,a ,,portraiture ,,of ,,quakerism4      
,,taken ,,from ,a ,,view ,,of ,,the     
,,education ,,and ,,discipline1 ,,social
 ,,manners1 ,,civil ,,and ,,political   
,,economy1 ,,religious ,,principles     
,,and ,,character1 ,,of ,,the  ,society 
of ,friends          99       99        
99       99       99   ,,by ,,thomas    
,,clarkson1 ,m4,a4  ,,author ,,of       
,,several ,,essays ,,on ,,the ,,slave   
,,trade4  ,,vol4 ,,iii4  ,,contents ,,of
 ,,the ,,third ,,volume4         99     
99       99       99       99  ,,great  
,,tenets4  ,,chapter ,i4  ,civil        
government--,governors have no right to 
interfere in matters of religion--,nor  
are the governed bound to obey1 where   
their consciences are oppressed by doing
 it--but they are to be willing to      
suffer the penalties annexed to their   
disobedience--and they are on no account
 to resist them by force of arms1       
,,chapter ,,ii4  ,oaths--,christians are
 not to take civil oaths--,reasons of   
the ,quakers for their disuse of them1  

,,chapter ,,iii4  ,,sect4 ,i4           
,war--,unlawful for ,christians to      
fight--,scriptural passages in support  
of this tenet--,answers to these and    
replies1  ,,sect4 ,,ii4 ,these passages 
supported by the opinions and practice  
of the early ,christians1  ,,sect4      
,,iii4 ,objection to the motive assigned
 for this practice--,reply to this      
objection--,motive confirmed1  ,,sect4  
,,iv4 ,conduct of the early ,christians 
further examined--,while ,christianity  
continued pure1 they held it unlawful to
 fight--,as it became less pure1 their  
scruples against it declined--,as it    
became corrupt1 they ceased1  ,,sect4   
,v4 ,reflections of the author on the   
foregoing subject--,supposed            
conversation with a superior being in   
another region--,new arguments from     
thence1  ,,sect4 ,,vi4 ,subject further 
considered--,erroneous conceptions of   
those who argue in favor of the         
necessity of war--,this necessary only  
where the policy of the world is        

pursued--,nature of this policy--,but   
not necessary where men act on the      
policy of the ,gospel1  ,,sect4 ,,vii4  
,this doctrine confirmed by historical  
cases1  ,,sect4 ,,viii4 ,final          
examination of the subject1  ,,chapter  
,,iv4  ,,sect4 ,i4 ,maintenance of a    
,gospel ministry--,quakers hold it      
unlawful to pay their own ministers1 or 
those of any other denomination1 for    
their ,gospel labours--,scriptural      
passages and historical facts relative  
to this doctrine1  ,,sect4 ,,ii4        
,additional reasons against the payment 
of those of another denomination1 as    
collected from a history of tithes1     
,,sect4 ,,iii4 ,a more particular       
statement of these reasons1          99 
99       99       99       99           
,,character4  ,,chapter ,i4  ,character 
of the ,quakers--,difficulties in the   
proper estimation of character--,these  
removable in the present case1          
,,chapter ,,ii4 ,character general or   
particular--,general is that of a moral 

people1  ,,chapter ,,iii4  ,,sect4 ,i4  
,character particular--,first of the    
particular traits is benevolence to man 
in his temporal capacity1  ,,sect4 ,,ii4
 ,second is benevolence to man in his   
religious capacity1  ,,sect4 ,,iii4     
,third is benevolence1 or a tender      
feeling for the brute creation1         
,,chapter ,,iv4  ,fourth is complacency 
of mind and manners1  ,,chapter ,v4     
,fifth is1 that they do not sacrifice   
their consciences1 as a body of         
,christians1 where they believe a       
compliance with any law or custom to be 
wrong1  ,,chapter ,,vi4  ,sixth is1 that
 in political affairs they reason upon  
principle1 and not upon consequences1   
,,chapter ,,vii4  ,seventh is           
independence of mind1  ,,chapter ,,viii4
  ,,sect4 ,i4 ,eighth is courage in     
life1  ,,sect4 ,,ii4 ,ninth is courage  
in death1  ,,chapter ,,ix4  ,tenth is   
punctuality to words and engagements1   
,,chapter ,x4  ,imperfect traits--,these
 are either intellectually or morally   

defective--,first of these is a         
deficiency in literature and science1   
when compared with other people1        
,,chapter ,,xi4  ,second is             
superstition--,distinctions on this     
subject1  ,,chapter ,,xii4  ,third is   
obstinacy--,no foundation for this      
trait1  ,,chapter ,,xiii4  ,,sect4 ,i4  
,fourth is a money-getting spirit--,this
 spirit seldom chargeable with avarice1 
,,sect4 ,,ii4 ,practicable methods      
suggested for the extirpation of it1    
,,chapter ,,xiv4  ,fifth is a want of   
animation or affection--,this an        
appearance only4  ,,chapter ,,xv4       
,sixth is evasiveness in speech--,no    
foundation for this trait4  ,,chapter   
,,xvi4 ,seventh is shyness--,this an    
appearance only4  ,,chapter ,,xvii4     
,eighth is a disregard of               
truth--,inconsistency of the imputation 
of this trait4  ,,chapter ,,xviii4      
,,sect4 ,i4 ,character of the ,quaker   
women--,women share in the virtues of   
the men1 but do not partake of all their

