterne thou set'st before thee1       
attain'd unto2 a wise man ought alwayes 
to tread the footsteps of the worthiest 
persons1 and imitate those that have    
been the most excellent3 to the end that
 if his vertue arrive not thereto1 at   
least it may yeeld some favour thereof1 
and doe as good ,archers use1 who       
thinking the place they intend to hit1  
too farre distant1 and knowing how farr 
the strength of their bow will carry1   
they lay their ayme a great deale higher
 than the mark2 not for to hit so high  
with their arrow1 but to bee able with  
the help of so high an aime to reach the
 place they shoot at4 ,i say1 that in   
,principalities wholly new1 where there 
is a new ,prince1 there is more and     
lesse difficulty in maintaining them1 as
 the vertue of their ,conquerour is     
greater or lesser4 ,and because this    
successe1 to become a ,prince of a      

private man1 presupposes either vertue1 
or fortune2 mee thinks the one and other
 of these two things in part should     
mitigate many difficulties2 however he  
that hath lesse stood upon fortune1 hath
 maintain'd himselfe the better4        
,moreover it somewhat facilitates the   
matter in that the ,prince is           
constrain'd1 because he hath not other  
dominions1 in person to come and dwell  
there4 ,but to come to these who by     
their own vertues1 and not by fortune1  
attain'd to be ,princes2 the            
excellentest of these are ,moses1       
,cyrus1 ,romulus1 ,theseus1 and such    
like2 and though of ,moses we are not to
 reason1 he onely executing the things  
that were commanded him by ,god2 yet    
merits he well to be admir'd1 were it   
only for that grace that made him worthy
 to converse with ,god4 ,but considering
 ,cyrus1 and the others1 who either got 
or founded ,kingdomes1 we shall find    
them all admirable2 and if there        
particular actions and ,lawes be        

throughly weigh'd1 they will not appeare
 much differing from those of ,moyses1  
which he receiv'd from so ,sovraigne an 
instructer4 ,and examining their lives  
and actions1 it will not appeare1 that  
they had other help of fortune1 than the
 occasion1 which presented them with the
 matter wherein they might introduce    
what forme they then pleas'd2 and       
without that occasion1 the vertue of    
their mind had been extinguish'd2 and   
without that vertue1 the occasion had   
been offer'd in vaine4 ,it was then     
necessary for ,moses to find the people 
of ,israel slaves in gypt1 and oppress'd
 by the gyptians1 to the end that they  
to get out of their thraldome1 should   
bee willing to follow him4 ,it was fit  
that ,romulus should not be kept in     
,albia1 but expos'd presently after his 
birth1 that he might become ,king of    
,rome1 and founder of that ,city4 ,there
 was need that ,cyrus should find the   
,persians discontented with the ,medes  
government1 and the ,medes delicate and 

effeminate through their long peace4    
,theseus could not make proof his       
vertue1 had not he found the ,athenians 
dispers'd4 ,these occasions therefore   
made these men happy1 and their         
excellent vertue made the occasion be   
taken notice of1 whereby their countrey 
became enobled1 and exceeding fortunate4
 ,they1 who by vertuous waies1 like unto
 these1 become ,princes1 attain the     
,principality with difficulty1 but hold 
it with much ease2 and the difficulties 
they find in gaining the ,principality1 
arise partly from the new orders and    
courses they are forc'd to bring in1 to 
lay the foundation of their ,state1 and 
work their own security4 ,and it is to  
be consider'd1 how there is not any     
thing harder to take in hand1 nor       
doubtfuller to succeed1 nor more        
dangerous to mannage1 than to be the    
chief in bringing in new orders2 for    
this ,chief finds all those his enemies1
 that thrive upon the old orders2 and   
hath but luke warme defenders of all    

those that would do well upon the new   
orders1 which luke-warme temper proceeds
 partly from fear of the opposers who   
have the laws to their advantage2 partly
 from the incredulity of the men who    
truly beleeve not a new thing1 unless   
there be some certain proof given them  
thereof4 ,whereupon it arises1 that     
whensoever they that are adversaries1   
take the occasion to assayle1 they do it
 factiously2 and these others defend but
 cooly1 so that their whole party       
altogether runs a hazzard4 ,therefore it
 is necessary1 being we intend throughly
 to discourse this part1 to examine if  
these innovators stand of themselves1 or
 if they depend upon others2 that is1 if
 to bring their work to effect1 it be   
necessary they should intreat1 or be    
able to constrain2 in the first case    
they allwayes succeed ill1 and bring    
nothing to pass2 but when they depend of
 themselves1 and are able to force1 then
 seldom it is that they hazzard4 ,hence 
came it that all the prophets that were 

arm'd1 prevail'd2 but those that were   
unarm'd1 were too weak3 for besides what
 we have alledg'd1 the nature of the    
people is changeable1 and easie to be   
perswaded to a matter2 but it is hard   
also to settle them in that perswasion4 
,and therefore it behoves a man to be so
 provided1 that when they beleeve no    
longer1 he may be able to compel them   
thereto by force4 ,moses1 ,cyrus1       
,theseus1 and ,romulus would never have 
been able to cause their ,laws to be    
obey'd1 had they been disarm'd2 as in   
our times it befel ,fryer ,jerome       
,savanarola1 who perished in his new    
constitutions1 when the multitude began 
not to beleeve him2 neither had he the  
means to keep them firme1 that had      
beleev'd2 not to force beleefe in them  
that had not beleev'd him4 ,wherefore   
such men as these1 in their proceedings 
find great difficulty1 and all their    
dangers are in the way1 and these they  
must surmount by their vertue2 but      
having once master'd them1 and beginning

 to be honored by all1 when they have   
rooted those out that envi'd their      
dignities1 they remain powerful1 secure1
 honorable1 and happy4 ,to these choice 
examples1 ,i will add one of less       
remark2 but it shall hold some          
proportion with them1 and this shall    
suffice me for all others of this kind1 
which is ,hiero the ,siracusan4 ,he of a
 private man1 became ,prince of         
,siracusa1 nor knew he any other ayd of 
fortune than the occasion3 for the      
,siracusans being oppress'd1 made choyce
 of him for their ,captain1 whereupon he
 deserv'd to be made their ,prince3 and 
he was of such vertue even in his       
private fortune1 that he who writes of  
him1 sayes1 he wanted nothing of        
reigning1 but a ,kingdom2 this man      
extinguish'd all the old soldiery1      
ordaind the new2 left the old allyances1
 entertained new2 and as he had         
friendship1 and soldiers that were his  
own1 upon that ground he was able to    
build any edifice2 so that he indured   

much trouble in gaining1 and suffered   
but little in maintaining4     ,,chap4  
,,vii  ,of new ,principalities1 gotten  
by fortune1 and other mens forces4      
,they who by fortune only become        
,princes of private men1 with small     
pains attain to it1 but have much ado to
 maintain themselves in it2 and find no 
difficulty at all in the way1 because   
they are carried thither with wings3 but
 all the difficulties arise there1 after
 they are plac'd in them4 ,and of such  
sort are those who have an estate given 
them for money1 by the favor of some one
 that grants it them3 as it befell many 
in ,greece1 in the cities of ,jonia1 and
 ,hellespont2 where divers ,princes were
 made by ,darius1 as well for his own   
safety as his glory2 as also them that  
were made ,emperors2 who from private   
men by corrupting the soldiers1 attaind 
to the ,empire4 ,these subsist meerly   
upon the will1 and fortune of those that
 have advanced them2 which are two      
voluble and unsteady things2 and they   

neither know how1 nor are able to       
continue in that dignity3 they know not 
how1 because unless it be a man of great
 understanding and vertue1 it is not    
probable that he who hath always liv'd a
 private life1 can know how to command3 
neither are they able1 because they have
 not any forces that can be friendly or 
faithful to them4 ,moreover those       
,states that suddenly fall into a mans  
hands1 as all other things in nature    
that spring and grow quickly1 cannot    
well have taken root1 nor have made     
their correspondencies so firm1 but that
 the first storm that takes them1 ruines
 them2 in case these1 who 7as it is     
said7 are thus on a sudden clambred up  
to be ,princes1 are not of that worth   
and vertue as to know how to prepare    
themselves to maintain that which chance
 hath cast into their bosoms1 and can   
afterwards lay those foundations1 which 
others have cast before they were       
,princes4 ,for the one and the other of 
these wayes about the attaining to be a 

,prince1 by ,vertue1 or by ,fortune1 ,i 
will alledge you two examples which have
 been in the dayes of our memory4 ,these
 were ,francis ,sforza1 and ,csar       
,borgia2 ,francis by just means and with
 a great deal of vertue1 of a private   
man got to be ,duke of ,millan2 and that
 which with much pains he had gaind1 he 
kept with small ado4 ,on the other side 
,cesar ,borgia 7commonly termed ,duke   
,valentine7 got his state by his        
,fathers fortune1 and with the same lost
 it2 however that for his own part no   
pains was spar'd1 nor any thing omitted1
 which by a discreet and valorus man    
ought to have been done1 to fasten his  
roots in those ,estates1 which others   
armes or fortune had bestowed on him2   
for 7as it was formerly said7 he that   
lays not the foundations first1 yet     
might be able by means of his           
extraordinary vertues to lay them       
afterwards1 however it be with the great
 trouble of the architect1 and danger of
 the edifice4 ,if therefore we consider 

all the ,dukes progresses1 we may       
perceive how great foundations he had   
cast for his future power1 which ,i     
judge a matter not superfluous to run   
over2 because ,i should not well know1  
what better rules ,i might give to a new
 ,prince1 than the pattern of his       
actions2 and however the courses he     
took1 availd him not1 yet was it not his
 fault1 but it proceeded from an        
extraordinary and extream malignity of  
fortune4 ,pope ,alexander the sixt1     
desiring to make the ,duke his son a    
great man1 had a great many             
difficulties1 present and future3 first 
he saw no way there was whereby he might
 be able to make him ,lord of any       
,state1 that was not the ,churches2 and 
if he turnd to take that from the       
,church1 he knew that the ,duke of      
,milan1 and the ,venetians would never  
agree to it2 for ,faenza and ,riminum   
were under the ,venetians protection4   
,moreover1 he saw that the armes of     
,italy1 and those whereof in particular 

he might have been able to make some    
use1 were in their hands1 who ought to  
fear the ,popes greatness2 and therefore
 could not any wayes rely upon them3    
being all in the ,orsins and ,colonies  
hands1 and those of their faction4 ,it  
was necessary then1 that those matters  
thus appointed by them should be        
disturbed1 and the ,states of ,italy    
disordered1 to be able safely to master 
part of them1 which he then found easie 
to do1 seeing the ,venetians upon three 
considerations had us'd the means to    
bring the ,french men back again into   
,italy3 which he not only did not       
withstand1 but furthered1 with a        
resolution of ,king ,lewis his ancient  
marriage4 ,the ,king then past into     
,italy with the ,venetians ayd1 and     
,alexanders consent2 nor was he sooner  
arrived in ,milan1 than the ,pope had   
soldiers from him for the service of    
,romania1 which was quickly yeelded up  
to him upon the reputation of the ,kings
 forces4 ,the ,duke then having made    

himself master of ,romania1 and beaten  
the ,colonies1 desiring to hold it1 and 
proceed forward1 two things hindered    
him3 the one1 his own soldiers1 which he
 thought were not true to him2 the      
other1 the ,french mens good wills2 that
 is to say1 he feared that the ,princes 
soldiers1 whereof he had served himself1
 would fail him1 and not only hinder his
 conquest1 but take from him what he had
 gotten2 and that the ,king also would  
serve him the same turn4 ,he had        
experience of the ,orsini upon an       
occasion1 when after the taking of      
,faenza he assaulted ,bolonia1 to which 
assault he saw them go very cold4 ,and  
touching the ,king1 he discovered his   
mind1 when having taken the ,dutchy of  
,urbin1 he invaded ,tuscany2 from which 
action the ,king made him retire2       
whereupon the ,duke resolved to depend  
no more upon fortune1 and other mens    
armes4 ,and the first thing he did1 was1
 to weaken the ,orsini1 and ,colonnies  
factions in ,rome3 for he gain'd all    

their adherents that were gentlemen1    
giving them large allowances1 and       
honoring them according to their        
qualities with charges and governments2 
so that in a few months the good will   
they bare to the parties was quite      
extinguisht1 and wholly bent to the     
,duke4 ,after this1 he waited an        
occasion to root out the ,orsini1 having
 before dispersed those of the family of
 ,colonnia1 which fell out well to his  
hand2 and he us'd it better4 ,for the   
,orsini being too late aware1 that the  
,dukes and the ,churches greatness was  
their destruction1 held a ,council      
together in a dwelling house of theirs  
in the country adjoyning to ,perusia4   
,from thence grew the rebellion of      
,urbin1 and the troubles of ,romania1   
and many other dangers befell the ,duke1
 which he overcame all with the help of 
the ,french3 and having regained his    
reputation1 trusting neither ,france1   
nor any forrein forces1 to the end he   
might not be put to make trial of them  

again1 he betook himself to his sleghts2
 and he knew so well to disguise his    
intention1 that the ,orsins1 by the     
mediation of ,paul ,orsine1 were        
reconciled to him1 to whom the ,duke was
 no way wanting in all manner of        
courtesies whereby to bring them into   
security1 giving them rich garments1    
money1 and horses1 til their own        
simplicities led them all to            
,sinigallia1 into his hands4 ,these     
heads being then pluck'd off1 and their 
partisans made his friends2 the ,duke   
had laid very good foundations1 to build
 his own greatness on1 having in his    
power all ,romania with the ,dutchy of  
,urbin1 and gained the hearts of those  
people1 by beginning to give them some  
relish of their well being4 ,and because
 this part is worthy to be taken notice 
of1 and to be imitated by others1 ,i    
will not let it escape4 ,the ,duke1 when
 he had taken ,romania1 finding it had  
been under the hands of poor ,lords who 
had rather pillag'd their subjects1 than

 chastis'd or amended them1 giving them 
more cause of discord1 than of peace and
 union1 so that the whole countrey was  
fraught with robberies1 quarrels1 and   
other sorts of insolencies2 thought the 
best way to reduce them to termes of    
pacification1 and obedience to a        
,princely power1 was1 to give them some 
good government3 and therefore he set   
over them one ,remiro ,d',orco1 a cruel 
hasty man1 to whom he gave an absolute  
power4 ,this man in a very short time   
setled peace and union amongst them with
 very great reputation4 ,afterwards the 
,duke thought such excessive authority  
serv'd not so well to his purpose1 and  
doubting it would grow odious1 he       
erected a civil ,judicature in the midst
 of the countrey1 where one excellent   
,judge did ,preside1 and thither every  
,city sent their ,advocate3 and because 
he knew the rigors past had bred some   
hatred against him1 to purge the minds  
of those people1 and to gain them wholly
 to himself1 he purpos'd to shew1 that  

if there was any cruelty used1 it       
proceeded not from any order of his1 but
 from the harsh disposition of his      
,officers4 ,whereupon laying hold on    
him1 at this occasion1 he caus'd his    
head to be struck off one morning early 
in the market place at ,cesena1 where he
 was left upon a gibbet1 with a bloody  
sword by his side2 the cruelty of which 
spectacle for a while satisfied and     
amaz'd those people4 ,but to return from
 whence we have digressd3 ,i say1 that  
the ,duke finding himself very strong1  
and in part out of doubt of the present 
dangers1 because he was arm'd after his 
own manner1 and had in some good measure
 suppress'd those forces1 which1 because
 of their vicinity1 were able to annoy  
him1 he wanted nothing else to go on    
with his ,conquest1 but the             
consideration of ,france3 for he knew1  
that the ,king1 who now1 though late1   
was advis'd of his error1 would never   
suffer him3 and hereupon he began to    
seek after new allyances1 and to waver  

with ,france1 when the ,french came     
towards ,naples against the ,spaniards1 
who then besieged ,gagetta2 and his     
design was only to be out of their      
danger1 which had been effected for him1
 had ,pope ,alexander lived4 ,and thus  
were his businesses carried touching his
 present estate4 ,as for the future1 he 
had reason to doubt lest the new        
successor to the ,papacy would not be   
his friend1 and would endeavor to take  
that from him that ,alexander had       
bestowed on him2 and he thought to      
provide for this foure waies3 ,first by 
rooting out the races of all those      
,lords he had dispoyled1 whereby to take
 those occasions from the ,pope4        
,secondly1 by gaining all the gentlemen 
of ,rome1 whereby he might be able with 
those to keep the ,pope in some awe4    
,thirdly1 to make the ,colledge of      
,cardinals as much at his devotion as   
possibly might be4 ,fourthly1 by making 
of so large ,conquests1 before the      
,popes death1 as that he might be able  

of himself to withstand the first fury  
of his enemies4 ,three of these fowre at
 ,pope ,alexanders death he had         
effected1 and the fourth he had neare   
brought to a point4 ,for of those ,lords
 he had stript1 he put to death as many 
as he could come at1 and very few       
escap'd him3 he gaind him the ,roman    
,gentlemen3 and in the ,colledge he had 
made a great faction4 ,and touching his 
new ,conquest1 he had a designe to      
become ,lord of ,tuscany4 ,and he had   
possessed himself already of ,perusia1  
and ,pombin1 and taken protection of    
,pisa3 and so soon as he should have    
cast off his respect to ,france 7which  
now he meant to hold no longer7 being   
the ,french were now driven out of the  
,kingdome of ,naples by the ,spaniards1 
so that each of them was forc'd to buy  
his friendship at any termes2 he was    
then to leap into ,pisa4 ,after this    
,lucca and ,siena were presently to fall
 to him1 partly for envy to the         
,florentines1 and partly for fear4 ,the 