 reputed imperfections4  ,,sect4 ,,ii4  
,quaker women have a public             
character--,influence of this upon their
 minds4          99       99       99   
99       99  ,,miscellaneous            
,,particulars4  ,,chapter ,i4  ,quakers 
a happy people--,subordinate causes of  
this happiness4  ,,chapter ,,ii4  ,good1
 which the ,quakers have done as a      
society upon earth4  ,,chapter ,,iii4   
,quakers in ,england on the decline in  
point of numbers1 as a religious        
society--,certain causes of this        
decline4  ,,chapter ,,iv4  ,supposed    
remedies for the diminution of some of  
these causes--,these of various         
kinds--,one of these a superior         
education--,supposed effect of this     
education4   ,,chapter ,v4  ,component  
parts of this education--,favourable    
state of the society for the admission  
of it1  ,,chapter ,,vi4  ,various       
arguments against it--,these examined1  
,,chapter ,,vii4  ,conclusory remarks1  
as they relate to those who may have had

 thoughts of leaving the society1       
,,chapter ,,viii4  ,conclusory remarks1 
as they relate to those who may be      
called the world1     ,,great ,,tenets  
,,of ,,the ,,quakers4     ,,chap4 ,i4   
,civil government--,first tenet is1 that
 governors have no right to interfere   
with the governed on the subject of     
,religion--and that if they interfere1  
and insist upon things which the        
conscience disapproves1 the governed    
ought to refuse a compliance with them1 
and to bear patiently all the penalties 
annexed to such a refusal1 but never to 
resist the governors by violence on this
 or any other account4   ,the ,quakers  
hold four principles1 which ,i shall    
distinguish by the name of ,great       
,tenets4 ,these are considered as       
arising out of the implied or positive  
injunctions of ,christianity1 and were  
insisted upon as essentials on the      
formation of the society4 ,the first of 
these is on the subject of ,civil       
,government4  ,civil ,government had    

existed long before the appearance of   
,christianity in the world4 ,legislators
 since that era1 as they have imbibed   
its spirit1 so they have introduced this
 spirit more or less into their         
respective codes4 ,but1 no nation has   
ever professed to change its system of  
jurisprudence1 or to model it anew1 in  
consequence of the new light which      
,christianity has afforded3 neither have
 the alterations been so numerous in any
 nation1 however high its profession of 
,christianity1 with respect to laws1 as 
to enable us to say1 that there is any  
government in the known world1 of       
,christian origin1 or any government    
wholly upon the principles of the       
gospel4  ,if all men were to become real
 ,christians1 civil government would    
become less necessary4 ,as there would  
be then no offences1 there would be no  
need of magistracy or of punishment4 ,as
 men would then settle any differences  
between them amicably1 there would be no
 necessity for courts of law4 ,as they  

would then never fight1 there would be  
no need of armies4 ,as they would then  
consider their fellow-creatures as      
brethren1 they would relieve them as    
such1 and there would be no occasion of 
laws for the poor4 ,as men would then   
have more solicitude for the public     
good1 and more large and liberal        
notions1 than at any former time1 they  
would of themselves conceive and raise  
all necessary public institutions and   
works4 ,government then is not so       
necessary for real ,christians4 ,it is  
necessary principally1 as the apostle   
says1 for evil-doers4 ,but if it be     
chiefly necessary for evil-doers1 then  
governors ought to be careful how they  
make laws1 which may vex1 harrass1 and  
embarrass ,christians1 whom they will   
always find to be the best part of their
 communities1 or1 in other words1 how   
they make laws1 which ,christians1 on   
account of their religious scruples1    
cannot conscientiously obey4  ,it is a  
tenet of the ,quakers1 on the subject of

 government1 that the civil magistrate  
has no right to interfere in religious  
matters1 so as either to force any      
particular doctrines upon men1 or to    
hinder them from worshipping ,god in    
their own way1 provided that1 by their  
creeds and worship1 they do no detriment
 to others4 ,the ,quakers believe1      
however1 that ,christian churches may   
admonish such members as fall into      
error1 and may even cut them off from   
membership1 but this must be done not by
 the temporal1 but by the spiritual     
sword4  ,this tenet the ,quakers        
support1 first1 by reason4 ,religion1   
they say1 is a matter solely1 between   
,god and man1 that is1 between ,god and 
that man who worships him4 ,this must be
 obvious1 they conceive1 because man is 
not accountable to man for his religious
 opinions1 except he binds himself to   
the discipline of any religious society1
 but to ,god alone4 ,it must be obvious 
again1 they say1 because no man can be a
 judge over the conscience of another4  