,florentines had no way to escape him3  
all which1 had it succeeded with him1 as
 without question it had1 the very same 
year that ,alexander dy'd1 he had made  
himself master of so great forces1 and  
such reputation1 that he would have been
 able to have stood upon his own bottom1
 without any dependance of fortune1 or  
resting upon others helps1 but only upon
 his own strength and valor4 ,but       
,alexander dy'd five years after that he
 had begun to draw forth his sword3 and 
left him setled only in the ,state of   
,romania1 with all his other designes in
 the ayre1 sick unto death1 between two 
very strong armies of his enemies2 and  
yet was there in this ,duke such a      
spirit and courage2 and he understood so
 well1 how men are to be gaind1 and how 
to be lost1 and so firm were the grounds
 he had laid in a short time1 that1 had 
he not had those armies upon his back1  
or had been in health1 he would have    
carried through his purpose in spight of
 all opposition2 and that the           

foundations he grounded upon were good1 
it appeard in that ,romania held for him
 above a moneth1 and he remained secure 
in ,rome1 though even at deaths doore3  
and however the ,baglioni1 ,vitelli1 and
 ,orsini came into ,rome2 yet found they
 none would take their parts against    
him4 ,and this he was able to have      
effected1 that if he could not have made
 him ,pope whom be would1 he could have 
hindred him that he would not should be 
,pope4 ,but had he been in health when  
,alexander dy'd1 every thing had gone   
easily with him2 and he told me on that 
day that ,julius the second was created 
,pope1 that he had fore-thought on all  
that which could happen1 in case his    
father chanc'd to dye1 and for every    
thing provided its remedy1 this onely   
excepted1 that he foresaw not that he   
should at the same time be brought unto 
deaths dore also4 ,having then collected
 all the ,dukes actions1 me thinks ,i   
could not well blame him1 but rather 7as
 ,i have here done7 set him as a pattern

 to be followed by all those who by     
fortune and others armes have been      
exalted to an ,empire4 ,for he being of 
great courage1 and having lofty         
designes1 could not carry himself       
otherwise2 and the only obstacle of his 
purposes was the brevity of ,alexanders 
life1 and his own sickness4 ,whoever    
therefore deemes it necessary in his    
entrance into a new ,principality1 to   
secure himself of his enemies1 and gain 
him friends1 to overcome either by force
 or by cunning1 to make himself beloved1
 or feared of his people1 be followed   
and reverenced by his soldiers1 to root 
out those that can1 or owe thee any     
hurt1 to change the ancient orders with 
new wayes1 to be severe1 and yet        
acceptable1 magnanimous1 and liberall2  
to extinguish the unfaithfull soldiery1 
and create new2 to maintain to himself  
the armities of ,kings and ,princes1 so 
that they shall either with favor       
benefit thee1 or be wary how to offend  
thee2 cannot find more fresh and lively 

examples than the actions of this man4  
,he deserves to be found fault withall  
for the creation of ,julius the second1 
wherein an evil choice was made for him3
 for1 as it is said1 not being able to  
make a ,pope to his mind1 he could have 
withheld any one from being ,pope2 and  
should never have consented that any one
 of those ,cardinals should have got the
 ,papacy1 whom he had ever done harme   
to2 or who having attaind the           
,pontificate were likely to be afraid of
 him3 because men ordinarily do hurt    
either for fear1 or hatred4 ,those whom 
he had offended1 were among others1 he  
who had the title of ,st4 ,peter ad     
,vincula1 ,colonna1 ,st4 ,george1 and   
,ascanius2 all the others that were in  
possibility of the ,popedome1 were such 
as might have feard him rather1 except  
the ,cardinal of ,roan1 and the         
,spaniards2 these by reason of their    
allyance and obligation with him1 the   
other because of the power they had1    
having the ,kingdome of ,france on their

 party2 wherefore the ,duke above all   
things should have created a ,spanyard  
,pope1 and in case he could not have    
done that1 he should have agreed that   
,roan should have been1 and not ,st4    
,peter ad ,vincula4 ,and whoever        
beleeves1 that with great personages new
 benefits blot on the remembrance of old
 injuries1 is much deceiv'd4 ,the ,duke 
therefore in this election1 was the     
cause of his own ruine at last4         
,till wee come to this seaventh         
,chapter1 ,i find not any thing     much
 blame-worthy1 unlesse it be on ground  
he layes in the     second ,chapter2    
whereupon hee builds most of this       
,fabrick1 viz4     ,that ,subjects must 
either be dallyed or flatterd withall1  
or     quite crusht4 ,whereby our       
,author advises his ,prince to support  
his authority with two ,cardinall       
,vertues1 ,dissimulation1 and           
,cruelty4 ,he considers not herein that 
the head is but a member     of the     
body1 though the principall2 and the end

 of the parts is     the good of the    
whole4 ,and here he goes against        
himselfe in the     twenty sixt ,chapter
 of his ,rep4 #a4 #a4 where hee blames  
,philip of     ,macedon for such        
courses1 terming them very cruell1 and  
against     all ,christian manner of    
living2 and that every man should refuse
     to be a ,king1 and desire rather to
 live a private life1 than to     reigne
 so much to the ruine of mankind4 ,the  
life of ,csar     ,borgia1 which is here
 given as a paterne to new ,princes1 we 
shall find to have been nothing else but
 a cunning carriage of     things so1   
that he might thereby first deceive and 
inveigle1 and     then suppresse all    
those that could oppose or hinder his   
ambition4 ,for if you runne over his    
life1 you shall see the     ,father     
,pope ,alexander the sixt and him1 both 
imbarqued for his     advancement1      
wherein they engag'd the ,papall        
authority1 and     reputation of        
,religion2 for faith and conscience     

these men never     knew1 though they   
exacted it of others3 there was never   
promise     made1 but it was only so    
farre kept as servd for advantage2      
,liberality was made use of3 ,clemency  
and ,cruelty1 all alike1 as     they    
might serve to worke with their         
purposes4 ,all was     sacrific'd to    
ambition2 no friendship could tye these 
men1 nor     any religion3 and no       
marvell3 for ambition made them forget  
both     ,god and man4 ,but see the end 
of all this cunning3 though this        
,csar ,borgia contrived all his         
businesse so warily1 that our           
,author much commends him1 and hee had  
attaind neere the pitch of     his      
hopes1 and had provided for each        
misadventure could befall     him its   
remedy2 ,policy shewd it selefe         
short-sighted2 for hee     foresaw not  
at the time of his ,fathers death1 he   
himself should     bee brought unto     
deaths doore also4 ,and me thinks this  
,example     might have given occasion  

to our ,author to confesse1 that surely 
there is a ,god that ruleth the earth4  
,and many times ,god cutts     off those
 cunning and mighty men in the hight of 
their purposes1     when they think they
 have neare surmounted all dangers and  
difficulties4 ',to the intent that the  
living may know1 that the     most high 
ruleth in the ,kingdome of men1 and     
giveth it to     whomsoever he will1 and
 setteth up over it the basest of men4' 
,daniel4 #d4 #ag4     ,,chap4 ,,viii    
,concerning those who by wicked meanes  
have attaind to a ,principality4   ,but 
because a man becomes a ,prince of a    
private man two wayes1 which cannot     
wholly be attributed either to ,fortune 
or ,vertue1 ,i think not fit to let them
 passe me3 howbeit the one of them may  
be more largely discoursed upon1 where  
the ,republicks are treated of4 ,these  
are1 when by some wicked and unlawfull  
meanes a man rises to the ,principality2
 or when a private person by the favour 
of his fellow ,citizens becomes ,prince 

of his countrey4 ,and speaking of the   
first manner1 it shall be made evident  
by two ,examples1 the one ancient1 the  
other moderne1 without entring otherwise
 into the justice or merit of this part2
 for ,i take it that these are          
sufficient for any body that is forc'd  
to follow them4 ,agathocles the         
,sicilian1 not of a private man onely1  
but from a base and abject fortune1 got 
to be ,king of ,siracusa4 ,this man     
borne but of a ,potter1 continued       
alwayes a wicked life throughout all the
 degrees of this fortune3 neverthelesse 
he accompanied his lewdnesse with such a
 courage and resolution1 that applying  
himselfe to military affaires1 by the   
degrees thereof he attained to bee      
,prtour of ,siracusa1 and being setled  
in that degree1 and having determined   
that he would become ,prince1 and hold  
that by violence and without obligation 
to any other1 which by consent had been 
granted him3 and to this purpose haveing
 had some private intelligence touching 

his designe with ,amilcar the           
,carthaginian1 who was imployd with his 
army in ,sicily1 one morining gatherd   
the people together and the ,senate of  
,syracusa1 as if he had some what to    
advise with them of matters belonging to
 the ,commonwealth1 and upon a signe    
given1 caus'd his souldiers to kill his 
,senatours1 and the richest of the      
people2 who being slaine1 he usurp'd the
 ,principality of that ,city without any
 civill strife3 and however he was twice
 broken by the ,carthaginians1 and at   
last besieged1 was able not onely to    
defend his own ,city1 but leaving part  
of his own army at the defence thereof1 
with the other invaded ,affrique1 and in
 a short time freed ,siracusa from the  
siege1 and brought the ,carthaginians   
into extreme necessity1 who were        
constraind to accord with him1 be       
contented with the possession of        
,affrique1 and quitt ,sicily to         
,agathocles4 ,he then that should       
consider the actions and valour of this 

man1 would not see any1 or very few     
things to be attributed unto ,fortune2  
seeing that as is formerly sayd1 not by 
any ones favour1 but by the degrees of  
service in warre with many sufferings   
and dangers1 to which he had risen1 he  
came to the ,principality2 and that hee 
maintained afterwards with so many      
resolute and hazardous undertakings4    
,yet cannot this be term'd vertue or    
valour to slay his own ,citizens1 betray
 his friends1 to be without faith1      
without pitty1 without religion1 which  
wayes are of force to gaine dominion1   
but not glory3 for if ,agathocles his   
valour bee well weighd1 in his enturing 
upon1 and comming off from dangers1 and 
the greatnesse of his courage1 in       
supporting and mastering of adversities1
 no man can see why he should be thought
 any way inferiour even to the ablest   
,captaines4 ,notwithstanding his beastly
 cruelty and inhumanity with innumerable
 wickednesses1 allow not that he should 
be celebrated among the most excellent  

men4 ,that cannot then be attributed to 
,fortune or ,vertue1 which without the  
one or the other was attaind to by him4 
,in our dayes1 while ,alexander the     
sixth held the sea1 ,oliverotte of      
,fermo1 who some few yeeres before had  
been left young by his parents1 was     
brought up under the care of an uncle of
 his on the mothers side1 called ,john  
,foliani1 and in the beginning of his   
youth given1 by him to serve in the     
warres under ,paulo ,vitelli3 to the end
 that being well instructed in that     
discipline1 he might rise to some worthy
 degree in the warrs4 ,afterwards when  
,paulo was dead1 he served under        
,vitellozzo his brother1 and in very    
short time1 being ingenious1 of a good  
personage1 and brave courage1 he became 
one of the prime men among the troops he
 served in3 but thinking it but servile 
to depend upon another1 he plotted by   
the ayd of some ,citizens of ,fermo 7who
 lik'd rather the thraldome of their    
,city than the liberty of it7 and by the

 favour of the ,vitelli1 to make        
himselfe master of ,fermo2 and writ to  
,john ,foliani1 that having been many   
yeeres from home1 he had a mind to come 
and see him and the ,city1 and in some  
part take notice of his own patrimony2  
and because he had not imployd himselfe 
but to purchase honour1 to the end his  
,citizens might perceive1 that he had   
not vainely spent his time1 he had a    
desire to come in good equipage and     
accompanied with a hundred horse of his 
friends and servants2 and he intreated  
him that he would be pleasd so to take  
order1 that he might be honourably      
received by the inhabitants of ,fermo1  
which turnd as well to his honor that   
was his uncle1 as his that was the      
nephew4 ,in this1 ,john faild not in any
 office of courtesie due to his nephew3 
and caused him to be well receivd by    
them of ,fermo1 and lodged him in his   
own house3 where having passed some     
dayes1 and stayd to put in order        
somewhat that was necessary for his     

intended villany1 he made a very solemne
 feast1 whether he invited ,john        
,foliani1 and all the prime men of      
,fermo3 and when all their chear was    
ended1 and all their other              
entertainments1 as in such feasts it is 
customary1 ,oliverotto of purpose mov'd 
some grave discourses2 speaking of the  
greatnesse of ,pope ,alexander1 and     
,csar his son1 and their undertakings2  
where unto ,john and the others making  
answer1 he of a sudden stood up1 saying1
 that those were things to be spoken of 
in a more secret place1 and so retir'd  
into a chamber1 whether ,john and all   
the other ,citizens followd him2 nor    
were they sooner set downe there1 than  
from some secret place therein camp     
forth diverse souldiers1 who slew ,john 
and all the others3 after which homicide
 ,oliverotto got a horsebacke and       
ravaged the whole towne1 and besieged   
the supreme ,magistrate in the palace1  
so that for feare they were all         
constraind to obey him1 and to settle a 

government1 whereof hee made himselfe   
,prince2 and they being all dead who1   
had they been discontented with him1    
could have hurt him2 he strengthned     
himselfe with new civill and military   
orders1 so that in the space of a yeer  
that he held the ,principality1 he was  
not only secure in the ,city of ,fermo1 
but became fearefull to all his         
neighbours2 and the conquest of him     
would have prov'd difficult1 as that of 
,agathocles1 had he not let himselfe    
been deceivd by ,csar ,borgia1 when at  
,sinigallia1 as before was said1 he took
 the ,orsini and ,vitelli3 where he also
 being taken a yeere after he had       
committed the parricide1 was strangled  
together with ,vitellozzo 7whome he had 
had for master both of his vertues and  
vices47 ,some man might doubt from      
whence it should proceed1 that          
,agathocles1 and such like1 after many  
treacheries and crueltyes1 could        
possibly live long secure in his own    
countrey1 and defend himselfe from his  

forrein enemies1 and that never any of  
his own ,citizens conspir'd against him1
 seeing that by means of cruelty1 many  
others have never been able even in     
peaceable times to maintaine their      
,states1 much lesse in the doubtfull    
times of warre4 ,i beleeve that this    
proceeds from the well1 or ill using of 
those cruelties3 they may bee termd well
 us'd 7if it bee lawfull to say well of 
evill7 that are put in practice only    
once of necessity for securities sake1  
not insisting therein afterwards2 but   
there is use made of them for the       
subjects profit1 as much as may be4 ,but
 those that are ill us'd1 are such as   
though they bee but few in the          
beginning1 yet they multiply rather in  
time1 than diminish4 ,they that take    
that first way1 may with the help of    
,god1 and mens care1 find some remedy   
for their ,state1 as ,agathocles did3   
for the others1 it is impossible they   
should continue4 ,whereupon it is to be 
noted1 that in the laying hold of a     

,state1 the usurper thereof ought to    
runne over and execute all his cruelties
 at once1 that he be not forced often to
 returne to them1 and that he may be    
able1 by not renewing of them1 to give  
men some security1 and gaine their      
affections by doing them some           
courtesies4 ,hee that carries it        
otherwise1 either for fearefullnesse1 or
 upon evill advice1 is alwayes          
constraind to hold his sword drawne in  
his hand2 nor ever can hee rely upon his
 subjects1 there being no possibility   
for them1 because of his daily and      
continuall injuries1 to live in any     
safety3 for his injuries should bee done
 altogether1 that being seldomer tasted1
 they might lesse offend2 his favours   
should bee bestowd by little1 and little
 to the end they might keep their taste 
the better2 and above all things a      
,prince must live with his subjects in  
such sort1 that no accident either of   
good or evill can make him vary3 for    
necessity comming upon him by reason of 

adversities1 thou hast not time given   
thee to make advantage of thy cruelties2
 and the favours which then thou        
bestowest1 will little help thee1 being 
taken as if they came from thee         
perforce1 and so yeeld no returne of    
thanks4     ,,chap4 ,,ix  ,of the       
,civill ,principality4   ,but comming to
 the other part1 when a principall      
,citizen1 not by villany1 or any other  
insufferable violence1 but by the favour
 of his fellow-citizens becomes ,prince 
of his native countrey3 which we may    
terme a ,civill ,principality2 nor to   
attaine hereunto is ,vertue wholly or   
,fortune wholly necessary1 but rather a 
fortunate cunning3 ,i say1 this         
,principality is climb'd up to1 either  
by the peoples help1 or the great mens4 
,for1 in every ,city we finde these two 
humours differ2 and they spring from    
this1 that the people desire not to be  
commanded nor oppressed by the great    
ones1 and the great ones are desirous to
 command and oppresse the people3 and   

from these two several appetites1 arise 
in the ,city one of these three effects1
 either a ,principality1 or ,liberty1 or
 ,tumultuary licentiousnesse4 ,the      
,principality is caused either by the   
people1 or the great ones1 according as 
the one or other of these factions have 
the occasion offerd2 for the great ones 
seeing themselves not able to resist the
 people1 begin to turne the whole       
reputation to one among them1 and make  
him ,prince1 whereby they may under his 
shadow vent their spleenes4 ,the people 
also1 not being able to support the     
great mens insolencies1 converting the  
whole reputation to one man1 create him 
their ,prince1 to be protected by his   
authority4 ,he that comes to the        
,principality by the assistance of the  
great ones1 subsists with more          
difficulty1 than he that attaines to it 
by the peoples favour2 for he being made
 ,prince1 hath many about him1 who      
account themselves his equalls1 and     
therefore cannot dispose nor command    

them at his pleasure4 ,but he that      
gaines the ,principality by the peoples 
favor1 finds himselfe alone in his      
throne1 and hath none or very few neare 
him that are not very supple to bend3   
besides this1 the great ones cannot upon
 easie termes be satisfied1 or without  
doing of wrong to others1 where as a    
small matter contents the people3 for   
the end which the people propound to    
themselves1 is more honest than that of 
the great men1 these desiring to        
oppresse1 they only not to be oppressed4
 ,to this may be added also1 that the   
,prince which is the peoples enemy1 can 
never well secure himselfe of them1     
because of their multitude2 well may hee
 bee sure of the ,nobles1 they being but
 a few4 ,the worst that a ,prince can   
look for of the people become his enemy1
 is to be abandoned by them3 but when   
the great ones once grow his enemies1 he
 is not only to feare their abandoning  
of him1 but their making of a party     
against him also3 for there being in    

them more forecast and craft1 they      
alwayes take time by the forelocks      
whereby to save themselves1 and seeke   
credit with him who they hope shall get 
the mastery4 ,the ,prince likewise is   
necessitated alwayes to live with the   
same people1 but can doe well enough    
without the same great men2 he being    
able to create new ones1 and destroy    
them again every day1 and to take from  
them1 and give them credit as he        
pleases3 and to cleare this part1 ,i    
say1 that great men ought to be         
considerd two wayes principally1 that   
is1 if they take thy proceedings so much
 to heart1 as to engage their fortunes  
wholly in thine1 in case they lye not   
alwayes catching at spoyle1 they ought  
to be well honourd and esteem'd3 those  
that bind themselves not to thy fortune1
 are to be considerd also two wayes2    
either they doe it for lack of courage1 
and naturall want of spirit1 and then   
shouldst thou serve thy selfe of them1  
and of them especially that are men of  

good advice2 for if thy affaires        
prosper1 thou dost thy selfe honour     
thereby2 if crost1 thou needst not feare
 them3 but when they oblige not         
themselves to thee of purpose1 and upon 
occasion of ambition1 it is a signe they
 think more of themselves than of thee3 
and of these the ,prince ought to       
beware1 and account of them as his      
discoverd enemyes3 for alwayes in thy   
adversity they will give a hand too to  
ruine thee4 ,therefore ought hee that   
comes to be ,prince by the peoples      
favour1 keepe them his friends3 which he
 may easily doe1 they desiring only to  
live free from oppression3 but he that  
becomes ,prince by the great mens       
favour1 against the will of the people1 
ought above all things to gaine the     
people to him1 which he may easily      
effect1 when he takes upon him their    
protection3 ,and because men when they  
find good1 where they look for evill1   
are thereby more endered to their       
benefactour1 therefore growes the people

 so pliant in their subjection to him1  
as if by their favours he had attaind   
his dignity4 ,and the ,prince is able to
 gaine them to his side by many wayes1  
which because they vary according to the
 subject1 no certaine rule can be given 
thereupon2 wherefore we shall let them  
passe ,i will only conclude1 that it is 
necessary for a ,prince to have the     
people his friend2 otherwise in his     
adversities he hath no helpe4 ,nabis    
,prince of the ,spartans supported the  
siege of all ,greece1 and an exceeding  
victorious army of the ,romans1 and     
against those defended his native       
countrey and ,state1 and this suffic'd  
him alone1 that as the danger came upon 
him1 he secur'd himself of a fewer2     
whereas if the people had been his      
enemy1 this had nothing availd him4 ,and
 let no man think to overthrow this my  
opinion with that common proverb1 that  
,he who relyes upon the people1 layes   
his foundation in the dirt2 for that is 
true where a private ,citizen grounds   

upon them1 making his account that the  
people shall free him1 when either his  
enemyes or the ,magistrates oppresse    
him3 ,in this case he should find       
himself often deceiv'd1 as it befell the
 ,gracchyes in ,rome1 and in ,florence  
,george ,scali3 but he being a ,prince  
that grounds thereupon1 who can command1
 and is a man of courage1 who hath his  
wits about him in his adversityes1 and  
wants not other preparations1 and holds 
together the whole multitude animated   
with his valour and orders1 shall not   
prove deceiv'd by them1 and shall find  
he hath layd good foundations4 ,these   
,principalityes are wont to be upon the 
point of falling when they goe about to 
skip from the civil order to the        
absolute3 for these ,princes either     
command of themselves1 or by the        
,magistrate2 in this last case their    
,state is more weak and dangerous1      
because they stand wholly at the will   
and pleasure of these ,citizens1 who    
then are set over the ,magistrates1 who 

especially in adverse times are able    
with facility to take their ,state from 
them either by rising up against them1  
or by not obeying them2 and then the    
,prince is not at hand in those dangers 
to take the absolute authority upon him3
 for the ,citizens and subjects that are
 accustomed to receive the commands from
 the ,magistrates1 are not like in those
 fractions to obey his3 and in doubtfull
 times he shall alwayes have greatest   
penury of whom he may trust2 for such a 
,prince cannot ground upon that which he
 sees in peaceable times1 when the      
,citizens have need of the ,state2 for  
then every one runs1 and every one      
promises1 and every one will venture his
 life for him1 where there is no danger 
neare2 but in times of hazzard1 when the
 ,state hath need of ,citizens1 there   
are but few of them then1 and so much   
the more is this experience dangerous1  
in that it can be but once made4        
,therefore a prudent ,prince ought to   
devise a way whereby his ,citizens      