,he can know nothing of the sincerity or
 hypocrisy of his heart4 ,he can be     
neither an infallible judge1 nor an     
infallible correcter of his religious   
errors4 ,the conscience of man1 says    
,barclay1 is the seat and throne of ,god
 in him1 of which he alone is the proper
 and infallible judge1 who1 by his power
 and spirit1 can rectify its mistakes4  
,it must be obvious again1 they say1    
from the consideration that1 if it were 
even possible for one man to discern the
 conscience of another1 it is impossible
 for him to bend or controul it4 ,but   
conscience is placed both out of his    
sight and of his reach4 ,it is neither  
visible nor tangible4 ,it is            
inaccessible by stripes or torments4    
,thus1 while the body is in bondage1 on 
account of the religion of the soul1 the
 soul itself is free1 and1 while it     
suffers under torture1 it enjoys the    
divinity1 and feels felicity in his     
presence4 ,but if all these things are  
so1 it cannot be within the province    

either of individual magistrates or of  
governments1 consisting of fallible men1
 to fetter the consciences of those who 
may live under them4 ,and any attempt to
 this end is considered by the ,quakers 
as a direct usurpation of the           
prerogative of ,god4  ,this tenet the   
,quakers adopt again on a contemplation 
of the conduct and doctrines of ,jesus  
,christ and of his apostles4 ,they find 
nothing in these1 which can give the    
least handle to any man to use force in 
the religious concerns of another4      
,during the life of ,jesus ,christ upon 
earth1 it is no where recorded of him1  
that he censured any man for his        
religion4 ,it is true that he reproved  
the ,scribes and ,pharisees1 but this   
was on account of their hypocrisy1      
because they pretended to be what they  
were not4 ,but he no where condemned the
 devout ,jew1 who was sincere in his    
faith4 ,but if he be found no where to  
have censured another for a difference  
in religious opinions1 much less was it 

ever said of him1 that he forced him to 
the adoption of his own4 ,in the        
memorable instance1 where ,james and    
,john were willing to have called fire  
from ,heaven1 to burn those who refused 
to receive him1 he rebuked them by an   
assurance1 that they knew not what      
spirit they were of4 ,and1 with respect 
to his doctrines1 nothing can be more   
full to the point than his saying1 that 
his kingdom was not of this world1 by   
which he meant that his dominion was    
wholly of a spiritual nature1 and that  
men must cast off all worldly           
imaginations1 and become spiritually    
minded1 before1 they could belong to    
him4 ,but no application of outward     
force1 in the opinion of the ,quakers1  
can thus alter the internal man4 ,nor   
can even the creeds and doctrines of    
others produce this effect1 except they 
become sanctioned by the divine         
influence on the heart4  ,neither is it 
recorded of any of the apostles1 that   
they used any other weapons than those  

of persuasion and the power of ,god in  
the propagation of their doctrines1     
leaving such as did not choose to follow
 them to their own way4 ,they were      
explicit also in stating the spiritual  
nature of ,christ's kingdom1 from whence
 an inference similar to the former is  
deducible1 namely1 that no compulsory   
interference can be effectual in matters
 of religion4 ,and ,st4 ,paul1 in       
particular1 tells the ,corinthians1     
that1 in his spiritual services to them1
 he does not consider himself #a;as     
having any dominion over their faith1   
but as helpers of their joy4  ,footnote 
#a3 #b ,cor4 i4 #bd4  ,but if neither   
,jesus ,christ1 who was the author of   
that religion1 which many civil         
governments have established1 nor the   
apostles1 who afterwards propagated it1 
forced their doctrines upon other men1  
or hindered them by force from          
worshipping in their own way1 even      
though the former could have called     
legions of angels to his support1 it    

certainly does not become weak1         
ignorant1 and fallible men1 because they
 are placed in the situation of         
governors1 to set up their own creeds as
 supreme1 and to throw penalties and    
restrictions in the way of the religious
 exercise of others4  ,but if governors1
 contrary to the example of ,jesus      
,christ and of his apostles1 should     
interfere in religious matters1 and     
impose laws upon the governed1 of which1
 as ,christians1 they cannot but        
disapprove1 then the ,quakers are of    
opinion1 that the governed ought always 
to obey the laws of ,jesus ,christ1     
rather than the laws of any governors1  
who are only men4 ,thus when ,peter and 
,john were commanded by the rulers of   
the ,jews to speak no more in the name  
of ,jesus1 they dared not yield         
obedience to their commands1 reasoning  
thus1#b ,whether it be right in the     
sight of ,god to hearken unto you more  
than unto ,god1 judge ye4  ,footnote #b3
 ,acts iv4 #ai4  ,and as the governed in