alwayes and in any case and quality of  
time may have need of his government1   
and they shall alwaies after prove      
faithfull to him4     ,,chap4 ,x  ,in   
what manner the ,forces of all          
,principalities ought to be measured4   
,it is requisite in examining the       
quality of those ,principalities1 to    
have another consideration of them1 that
 is1 if a ,prince have such dominions1  
that he is able in case of necessity to 
subsist of himself1 or else whether he  
hath alwaies need of another to defend  
him4 ,and to cleer this point the       
better1 ,i judge them able to stand of  
themselves1 who are of power either for 
their multitudes of men1 or quantity of 
money1 to bring into the field a        
compleat armie1 and joyn battel with    
whoever comes to assail them3 and so ,i 
think those alwaies to stand in need of 
others help1 who are not able to appear 
in the field against the enemy1 but are 
forc'd to retire within their walls and 
guard them4 ,touching the first case1 we

 have treated already1 and shall adde   
somwhat thereto as occasion shall       
require4 ,in the second case1 we cannot 
say other1 save only to encourage such  
,princes to fortifie and guard their own
 ,capital city1 and of the countrey     
about1 not to hold much account2 and    
whoever shall have well fortified that  
town1 and touching other matters of     
governments shall have behaved himself  
towards his subjects1 as hath been      
formerly said1 and hereafter shall be1  
shall never be assaild but with great   
regard2 for men willingly undertake not 
enterprises1 where they see difficulty  
to work them through2 nor can much      
facility be there found1 where one      
assails him1 who hath his town strong   
and wel guarded1 and is not hated of his
 people4 ,the cities of ,germany are    
very free2 they have but very little of 
the countrey about them belonging to    
them2 and they obey the ,emperor1 when  
they please1 and they stand not in fear1
 neither of him nor any other ,potentate

 about them3 for they are in such a     
manner fortified1 that every one thinks 
the siege of any of them would prove    
hard and tedious3 for all of them have  
ditches1 and rampires1 and good store of
 ,artillery1 and alwaies have their     
publick cellars well provided with meat 
and drink and firing for a yeer3 besides
 this1 whereby to feed the common       
people1 and without any loss to the     
publick1 they have alwaies in common    
whereby they are able for a year to     
imploy them in the labor of those trades
 that are the sinews and the life of    
that city1 and of that industry whereby 
the commons ordinarily supported        
themselves3 they hold up also the       
military exercises in repute1 and       
hereupon have they many orders to       
maintain them4 ,a ,prince then that is  
master of a good strong city1 and       
causeth not himself to be hated1 cannot 
be assaulted2 and in case he were1 he   
that should assail him1 would be fain to
 quit him with shame3 for the affairs of

 the world are so various1 that it is   
almost impossible that an army can lie  
incampt before a town for the space of a
 whole yeer3 and if any should reply1   
that the people having their possessions
 abroad1 in case they should see them a 
fire1 would not have patience1 and the  
tedious siege and their love to         
themselves would make them forget their 
,prince3 ,i answer that a ,prince       
puissant and couragious1 will easily    
master those difficulties1 now giving   
his subjects hope1 that the mischief    
will not be of durance2 sometimes       
affright them with the cruelty of their 
enemies1 and other whiles cunningly     
securing himself of those whom he thinks
 too forward to run to the enemy4       
,besides this by ordinary reason the    
enemy should burne and waste their      
countrey1 upon his arrival1 and at those
 times while mens minds are yet warme1  
and resolute in their defence3 and      
therefore so much the less ought a      
,prince doubt3 for after some few dayes1

 that their courages grow coole1 the    
dammages are all done1 and mischiefs    
received1 and there is no help for it1  
and then have they more occasion to     
cleave faster to their ,prince1 thinking
 he is now more bound to them1 their    
houses having for his defence been      
fired1 and their possessions wasted2 and
 mens nature is as well to hold         
themselves oblig'd for the kindnesses   
they do1 as for those they receive2     
whereupon if all be well weigh'd1 a wise
 ,prince shall not find much difficulty 
to keep sure and true to him his        
,citizens hearts at the beginning and   
latter end of the siege1 when he hath no
 want of provision for food and         
ammunition4     ,,chap4 ,,xi            
,concerning ,ecclesiastical             
,principalities4   ,there remains now   
only that we treat of the               
,ecclesiastical ,principalities1 about  
which all the difficulties are before   
they are gotten3 for they are attained  
to either by vertue1 or ,fortune2 and   

without the one or the other they are   
held3 for they are maintaind by orders  
inveterated in the religion1 all which  
are so powerfull and of such nature1    
that they maintain their ,princes in    
their dominions in what manner soever   
they proceed and live4 ,these only have 
an ,estate and defend it not2 have      
subjects and govern them not2 and yet   
their ,states because undefended1 are   
not taken from them2 nor their subjects1
 though not govern'd1 care not1 think   
not1 neither are able to aliene         
themselves from them4 ,these            
,principalities then are only happy and 
secure3 but they being sustained by     
superior causes1 whereunto humane       
understanding reaches not1 ,i will not  
meddle with them3 for being set up and  
maintained by ,god1 it would be the part
 of a presumptuous and rash man to enter
 into discourse of them4 ,yet if any man
 should ask me whence it proceeds1 that 
the ,church in temporal power hath      
attaind to such greatness1 seeing that  

till the time of ,alexander the sixt1   
the ,italian ,potentates1 and not only  
they who are entituled the potentates1  
but every ,baron and ,lord though of the
 meanest condition in regard of the     
temporality1 made but small account of  
it2 and now a ,king of ,france trembles 
at the power thereof2 and it hath been  
able to drive him out of ,italy1 and    
ruine the ,venetians2 and however this  
be well known1 me thinks it is not      
superstitious in some part to recall it 
to memory4 ,before that ,charles ,king  
of ,france past into ,italy1 this       
countrey was under the rule of the      
,pope1 ,venetians1 the ,king of ,naples1
 the ,duke of ,milan1 and the           
,florentines4 ,these ,potentates took   
two things principally to their care2   
the one1 that no forreiner should invade
 ,italy2 the other that no one of them  
should inlarge their ,state4 ,they1     
against whom this care was most taken1  
were the ,pope and the ,venetians2 and  
to restrain the ,venetians1 there needed

 the union of all the rest1 as it was in
 the defence of ,ferrara2 and to keep   
the ,pope low1 they served themselves of
 the ,barons of ,rome1 who being divided
 into two factions1 the ,orsini and     
,colonnesi1 there was alwaies occasion  
of offence between them1 who standing   
ready with their armes in hand in the   
view of the ,pope1 held the ,popedome   
weak and feeble3 and however sometimes  
there arose a couragious ,pope1 as was  
,sextus2 yet either his fortune1 or his 
wisdome was not able to free him of     
these incommodities1 and the brevity of 
their lives was the cause thereof2 for  
in ten years1 which time1 one with      
another1 ,popes ordinarily liv'd1 with  
much ado could they bring low one of the
 factions4 ,and if1 as we may say1 one  
had near put out the ,colonnesi1 there  
arose another enemy to the ,orsini1 who 
made them grow again1 so that there was 
never time quite to root them out4 ,this
 then was the cause1 why the ,popes     
temporal power was of small esteem in   

,italy2 there arose afterwards ,pope    
,alexander the sixt1 who of all the     
,popes that ever were1 shewed what a    
,pope was able to do with money and     
forces3 and he effected1 by means of his
 instrument1 ,duke ,valentine1 and by   
the ocasion of the ,french mens passage1
 all those things which ,i have formerly
 discoursed upon in the ,dukes actions3 
and however his purpose was nothing at  
all to inlarge the ,church dominions1   
but to make the ,duke great2 yet what he
 did1 turnd to the ,churches advantage1 
which after his death when the ,duke was
 taken away1 was the heir of all his    
pains4 ,afterwards succeeded ,pope      
,julius1 and found the ,church great1   
having all ,romania1 and all the ,barons
 of ,rome being quite rooted out1 and by
 ,alexanders persecutions1 all their    
factions worne down2 he found also the  
way open for the heaping up of moneys1  
never practised before ,alexanders time2
 which things ,julius not only follow'd1
 but augmented2 and thought to make     

himself master of ,bolonia1 and         
extinguish the ,venetians1 and chase the
 ,french men out of ,italy3 and these   
designes of his prov'd all lucky to him1
 and so much the more to his praise in  
that he did all for the good of the     
,church1 and in no private regard3 he   
kept also the factions of the ,orsins   
and ,colonnesi1 in the same ,state he   
found them3 and though there were among 
them some head whereby to cause an      
alteration2 yet two things have held    
them quiet2 the one the power of the    
,church1 which somewhat affrights them2 
the other because they have no          
,cardinals of their factions1 who are   
the primary causes of all the troubles  
amongst them3 nor shall these parties   
ever be at rest1 while they have        
,cardinals2 because they nourish the    
factions both in ,rome1 and abroad2 and 
the ,barons then are forced to undertake
 the defence of them3 and thus from the 
,prelates ambitions arise the discords  
and tumults among the ,barons4 ,and now 

hath ,pope ,leo his ,holiness found the 
,popedome exceeding puissant1 of whom it
 is hoped1 that if they amplified it by 
armes1 he by his goodness1 and infinite 
other vertues1 will much more advantage 
and dignifie it4     ,,chap4 ,,xii  ,how
 many sorts of ,military discipline     
there are and touching ,mercenary       
soldiers4   ,having treated particularly
 of the qualities of those              
,principalities1 which in the beginning 
,i propounded to discourse upon1 and    
considered in some part the reasons of  
their well and ill being1 and shewd the 
waies whereby many have sought to gain1 
and hold them1 it remains now that ,i   
speak in general of the offences and    
defences1 that may chance in each of the
 forenamed4 ,we have formerly said that 
it is necessary for a ,prince to have   
good foundations laid2 otherwise it must
 needs be that he go to wrack4 ,the     
,principal foundations that all ,states 
have1 as well new1 as old1 or mixt1 are 
good laws1 and good armes2 and because  

there cannot be good laws1 where there  
are not good armes2 and where there are 
good armes1 there must needs be good    
laws1 ,i will omit to discourse of the  
laws1 and speak of armes4 ,i say then   
that the armes1 wherewithall a ,prince  
defends his ,state1 either are his own1 
or mercenary1 or auxiliary1 or mixt4    
,those that are mercenary and auxiliar1 
are unprofitable1 and dangerous1 and if 
any one holds his ,state founded upon   
mercenary armes1 he shall never be      
quiet1 nor secure1 because they are     
never well united1 ambitious1 and       
without discipline1 treacherous1 among  
their friends stour1 among their enemies
 cowardly2 they have no fear of ,god1   
nor keep any faith with men2 and so long
 only defer they the doing of mischief1 
till the enemy comes to assul thee2 and 
in time of peace thou art despoyled by  
them1 in war by thy enemies3 the reason 
hereof is1 because they have no other   
love1 nor other cause to keep them in   
the field1 but only a small stipend1    

which is not of force to make them      
willing to hazard their lives for thee3 
they are willing indeed to be thy       
soldiers1 till thou goest to fight2 but 
then they fly1 or run away2 which thing 
would cost me but small pains to        
perswade2 for the ruine of ,italy hath  
not had any other cause now a dayes1    
than for that it hath these many years  
rely'd upon mercenary armes2 which a    
good while since perhaps may have done  
some man some service1 and among        
themselves they may have been thought   
valiant3 but so soon as any forrein     
enemy appeared1 they quickly shewed what
 they were4 ,whereupon ,charles the     
,king of ,france1 without opposition1   
made himself master of all ,italy3 and  
he that said1 that the causes thereof   
were our faults1 said true2 but these   
were not those they beleeved1 but what  
,i have told2 and because they were the 
,princes faults1 they also have suffered
 the punishment4 ,i will fuller shew the
 infelicity of these armes4 ,the        

mercenary ,captains are either very able
 men1 or not3 if they be1 thou canst not
 repose any trust in them3 for they will
 alwaies aspire unto their own proper   
advancements1 either by suppressing of  
thee that art their ,lord1 or by        
suppressing of some one else quite out  
of thy purpose3 but if the ,captain be  
not valorous1 he ordinarily ruines thee3
 and in case it be answered1 that       
whoever shall have his armes in his     
hands1 whether mercenary or not1 will do
 so3 ,i would reply1 that armes are to  
be imployed either by a ,prince1 or     
,common-wealth4 ,the ,prince ought to go
 in person1 and performe the office of a
 commander3 the ,republick is to send   
forth her ,citizens3 and when she sends 
forth one that proves not of abilities1 
she ought to change him then2 and when  
he does prove valorous1 to bridle him so
 by the laws1 that he exceed not his    
commission4 ,and by experience we see1  
that ,princes and ,republiques of       
themselves alone1 make very great       

conquests2 but that mercenary armes     
never do other than harme2 and more     
hardly falls a ,republick armed with her
 own armes under the obedience of one of
 her own ,citizens1 than one that is    
armed by forrein armes4 ,rome and       
,sparta subsisted many ages armed and   
free4 ,the ,swissers are exceedingly    
well armed1 and yet very free4 ,touching
 mercenary armes that were of old1 we   
have an example of the ,carthagians1 who
 near upon were oppress'd by their own  
mercenary soldiers1 when the first war  
with the ,romans was finished2 however  
the ,carthagians had their own ,citizens
 for their ,captains4 ,philip of        
,macedon was made by the ,thebans after 
,epaminondas his death1 ,general of     
their ,armies2 and after the victory1 he
 took from them liberty4 ,the ,milaneses
 when ,duke ,philip was dead1 entertaind
 ,francis ,sforza into their pay against
 the ,venetians1 who having vanquisht   
their enemie at ,caravaggio1 afterwards 
joyned with them1 where by to usurp upon

 the ,milaneses his ,masters4 ,sforza   
his father1 being in ,joan the ,queen of
 ,naples pay1 left her on a sudden      
disarmed2 whereupon she1 to save her    
,kingdom1 was constraind to cast her    
self into the ,king of ,arrragon's      
bosome4 ,and in case the ,venetians and 
the ,florentines have formerly augmented
 their ,state with these kind of armes1 
and their own ,captains1 and yet none of
 them have ever made themselves their   
,princes1 but rather defended them3 ,i  
answer1 that the ,florentines in this   
case have had fortune much their friend3
 for of valorous ,captains1 which they  
might any way fear1 some have not been  
victors1 some have had opposition1 and  
others have laid the aim of their       
ambitions another way4 ,he who overcame 
not1 was ,john ,aouto1 of whose faith   
there could no proof be made1 being he  
vanquisht not2 but every one will       
acknowledge1 that1 had he vanquisht1 the
 ,florentines were at his discretion4   
,sforza had alwaies the ,bracceschi for 

his adversaries1 so that they were as a 
guard one upon another4 ,francis        
converted all his ambition against      
,lombardy4 ,braccio against the ,church1
 and the ,kingdome of ,naples4 ,but let 
us come to that which followed a while  
agoe4 ,the ,florentines made ,paul      
,vitelli their ,general1 a throughly    
advis'd man1 and who from a private     
fortune had rose to very great          
reputation3 had he taken ,pisa1 no man  
will deny but that the ,florentines must
 have held fast with him2 for had he    
been entertained in their enemies pay1  
they had no remedy2 and they themselves 
holding of him1 of force were to obey   
him4 ,the ,venetians1 if we consider    
their proceedings1 we shall see wrought 
both warily and gloriously1 while       
themselves made war1 which was before   
their undertakings by land1 where the   
gentlemen with their own ,commons in    
armes behav'd themselves bravely3 but   
when they began to fight by land1 they  
lost their valor1 and follow'd the      

customes of ,italy2 and in the beginning
 of their enlargement by land1 because  
they had not much territory1 and yet    
were of great reputation1 they had not  
much cause to fear their ,captains2 but 
as they began to extend their bounds1   
which was under their ,commander        
,carminiola1 they had a taste of this   
error3 for perceiving he was exceeding  
valorous1 having under his conduct      
beaten the ,duke of ,milan2 and knowing 
on the other side1 how he was cold in   
the war1 they judg'd that they could not
 make any great conquest with him2 and  
because they neither would1 nor could   
cashier him1 that they might not lose   
what they had gotten1 they were forced  
for their own safeties to put him to    
death4 ,since they have had for their   
,general ,bartholomew of ,berganio1     
,robert of ,st4 ,severin1 the ,count of 
,petilian1 and such like3 whereby they  
were to fear their losses1 as well as to
 hope for gain3 as it fell out          
afterwards at ,vayla1 where in one day  

they lost that1 which with so much pains
 they had gotten in eight hundred years3
 for from these kind of armes grow slack
 and slow and weak gains2 but sudden and
 wonderfull losses3 ,and because ,i am  
now come with these examples into       
,italy1 which now these many years1 have
 been governd by mercenary armes1 ,i    
will search deeper into them1 to the end
 that their course and progress being   
better discoverd1 they may be the better
 amended4 ,you have to understand1 that 
so soon as in these later times the yoak
 of the ,italian ,empire began to be    
shaken off1 and the ,pope had gotten    
reputation in the temporality1 ,italy   
was divided into several ,states3 for   
many of the great cities took armes     
against their ,nobility2 who under the  
,emperors protection had held them in   
oppression2 and the ,pope favored these1
 whereby he might get himself           
reputation1 in the temporality2 of many 
others1 their ,citizens became ,princes1
 so that hereupon ,italy being come into

 the ,churches hands as it were1 and    
some few ,republicks1 those ,priests and
 ,citizens not accustomed to the use of 
armes1 began to take strangers to their 
pay4 ,the first that gave reputation to 
these soldiers was ,alberick of ,como in
 ,romania4 ,from his discipline among   
others descended ,brachio and ,sforza1  
who in their time were the arbitres of  
,italy2 after these followed all others1
 who even till our dayes have commanded 
the armes of ,italy2 and the success of 
their valor hath been1 that it was      
overrun by ,charles1 pillaged by ,lewis1
 forc'd by ,ferdinand1 and disgrac'd by 
the ,swissers4 ,the order which they    
have held1 hath been1 first whereby to  
give reputation to their own armes to   
take away the credit of the ,infantry4  
,this they did1 because they having no  
,state of their own1 but living upon    
their industry1 their few foot gave them
 no reputation1 and many they were not  
able to maintain2 whereupon they reduc'd
 themselves to cavalery1 and so with a  

supportable number they were entertained
 and honored3 and matters were brought  
to such termes1 that in an army of      
twenty thousand soldiers you should not 
find two thousand foot4 ,they had       
moreover us'd all industry to free      
themselves and their soldiers of all    
pains and fear1 in their skirmishes1 not
 killing1 but taking one another        
prisoners1 and without ransome for their
 freedom2 they repaired not all to their
 tents by night1 nor made palizado or   
trench thereabout1 nor lay in the field 
in the summer3 and all these things were
 thus contrived and agreed of among them
 in their military orders1 whereby 7as  
is said7 to avoid pains and dangers1    
insomuch as they have brought ,italy    
into slavery and disgrace4     ,,chap4  
,,xiii  ,of ,auxiliary ,soldiers1 mixt1 
and native4   ,the ,auxiliary forces1   
being the other kind of unprofitable    
armes1 are1 when any puissant one is    
called in1 who with his forces comes to 
assist and defend thee2 such as in these

 later times did ,pope ,julius use1 who 
having seen the evil proof of his       
mercenary soldiers in the enterprize of 
,ferrara1 applied himself to the        
,auxiliaries1 and agreed with ,ferdinand
 ,king of ,spain1 that with his ,forces 
he should aid him4 ,these armes may be  
profitable and advantagious for         
themselves2 but for him that calls them 
in1 hurtfull2 because in losing1 thou   
art left defeated2 and conquering1 thou 
becomest their prisoner4 ,and however   
that of these examples the ancient      
stories are full fraught2 yet will ,i   
not part from this of ,pope ,julius the 
second1 which is as yet fresh3 whose    
course could not have been more         
inconsiderate1 for the desire he had to 
get ,ferrara1 putting himself wholly    
into strangers hands3 but his good      
fortune caused another cause to arise1  
that hindred him from receiving the     
fruit of his evil choice2 for his       
,auxiliaries being broken at ,ravenna1  
and the ,swissers thereupon arriving1   

who put the ,conquerors to flight beyond
 all opinion1 even their own and others1
 he chanced not to remain his enemies   
prisoner1 they being put to flight1 nor 
prisoner to his ,auxiliaries1 having    
vanquished by other forces than theirs4 
,the ,florentines being wholly disarmed1
 brought ten thousand ,french to ,pisa  
for to take it3 by which course they ran
 more hazzard1 than in any time of their
 troubles4 ,the ,emperor of             
,constantinople1 to oppress his         
neighbors1 brought into ,greece ten     
thousand ,turks1 who when the war was   
ended1 could not be got out thence1     
which was the beginning of ,greeces     
servitude under the ,infidels4 ,he then 
that will in no case be able to         
overcome1 let him serve himself of these
 armes2 for they are much more dangerous
 than the mercenaries2 for by those thy 
ruine is more suddenly executed2 for    
they are all united1 and all bent to the
 obedience of another4 ,but for the     
mercenaries to hurt thee1 when they have

 vanquished1 there is no more need of   
time1 and greater occasion1 they not    
being all united in a body1 and being   
found out and paid by thee1 wherein a   
third that thou mak'st their head1      
cannot suddenly gaine so great          
authority1 that he can endammage thee4  
,in summe1 in the mercenaries their     
sloth and lazinesse to fight is more    
dangerous3 in the auxiliaries their     
valour4 ,wherefore a wise ,prince hath  
alwayes avoyded these kind of armes1 and
 betaken himselfe to his owne1 and      
desired rather to loss with his owne1   
than conquer with anothers1 accounting  
that not a true victorie which was      
gotten with others armes4 ,i will not   
doubt to alleadge ,csar ,borgia1 and his
 actions4 ,this ,duke entred into       
,romania with auxiliarie armes1 bringing
 with him all ,french souldiers3 but    
afterwards not accounting those armes   
secure1 bent himselfe to mercenaries1   
judging lesse danger to be in those1 and
 tooke in pay the ,orsini and the       

,vitelli1 which afterwards in the proof 
of them1 finding wavering1 unfaithful1  
and dangerous1 he extinguishd1 and      
betook himselfe to his owne2 and it may 
easily be perceiv'd what difference     
there is between the one and the other  
of these armes1 considering the         
difference that was between the ,dukes  
reputation1 when he had the ,french men 
alone1 and when he had the ,orsini and  
,vitelli2 but when he remaind with his  
own1 and stood of himselfe1 we shall    
find it was much augmented3 nor ever was
 it of grate esteeme1 but when every one
 saw1 that he wholly possessed his owne 
armes4 ,i thought not to have parted    
from the ,italian examples of late      
memory2 but that ,i must not let passe  
that of ,hiero the ,siracusan1 being one
 of those ,i formerly nam'd4 ,this man  
7as ,i said before7 being made general  
of the ,siracusans forces1 knew         
presently that mercenary souldiery was  
nothing for their profit in that they   
were hirelings1 as our ,italians are2   

and finding no way either to hold1 or   
cashier them made them all bee cut to   
peeces1 and afterwards waged warre with 
his owne men1 and none others4 ,i will  
also call to memory a figure of the old 
,testament serving just to this purpose4
 ,when ,david presented himselfe before 
,saul to goe to fight with ,goliah the  
,philistins ,champion1 ,saul to         
encourage him1 clad him with his owne   
armes1 which ,david when he had them    
upon back1 refused1 saying1 he was not  
able to make any proofe of himself      
therein1 and therefore would goe meet   
the enemy with his own sling and sword4 
,in summe1 others armes either fall from
 thy shoulders1 or cumber or streighten 
thee4 ,charls the seventh1 ,father of   
,lewis the eleventh1 having by his good 
fortune and valour set ,france at       
liberty from the ,english1 knew well    
this necessity of being arm'd with his  
owne armes1 and settled in his ,kingdome
 the ordinances of men at armes1 and    
infantry4 ,afterwards ,king ,lewis his  

sonne abolisht those of the infantry1   
and began to take the ,swissers to pay2 
which errour follow'd by the others1 is 
7as now indeed it appeares7 the cause of
 that ,kingdomes dangers4 ,for having   
given reputation to the ,swissers1 they 
have renderd all their own armes        
contemptible2 for this hath wholly ruind
 their foot1 and oblig'd their men at   
armes to forrein armes3 for being       
accustomed to serve with the ,swissers1 
they think they are not able to overcome
 without them4 ,from whence it comes    
that the ,french are not of force       
against the ,swissers1 and without them 
also against others they use not to     
adventure4 ,therefore are the ,french   
armies mixt1 part mercenaries1 and part 
natives1 which armes are farre better   
than the simple mercenaries or simple   
auxiliaries1 and much inferiour to the  
natives2 and let the said example       
suffice for that3 for the ,kingdome of  
,france would have been unconquerable1  
if ,charles his order had been augmented

 and maintaind3 but men in their small  
wisdome begin a thing1 which then       
because it hath some favour of good1    
discovers not the poyson that lurkes    
thereunder1 as ,i before said of the    
hectick feavers4 ,wherefore that ,prince
 which perceives not mischiefes1 but as 
they grow up1 is not truely wise2 and   
this is given but to few3 and if we     
consider the first ruine of the ,romane 
,empire1 we shall find it was from      
taking the ,goths first into their pay2 
for from that beginning the forces of   
the ,romane ,empire began to grow weak1 
and all the valour that was taken hence 
was given to them4 ,i conclude then that
 without having armes of their owne1 no 
,principality can be secure1 or rather  
is wholly oblig'd to fortune1 not having
 valour to shelter it in adversity4 ,and
 it was alwayes the opinion and saying  
of wise men1 that nothing is so weak and
 unsetled1 as is the reputation of power
 not founded upon ones owne proper      
forces3 which are those that are        

composed of thy subjects1 or ,citizens1 
or servants2 all the rest are mercenary 
or auxiliary2 and the manner how to     
order those well1 is easie to find out1 
if those orders above nam'd by me1 shall
 be but run over1 and if it shall be but
 consider'd1 how ,philip ,alexander the 
,great his ,father1 and in what manner  
many ,republicks and ,princes have armd 
and appointed themselves1 to which      
appointments ,i referre my selfe wholly4
     ,,chap4 ,,xiv  ,what belongs to the
 ,prince touching military ,discipline4 
,a prince then ought to have no other   
ayme1 nor other thought1 nor take any   
thing else for his proper art1 but warr1
 and the orders and discipline thereof3 
for that is the sole arte which belongs 
to him that commands1 and is of so great
 excellency1 that not only those that   
are borne ,princes1 it maintains so2 but
 many times raises men from a private   
fortune to that dignity4 ,and it is     
seene by the contrary1 that when        
,princes have given themselves more to  

their delights1 than to the warres1 they
 have lost their ,states2 and the first 
cause that makes thee lose it1 is the   
neglect of that arte2 and the cause that
 makes thee gaine it1 is that thou art  
experienc'd and approvd in that arte4   
,francis ,sforza by being a man at      
armes1 of a private man became ,duke of 
,milan2 and his sons by excusing        
themselves of the troubles and paines   
belonging to those imployments of       
,princes1 became private men4 ,for among
 other mischiefes thy neglect of armes  
brings upon thee1 it causes thee to be  
contemnd1 which is one of those         
disgraces1 from which a ,prince ought to
 keepe himselfe1 as hereafter shall be  
sayd3 for from one that is disarmd to   
one that is armd there is no proportion2
 and reason will not1 that he who is in 
armes1 should willingly yeeld obedience 
to him that is unfurnishd of them1 and  
that he that is disarmd should be in    
security among his armed vassalls2 for  
there being disdaine in the one1 and    

suspicion in the other1 it is impossible
 these should ever well cooperate4 ,and 
therefore a ,prince who is quite        
unexperienced in matter of warre1       
besides the other infelicities belonging
 to him1 as is said1 cannot be had in   
any esteeme among his souldiers1 nor yet
 trust in them4 ,wherefore he ought     
never to neglect the practice of the    
arte of warre1 and in time of peace     
should he exercise it more than in the  
warre2 which he may be able to doe two  
wayes2 the one practically1 and in his  
labours and recreations of his body1 the
 other theoretically4 ,and touching the 
practick part1 he ought besides the     
keeping of his own subjects well traind 
up in the discipline and exercise of    
armes1 give himselfe much to the chase1 
whereby to accustome his body to paines1
 and partly to understand the manner of 
situations1 and to know how the         
mountaines arise1 which way the vallyes 
open themselves1 and how the plaines are
 distended flat abroad1 and to conceive 

well the nature of the rivers1 and      
marrish ground1 and herein to bestow    
very much care1 which knowledge is      
profitable in two kinds3 first he       
learnes thereby to know his own         
countrey1 and is the better enabled to  
understand the defence thereof1 and     
afterwards by meanes of this knowledge  
and experience in these situations1     
easily comprehends any other situation1 
which a new he hath need to view1 for   
the little hillocks1 vallies1 plaines1  
rivers1 and marrish places4 ,for        
example1 they in ,tuscany are like unto 
those of other countries3 so that from  
the knowledge of the site of one        
country1 it is easie to attain to know  
that of others4 ,and that ,prince that  
wants this skill1 failes of the         
principall part a ,commander should be  
furnisht with2 for this shows the way   
how to discover the enemy1 to pitch the 
camp1 to lead their armies1 to order    
their battells1 and also to besiege a   
town at thy best advantage1             

,philopomenes ,prince of the ,achayans1 
among other praises ,writers give him1  
they say1 that in time of peace1 he     
thought not upon any thing so much as   
the practise of warre2 and whensoever he
 was abroad in the field to disport     
himselfe with his friends1 would often  
stand still1 and discourse with them1 in
 case the enemies were upon the top of  
that hill1 and we here with our army1   
whether of us two should have the       
advantage1 and how might we safely goe  
to find them1 keeping still our orders2 
and if we would retire our selves1 what 
course should we take if they retir'd1  
how should we follow them8 and thus on  
the way1 propounded them all such       
accidents could befall in any army2     
would heare their opinions1 and tell his
 owne1 and confirme it by argument2 so  
that by his continuall thought hereupon1
 when ever he led any army no chance    
could happen1 for which he had not a    
remedy4 ,but touching the exercise of   
the mind1 a ,prince ought to read       

,histories1 and in them consider the    
actions of the worthiest men1 marke how 
they have behav'd themselves in the     
warrs1 examine the occasions of their   
victories1 and their losses2 wherby they
 may be able to avoyd these1 and obtaine
 those2 and above all1 doe as formerly  
some excellent man hath done1 who hath  
taken upon him to imitate1 if any one   
that hath gone before him hath left his 
memory glorious2 the course he took1 and
 kept alwaies near unto him the         
remembrances of his actions and worthy  
deeds3 as it is said1 that ,alexander   
the great imitated ,achilles2 ,csar     
,alexander1 and ,scipio ,cyrus4 ,and    
whoever reads the life of ,cyrus1       
written by ,xenophon1 may easily        
perceive afterwards in ,scipio's life   
how much glory his imitation gaind him1 
and how much ,scipio did conforme       
himselfe in his chastity1 affability1   
humanity1 and liberality with those     
things1 that are written by ,xenophon of
 ,cyrus4 ,such like wayes ought a wise  

,prince to take1 nor ever be idle in    
quiet times1 but by his paines then1 as 
it were provide himself of store1       
whereof he may make some use in his     
adversity1 the end that when the times  
change1 he may be able to resist the    
stormes of his hard fortune4     ,,chap4
 ,,xv  ,of those things1 in respect     
whereof1 men1 and especially ,princes1  
are praised1 or dispraised4   ,it now   
remaines that we consider what the      
conditions of a ,prince ought to be1 and
 his termes of government over his      
subjects1 and towards his friends4 ,and 
because ,i know that many have written  
hereupon2 ,i doubt1 lest ,i venturing   
also to treat thereof1 may be branded   
with presumption1 especially seeing ,i  
am like enough to deliver an opinion    
different from others4 ,but my intent   
being to write for the advantage of him 
that understands me1 ,i thought it      
fitter to follow the effectuall truth of
 the matter1 than the imagination       
thereof2 ,and many ,principalities and  

,republiques1 have been in imagination1 
which neither have been seen nor knowne 
to be indeed3 for there is such a       
distance between how men doe live1 and  
how men ought to live2 that he who      
leaves that which is done1 for that     
which ought to be done1 learnes sooner  
his ruine than his preservation2 for    
that man who will professe honesty in   
all his actions1 must needs goe to ruine
 among so many that are dishonest4      
,whereupon it is necessary for a        
,prince1 desiring to preserve himselfe1 
to be able to make use of that honestie1
 and to lay it aside againe1 as need    
shall require4 ,passing by then things  
that are only in imagination belonging  
to a ,prince1 to discourse upon those   
that are really true2 ,i say that all   
men1 whensoever mention is made of them1
 and especially ,princes1 because they  
are placed aloft in the view of all1 are
 taken notice of for some of these      
qualities1 which procure them either    
commendations or blame3 and this is that

 some one is held liberal1 some         
miserable1 7miserable ,i say1 nor       
covetous2 for the covetous desire to    
have1 though it were by rapine2 but a   
miserable man is he1 that too much for  
bears to make use of his owne7 some free
 givers1 others extortioners2 some      
cruell1 others pitious2 the one a       
,leaguebreaker1 another faithfull2 the  
one effeminate and of small courage1 the
 other fierce and couragious2 the one   
courteous1 the other proud2 the one     
lascivious1 the other chaste2 the one of
 faire dealing1 the other wily and      
crafty2 the one hard1 the other easie2  
the one grave1 the other light2 the one 
religious1 the other incredulous1 and   
such like4 ,i know that every one will  
confesse1 it were exceedingly praise    
worthy for a ,prince to be adorned with 
all these above nam'd qualities that are
 good3 but because this is not possible1
 nor doe humane conditions admit such   
perfection in vertues1 it is necessary  
for him to be so discret1 that he know  

how to avoid the infamie of those vices 
which would thrust him out of his       
,state2 and if it be possible1 beware of
 those also which are not able to remove
 him thence2 but where it cannot be1 let
 them passe with lesse regard4 ,and yet1
 let him not stand much upon it1 though 
he incurre the infamie of those vices1  
without which he can very hardly save   
his ,state3 for if all be throughly     
considerd1 some thing we shall find     
which will have the colour and very face
 of ,vertue1 and following them1 they   
will lead the to thy destruction2       
whereas some others that shall as much  
seeme vice1 if we take the course they  
lead us1 shall discover unto us the way 
to our safety and well-being4      ,the 
second blemish in this our ,authours    
book1 ,i find in his     fifteenth      
,chapter3 where he instructs his ,prince
 to use such an     ambidexterity as    
that he may serve himselfe either of    
vertue1 or     vice1 according to his   
advantage1 which in true pollicy is     

neither good in attaining the           
,principality nor in securing it        
when it is attaind4 ,for ,politicks1    
presuppose ,ethiques1 which     will    
never allow this rule3 as that a man    
might make this small     difference    
between vertue1 and vice1 that he may   
indifferently     lay aside1 or take up 
the one or the other1 and put it in     
practise as best conduceth to the end he
 propounds himselfe4 ,i     doubt our   
,authour would have blamd ,davids regard
 to ,saul when #a     ,sam4 #bd4 in the 
cave he cut off the lap of ,sauls       
garment1 and     spared his head2 and   
afterwards in the #bf4 when he forbad   
,abishai to strike him as he lay        
sleeping4 ,worthy of a ,princes         
consideration is that saying of ,abigal 
to ,david #a ,sam4 #be4 #cj4      ',it  
shall come to passe when the ,lord shall
 have done to my ,lord     according to 
all that he hath spoken concerning thee1
 and shall     have appointed thee      
,ruler over ,israel1 that this shall be 

no     grief to thee1 nor offence of    
heart unto my ,lord1 that thou hast     
forborne to shed blood1 etc4'      ,for 
surely the conscience of this evill     
ground whereupon they     have either   
built1 or underpropped their tyranny1   
causes men1 as     well metus as spes in
 longum projicere1 which sets them a    
work on further mischiefe4     ,,chap4  
,,xvi  ,of ,liberality1 and             
,miserablenesse4   ,beginning then at   
the first of the above mentioned        
qualities1 ,i say that it would be very 
well to be accounted liberall3          
neverthelesse1 liberality used in such a
 manner1 as to make thee be accounted   
so1 wrongs thee3 for in case it be used 
vertuously1 and as it ought to be1 it   
shall never come to be taken notice of1 
so as to free thee from the infamie of  
its contrary4 ,and therefore for one to 
hold the name of liberal among men1 it  
were needfull not to omit any sumptuous 
quality1 insomuch that a ,prince alwayes
 so dispos'd1 shall waste all his       

revenues1 and at the end shall be       
forc'd1 if he will still maintaine that 
reputation of liberality1 heavily to    
burthen his subjects1 and become a great
 exactour2 and put in practise all those
 things that can be done to get mony3   
,which begins to make him hatefull to   
his subjects1 and fall into every ones  
contempt1 growing necessitous3 so that  
having with this liberality wrong'd     
many1 and imparted of his bounty but to 
a few2 he feels every first mischance1  
and runs a hazard of every first danger3
 ,which he knowing1 and desiring to     
withdraw himself from1 incurs presently 
the disgrace of being termed miserable4 
,a ,prince therefore not being able to  
use this vertue of liberality1 without  
his own damage1 in such a sort1 that it 
may be taken notice of1 ought1 if he be 
wise1 not to regard the name of         
,miserable2 for in time he shall alwaies
 be esteemed the more liberal1 seeing   
that by his parsimony his own revenues  
are sufficient for him2 as also he can  

defend himself against whoever makes war
 against him1 and can do some exploits  
without grieving his subjects3 so that  
he comes to use his liberality to all   
those1 from whom he takes nothing1 who  
are infinite in number2 and his         
miserableness towards those to whom he  
gives nothing1 who are but a few4 ,in   
our dayes we have not seen any1 but     
those who have been held miserable1 do  
any great matters2 but the others all   
quite ruin'd4 ,pope ,julius the second1 
however he serv'd himself of the name of
 ,liberal1 to get the ,papacy1 yet never
 intended he to continue it1 to the end 
he might be able to make war against the
 ,king of ,france3 and he made so many  
wars without imposing any extraordinary 
tax1 because his long thrift supplyed   
his large expences4 ,this present ,king 
of ,spain could never have undertaken1  
nor gone through with so many exploits1 
had he been accounted liberal4          
,wherefore a ,prince ought little to    
regard 7that he may not be driven to    

pillage his subjects1 that he may be    
able to defend himself1 that he may not 
fall into poverty and contempt1 that he 
be not forced to become an extortioner7 
though he incurre the name of miserable2
 for this is one of those vices1 which  
does not pluck him from his throne4 ,and
 if any one should say1 ,csar by his    
liberality obtained the ,empire1 and    
many others 7because they both were1 and
 were esteemd liberal7 attaind to       
exceeding great dignities4 ,i answer1   
either thou art already come to be a    
,prince1 or thou art in the way to it2  
in the first case1 this liberality is   
hurtful2 in the second1 it is necessary 
to be accounted so2 and ,csar was one of
 those that aspired to the ,principality
 of ,rome4 ,but if after he had gotten  
it1 he had survived1 and not forborne   
those expences1 he would quite have     
ruined that ,empire4 ,and if any one    
should reply2 many have been ,princes1  
and with their armies have done great   
exploits1 who have been held very       

liberal4 ,i answer1 either the ,prince  
spends of his own and his subjects1 or  
that which belongs to others3 in the    
first1 he ought to be sparing2 in the   
second1 he should not omit any part of  
liberality4 ,and that ,prince that goes 
abroad with his army1 and feeds upon    
prey1 and spoyle1 and tributes1 and hath
 the disposing of that which belongs to 
others1 necessarily should use this     
liberality2 otherwise would his soldiers
 never follow him2 and of that which is 
neither thine1 nor thy subjects1 thou   
mayest well be a free giver1 as were    
,cyrus1 ,csar and ,alexander2 for the   
spending of that which is anothers1     
takes not away thy reputation1 but      
rather adds to it1 only the wasting of  
that which is thine own hurts thee2 nor 
is there any thing consumes itself so   
much as liberality1 which whilest thou  
usest1 thou losest the means to make use
 of it1 and becomest poore and abject2  
or to avoid this poverty1 an extortioner
 and hatefull person4 ,and among all    