 such case ought1 in obedience to ,god1 
the ,supreme ,ruler of the ,universe1   
and the ,king of ,kings1 to refuse a    
compliance with the laws of their own   
governors1 so they ought to be prepared 
patiently to submit to the penalties    
which are annexed to such refusal1 and  
on no account1 if just representations  
made in the meek and quiet spirit of    
their religion1 are not likely to be    
effectual1 to take up arms or resist    
them by force4 ,and this doctrine they  
ground1 first1 on the principle1 that it
 is not only more noble1 but more       
consistent with their duty as           
,christians1 to suffer1 than to give    
growth to the passions of revenge1 or by
 open resistance to become the occasion 
of loss of life to others4 ,and1        
secondly1 on the example of ,jesus      
,christ1 and of the apostles and        
primitive ,christians1 all of whom      
patiently submitted to the pains and    
penalties inflicted upon them by the    
governments of their respective times   

for the exercise of their religion4     
,,chap4 ,,ii4  ,oaths--,quakers conceive
 it unlawful for ,christians to take an 
oath--their sufferings on this          
account--,consider oaths as             
unnecessary--as having an immoral       
tendency1 which even the ,heathens      
allowed--and as having been forbidden by
 ,jesus ,christ--,explanation of the    
scriptural passages cited on this       
occasion--,christianity not so perfect  
with the lawfulness of oaths as without 
it--,other reasons taken from           
considerations relative to the ancient  
oath by the name of ,god   ,a second    
tenet1 which the ,quakers hold1 is1 that
 it is unlawful for ,christians to take 
a civil oath4  ,many and grievous were  
the sufferings of the ,quakers1 in the  
early part of their history1 on account 
of their refusing to swear before the   
civil magistrate4 ,they were insulted1  
fined1 and imprisoned4 ,some of the     
judges too indulged a rancour against   
them on this account1 unworthy of their 

high office1 which prescribed justice   
impartially to all4 ,for when they could
 not convict them of the offences laid  
to their charge1 they administered to   
them the oath of allegiance1 knowing    
that they would not take it1 and that   
confiscation of property and            
imprisonment would ensue4 ,but neither  
ill usage1 nor imprisonment1 nor loss of
 property1 ever made any impression upon
 the ,quakers1 so as to induce them to  
swear in judicial cases1 and they       
continued to suffer1 till the           
legislature1 tired out with the cries of
 their oppression1 decreed1 that their  
affirmation should in all cases except  
criminal1 or in that of serving upon    
juries1 or in that of qualifications for
 posts of honour or emolument under     
government1 be received as equivalent to
 their oath4 ,and this indulgence       
towards them is continued to them by law
 to the present day4  ,the ,quakers have
 an objection to oaths1 as solemn       
appeals to ,god1 because they are       

unnecessary4  ,it is an old saying among
 the ,quaker writers1 that truth was    
before all oaths4 ,by this they mean1   
there was a time1 when men's words were 
received as truths1 without the         
intervention of an oath4 ,ancient fable1
 indeed1 tells us1 that there were no   
oaths in the golden age1 but that1 when 
men departed from their primitive       
simplicity1 and began to quarrel with   
one another1 they had recourse to       
falsehood to substantiate their own     
case1 after which it became necessary1  
that some expedient should be devised1  
in the case of disputes1 for the        
ascertaining the truth4 ,hence ,hesiod  
makes the god of oaths the son of ,esis 
or of contention4 ,this1 account differs
 but little from that of ,polybuis1 who 
says1 that the use of oaths in judgment 
was rare among the ancients1 but that1  
as perfidy grew1 oaths increased4  ,and 
as it is a saying of the ,quakers1 that 
truth was before all oaths1 so they     
believe1 that truth would be spoken1 if 

oaths were done away4 ,thus1 that which 
is called honour by the world1 will bind
 men to the truth1 who perhaps know but 
little of religion4 ,but if so1 then he1
 who makes ,christianity his guide1 will
 not be found knowingly in a falsehood1 
though he be deprived of the opportunity
 of swearing4  ,but if it be true1 that 
truth existed before the invention of   
oaths1 and that truth would still be    
spoken1 even if all oaths were          
abolished1 then the ,quakers say1 that  
oaths are not so necessary as some have 
imagined1 because they have but a       
secondary effect in the production of   
the truth4 ,this conclusion they        
consider also as the result of reason4  
,for good men will speak truth without  
an oath1 and bad men will hardly be     
influenced by one4 ,and where oaths are 
regarded1 it is probable that truth is  
forced out of men1 not so much1 because 
they consider them as solemn appeals to 
,god1 as that they consider the         
penalties1 which will follow their      

violation2 so that a simple affirmation1
 under the same pains and penalties1    
would be equally productive of the      
truth4  ,the ,quakers consider oaths    
again as very injurious to morality4    
,for first1 they conceive it to be great
 presumption in men to summon ,god as a 
witness in their trilling and earthly   
concerns4  ,they believe1 secondly1     
that1 if men accustom themselves to call
 upon ,god on civil occasions1 they     
render his name so familiar to them1    
that they are likely to lose the        
reverence due to it1 or so to blend     
religious with secular considerations1  
that they become in danger of losing    
sight of the dignity1 solemnity1 and    
awfulness of devotion4 ,and it is not an
 unusual remark1 that persons1 most     
accustomed to oaths1 are the most likely
 to perjury4 ,a custom-house oath has   
become proverbial in our own country4 ,i
 do not mean by this to accuse          
mercantile men in particular1 but to    
state it as a received opinion1 that1   

where men make solemn things familiar1  
there is a danger of their moral        
degradation4 ,hence the ,quakers        
consider the common administration of   
oaths to have a tendency that is        
injurious to the moral interests of men4
  ,this notion relative to the bad      
tendency of oaths1 the ,quakers state to
 have prevailed even in the ,gentile    
world4 ,as ,heathen philosophy became   
pure1 it branded the system of swearing 
as pernicious to morals4 ,it was the    
practice of the ,persians to give each  
other their right hand as a token of    
their speaking the truth4 ,he1 who gave 
his hand deceitfully1 was accounted more
 detestable than if he had sworn the    
,scythians1 in their conference with    
,alexander the ,great1 addressed him    
thus3 ,think not that the ,scythians    
confirm their friendship by an oath4    
,they swear by keeping their word4 ,the 
,phrygians were wholly against oaths4   
,they neither took them themselves1 nor 
required them of others4 ,among the     

proverbs of the ,arabs1 this was a      
celebrated one1 ,never swear1 but let   
thy word be yes or no4 ,so religious was
 ,hercules1 says ,plutarch1 that he     
never swore but once4 ,clinias1 a ,greek
 philosopher1 and a scholar of          
,pythagoras1 is said to have dreaded an 
oath so much1 that1 when by swearing he 
could have escaped a fine of three      
talents1 he chose rather to pay the     
money than do it1 though he was to have 
sworn nothing but the truth4 ,indeed1   
throughout all ,greece1 the system of   
swearing was considered as of the most  
immoral tendency1 the very word1 which  
signified perjured1 in the ,greek       
language1 meaning1 when analysed1 he    
that adds oath to oath1 or the taker of 
many oaths4  ,but1 above all1 the       
,quakers consider oaths as unlawful for 
,christians1 having been positively     
forbidden by ,jesus ,christ4  ,the      
words1 in which they conceived this     
prohibition to have been contained1 they
 take from the sermon on the ,mount4  #c

 ,again1 ye have heard1 that it hath    
been said by them of old time1 ,thou    
shalt not forswear thyself1 but shall   
perform unto the ,lord thine oaths4     
,footnote #c3 ,matt4 v4 #cc4  ,but ,i   
say unto you1 swear not at all1 neither 
by heaven1 because it is ,god's throne4 
,nor by the earth1 for it is his        
footstool3 neither by ,jerusalem1 for it
 is the city of the great ,king4        
,neither shalt thou swear by thy head1  
because thou canst not make one hair    
white or black4  ,but let your          
communication be yea1 yea2 nay1 nay3 for
 whatsoever is more than this cometh of 
evil4  ,it is said by those1 who oppose 
the ,quakers on this subject1 that these
 words relate1 not to civil oaths1 but  
to such as are used by profane persons  
in the course of their conversation4    
,but the ,quakers deny this1 because the
 disciples1 as ,jews1 must have known   
that profane swearing had been unlawful 
long before this prohibition of ,jesus  
,christ4 ,they must relate1 therefore1  

to something else1 and to something1    
which had not before been forbidden4    
,they deny it also on account of the    
construction of the sentences1 and of   
the meaning of the several words in     
these4 ,for the words1 ,swear not at    
all1 in the second of the verses1 which 
have been quoted1 have an immediate     
reference to the words in the first4    
,thus they relate to the word forswear1 
in the first4 ,but if they relate to the
 word forswear1 they must relate to     
perjury1 and if to perjury1 then to a   
civil oath1 or to an oath1 where an     
appeal is made to ,god by man1 as to    
something relating to himself4 ,the word
 oath also is explicitly mentioned in   
the first of these verses1 and mentioned
 as an oath which had been allowed4 ,now
 there was one oath1 which had been     
allowed in ancient time4 ,the ,jews had 
been permitted1 in matters of judgment1 
to swear by the name of ,god4 ,this     
permission was given them1 for one1     
among other reasons1 that they might be 

prevented from swearing by the name of  
those idols by which their neighbours   
swore2 for a solemn appeal to any       
,heathen god necessarily includes an    
acknowledgment of the omnipresence of   
the same4  ,that they related to this   
oath in particular1 the ,quakers        
conceive to be obvious from the         
prohibition in the verses which have    
been cited1 of swearing by heaven1 by   
earth1 and by other things4 ,the ,jews1 
knowing the sacredness of the name of   
,god1 had an awful notion of the        
consequences of perjury1 if committed   
after an appeal to it1 and therefore had
 recourse to the names of the creatures1
 in case they should swear falsely4 ,but
 even the oaths1 thus substituted by    
them1 are forbidden by ,jesus ,christ2  
and they are forbidden upon this        
principle1 as we find by a subsequent   
explanation given by ,st4 ,matthew1 that
 whosoever swore by these creatures1    
really and positively swore by the name 
of ,god4 ,but if they are forbidden1    