those things which a ,prince ought to   
beware of is1 to be dispised1 and       
odious2 to one and the other of which1  
liberality brings thee4 ,wherefore there
 is more discretion to hold the stile of
 ,miserable1 which begets an infamy     
without hatred1 than to desire that of  
,liberal1 whereby to incurre the        
necessity of being thought an           
extortioner1 which procures an infamy   
with hatred4     ,,chap4 ,,xvii  ,of    
,cruelty1 and ,clemency1 and whether it 
is better to be belov'd1 or feard4      
,descending afterwards unto the other   
fore-alledged qualities1 ,i say1 that   
every ,prince should desire to be held  
pitiful1 and not cruel4 ,nevertheless   
ought he beware that he ill uses not    
this pitty4 ,csar ,borgia was accounted 
cruel1 yet had his cruelty redrest the  
disorders in ,romania1 setled it in     
union1 and restored it to peace1 and    
fidelity3 which1 if it be well weighed1 
we shall see was an act of more pitty1  
than that of the people of ,florence1   

who to avoyd the terme of cruelty1      
suffered ,pistoya to fall to            
destruction4 ,wherefore a ,prince ought 
not to regard the infamy of cruelty1 for
 to hold his subjects united and        
faithfull3 for by giving a very few     
proofes of himself the other way1 he    
shall be held more pittiful than they1  
who through their too much pitty1 suffer
 disorders to follow1 from whence arise 
murthers and rapines3 for these are wont
 to hurt an intire universality1 whereas
 the executions practised by a ,prince1 
hurt only some particular4 ,and among   
all sorts of ,princes1 it is impossible 
for a new ,prince to avoyd the name of  
cruel1 because all new ,states are full 
of dangers3 whereupon ,virgil by the    
mouth of ,dido excuses the inhumanity of
 her ,kingdom1 saying1    ,res dura et  
,regni novitas me talia cogunt   ,moliri
 et lat fines custode tenere4    ,my    
hard plight and new ,state force me to  
guard   ,my confines all about with     
watch and ward4  ,nevertheless ought he 

to be judicious in his giving belief to 
any thing1 or moving himself thereat1   
nor make his people extreamly afraid of 
him2 but proceed in a moderate way with 
wisdome1 and humanity1 that his too much
 confidence make him not unwary1 and his
 too much distrust intolerable2 from    
hence arises a dispute1 whether it is   
better to be belov'd or feard3 ,i       
answer1 a man would wish he might be the
 one and the other3 but because hardly  
can they subsist both together1 it is   
much safer to be feard1 than be loved2  
being that one of the two must needs    
fail2 for touching men1 we may say this 
in general1 they are unthankful1        
unconstant1 dissemblers1 they avoyd     
dangers1 and are covetous of gain2 and  
whilest thou doest them good1 they are  
wholly thine2 their blood1 their        
fortunes1 lives and children are at thy 
service1 as is said before1 when the    
danger is remote2 but when it           
approaches1 they revolt4 ,and that      
,prince who wholly relies upon their    

words1 unfurnished of all other         
preparations1 goes to wrack3 for the    
friendships that are gotten with        
rewards1 and not by the magnificence and
 worth of the mind1 are dearly bought   
indeed2 but they will neither keep long1
 nor serve well in time of need3 and men
 do less regard to offend one that is   
supported by love1 than by fear4 ,for   
love is held by a certainty of          
obligation1 which because men are       
mischievous1 is broken upon any occasion
 of their own profit4 ,but fear         
restrains with a dread of punishment    
which never forsakes a man4 ,yet ought a
 ,prince cause himself to be belov'd in 
such a manner1 that if he gains not     
love1 he may avoid hatred3 for it may   
well stand together1 that a man may be  
feard and not hated2 which shall never  
fail1 if he abstain from his subjects   
goods1 and their wives2 and whensoever  
he should be forc'd to proceed against  
any of their lives1 do it when it is to 
be done upon a just cause1 and apparent 

conviction2 but above all things        
forbeare to lay his hands on other mens 
goods2 for men forget sooner the death  
of their father1 than the loss of their 
patrimony4 ,moreover the occasions of   
taking from men their goods1 do never   
fail3 and alwaies he that begins to live
 by rapine1 finds occasion to lay hold  
upon other mens goods3 but against mens 
lives1 they are seldome found1 and      
sooner fail4 ,but where a ,prince is    
abroad in the field with his army1 and  
hath a multitude of soldiers under his  
government1 then is it necessary that he
 stands not much upon it1 though he be  
termed cruel3 for unless he be so1 he   
shall never have his soldiers live in   
accord one with another1 nor ever well  
disposed to any brave piece of service4 
,among ,hannibals actions of mervail1   
this is reckoned for one1 that having a 
very huge army1 gathered out of several 
nations1 and all led to serve in a      
strange countrey1 there was never any   
dissention neither amongst themselves1  

nor against their ,general1 as well in  
their bad fortune as their good4 ,which 
could not proceed from any thing else   
than from that barbarous cruelty of his1
 which together with his exceeding many 
vertues1 rendred him to his soldiers    
both venerable and terrible2 without    
which1 to that effect his other vertues 
had served him to little purpose3 and   
some writers though not of the best     
advised1 on one side admire these his   
worthy actions1 and on the otherside1   
condemn the principal causes thereof4   
,and that it is true1 that his other    
vertues would not have suffic'd him1 we 
may consider in ,scipio1 the rarest man 
not only in the dayes he liv'd1 but even
 in the memory of man2 from whom his    
army rebel'd in ,spain3 which grew only 
upon his too much clemency1 which had   
given way to his soldiers to become more
 licentious1 than was well tollerable by
 military discipline3 for which he was  
reprov'd by ,fabius ,maximus in the     
,senate1 who termed him the corrupter of

 the ,roman soldiery4 ,the ,locrensians 
having been destroyed by a ,lieutenant  
of ,scipio's1 were never reveng'd by    
him1 nor the insolence of that          
,lieutenant punisht2 all this arising   
from his easie nature3 so that one      
desiring to excuse him in the ,senate1  
said1 that there were many men knew     
better how to keep themselves from      
faults1 than to correct the faults of   
other men3 which disposition of his in  
time would have wrong'd ,scipio's       
reputation and glory1 had he therewith  
continu'd in his commands3 but living   
under the government of the ,senate1    
this quality of his that would have     
disgrac'd him not only was conceal'd1   
but prov'd to the advancement of his    
glory4 ,i conclude then1 returning to   
the purpose of being feard1 and belov'd2
 insomuch as men love at their own      
pleasure1 and to serve their own turne1 
and their fear depends upon the ,princes
 pleasure1 every wise ,prince ought to  
ground upon that which is of himself1   

and not upon that which is of another3  
only this1 he ought to use his best wits
 to avoid hatred1 as was said4          
,,chap4 ,,xviii  ,in what manner        
,princes ought to keep their words4     
,how commendable in a ,prince it is to  
keep his word1 and live with integrity1 
not making use of cunning and subtlety1 
every one knows well3 yet we see by     
experience in these our dayes1 that     
those ,princes have effected great      
matters1 who have made small reckoning  
of keeping their words1 and have known  
by their craft to turne and wind men    
about1 and in the end1 have overcome    
those who have grounded upon the truth4 
,you must then know1 there are two kinds
 of combating or fighting2 the one by   
right of the laws1 the other meerly by  
force4 ,that first way is proper to men1
 the other is also common to beasts3 but
 because the first many times suffices  
not1 there is a necessity to make       
recourse to the second2 wherefore it    
behooves a ,prince to know how to make  

good use of that part which belongs to a
 beast1 as well as that which is proper 
to a man4 ,this part hath been covertly 
shew'd to ,princes by ancient writers2  
who say that ,achilles and many others  
of those ancient ,princes were intrusted
 to ,chiron the ,senator1 to be brought 
up under his discipline3 the moral of   
this1 having for their teacher one that 
was half a beast and half a man1 was    
nothing else1 but that it was needful   
for a ,prince to understand how to make 
his advantage of the one and the other  
nature1 because neither could subsist   
without the other4 ,a ,prince then being
 necessitated to know how to make use of
 that part belonging to a beast1 ought  
to serve himself of the conditions of   
the ,fox and the ,lion2 for the ,lion   
cannot keep himself from snares1 nor the
 ,fox defend himself against the        
,wolves4 ,he had need then be a ,fox1   
that he may beware of the snares1 and a 
,lion that he may scare the wolves4     
,those that stand wholly upon the ,lion1

 understand not well themselves4 ,and   
therefore a wise ,prince cannot1 nor    
ought not keep his faith given when the 
observance thereof turnes to            
disadvantage1 and the occasions that    
made him promise1 are past4 ,for if men 
were all good1 this rule would not be   
allowable2 but being they are full of   
mischief1 and would not make it good to 
thee1 neither art thou tyed to keep it  
with them3 nor shall a ,prince ever want
 lawfull occasions to give colour to    
this breach4 ,very many modern examples 
hereof might be alledg'd1 wherein might 
be shewed how many peaces concluded1 and
 how many promises made1 have been      
violated and broken by the infidelity of
 ,princes2 and ordinarily things have   
best succeeded with him that hath been  
nearest the ,fox in condition4 ,but it  
is necessary to understand how to set a 
good colour upon this disposition1 and  
to be able to fain and dissemble        
throughly2 and men are so simple1 and   
yeeld so much to the present            

necessities1 that he who hath a mind to 
deceive1 shall alwaies find another that
 will be deceivd4 ,i will not conceal   
any one of the examples that have been  
of late4 ,alexander the sixth1 never did
 any thing else than deceive men1 and   
never meant otherwise1 and alwaies found
 whom to work upon2 yet never was there 
man would protest more effectually1 nor 
aver any thing with more solemn oaths1  
and observe them less than he2          
nevertheless1 his cousenages all thriv'd
 well with him2 for he knew how to play 
this part cunningly4 ,therefore is there
 no necessity for a ,prince to be endued
 with all above written qualities1 but  
it behooveth well that he seem to be so2
 or rather ,i will boldly say this1 that
 having these qualities1 and alwaies    
regulating himself by them1 they are    
hurtfull2 but seeming to have them1 they
 are advantageous2 as to seem pittiful1 
faithful1 mild1 religious1 and of       
integrity1 and indeed to be so2 provided
 withall thou beest of such a           

composition1 that if need require to use
 the contrary1 thou canst1 and knowest  
how to apply thy self thereto4 ,and it  
suffices to conceive this1 that a       
,prince1 and especially a new ,prince1  
cannot observe all those things1 for    
which men are held good2 he being often 
forc'd1 for the maintenance of his      
,state1 to do contrary to his faith1    
charity1 humanity1 and religion3 and    
therefore it behooves him to have a mind
 so disposd1 as to turne and take the   
advantage of all winds and fortunes2 and
 as formerly ,i said1 not forsake the   
good1 while he can2 but to know how to  
make use of the evil upon necessity4 ,a 
,prince then ought to have a special    
care1 that he never let fall any words1 
but what are all season'd with the five 
above written qualities1 and let him    
seem to him that sees and hears him1 all
 pitty1 all faith1 all integrity1 all   
humanity1 all religion2 nor is there any
 thing more necessary for him to seem to
 have1 than this last quality3 for all  

men in general judge thereof1 rather by 
the sight1 than by the touch2 for every 
man may come to the sight of him1 few   
come to the touch and feeling of him2   
yvery man may come to see what thou     
seemest1 few come to perceive and       
understand what thou art2 and those few 
dare not oppose the opinion of many1 who
 have the majesty of ,state to protect  
them3 ,and in all mens actions1         
especially those of ,princes wherein    
there is no judgement to appeale unto   
men1 forbeare to give their censures1   
till the events and ends of things4 ,let
 a ,prince therefore take the surest    
courses he can to maintain his life and 
,state3 the means shall alwaies be      
thought honorable1 and commended by     
every one2 for the vulgar is over-taken 
with the appearance and event of a      
thing3 and for the most part of people1 
they are but the vulgar3 the others that
 are but few1 take place where the      
vulgar have no subsisteance4 ,a ,prince 
there is in these dayes1 whom ,i shall  

not do well to name1 that preaches      
nothing else but peace and faith2 but   
had he kept the one and the other1      
several times had they taken from him   
his state and reputation4      ,in the  
sixteenth1 seventeenth1 and eighteenth  
,chap1 our ,author     descends to      
particulars1 perswading his ,prince in  
his sixteenth     to such a suppleness  
of disposition1 as that upon occasion he
     can make use either of liberality  
or miserableness1 as need     shall     
require4 ,but that of liberality is to  
last no longer than     while he is in  
the way to some designe3 which if he    
well weigh1     is not really a reward  
of vertue1 how ere it seems2 but a bait 
and lure to bring birds to the net4 ,in 
the seventeenth ,chap1 he     treats of 
clemency and cruelty1 neither of which  
are to be     exercis'd by him as acts  
of mercy or justice2 but as they may    
serve to advantage his further purposes4
 ,and lest the ,prince     should       
incline too much to clemency1 our       

,author allows rather     the restraint 
by fear1 than by love4 ,the contrary to 
which all     stories shew us4 ,i will  
say this only1 cruelty may cut of the   
power of some1 but causes the hatred of 
all1 and gives a will to     most to    
take the first occasion offerd for      
revenge4 ,in the     eighteenth ,chap1  
our ,author discourses how ,princes     
ought to     govern themselves in       
keeping their promises made3 whereof he 
sayes they ought to make such small     
reckoning1 as that rather     they      
should know by their craft how to turne 
and wind men about1     whereby to take 
advantage of all winds and fortunes4 ,to
 this ,i     would oppose that in the   
fifteenth ,psal4 v4 #e4 ,he that        
sweareth     to his neighbor1 and       
disappointeth him not1 though it were to
     his own hindrance4 ,it was a ,king 
that writ it1 and me thinks the     rule
 he gave1 should well befit both ,king  
and ,subject3 and     surely this       
perswades against all taking of         

advantages4 ,a man     may reduce all   
the causes of faith-breaking to three   
heads4 ,one     may be1 because he that 
promised1 had no intention to keep his  
word2 and this is a wicked and malitious
 way of dealing4 ,a     second may bee1 
because hee that promisd1 repents of his
 promise     made2 and that is grounded 
on unconstancy1 and lightness in that   
he would not be well resolved before he 
entred into covenant4     ,the third may
 be1 when it so falls out1 that it lyes 
not in his     power that made the      
promise to performe it4 ,in which case a
 man     ought to imitate the good      
debter1 who having not wherewithall to  
pay1 hides not himself1 but presents his
 person to his creditor1     willingly  
suffering imprisonment4 ,the first and  
second are very     vitious and unworthy
 of a ,prince3 in the third1 men might  
well     be directed by the examples of 
those two famous ,romans1 ,regulus      
and ,posthumius4 ,i shall close this    
with the answer of ,charles     the     

fifth1 when he was pressed to break his 
word with ,luther for     his safe      
return from ,wormes2 ,fides rerum       
promissarum etsi toto     mundo exulet1 
tamen apud imperatorem cam consistere   
oportet4     ,though truth be banisht   
out of the whole world1 yet should it   
alwaies find harbour in an ,emperors    
breast4  ,sidenote3 ,gulielmus          
,xenocarus in vit4 ,car4 ,quinti4       
,,chap4 ,,xix  ,that ,princes should    
take a care1 not to incurre contempt or 
hatred4   ,but because among the        
qualities1 whereof formerly mention is  
made1 ,i have spoken of those of most   
importance1 ,i will treat of the others 
more briefly under these qualityes that 
a ,prince is to beware1 as in part is   
above-said1 and that he fly those things
 which cause him to be odious or vile3  
and when ever he shall avoid this1 he   
shall fully have plaid his part1 and in 
the other disgraces he shall find no    
danger at all4 ,there is nothing makes  
him so odious1 as ,i said1 as his       

extortion of his subjects goods1 and    
abuse of their women1 from which he     
ought to forbear2 and so long as he     
wrongs not his whole people1 neither in 
their goods1 nor honors1 they live      
content1 and he hath only to strive with
 the ,ambition of some few3 which many  
waies and easily too1 is restrain'd4 ,to
 be held various1 light1 effeminate1    
faint-hearted1 unresolv'd1 these make   
him be contemnd and thought base1 which 
a ,prince should shun like rocks1 and   
take a care that in all his actions     
there appear magnanimity1 courage1      
gravity1 and valor2 and that in all the 
private affairs of his subjects1 he     
orders it so1 that his word stand       
irrevocable3 and maintain himself in    
such repute1 that no man may think      
either to deceive or wind and turn him  
about3 that ,prince that gives such an  
opinion of himself1 is much esteemed1   
and against him who is so well esteemed1
 hardly are any conspiracies made by his
 subjects1 or by forreiners any         

invasion1 when once notice is taken of  
his worth1 and how much he is reverenced
 by his subjects3 ,for a ,prince ought  
to have two fears1 the one from within1 
in regard of his subjects2 the other    
from abroad1 in regard of his mighty    
neighbors2 from these he defends himself
 by good armes and good friends2 and    
alwayes he shall have good friends1 if  
he have good armes2 and all things shall
 alwaies stand sure at home1 when those 
abroad are firme1 in case some          
conspiracy have not disturbed them2 and 
however the forrein matters stand but   
ticklishly2 yet if he have taken such   
courses at home1 and liv'd as we have   
prescribed1 he shall never be able 7in  
case he forsake not himself7 to resist  
all possibility1 force and violence1 as 
,i said ,nabis the ,spartan did3 but    
touching his subjects1 even when his    
affairs abroad are setled1 it is to be  
fear'd they may conspire privily2 from  
which a ,prince sufficiently secure     
himself by shunning to be hated or      

contemned1 and keeping himself in his   
peoples good opinion1 which it is       
necessary for him to compass1 as        
formerly we treated at large4 ,and one  
of the powerfullest remedies a ,prince  
can have against conspiracies1 is1 not  
to be hated nor dispised by the         
universality2 for alwaies he that       
conspires1 beleeves the ,princes death  
is acceptable to the subject3 but when  
he thinks it displeases them1 he hath   
not the heart to venture on such a      
matter2 for the difficulties that are on
 the conspirators side1 are infinite4   
,by experience it is plain1 that many   
times plots have been laid1 but few of  
them have succeeded luckily2 for he that
 conspires1 cannot be alone1 nor can he 
take the company of any1 but of those1  
who he beleeves are malecontents2 and so
 soon as thou hast discover'd thy self  
to a malecontent1 thou givest him means 
to work his own content3 for by         
revealing thy treason1 he may well hope 
for all manner of favour3 so that seeing

 his gain certain of one side2 and on   
the other1 finding only doubt and       
danger1 either he had need be a rare    
friend1 or that he be an exceeding      
obstinate enemy to the ,prince1 if he   
keeps his word with thee4 ,and to reduce
 this matter into short termes3 ,i say1 
there is nothing but jealousie1 fear1   
and suspect of punishment on the        
conspirators part to affright him2 but  
on the ,princes part1 there is the      
majesty of the principality1 the laws1  
the defences of his friends and the     
,state1 which do so guard him1 that to  
all these things the peoples good wills 
being added1 it is unpossible any one   
should be so head-strong as to conspire2
 for ordinarily where a traytor is to   
feare before the execution of his       
mischiefe1 in this case he is also to   
feare afterwards1 having the people for 
his enemy when the fact is commited1 and
 therefore for this cause1 not being    
able to hope for any refuge4 ,touching  
this matter1 many examples might be     

brought2 but ,i will content my selfe to
 name one which fell out in the memory  
of our ,fathers4 ,annibal ,bentivolii1  
grand ,father of this ,annibal who now  
lives1 that was ,prince in ,bolonia1    
being slaine by the ,canneschi that     
conspir'd against him1 none of his race 
being left1 but this ,john1 who was then
 in swadling clouts2 presently the      
people rose upon this murder1 and slew  
all the ,canneschi which proceeded from 
the popular affection1 which the family 
of the ,bentivolii held then in         
,bolonia3 which was so great1 that being
 there remain'd not any1 now ,anniball  
was dead1 that was able to manage the   
,state2 and having notice that in       
,florence there was one borne of the    
,bentivolii1 who till then was taken for
 a ,smiths sonne3 the citizens of       
,bolonia went to ,florence for him1 and 
gave the government of their ,city to   
him1 which was rul'd by him1 untill     
,john was of fit yeares to governe4 ,i  
conclude then1 that a ,prince ought to  