because swearing by these creatures is  
the same thing as swearing by ,god who  
made them1 then the oath by the name of 
,god1 which had been permitted to the   
,jews of old1 was intended by ,jesus    
,christ to be discontinued1 or to have  
no place in his new religion4  ,the     
,quakers then1 considering the words in 
question to have the meaning now annexed
 to them1 give the following larger     
explanation of what was the intention of
 our ,saviour upon this occasion4  ,in  
his sermon on the ,mount1 of which these
 words on the subject of oaths are a    
part1 he inculcated into his disciples a
 system of morality1 far exceeding that 
of the ,jews1 and therefore in the      
verses which precede those upon this    
subject1 he tells them1 that whereas it 
was said of old1 thou shall not kill1 he
 expected of them1 that they should not 
even entertain the passion of revenge4  
,and whereas it was said of old1 thou   
shalt not commit adultery1 he expected1 
that they should not even lust after    

others1 if they were married1 or after  
those in a married state4 ,thus he      
brings both murder and adultery from act
 to thought4 ,he attaches a criminality 
to unlawful feelings if not suppressed1 
or aims at the subjugation of the       
passions1 as the springs of the evil    
actions of men4 ,going on to shew the   
farther superiority of his system of    
morality over that of the ,jews1 he says
 again1 whereas it was said of old1 thou
 shall not forswear thyself1 he expects 
that they should not swear at all1 not  
even by the name of ,god1 which had been
 formerly allowed1 for that he came to  
abrogate the ancient law1 and perjury   
with it4 ,it was his object to make the 
word of his true disciples equal to the 
ancient oath4 ,thus he substituted truth
 for oaths4 ,and he made this essential 
difference between a ,jew and a         
,christian1 that1 whereas the one swore 
in order that he might be believed2 the 
other was to speak truth in order that  
he might not swear4 ,such was the       

intended advance from ,jew to           
,christian1 or from ,moses to ,christ4  
,the ,quakers are farther confirmed in  
their ideas upon this subject1 by       
believing1 that ,christianity would not 
have been as perfect as they apprehend  
it to have been intended to be1 without 
this restriction upon oaths4 ,is it     
possible1 they say1 that ,jesus ,christ 
would have left it to ,christians to    
imagine1 that their words were to be    
doubted on any occasion8 ,would he have 
left it to them to think so             
dishonourably of one another1 or of     
their new vocation1 that their words    
were to be tried by the touchstone of   
oaths1 when his religion was to have a  
greater effect than any former system of
 morality ever known1 in the production 
of truth8 ,is it possible1 when oaths   
sprung out of fraud and falsehood1 as he
 himself witnesses1 7for whatever is    
more than yea and nay1 cometh of evil7  
that he would have left this remnant of 
antiquity standing1 as if his religion  

was not intended to extirpate the very  
ground-work of it8  ,finally1 the       
,quakers are confirmed in their ideas   
upon this subject from a belief that    
oaths were to cease1 either at the      
coming of ,jesus ,christ1 or as men     
became ,christians4 ,for1 in the first  
place1 the oath by the name of ,god1 is 
considered by some1 as ,i have before   
noticed1 to have been permitted to the  
,jews during their weak state1 that they
 might not swear by the idols of their  
cotemporary neighbours1 and thus lose   
sight of the only and true ,god4 ,but   
what ,christian stands in need of any   
preservative against idolatry1 or of any
 commemorative of the existence and     
superintendence of an almighty1 wise1   
beneficent1 and moral ,governor of the  
world8 ,some again have imagined1 that1 
as the different purifications among the
 ,jews1 denoting the holiness of ,god1  
signified that it became men to         
endeavour to be holy1 so the oath by the
 name of ,god1 denoting the verity of   

,god1 signified1 that it became men to  
devote themselves to the truth4 ,but no 
true ,christian stands in need of such  
symbols1 to make him consider his word  
as equivalent to his oath4 ,others again
 have imagined1 that the oath by the    
name of ,god1 typified the truth1 or the
 eternal word4 ,but as the type ceases  
when the antitype appears1 so the coming
 of ,jesus ,christ1 who in the gospel   
language is called both the truth and   
the eternal word1 may be considered as  
putting an end to this1 as to other     
types and shadows1 of the ,jewish       
church4     ,,chap4 ,,iii4   ,,sect4 ,i4
  ,war--,tenet on war--,quakers hold it 
unlawful for ,christians to             
fight--,scriptural passages1 which they 
produce in support of this              
tenet--,arguments which others produce  
from scriptural authority against       
it--,reply of the ,quakers to these     
arguments4   ,the next of the great     
tenets which the ,quakers hold1 is on   
the subject of war4 ,they believe it    

unlawful for ,christians to engage in   
the profession of arms1 or indeed to    
bear arms under any circumstances of    
hostility whatever4 ,hence there is no  
such character as that of a ,quaker     
soldier4 ,a ,quaker is always able to   
avoid the regular army1 because the     
circumstance of entering into it is a   
matter of choice4 ,but where he has no  
such choice1 as is the case in the      
militia1 he either submits1 if he has   
property1 to distraints upon it1 or1 if 
he has not1 to prison4#d  ,footnote #d3 
,the ,quakers have been charged with    
inconsistency in refusing military      
service1 and yet in paying those taxes1 
which are expressly for the support of  
wars4 ,to this charge they reply1 that  
they believe it to be their duty to     
render to ,caesar the things which are  
,caesar's1 and to leave the application 
of them to ,caesar himself1 as he judges
 best for the support of government4    
,this duty they collect from the example
 of ,jesus ,christ1 who paid the tribute

 money himself1 and ordered his         
disciples to do it1 and this to a       
government1 not only professedly        
military1 but distinguished for its     
idolatry and despotism4 ,personal       
service1 however1 they conceive to      
militate against a positive command by  
our ,saviour1 as will be explained in   
this chapter4  ,the ,quakers ground the 
illicitness of war on several passages1 
which are to be found in the ,new       
,testament4 ,i shall not quote all the  
texts they bring forward1 but shall make
 a selection of them on this occasion4  
,jesus ,christ1 in the famous sermon1   
which he preached upon the ,mount1 took 
occasion to mention specifically some of
 the precepts of the ,jewish law1 and to
 inform his hearers1 that he expected of
 those1 who were to be his true         
disciples1 that they would carry these  
to a much higher extent in their        
practice under the new dispensation1    
which he was then affording them4       
,christianity required a greater        

perfection of the human character than  
under the law4 ,men were not only not to
 kill1 but not even to cherish the      
passion of revenge4#e ,and whereas it   
was said of old1 an eye for an eye1 and 
a tooth for a tooth1 ,i say unto you1   
says ,christ1 that ye resist not evil2  
but whosoever shall smite thee on thy   
right cheek1 turn to him the other also4
 ,and farther on in the same chapter1 he
 says1 ,ye have heard that it hath been 
said1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbour1   
and hate thine enemy3 ,but ,i say unto  
you1 love your enemies1#f bless them    
that curse you1 do good to them that    
hate you1 and pray for them that        
despitefully use you and persecute you4 
,for if ye love them which love you1    
what reward have you8 do not even the   
,publicans the same8 ,be ye therefore   
perfect1 even as your ,father which is  
in heaven is perfect4 ,now the ,quakers 
are of opinion1 that no man can receive 
this doctrine his heart1 and assist     
either offensively or defensively in the

 operations of war4  ,footnote #e3      
,matt4 v4 #ch4  ,footnote #f3 ,the      
,heathen nations1 on account of their   
idolatry1 were called enemies by the    
,jews4  ,other passages1 quoted by the  
,quakers1 in favour of their tenet on   
war1 are taken from the apostles ,paul  
and ,james conjointly4  ,the former1 in 
his#g second epistle to the             
,corinthians1 says1 ,for though we walk 
in the flesh1 we do not war after the   
flesh3 ,for the weapons of our warfare  
are not carnal1 but mighty through ,god 
to the pulling down of strong holds1 to 
the casting down imaginations1 and every
 high thing that exalteth itself against
 the knowledge of ,god1 and bringing    
into captivity every thought to the     
obedience of ,christ4 ,from hence the   
,quakers argue1 that the warfare of     
,christianity1 or that which            
,christianity recognises1 is not carnal1
 but spiritual1 and that it consists in 
the destruction of the evil             
imaginations1 or of the evil lusts and  

passions of men4 ,that is1 no man can be
 a true soldier of ,christ1 unless his  
lusts are subdued1 or unless the carnal 
be done away by the spiritual mind4 ,now
 this position having been laid down by 
,st4 ,paul1 or the position having been 
established in ,christian morals1 that a
 state of subjugated passions is one of 
the great characteristic marks of a true
 ,christian1 the ,quakers draw a        
conclusion from it by the help of the   
words of ,st4 ,james4 ,this apostle1 in 
his letter to the dispersed tribes1     
which were often at war with each other1
 as well as with the ,romans1 says1#h   
,from whence come wars and fightings    
among you8 ,come they not hence even of 
your lusts that war in your members8    
,but if wars come from the lusts of men1
 then the ,quakers say1 that those who  
have subdued their lusts1 can no longer 
engage in them1 or1 in other words1 that
 true ,christians1 being persons of this
 description1 or being such1 according  
to ,st4 ,paul1 as are redeemed out of   

what ,st4 ,james calls the very grounds 
and occasions of wars1 can no longer    
fight4 ,and as this proposition is true 
in itself1 so the ,quakers conceive the 
converse of it to be true also3 ,for if 
there are persons1 on the other hand1   
who deliberately engage in the wars and 
fightings of the world1 it is a proof1  
that their lusts are not yet subjugated1
 or that1 though they may be nominal1   
they are not yet arrived at the stature 
of true or of full-grown ,christians4   
,footnote #g3 #b ,cor4 x4 #c1 #d1 #e4   
,footnote #h3 ,james iv4 ,i4  ,a third  
quotation1 made by the ,quakers1 is     
taken from ,st4 ,paul exclusively4#i    
,now if any man have not the spirit of  
,christ1 he is none of his4 ,that is1 if
 men have not the same disposition which
 ,jesus ,christ manifested in the       
different situations of his life1 the   
same spirit of humility and of          
forbearance1 and of love1 and of        
forgiveness of injuries1 or if they do  
not follow him as a pattern1 or if they 