make small account of treasons1 whiles  
he hath the people to friend3 but if    
they be his enemies and hate him1 he may
 well feare every thing1 and every one4 
,and well ordered ,states1 and discreet 
,princes have taken care withall        
diligence1 not to cause their great men 
to fall into desperation1 and to content
 the people1 and so to maintaine them3  
for this is one of the most important   
businesses belonging to a ,prince4      
,among the ,kingdomes that are well     
orderd and governd in our dayes1 is that
 of ,france1 and therein are found      
exceeding many good orders1 whereupon   
the ,kings liberty and security depends3
 of which the chiefe is the ,parliament1
 and the authority thereof3 for he that 
founded that ,kingdome1 knowing the     
great mens ambition and insolence2 and  
judgeing it necessary there should be a 
bridle to curbe them2 and on the other  
side knowing the hatred of the          
,commonalty against the great ones1     
grounded upon feare1 intending to secure

 them1 would not lay this care wholly   
upon the ,king1 but take this trouble   
from him1 which he might have with the  
great men1 in case he favourd the       
,commonalty2 or with the ,commonalty1 in
 case he favourd the great men2 and     
thereupon set up a third judge1 which   
was that1 to the end it should keep     
under the great ones1 and favour the    
meaner sort1 without any imputation to  
the ,king4 ,it was not possible to take 
a better1 nor wiser course then this2   
nor a surer way to secure the ,king1 and
 the ,kingdome4 ,from whence we may draw
 another conclusion worthie of note1    
that ,princes ought to cause others to  
take upon them the matters of blame and 
imputation2 and upon themselves to take 
only those of grace and favour4 ,here   
againe ,i conclude1 that a ,prince ought
 to make good esteeme of his ,nobility2 
but not thereby to incur the ,commons   
hatred3 ,it would seeme perhaps to many1
 considering the life and death of many 
,romane ,emperours1 that they were      

examples contrary to my opinion1 finding
 that some have liv'd worthily1 and     
shewd many rare vertues of the minde1   
and yet have lost the ,empire1 and been 
put to death by their owne subjects1    
conspiring against them4 ,intending then
 to answer these objections1 ,i shall   
discourse upon the qualities of some    
,emperours1 declaring the occasions of  
their ruine1 not disagreeing from that  
which ,i have alledgd2 and part thereof 
,i will bestow on the consideration of  
these things1 which are worthy to be    
noted by him that reads the actions of  
those times3 and it shall suffice me to 
take all those ,emperours that succeeded
 in the ,empire from ,marcus the        
,philosopher to ,maximinus1 who were    
,mercus and ,commodus his sonne1        
,pertinax1 ,julian1 ,severus1 ,antonius1
 ,caracalla his sonne1 ,macrinus1       
,heliogabalus1 ,alexander1 and ,maximin4
 ,and first it is to be noted1 that     
where in the other ,principalities1 they
 are to contend only with the ambition  

of the ,nobles1 and the insolence of the
 people2 the ,romane ,emperours had a   
third difficulty1 having to support the 
cruelty and covetousnesse of the        
souldiers1 which was so hard a thing1   
that it caused the ruine of many1 being 
hard to satisfy the souldiers1 and the  
people2 for the people love their quiet1
 and therefore affect modest ,princes2  
and the souldiers love a ,prince of a   
warlike courage1 that is insolent1      
cruell1 and plucking from every one3    
which things they would have them       
exercise upon the people1 whereby they  
might be able to double their stipends1 
and satisfie their avarice and cruelty3 
whence it proceeds1 that those          
,emperours who either by ,nature or by  
,art1 had not such a reputation1 as     
therewith they could curbe the one and  
the other1 were alwayes ruind3 and the  
most of them1 specially those who as new
 men came to the principality1 finding  
the difficulty of those two different   
humours1 applyed themselves to content  

the souldiers1 making small account of  
wronging the people1 which was a course 
then necessary2 for the ,princes not    
being able to escape the hatred of every
 one1 ought first endeavour that they   
incurre not the hatred of any whole     
universality2 and when they cannot      
attaine thereunto1 they are to provide  
with all industry1 to avoyd the hatred  
of those universalities that are the    
most mighty4 ,and therefore those       
,emperors1 who because they were but    
newly call'd to the ,empire1 had need of
 extraordinary favours1 more willingly  
stuck to the soldiers1 than to the      
people2 which neverthelesse turnd to    
their advantage1 or otherwise1 according
 as that ,prince knew how to maintaine  
his repute with them4 ,from these causes
 aforesayd proceeded it1 that ,marcus   
,pertinax1 and ,alexander1 though all   
living modestly1 being lovers of        
justice1 and enemies of cruelty1        
courteous and bountifull1 had all from  
,marcus on ward1 miserable ends2 ,marcus

 only liv'd and dy'd exceedingly        
honoured3 for he came to the ,empire by 
inheritance1 and was not to acknowledge 
it either from the soldiers1 nor from   
the people3 afterwards being accompanyed
 with many vertues1 which made him      
venerable1 he held alwayes whilst he    
liv'd the one and the other order within
 their limits1 and was never either     
hated1 or contemnd4 ,but ,pertinax was  
created ,emperour against the soldiers  
wills1 who being accustomed to live     
licentiously under ,commodus1 could not 
endure that honest course that ,pertinax
 sought to reduce them to3 ,whereupon   
having gotten himself hatred1 and to    
this hatred added contempt1 in that he  
was old1 was ruind in the very beginning
 of his government4 ,whence it ought to 
be observed1 that hatred is gaind as    
well by good deeds as bad2 and therefore
 as ,i formerly said1 when a ,prince    
would maintaine the ,state1 he is often 
forced not to be good3 for when that    
generality1 whether it be the people1 or

 soldiers1 or ,nobility1 whereof thou   
thinkst thou standst in need to maintain
 thee1 is corrupted1 it behoves thee to 
follow their humour1 and content them1  
and then all good deeds are thy         
adversaries4 ,but let us come to        
,alexander who was of that goodnesse1   
that among the prayses given him1 had   
this for one1 that in fourteen yeers    
wherein he held the ,empire1 he never   
put any man to death1 but by course of  
justice2 neverthelesse being held       
effeminate1 and a man that suffered     
himselfe to be ruled by his mother1 and 
thereupon fallen into contempt1 the army
 conspird against him4 ,now on the      
contrary discoursing upon the qualities 
of ,commodus1 ,severus1 ,antonius1      
,caracalla1 and ,maximinus1 you shall   
find them exceeding cruell1 and         
ravinous1 who to satisfie their         
soldiers1 forbeare no kinde of injury   
that could be done upon the people2 and 
all of them1 except ,severus1 came to   
evill ends3 for in ,severus1 there was  

such extraordinary valour1 that while he
 held the soldiers his freinds1 however 
the people were much burthend by him1 he
 might alwayes reigne happily3 for his  
valour rendred him so admirable in the  
souldiers and peoples sights2 that these
 in a manner stood amazd and astonishd1 
and those others reverencing and        
honoring him4 ,and because the actions  
of this man were exceeding great1 being 
in a new ,prince1 ,i will briefly shew  
how well he knew to act the ,foxes and  
the ,lions parts2 the conditions of     
which two1 ,i say1 as before1 are very  
necessary for a ,prince to imitate4     
,severus having had experience of       
,julian the ,emperours sloth1 perswaded 
his army 7whereof he was commander in   
,sclavonia7 that they should doe well to
 goe to ,rome to revenge ,pertinax his  
death1 who was put to death by the      
,imperiall guard2 and under this        
pretence1 not making any shew that he   
aspird unto the ,empire1 set his army in
 march directly towards ,rome1 and was  

sooner come into ,italy1 than it was    
knowne he had mov'd from his station4   
,being ariv'd at ,rome1 he was by the   
,senate chosen ,emperour for feare1 and 
,julian slaine4 ,after this beginning1  
two difficulties yet remaind to         
,severus1 before he could make himselfe 
,lord of the whole ,state2 the one in   
,asia1 where ,niger the ,generall of    
those armies had gotten the title of    
,emperour1 the other in the ,west with  
,albinus1 who also aspird to the        
,empire3 and because he thought there   
might be some danger to discover        
himselfe enemy to them both1 he purposed
 to set upon ,niger1 and cozen ,albinus1
 to whom he writ1 that being elected    
,emperour by the ,senate1 he would      
willingly communicate it with him2 and  
thereupon sent him the title of ,csar1  
and by resolution of the ,senate1 tooke 
him to him for his ,colleague2 which    
things were taken by ,albinus in true   
meaning4 ,but afterwards when ,severus  
had overcome and slaine ,niger1 and     

pacified the affaires and in the ,east1 
being returned to ,rome1 he complaind in
 the ,senate of ,albinus1 how little    
weighing the benefits received from him1
 he had sought to slay him by treason1  
and therefore was he forc'd to goe      
punish his ingratitude3 afterwards he   
went into ,france1 where he bereft him  
both of his ,state and life1 whoever    
then shall in particular examine his    
actions1 shall finde he was a very      
cruell ,lion1 and as crafty a ,fox3 and 
shall see that he was alwayes feard and 
reverenc'd by every one1 and by the     
armies not hated2 and shall nothing     
marvell that he being a new man1 was    
able to hold together such a great      
,empire3 for his extraordinary          
reputation defended him alwayes from    
that hatred1 which the people for his   
extortions might have conceiv'd against 
him4 ,but ,antonius his sonne1 was also 
an exceeding brave man1 and endued with 
most excellent qualities1 which causd   
him to be admird by the people1 and     

acceptable to the souldiers1 because he 
was a warlike man1 enduring all kind of 
travell and paines1 despising all       
delicate food1 and all kinde of         
effeminacy1 which gaind him the love of 
all the armies3 neverthelesse his       
fiercenesse and cruelty were such1 and  
so hideous1 having upon many particular 
occasions put to death a great part of  
the people of ,rome1 and all those of   
,alexandria1 that he grew odious to the 
world1 and began to be feard by those   
also that were neare about him2 so that 
he was slaine by a ,centurion in the    
very midst of his army4 ,where it is to 
be noted1 that these kinde of deaths1   
which follow upon the deliberation of a 
resolv'd and obstinate minde1 cannot by 
a ,prince be avoyded3 for every one that
 feares not to dye1 is able to doe it2  
but a ,prince ought to be lesse afraid  
of it because it very seldome falls out4
 ,only should he beware not to doe any  
extreame injury to any of those of whom 
he serves himself1 or that he hath near 

about him in any imployment of his      
,principality1 as ,antonius did3 who had
 reproachfully slaine a brother of that 
,centurion2 also threatned him every    
day1 and neverthelesse entertaind him   
still as one of the guards of his body1 
which was a rash course taken1 and the  
way to destruction1 as befell him4 ,but 
let us come to ,commodus for whom it was
 very easie to hold the ,empire1 by     
reason it descended upon him by         
inheritance1 being ,marcus his sonne1   
and it had been enough for him to follow
 his fathers footsteps1 and then had he 
contented both the people and the       
soldiers3 but being of a cruell and     
savage disposition1 whereby to exercise 
his actions upon the people1 he gave    
himselfe to entertaine armies1 and those
 in all licentiousnesse4 ,on the other  
part not maintaining his dignity1 but   
often descending upon the stages to     
combate with fencers1 and doing such    
other like base things1 little worthy of
 the ,imperiall majesty1 he became      

contemptible in the soldiers sight2 and 
being hated of one part1 and despisd of 
the other1 he was conspird against1 and 
slaine4 ,it remaines now1 that we       
declare ,maximinus his conditions1 who  
was a very warlike man2 and the armies  
loathing ,alexanders effeminacy1 whereof
 ,i spake before1 when they had slain   
him1 chose this man ,emperour1 who not  
long continued so1 because two things   
there were that brought him into hatred 
and contempt2 the one because he was    
very base1 having kept cattell in       
,thrace1 which was well knowne to every 
one1 and made them to scorne him2 the   
other1 because in the beginning of his  
,principality having delayd to goe to   
,rome1 and enter into possession of the 
,imperiall throne1 he had gaind the     
infamy of being thought exceeding       
cruell1 having by his ,prefects in      
,rome1 and in every place of the        
,empire1 exercisd many cruelties1       
insomuch that the whole world being     
provok'd against him to contempt for the

 basenesse of his blood2 on the other   
side upon the hatred conceiv'd against  
him for feare of his crulty2 first      
,affrica1 afterwards the ,senate1 with  
all the people of ,rome and all ,italy1 
conspired against him1 with whom his own
 army took part2 which incamping before 
,aquileya1 and finding some difficulty  
to take the town1 being weary of his    
cruelties1 and because they saw he had  
so many enemies1 fearing him the lesse1 
slew him4 ,i purpose not to say any     
thing either of ,heliogabalus1          
,macrinus1 or ,julian1 who because they 
were throughly base1 were sudenly       
extinguished3 but ,i will come to the   
conclusion of this discourse2 and ,i    
say1 that the ,princes of our times have
 lesse of this difficulty to satisfie   
the ,soldiers extraordinarily in their  
government2 for notwithstanding that    
there be some considerations to be had  
of them1 yet presently are those armies 
dissolved1 because none of these        
,princes do use to maintaine any armies 

together1 which are annex'd and         
inveterated with the governments of the 
provinces1 as were the armies of the    
,romane ,empire4 ,and therefore if then 
it was necessary rather to content the  
soldiers than the people1 it was because
 the soldiers were more powerfull than  
the people3 now is it more necessary for
 all ,princes1 7except the ,turk and the
 ,souldan7 to satisfie their people than
 their soldiers1 because the people are 
more mighty than they2 wherein ,i except
 the ,turk1 he alwayes maintaining about
 his person #abjjj foot1 and #aejjj     
horse1 upon which depends the safety and
 strength of his ,kingdome2 and it is   
necessary that laying aside all other   
regard of his people1 he maintaine these
 his friends4 ,the ,souldans ,kingdome  
is like hereunto1 which being wholy in  
the souldiers power1 he must also       
without respect of his people keep them 
his friends4 ,and you are to consider1  
that this ,state of the ,souldans       
differs much from all the other         

,principalities3 ,for it is very like   
the ,papacy1 which cannot be termd an   
hereditary ,principality3 nor a new     
,principality3 for the sons of the      
deceasd ,prince are not heires and      
,lords thereof1 but he that is chosen   
receives that dignity from those who    
have the authority in them4 ,and this   
order being of antiquity1 cannot be     
termd a new ,principality1 because      
therein are none of those difficulties  
that are in new ones3 for though the    
,prince be new1 yet are the orders of   
that state ancient1 and ordaind to      
receive him1 as if he were their        
hereditary ,prince4 ,but let us returne 
to our matter2 whosoever shall consider 
our discourse before1 shall perceive    
that either hatred1 or contempt have    
caus'd the ruine of the afore-named     
,emperors2 and shall know also1 from it 
came that part of them proceeding one   
way1 and part a contrary2 yet in any of 
them the one had a happy success1 and   
the others unhappy3 for it was of no    

availe1 but rather hurtful for ,pertinax
 and ,alexander1 because they were new  
,princes1 to desire to imitate ,marcus1 
who by inheritance came to the          
,principality3 and in like manner it was
 a wrong to ,caracalla1 ,commodus1 and  
,maximus1 to imitate ,severus1 because  
none of them were endued with so great  
valor as to follow his steps therein4   
,wherefore a new ,prince in his         
,principality cannot well imitate       
,marcus his actions2 nor yet is it      
necessary to follow those of ,severus3  
but he ought make choyce of those parts 
in ,severus which are necessary for the 
founding of a ,state2 and to take from  
,marcus those that are fit and glorious 
to preserve a ,state which is already   
established and setled4     ,,chap4 ,,xx
  ,whether the ,citadels and many other 
things which ,princes often make use of1
 are profitable or dammageable4   ,some 
,princes1 whereby they might safely keep
 their ,state1 have disarmed their      
subjects2 some others have held the     

towns under their dominion1 divided into
 factions2 others have maintain'd       
enmities against themselves2 others have
 appli'd themselves to gain them1 where 
they have suspected at their entrance   
into the government2 others have built  
,fortresses2 and others again have      
ruined and demolished them3 and however 
that upon all these things1 a man cannot
 well pass a determinate sentence1      
unless one comes to the particulars of  
these ,states1 where some such like     
determinations were to be taken2 yet ,i 
shall speak of them in so large a       
manner1 as the matter of it self will   
bear4 ,it was never then that a new     
,prince would disarme his own subjects2 
but rather when he hath found them      
disarmed1 he hath alwaies arm'd them4   
,for being belov'd1 those armes become  
thine2 those become faithful1 which thou
 hadst in suspicion2 and those which    
were faithful1 are maintaind so2 and thy
 subjects are made thy partisans2 and   
because all thy subjects cannot be put  

in armes1 when thou bestowest favors on 
those thou armest1 with the others thou 
canst deal more for thy safety2 and that
 difference of proceeding which they    
know among them1 obliges them to thee2  
those others excuse thee1 judgeing it   
necessary that they have deservd more1  
who have undergone more danger1 and so  
have greater obligation3 but when thou  
disarmst them1 thou beginst to offend   
them1 that thou distrustest them1 either
 for cowardise1 or small faith2 and the 
one or the other of those two opinions  
provokes their hatred against thee2 and 
because thou canst not stand disarmed1  
thou must then turn thy self to         
mercenary ,soldiery1 whereof we have    
formerly spoken what it is1 and when it 
is good2 it can never be so much as to  
defend thee from powerful enemies1 and  
suspected subjects2 therefore as ,i have
 said1 a new ,prince in a new           
,principality hath alwaies ordaind them 
armes4 ,of examples to this purpose1    
,histories are full4 ,but when a ,prince

 gains a new ,state1 which as a member  
he adds to his ancient dominions1 then  
it is necessary to disarme that ,state1 
unless it be those whom thou hast       
discoverd to have assisted thee in the  
conquest thereof2 and these also in time
 and upon occasions1 it is necessary to 
render delicate and effeminate1 and so  
order them1 that all the arms of thy    
,state be in the hands of thy own       
,soldiers1 who live in thy ancient      
,state near unto thee4 ,our ancestors   
and they that were accounted ,sages1    
were wont to say that it was necessary  
to hold ,pistoya in factions1 and ,pisa 
with ,fortresses2 and for this cause    
maintaind some towns subject to them in 
differences1 whereby to hold it more    
easily4 ,this1 at what time ,italy was  
ballanc'd in a certain manner1 might be 
well done2 but mee thinks it cannot now 
a dayes be well given for a precept2 for
 ,i do not beleeve1 that divisions made 
can do any good2 rather it must needs   
be1 that when the enemy approaches them1

 ,cities divided are presently lost2 for
 alwaies the weaker part will cleave to 
the forrein power1 and the other not be 
able to subsist4 ,the ,venetians 7as ,i 
think7 mov'd by the aforesaid reasons1  
maintaind the factions of the ,guelfes  
and ,gibellins1 in their townes2 and    
however they never suffered them to     
spill one anothers blood1 yet they      
nourish'd these differences among them1 
to the end that the citizens imployd in 
these quarrels1 should not plot any     
thing against them3 which as it proved1 
never serv'd them to any great purpose3 
for being defeated at ,vayla1 presently 
one of those two factions took courage  
and seizd upon their whole ,state4      
,therefore such like waies argue the    
,princes weakness2 for in a strong      
principality they never will suffer such
 divisions2 for they shew them some kind
 of profit in time of peace1 being they 
are able by means thereof more easily to
 mannage their subjects3 but war        
comming1 such like orders discover their

 fallacy4 ,without doubt1 ,princes      
become great1 when they overcome the    
difficulties and oppositions that are   
made against them2 and therefore        
,fortune especially when she hath to    
make any new ,prince great1 who hath    
more need to gain reputation than an    
hereditary ,prince1 causes enemies to   
rise against him1 and him to undertake  
against them3 to the end he may have    
occasion to master them1 and know that  
ladder1 which his enemies have set him  
upon1 whereby to rise yet higher4 ,and  
therefore many think1 that a wise       
,prince when he hath the occasion1 ought
 cunningly to nourish some enmity1 that 
by the suppressing thereof1 his         
greatness may grow thereupon4 ,princes1 
especially those that are new1 have     
found more faith and profit in those    
men1 who in the beginning of their      
,state1 have been held suspected1 than  
in those who at their entrance have been
 their confidents4 ,pandulphus          
,petrucci1 ,prince of ,siena1 governd   

his ,state1 more with them that had been
 suspected by him1 than with the others4
 ,but of this matter we cannot speak at 
large1 because it varies according to   
the subject2 ,i will only say this1 that
 those men1 who in the beginning of a   
,principality were once enemies1 if they
 be of quality so that to maintain      
themselves they have need of support1   
the ,prince might alwaies with the      
greatest facility gain for his2 and they
 are the rather forced to serve him     
faithfully1 insomuch as they know it is 
more necessary for them by their deeds  
to cancel that sinister opinion1 which  
was once held of them2 and so the       
,prince ever draws from these more      
advantage1 than from those1 who serving 
him too supinely1 neglect his affairs4  
,and seing the matter requires it1 ,i   
will not omit to put a ,prince in mind1 
who hath anew made himself master of a  
,state1 by means of the inward helps he 
had from thence that he consider well   
the cause that mov'd them that favor'd  

him to favor him1 if it be not a natural
 affection towards him2 for if it be    
only because they were not content with 
their former government1 with much pains
 and difficulties shall he be able to   
keep them long his friends1 because it  
will be impossible for him to content   
them4 ,by these examples then which are 
drawn out of ancient and modern         
affaires1 searching into the cause      
hereof1 we shall find it much more easie
 to gain those men for friends1 who     
formerly were contented with the ,state1
 and therefore were his enemies3 than   
those1 who because they were not        
contented therewith1 became his fiends1 
and favor'd him in getting the mastery  
of it4 ,it hath been the custome of     
,princes1 whereby to hold their ,states 
more securely1 to build ,citadels1 which
 might be bridles and curbs to those    
that should purpose any thing against   
them1 and so to have a secure retreat   
from the first violences4 ,i commend    
this course1 because it hath been used  

of old2 notwithstanding ,nicholas       
,vitelli in our dayes hath been known to
 demolish two ,citadels in the town of  
,castello1 the better to keep the       
,state2 ,guidubaldo ,duke of ,urbin     
being to return into his ,state1 out of 
which he was driven by ,csar ,borgia1   
raz'd all the ,fortresses of that       
,countrey1 and thought he should        
hardlyer lose that ,state again without 
them4 ,the ,bentivolii returning into   
,bolonia1 used the like courses4        
,citadels then are profitable1 or not1  
according to the times2 and if they     
advantage thee in one part1 they do thee
 harme in another2 and this part may be 
argued thus4 ,that ,prince who stands   
more in fear of his own people than of  
strangers1 ought to build ,fortresses3  
but he that is more afraid of strangers 
than of his people1 should let them     
alone4 ,against the house of ,sforza1   
the ,castle of ,milan1 which ,francis   
,sforza built1 hath and will make more  
war1 than any other disorder in that    

,state3 and therefore the best ,citadel 
that may be1 is not to incurre the      
peoples hatred2 for however thou holdest
 a ,fortress1 and the people hate thee1 
thou canst hardly scape them2 for       
people1 when once they have taken armes1
 never want the help of strangers at    
their need to take ther parts4 ,in our  
dayes we never saw that they ever       
profited any ,prince1 unless it were the
 ,countess of ,furli1 when ,count       
,hieronymo of ,furli her husband was    
slain2 for by means thereof she escap'd 
the peoples rage1 and attended aid from 
,milan1 and so recover'd her ,state3 and
 then such were the times that the      
stranger could not assist the people3   
but afterwards they serv'd her to little
 purpose1 when ,csar ,borgia assaild    
her1 and that the people which was her  
enemy1 sided with the stranger4         
,therefore both then1 and at first1 it  
would have been more for her safety1 not
 to have been odious to the people1 than
 to have held the ,fortresses4 ,these   

things being well weigh'd then1 ,i will 
commend those that shall build up       
,fortresses1 and him also that shall    
not2 and ,i will blame him1 howsoever he
 be1 that relying upon those1 shall make
 small account of being hated by his    
people4     ,,chap4 ,,xxi  ,how a       
,prince ought to behave himself to gain 
reputation4   ,there is nothing gains a 
,prince such repute as great exploits1  
and rare tryals of himself in ,heroick  
actions4 ,we have now in our dayes      
,ferdinand ,king of ,arragon the present
 ,king of ,spain3 he in a manner may be 
termed a new ,prince2 for from a very   
weak ,king1 he is now become for fame   
and glory1 the first ,king of           
,christendome1 and if you shall wel     
consider his actions1 you shall find    
them all illustrious1 and every one of  
them extraordinary4 ,he in the beginning
 of his reign assaild ,granada1 and that
 exploit was the ground of his ,state4  
,at first he made that war in security1 
and without suspicion he should be any  

waies hindred1 and therein held the     
,barons of ,castiglias minds busied1 who
 thinking upon that war1 never minded   
any innovation2 in this while he gaind  
credit and authority with them1 they not
 being aware of it2 was able to maintain
 with the ,church and the peoples money 
all his soldiers1 and to lay a          
foundation for his military ordinances  
with that long war1 which afterwards    
gaind him exceeding much honor4 ,besides
 this1 to the end he might be able      
hereamong to undertake greater matters1 
serving himself alwaies of the colour of
 religion1 he gave himself to a kind of 
religious cruelty1 chasing and          
dispoyling those ,jewes out of the      
,kingdome2 nor can this example be more 
admirable and rare3 under the same cloke
 he invaded ,affrick and went through   
with his exploit in ,italy3 and last of 
all hath he assaild ,france1 and so     
alwaies proceeded on forwards contriving
 of great matters1 which alwaies have   
held his subjects minds in peace and    

admiration1 and busied in attending the 
event1 what it should be3 and these his 
actions have thus grown1 one upon       
another1 that they have never given     
leisure to men so to rest1 as they might
 ever plot any thing against them4      
,moreover it much avails a ,prince to   
give extraordinary proofes of himself   
touching the government within1 such as 
those we have heard of ,bernard of      
,milan1 whensoever occasion is given by 
any one1 that may effectuate some great 
thing either of good or evil1 in the    
civil government2 and to find out some  
way either to reward or punish it1      
whereof in the world much notice may be 
taken4 ,and above all things a ,prince  
ought to endeavor in all his actions to 
spread abroad a fame of his magnificence
 and worthiness4 ,a ,prince also is well
 esteemed1 when he is a true friend1 or 
a true enemy2 when without any regard he
 discovers himself in favor of one      
against another2 which course shall be  
alwaies more profit1 than to stand      

neuter3 for if two mighty ones that are 
thy neighbors1 come to fall out1 or are 
of such quality1 that one of them       
vanquishing1 thou art like to be in fear
 of the vanquisher1 or not2 in either of
 these two cases1 it will ever prove    
more for thy profit1 to discover thy    
self1 and make a good war of it3 for in 
the first case1 if thou discoverest not 
thy selfe1 thou shalt alwaies be a prey 
to him that overcomes1 to the           
contentment and satisfaction of the     
vanquisht2 neither shalt thou have      
reason on thy side1 nor any thing else  
to defend or receive thee4 ,for he that 
overcomes1 will not have any suspected  
friends that give him no assistance in  
his necessity3 and he that loses1       
receives thee not1 because thou wouldest
 not with thy armes in hand run the     
hazzard of his fortune4 ,antiochus      
passed into ,greece1 thereunto induc'd  
by the ,etolians1 to chace the ,romans  
thence3 and sent his ,ambassadors to the
 ,achayans1 who were the ,romans        

friends1 to perswade them to stand      
neuters2 on the other side the ,romans  
moved them to joyne armes with theirs3  
this matter came to be deliberated on in
 the council of the ,achayans1 where    
,antiochus his ,ambassador encouraged   
them to stand neuters1 whereunto the    
,romans ,ambassador answerd2 ,touching  
the course1 that is commended to you1 as
 best and profitablest for your ,state1 
to wit1 not to intermeddle in the war   
between us1 nothing can be more against 
you3 because1 not taking either part1   
you shall remain without thanks1 and    
without reputation a prey to the        
conqueror4 ,and it will alwaies come to 
pass that he who is not thy friend1 will
 requite thy neutrality2 and he that is 
thy friend1 will urge thee to discover  
thy self by taking arms for him3 and    
evil advised ,princes2 to avoyd the     
present dangers1 folow often times that 
way of neutrality1 and most commonly go 
to ruine3 but when a ,prince discovers  
himself strongly in favor of a party2 if

 he to whom thou cleavest1 overcomes2   
however that he be puissant1 and thou   
remainest at his disposing1 he is       
oblig'd to thee1 and there is a contract
 of friendship made2 and men are never  
so openly dishonest1 as with such a     
notorious example of dishonesty to      
oppress thee4 ,besides victories are    
never so prosperous1 that the conqueror 
is like neglect all respects1 and       
especially of justice4 ,but if he to    
whom thou stickst1 loses1 thou art      
received by him2 and1 while he is able1 
he aydes thee1 and so thou becomest     
partner of a fortune that may arise     
again2 the second case1 when they that  
enter into the lists together1 are of   
such quality1 that thou needest not fear
 him that vanquisheth1 so much the more 
is it discretion in thee to stick to    
him2 for thou goest to ruine one with   
his assistance1 who ought to do the best
 he could to save him1 if he were well  
advised2 and he overcomming1 is left at 
thy discretion2 and it is unpossible but

 with thy ayd he must overcome4 ,and    
here it is to be noted1 that a ,prince  
should be well aware never to joyn with 
any one more powerfull than himself1 to 
offend another1 unless upon necessity1  
as formerly is said4 ,for when he       
overcomes1 thou art left at his         
discretion1 and ,princes ought avoid as 
much as they are able1 to stand at      
anothers discretion4 ,the ,venetians    
took part with ,france against the ,duke
 of ,milan1 and yet could have avoided  
that partaking1 from which proceeded    
their ruine4 ,but when it cannot be     
avoyded1 as it befel the ,florentines   
when the ,pope and the ,king of ,spain  
went both with their armies to          
,lombardy1 there the ,prince ought to   
side with them for the reasons          
aforesaid4 ,nor let any ,state think    
they are able to make such sure parties1
 but rather that they are all doubtfull2
 for in the order of things we find it  
alwaies1 that whensoever a man seeks to 
avoid one inconvenient1 he incurs       

another4 ,but the principal point of    
judgement1 is in discerning between the 
qualities of inconvenients1 and not     
taking the bad for the good4 ,moreover a
 ,prince ought to shew himself a lover  
of vertue1 and that he honors those that
 excel in every ,art4 ,afterwards ought 
he encourage his ,citizens1 whereby they
 may be enabled quickly to exercise     
their faculties as well in merchandise1 
and husbandry1 as in any other kind of  
traffick1 to the end that no man forbear
 to adorne and cultivate his possessions
 for fear that he be despoyled of them2 
or any other to open the commerce upon  
the danger of heavy impositions3 but    
rather to provide rewards for those that
 shall set these matters afoot1 or for  
any one else that shall any way amplifie
 his ,city or ,state4 ,besides he ought 
in the fit times of the year entertain  
the people with ,feasts and ,maskes2 and
 because every ,city is devided into    
,companies1 and arts1 and ,tribes1 he   
ought to take special notice of those   

bodies1 and some times afford them a    
meeting1 and give them some proof of his
 humanity1 and magnificence2 yet withall
 holding firme the majestie of his      
,state2 for this must never fail in any 
case4     ,,chap4   ,,xxii  ,touching   
,princes ,secretaries4   ,it is no small
 importance to a ,prince1 the choyce he 
makes1 of servants being ordinarily good
 or bad1 as his wisdome is4 ,and the    
first conjecture one gives of a great   
man1 and of his understanding1 is1 upon 
the sight of his followers and servants 
he hath about him1 when they prove able 
and faithful1 and then may he alwaies be
 reputed wise because he hath known how 
to discern those that are able1 and to  
keep them true to him4 ,but when they   
are otherwise1 there can be no good     
conjecture made of him2 for the first   
error he commits1 is in this choyce4    
,there was no man that had any knowledge
 of ,antonio of ,vanafro1 the servant of
 ,pandulfus ,petrucci ,prince of        
,sicily1 who did not esteem ,pandulfus  

for a very discreet man1 having him for 
his servant4 ,and because there are     
three kinds of understandings2 the one  
that is advised by it self2 the other   
that understands when it is informed by 
another2 the third that neither is      
advised by it self nor by the           
demonstration of another2 the first is  
best1 the second is good1 and the last  
quite unprofitable4 ,therefore it was of
 necessity1 that if ,pandulfus attaind  
not the first degree1 yet he got to the 
second2 for whenever any one hath the   
judgement to discerne between the good  
and the evil1 that he does and sayes1   
however that he hath not his distinction
 from himself1 yet still comes he to    
take notice of the good or evil actions 
of that servant2 and those he cherishes1
 and these he suppresses2 insomuch that 
the servant finding no means to deceive 
his master1 keeps himself upright and   
honest4 ,but how a ,prince may throughly
 understand his servant1 here is the way
 that never fails4 ,when thou seest the 

servant study more for his own advantage
 than thine1 and that in all his        
actions1 he searches most after his own 
profit2 this man thus qualified1 shall  
never prove good servant1 nor canst thou
 ever relie upon him3 for he that holds 
the ,sterne of the ,state in hand1 ought
 never call home his cares to his own   
particular1 but give himself wholly over
 to his ,princes service1 nor ever put  
him in minde of any thing not           
appertaining to him4 ,and on the other  
side the ,prince to keep him good to    
him1 ought to take a care for his       
servant1 honoring him1 enriching1 and   
obliging him to him1 giving him part    
both of dignities and offices1 to the   
end that the many honors and much wealth
 bestowed on him1 may restrain his      
desires from other honors1 and other    
wealth1 and that those many charges     
cause him to fear changes that may fall1
 knowing he is not able to stand without
 his master4 ,and when both the ,princes
 and the servants are thus disposed1    

they may rely the one upon the other3   
when otherwise1 the end will ever prove 
hurtfull for the one as well as for the 
other4     ,,chap4 ,,xxiii  ,that       
,flatterers are to be avoyded4   ,i will
 not omit one principle of great        
inportance1 being an errour from which  
,princes with much difficulty defend    
themselves1 unlesse they be very        
discreet1 and make a very good choice2  
and this is concerning flatterers2      
whereof all writings are full3 and that 
because men please themselves so much in
 their own things1 and therein cozen    
themselves1 that very hardly can they   
escape this pestilence2 and desiring to 
escape it1 there is danger of falling   
into contempt2 for there is no other way
 to be secure from flattery1 but to let 
men know1 that they displease thee not  
in telling thee truth3 but when every   
one hath this leave1 thou losest thy    
reverence4 ,therefore ought a wise      
,prince take a third course1 making     
choyce of some understanding men in his 

,state1 and give only to them a free    
liberty of speaking to him the truth2   
and touching those things only which he 
inquires of1 and nothing else2 but he   
ought to be inquisitive of every thing1 
and hear their opinions1 and then       
afterwards advise himself after his own 
manner2 and in these deliberations1 and 
with every one of them so carrie        
himself1 that they all know1 that the   
more freely they shall speak1 the better
 they shall be liked of3 and besides    
those1 not give eare to any one2 and    
thus pursue the thing resolved on1 and  
thence continue obstinate in the        
resolution taken4 ,he who does          
otherwise1 either falls upon flatterers1
 or often changes upon the varying of   
opinions1 from whence proceeds it that  
men conceive but slightly of him4 ,to   
this purpose ,i will alledge you a      
moderne example4 ,peter ,lucas a servant
 of ,maximilians the present ,emperor1  
speaking of his ,majesty1 said that he  
never advised with any body1 nor never  

did any thing after his own way3 which  
was because he took a contrary course to
 what we have now said3 for the ,emperor
 is a close man1 who communicates his   
secrets to none1 nor takes counsel of   
any one2 but as they come to be put in  
practise1 they begin to be discovered   
and known1 and so contradicted by those 
that are near about him2 and he as being
 an easy man1 is quickly wrought from   
them4 ,whence it comes that what he does
 to day1 he undoes on the morrow2 and   
that he never understands himself what  
he would1 nor what he purposes1 and that
 there is no grounding upon any of his  
resolutions4 ,a ,prince therefore ought 
alwayes to take counsell1 but at his    
owne pleasure1 and not at other mens2 or
 rather should take away any mans       
courage to advise him of any thing1 but 
what he askes3 but he ought well to aske
 at large1 and then touching the things 
inquird of1 be a patient hearer of the  
truth2 and perceiving that for some     
respect the truth were conceald from    

him1 be displeased thereat4 ,and because
 some men have thought that a ,prince   
that gaines the opinion to bee wise1 may
 bee held so1 not by his owne naturall  
indowments1 but by the good counsells he
 hath about him2 without question they  
are deceivd2 for this is a generall rule
 and never failes1 that a ,prince who of
 himselfe is not wise1 can never be well
 advised1 unlesse he should light upon  
one alone1 wholly to direct and govern  
him1 who himself were a very wise man4  
,in this case it is possible he may be  
well governd3 but this would last but   
little3 for that governor in a short    
time would deprive him of his ,state2   
but a ,prince not having any parts of   
nature1 being advised of more then one1 
shall never be able to unite these      
counsels3 of himself shall he never know
 how to unite them2 and each one of the 
,counsellers1 probably will follow that 
which is most properly his owne2 and he 
shall never find the meanes to amend or 
discerne these things2 nor can they fall

 out otherwise1 because men alwayes     
prove mischievous1 unlesse upon some    
necessity they be forc'd to become good3
 we conclude therefore1 that counsells  
from whencesoever they proceed1 must    
needs take their beginning from the     
,princes wisdome1 and not the wisdome of
 the ,prince from good counsells4       
,in this ,chapter our ,authour          
prescribes some rules how to avoyd      
flattery1 and not to fall into contempt4
 ,the extent of these two     extreames 
is so large on both sides1 that there is
 left but a     very narrow path for the
 right temper to walke between them     
both3 and happy were that ,prince1 who  
could light on so good a     ,pilote as 
to bring him to ,port between those     
rocks and those     quicksands4 ,where  
,majesty becomes familiar1 unlesse      
endued with     a super-eminent vertue1 
it loses all awfull regards3 as the     
light of the ,sunne1 because so         
ordinary1 because so common1 we         
should little value1 were it not that   

all ,creatures feele     themselves     
quickned by the rayes thereof4 ,on the  
other side1     ,omnis insipiens        
arroganti et plausibus capitur1 ,every  
foole     is taken with his owne pride  
and others flatteryes3 and this         
foole keeps company so much with all    
great wise men1 that hardly     with a  
candle and lantern can they be discernd 
betwixt4 ,the     greatest men are more 
subject to grosse and palpable          
flatteries2     and especially the      
greatest of men1 who are ,kings and     
,princes3     for many seek the ,rulers 
favour4 ,prov4 #bh4 #bf4 ,for there are 
divers meanes whereby private men are   
instructed2 ,princes have     not that  
good hap3 but they whose instruction is 
of most     importance1 so soone as they
 have taken the government upon         
them1 no longer suffer any reproovers3  
for but few have accesse     unto them1 
and they who familiary converse with    
them1 doe and     say all for favour4   
,isocrat1 to ,nicocles1 ,all are afraid 

to give     him occasion of displeasure1
 though by telling him truth4 ,to       
this purpose therefore sayes one2 a     
,prince excells in learning     to ride 
the great horse1 rather than in any     
other exercise1     because his horse   
being no flatterer1 will shew him he    
makes no     difference between him and 
another man1 and unlesse he keepe his   
seate well1 will lay him on the ground4 
,this is plaine dealing4     ,men are   
more subtile1 more double-hearted1 they 
have a heart and     a heart neither is 
their tongue their hearts true          
interpreter4     ,counsell in the heart 
of man is like deepe waters2 but a man  
of     understanding will draw it out4  
,prov4 #bj4 #e4 ,this     understanding 
is most requisite in a ,prince1 inasmuch
 as the     whole ,globe is in his hand1
 and the inferiour ,orbes are swayed    
by the motion of the highest4 ,and      
therefore surely it is the     honour of
 a ,king to search out such a secret3   
,prov4 #be4 #b4 ,his     counsellours   

are his eyes and eares2 as they ought to
 be dear to     him1 so they ought to be
 true to him1 and make him the true     
report of things without disguise4 ,if  
they prove false eyes1 let     him pluck
 them out2 he may as they use glasse    
eyes1 take them     forth without paine1
 and see never a whit the worse for it4 
,the     wisdome of a ,princes          
,counsellours is a great argument of the
     ,princes wisdome4 ,and being the   
choyce of them imports the     ,princes 
credit and safety1 our ,authour will    
make him amends for     his other       
errours by his good advice in his #bb   
,chap4 whether ,i     referre him4      
,,chap4 ,,xxiv  ,wherefore the ,princes 
of ,italy have lost their ,states4      
,when these things above said are well  
observ'd1 they make a new ,prince seeme 
as if he had been of old1 and presently 
render him more secure and firme in the 
,state1 than if he had already grown    
ancient therein3 for a new ,prince is   
much more observd in his action1 than a 

,prince by inheritance2 and when they   
are known to bee vertuous1 men are much 
more gaind and oblig'd to them thereby1 
than by the antiquity of their blood3   
for men are much more taken by things   
present1 than by things past1 and when  
in the present they find good1 they     
content themselves therein1 and seeke no
 further2 or rather they undertake the  
defence of him to their utmost1 when the
 ,prince is not wanting in other matters
 to himself2 and so shall he gaine      
double glory to have given a beginning  
to a new ,principality1 adornd1 and     
strengthnd it with good lawes1 good     
arms1 good friends1 and good examples2  
as he shall have double shame1 that is  
born a ,prince1 and by reason of his    
small discretion hath lost it4 ,and if  
we shall consider those ,lords1 that in 
,italy have lost their ,states in our   
dayes1 as the ,king of ,naples1 the     
,duke of ,milan1 and others2 first we   
shall find in them a common defect1     
touching their armes1 for the reasons   

which have been above discoursd at      
length4 ,afterwards we shall see some of
 them1 that either shall have had the   
people for their enemies2 or be it they 
had the people to friend1 could never   
know how to assure themselves of the    
great ones3 for without such defects as 
these1 ,states are not lost1 which have 
so many nerves1 that they are able to   
maintaine an army in the feld4 ,philip  
of ,macedon1 not the father of          
,alexander the ,great1 but he that was  
vanquished by ,titus ,quintius1 had not 
much ,state in regard of the greatnesse 
of the ,romanes and of ,greece that     
assail'd him2 neverthelesse in that he  
was a warlike man and knew how to       
entertaine the people1 and assure       
himself of the ,nobles1 for many yeares 
he made the warre good against them3 and
 though at last some town perhaps were  
taken from him1 yet the ,kingdome       
remaind in his hands still4 ,wherefore  
these our ,princes who for many yeares  
had continued in their ,principalities1 

for having afterwards lost them1 let    
them not blame ,fortune1 but their own  
sloth2 because they never having thought
 during the time of quiet1 that they    
could suffer a change 7which is the     
common fault of men1 while faire weather
 lasts1 not to provide for the tempest7 
when afterwards mischiefes came upon    
them1 thought rather upon flying from   
them1 than upon their defence1 and hop'd
 that the people1 weary of the          
vanquishers insolence1 would recall     
them3 which course when the others      
faile1 is good3 but very ill is it to   
leave the other remedies for that3 for a
 man wou'd never go to fall1 beleeving  
another would come to take him up3 which
 may either not come to passe1 or if it 
does1 it is not for thy security1       
because that defence of his is vile1 and
 depends not upon thee2 but those       
defences only are good1 certaine1 and   
durable1 which depend upon thy owne     
selfe1 and thy owne vertues4     ,,chap4
 ,,xxv  ,how great power ,fortune hath  

in humane affaires1 and what meanes     
there is to resist it4   ,it is not     
unknown unto me1 how that many have held
 opinion1 and still hold it1 that the   
affaires of the world are so governd by 
fortune1 and by ,god1 that men by their 
wisdome cannot amend or alter them2 or  
rather that there is no remedy for them3
 and hereupon they would think that it  
were of no availe to take much paines in
 any thing1 but leave all to be governd 
by chance4 ,this opinion hath gain'd the
 more credit in our dayes1 by reason of 
the great alteration of things1 which we
 have of late seen1 and do every day    
see1 beyond all humane conjecture3 upon 
which1 ,i sometimes thinking1 am in some
 parte inclind to their opinion3        
neverthelesse not to extinguish quite   
our owne free will1 ,i think it may be  
true1 that ,fortune is the mistrisse of 
one halfe of our actions2 but yet that  
she lets us have rule of the other half1
 or little lesse4 ,and ,i liken her to a
 precipitous torrent1 which when it     

rages1 over-flows the plaines1          
overthrowes the trees1 and buildings1   
removes the earth from one side1 and    
laies it on another1 every one flyes    
before it1 every one yeelds to the fury 
thereof1 as unable to withstand it2 and 
yet however it be thus1 when the times  
are calmer1 men are able to make        
provision against these excesses1 with  
banks and fences so1 that afterwards    
when it swels again1 it shall all passe 
smoothly along1 within its channell1 or 
else the violence thereof shall not     
prove so licentious and hurtfull4 ,in   
like manner befals it us with fortune1  
which there shewes her power where      
vertue is not ordeind to resist her1 and
 thither turnes she all her forces1     
where she perceives that no provisions  
nor resistances are made to uphold her4 
,and if you shall consider ,italy1 which
 is the seat of these changes1 and that 
which hath given them their motions1 you
 shall see it to be a plaine field1     
without any trench or bank2 which had it

 been fenc'd with convenient vertue as  
was ,germany1 ,spain or ,france2 this   
inundation would never have causd these 
great alterations it hath1 or else would
 it not have reach'd to us3 and this    
shall suffice to have said1 touching the
 opposing of fortune in generall4 ,but  
restraining my selfe more to            
particulars1 ,i say that to day we see a
 ,prince prosper and flourish and to    
morrow utterly go to ruine2 not seeing  
that he hath alterd any condition or    
quality2 which ,i beleeve arises first  
from the causes which we have long since
 run over1 that is because that ,prince 
that relies wholly upon fortune1 runnes 
as her wheele turnes4 ,i beleeve also1  
that he proves the fortunate man1 whose 
manner of proceeding meets with the     
quality of the time2 and so likewise he 
unfortunate from whose course of        
proceeding the times differ3 for we see 
that men1 in the things that induce them
 to the end1 7which every one propounds 
to himselfe1 as glory and riches7       

proceed therein diversly2 some with     
respects1 others more bold1 and rashly2 
one with violence1 and th'other with    
cunning2 the one with patience1 th'other
 with its contrary2 and every one of    
severall wayes may attaine thereto2 we  
see also two very respective and wary   
men1 the one come to his purpose1 and   
th'other not2 and in like maner two     
equally prosper1 taking divers course2  
the one being wary the other            
head-strong2 which proceeds from nothing
 else1 but from the quality of the      
times1 which agree1 or not1 with their  
proceedings4 ,from hence arises that    
which ,i said1 that two working         
diversly1 produce the same effect3 and  
two equaly working1 the one attains his 
end1 the other not4 ,hereupon depends   
the alteration of the good2 for if to   
one that behaves himself with warinesse 
and patience1 times and affaires turne  
so favourably1 that the carriage of his 
businesse prove well1 he prospers2 but  
if the times and affaires chance1 he is 

ruind1 because he changes not his manner
 of proceeding3 nor is there any man so 
wise1 that can frame himselfe hereunto2 
as well because he cannot go out of the 
way1 from that whereunto ,nature        
inclines him3 as also1 for that one     
having alwayes prosperd1 walking such a 
way1 cannot be perswaded to leave it2   
and therefore the respective and wary   
man1 when it is fit time for him to use 
violence and force1 knows not how to put
 it in practice1 whereupon he is ruind3 
but if he could change his disposition  
with the times and the affaires1 he     
should not change his fortune4 ,pope    
,julius the second proceeded in all his 
actions with very great violence1 and   
found the times and things so           
conformable to that his manner of       
proceeding that in all of them he had   
happy successe4 ,consider the first     
exploit he did at ,bolonia1 even while  
,john ,bentivolio lived3 the ,venetians 
were not well contented therewith2 the  
,king of ,spaine likewise with the      

,french1 had treated of that enterprise2
 and notwithstanding al this1 he stirrd 
up by his own rage and fiercenesse1     
personally undertook that expedition3   
which action of his put in suspence and 
stopt ,spaine and the ,venetians2 those 
for feare1 and the others for desire to 
recover the ,kingdome of ,naples2 and on
 the other part drew after him the ,king
 of ,france2 for that ,king seeing him  
already in motion1 and desiring to hold 
him his friend1 whereby to humble the   
,venetians1 thought he could no way deny
 him his souldiers1 without doing him an
 open injury4 ,julius then effected that
 with his violent and heady motion1     
which no other ,pope with all humane    
wisdome could ever have done2 for if he 
had expected to part from ,rome with his
 conclusions settled1 and all his       
affaires ordered before hand1 as any    
other ,pope would have done1 he had     
never brought it to passe3 ,for the     
,king of ,france would have devised a   
thousand excuses1 and others would have 

put him in as many feares4 ,i will let  
passe his other actions1 for all of them
 were alike1 and all of them prov'd     
lucky to him2 and the brevity of his    
life never sufferd him to feele the     
contrary3 for had he litt upon such     
times afterwards1 that it had been      
necessary for him to proceed with       
respects1 there had been his utter      
ruine2 for he would never have left     
those wayes1 to which he had been       
naturally inclind4 ,i conclude then1    
fortune varying1 and men continuing     
still obstinate to their own wayes1     
prove happy1 while these accord         
together3 and as they disagree1 prove   
unhappy3 and ,i think it true1 that it  
is better to be heady than wary2 because
 ,fortune is a mistresse2 and it is     
necessary1 to keep her in obedience to  
ruffle and force her3 and we see1 that  
she suffers her self rather to be       
masterd by those1 than by others that   
proceed coldly4 ,and therefore1 as a    
mistresse1 shee is a friend to young    

men1 because they are lesse respective1 
more rough1 and command her with more   
boldnesse4      ,i have considered the  
#be ,chapter1 as representing me a full 
view     of humane policy and cunning3  
yet me thinks it cannot satisfie a      
,christian in the causes of the good and
 bad successe of things4     ,the life  
of man is like a game at ,tables2 skill 
availes much ,i     grant1 but that's   
not all3 play thy game well1 but that   
will not     winne3 the chance thou     
throwest must accord with thy play4     
,examine this2 play never so surely1    
play never so probably1     unlesse the 
chance thou castest1 lead thee forward  
to advantage1     all hazards are       
losses1 and thy sure play leaves thee in
 the     lurch4 ,the sum of this is set 
down in ,ecclesiastes chap4 #i4 v4      
#aa4 ,the race is not to the swift1 nor 
the battell to the strong3     neither  
yet bread to the wise1 nor yet riches to
 men of     understanding1 nor yet      
favour to men of skill2 but time and    

chance hapeneth to them all4 ,our       
cunning ,author for all his     exact   
rules he delivere in his books1 could   
not fence against     the despight of   
,fortune1 as he complaines in his       
,epistle to this     booke4 ,nor that   
great example of policy1 ,duke          
,valentine1 whome     our ,author       
commends to ,princes for his            
crafts-master1 could so     ruffle or   
force his mistresse ,fortune1 that he   
could keep her in     obedience4 ,man   
can contribute no more to his actions   
than vertue     and wisdome3 but the    
successe depends upon a power above4    
,surely     there is the finger of god2 
or as ,prov4 #af4 v4 #cc4 ',the lot is  
cast into the lap1 but the whole        
disposing thereof is of the     ,lord4' 
,it was not ,josephs wisdome made all   
things thrive under     his hand2 but   
because the ,lord was with him2 and that
 which he     did1 the ,lord made it to 
prosper1 ,gen4 #ci4 ,surely this is a   
blessing proceeding from the divine     

providence1 which beyond     humane     
capacity so cooperateth with the causes1
 as that their     effects prove        
answerable1 and sometimes 7that we may  
know there     is something above the   
ordinary causes7 the success returns    
with     such a supereminency of worth1 
that it far exceeds the vertue of       
the ordinary causes4     ,,chap4 ,,xxvi 
,an ,exhortation to free ,italy from the
 ,barbarians4   ,having then weighed all
 things above discours'd1 and devising  
with my self1 whether at this present in
 ,italy the time might serve to honor a 
new ,prince1 and whether there were     
matter that might minister occasion to a
 wise and valorous ,prince1 to introduce
 such a forme1 that might do honor to   
him1 and good to the whole generality of
 the people in the countrey3 me thinks  
so many things concurre in favor of a   
new ,prince1 that ,i know not whether   
there were ever any time more proper for
 this purpose4 ,and if as ,i said1 it   
was necessary1 desiring to see ,moses   

his vertue1 that the children of ,israel
 should be inthrald in gypt2 and to have
 experience of the magnanimity of ,cyrus
 his mind1 that the ,persians should be 
oppress'd by the ,medes2 and to set     
forth the excellency of ,theseus1 that  
the ,athenians should be dispersed2 so  
at this present now we are desirous to  
know the valor of an ,italian spirit1 it
 were necessary ,italy should be reduc'd
 to the same termes it is now in1 and   
were in more slavery than the ,hebrews  
were2 more subject than the ,persians1  
more scatterd than the ,athenians2      
without head1 without order1 battered1  
pillaged1 rent asunder1 overrun1 and had
 undergone all kind of destruction4 ,and
 however even in these later dayes1 we  
have had some kind of shew of hope in   
some one1 whereby we might have         
conjectur'd1 that he had been ordained  
for the deliverance hereof1 yet it      
prov'd afterwards1 that in the very     
height of all his actions he was curb'd 
by fortune1 insomuch that this poore    

countrey remaining as it were without   
life1 attends still for him that shall  
heal her wounds1 give an end to all     
those pillagings and sackings of        
,lombardy1 to those robberies and       
taxations of the ,kingdome1 and of      
,tuscany1 and heal them of their soars1 
now this long time gangren'd4 ,we see   
how she makes her prayers to ,god1 that 
he send some one to redeem her from     
these ,barbarous cruelties and          
insolencies4 ,we see her also wholly    
ready and disposed to follow any        
colours1 provided there be any one take 
them up4 ,nor do we see at this present1
 that she can look for other1 than your 
,illustrious ,family1 to become         
,cheiftain of this deliverance1 which   
hath now by its own vertue and ,fortune 
been so much exalted1 and favored by    
,god and the ,church1 whereof it now    
holds the ,principality3 and this shall 
not be very hard for you to do1 if you  
shall call to mind the former actions1  
and lives of those that are above named4

 ,and though those men were very rare   
and admirable1 yet were they men1 and   
every one of them began upon less       
occasion than this2 for neither was     
their enterprize more just than this1   
nor more easie2 nor was ,god more their 
friend1 than yours4 ,here is very great 
justice3 for that war is just1 that is  
necessary2 and those armes are          
religious1 when there is no hope left   
otherwhere1 but in them4 ,here is an    
exceeding good disposition thereto3 nor 
can there be1 where there is a good     
disposition1 a giant difficulty1        
provided that use be made of those      
orders1 which ,i propounded for aim and 
direction to you4 ,besides this1 here we
 see extraordinary things without       
example effected by ,god2 the sea was   
opened1 a cloud guided the way1 devotion
 poured forth the waters1 and it rain'd 
down ,manna2 all these things have      
concurred in your greatness1 the rest is
 left for you to do4 ,god will not do   
every thing himself1 that he may not    

take from us our free will1 and of that 
glory that belongs to us4 ,neither is it
 a marvel1 if any of the aforenamed     
,italians have not been able to compass 
that1 which we may hope your illustrious
 family shall3 though in so many        
revolutions of ,italy1 and so many feats
 of war1 it may seem that the whole     
military vertue therein be quite        
extinguisht2 for this arises from that  
the ancient orders thereof were not     
good2 and there hath since been none    
that hath known how to invent new ones4 
,nothing can so much honor a man rising 
anew1 as new laws and new ordinances    
devised by him3 these things when they  
have a good foundation given them1 and  
contain in them their due greatness1    
gain him reverence and admiration2 and  
in ,italy their wants not the matter    
wherein to introduce any forme4 ,here is
 great vertue in the members1 were it   
not wanting in the heads4 ,consider in  
the single fights that have been1 and   
duels1 how much the ,italians have      

excel'd in their strength1 activity and 
address2 but when they come to armies1  
they appear not1 and all proceeds from  
the weakness of the ,chieftaines2 for   
they that understand the managing of    
these matters1 are not obeyed2 and every
 one presumes to understand2 hitherto   
there having not been any one so highly 
raised either by fortune or vertue1 as  
that others would submit unto him4 ,from
 hence proceeds it1 that in so long     
time1 and in so many battels fought for 
these last past #bj years1 when there   
hath been an army wholly ,italian1 it   
alwaies hath had evil success2 whereof  
the river ,tarus first was witness1     
afterwards ,alexandria1 ,capua1 ,genua1 
,vayla1 ,bolonia1 ,mestri4 ,your        
,illustrious family then being desirous 
to tread the footsteps of these         
,worthyes who redeem'd their countreys1 
must above all things as the very       
foundation of the whole fabrick1 be     
furnished with soldiers of your own     
natives3 because you cannot have more   

faithful1 true1 nor better soldiers2 and
 though every one of them be good1 all  
together they will become better when   
they shall find themselves entertained1 
commanded1 and honored by their own     
,prince4 ,wherefore it is necessary to  
provide for those armes1 whereby to be  
able with the ,italian valor to make a  
defence against forreiners4 ,and however
 the ,swisse infantry and ,spanish be   
accounted terrible2 yet is there defect 
in both of them1 by which a third order 
might not only oppose them1 but may be  
confident to vanquish them3 for the     
,spaniards are not able to indure the   
,horse1 and the ,swisse are to feare the
 foot1 when they incounter with them1 as
 resolute in the fight as they2         
whereupon it hath been seen1 and upon   
experience shall be certain1 that the   
,spaniards are not able to beare up     
against the ,french ,cavalery1 and the  
,swisses have been routed by the        
,spanish ,foot4 ,and though touching    
this last1 there hath not been any      

entire experience had1 yet was there    
some proof thereof given in the battel  
of ,ravenna1 when the ,spanish ,foot    
affronted the ,dutch battalions1 which  
keep the same rank the ,swisses do1     
where the ,spaniards with their         
nimbleness of body1 and the help of     
their targets entred in under their     
,pikes1 and there stood safe to offend  
them1 the ,dutch men having no remedy3  
and had it not been for the ,cavalery   
that rusht in upon them1 they had quite 
defeated them4 ,there may then 7the     
defect of the one and other of these two
 infantries being discoverd7 another    
kind of them be anew ordained1 which may
 be able to make resistance against the 
,horse1 and not fear the ,foot1 which   
shall not be a new sort of armes1 but   
change of orders4 ,and these are some of
 those things which ordained a new1 gain
 reputation and greatness to a new      
,prince4 ,therefore this occasion should
 not be let pass1 to the end that ,italy
 after so long a time may see some one  

redeemer of hers appear4 ,nor can ,i    
express with what dearness of affection 
he would be received in all those       
countreys which have suffered by those  
forrein scums1 with what thirst of      
revenge1 with what resolution of        
fidelity1 with what piety1 with what    
tears4 ,would any gates be shut again   
him8 ,any people deny him obedience8    
,any envy oppose him8 ,would not every  
,italian fully consent with him8 ,this  
government of the ,barbarians stinks in 
every ones nostrils4 ,let your          
,illustrious ,family then undertake this
 worthy exployt with that courage and   
those hopes wherewith such just actions 
are to be attempted2 to the end that    
under your colours1 this countrey may be
 enabled1 and under the protection of   
your fortune that saying of ,petrarch be
 verifyed4    ,virt contr' al fuore     
,prendera l'arme1 e fia il combatter    
corto3   ,che l'antico valore   ,ne gli 
,italici cor non  morto4    ,vertue     
against fury shall advance the fight1   

,and it i' th' combate soon shall put to
 flight3   ,for th' old ,roman valor is 
not dead1   ,nor in th' ,italians brests
 extinguished4  ,,finis