do not act as he would have done on any 
similar occasion1 they are not          
,christians4 ,now they conceive1 knowing
 what the spirit of ,jesus was by those 
things which have been recorded of him1 
that he could never have been induced or
 compelled1 by any earthly consideration
 or power1 to have engaged in the wars  
of the world4 ,they are aware that his  
mission1 which it became him to fulfil1 
and which engrossed all his time1 would 
not have allowed him the opportunity of 
a military life4 ,but they believe1     
independently of this1 that the spirit  
which he manifested upon earth1 would   
have been of itself a sufficient bar to 
such an employment4 ,this they judge    
from his opinions and his precepts4 ,for
 how could he have taken up arms to     
fight1 who enjoined in the new          
dispensation1 that men were not to      
resist evil2 that they were to love     
their enemies2 that they were to bless  
those who cursed them1 and to do good to
 those who hated them8 ,this they judge 

also from his practice4 ,for how could  
he have lifted up his arm against       
another1 who1 when he was reviled1      
reviled not again2 and who1 in his very 
agony upon the ,cross1 prayed for his   
persecutors1 saying1 ,father1 forgive   
them1 for they know not what they do4   
,but if ,jesus ,christ could not have   
been induced or compelled to have       
engaged in a profession1 which would    
have subjected him to take away the life
 of another1 so neither can any         
,christian2 for if a man have not the   
spirit of ,christ1 he is none of his4   
,footnote #i3 ,rom4 viii4 #i4  ,three   
arguments are usually brought against   
the ,quakers on this subject4  ,the     
first is1 that ,john the ,baptist1#aj   
when the soldiers demanded of him what  
they should do1 did not desire them to  
leave the service in which they were    
engaged1 but1 on the other hand1 to be  
content with their wages4 ,to this the  
,quakers reply1 that ,john told them    
also1 to do violence to no man4 ,but    

even if he had not said this1 they      
apprehend that nothing could be deduced 
from his expressions1 which could become
 binding upon ,christians4 ,for ,john   
was the last prophet of the old         
dispensation1 but was never admitted    
into the new4 ,he belonged to the system
 which required an eye for an eye1 and a
 tooth for a tooth1 but not to that     
which required no resistance to evil1   
and which insisted upon the love of     
enemies as well as of friends4 ,hence   
,jesus ,christ said of him1 that he who 
was least in the kingdom of heaven1 was 
greater than he4  ,footnote #aj3 ,luke  
iii4 #ad4  ,the second argument brought 
against the ,quakers on this occasion1  
is of a similar nature with the former4 
,it is said that1 if war had been       
unlawful1 our ,saviour1 when the        
centurion#aa came to him at ,capernaum1 
would have found fault with his         
profession2 but he did not do this1 but 
on the other hand he highly commended   
him for his religion4 ,in answer to this

 the ,quakers observe1 first1 that no   
solid argument can be drawn from silence
 on any occasion4 ,secondly1 that ,jesus
 ,christ seems1 for wise purposes1 to   
have abstained from meddling with many  
of the civil institutions of his time1  
though in themselves wicked1 thinking   
probably1 that it was sufficient to have
 left behind him such general precepts1 
as1 when applied properly1 would be     
subversive of them all4 ,and1 thirdly1  
that he never commended the centurion on
 account of his military situation1 but 
on account of his profession of his     
faith4  ,footnote #aa3 ,matt4 viii4 #e4 
,they say farther1 that they can bring  
an argument of a much more positive     
nature than that just mentioned1 from an
 incident which took place1 and where   
,jesus was again concerned4 ,when ,peter
 cut off the ear of one of the servants 
of the high priest1 who was concerned in
 the apprehension of his ,lord1 he was  
not applauded1 but reprimanded for the  
part which he thus took in his defence  

in the following words3#ab ,put up again
 thy sword in its place1 for all they   
that take the sword1 shall perish by the
 sword4 ,now the ,quakers conceive1 that
 much more is to be inferred against the
 use of the sword from this instance1   
than from the former in favour of it4   
,footnote #ab3 ,matt4 xxvi1 #eb4  ,the  
last argument1 which is usually adduced 
against the ,quakers on this subject1   
is1 that they have mistaken the meaning 
of the words of the famous sermon upon  
the ,mount4 ,these words teach us the   
noble lesson1 that it is more consistent
 with the character of a ,christian to  
forgive1 than to resist an injury4 ,they
 are1 it is said1 wholly of private     
import1 and relate solely to private    
occurrences in life4 ,but the ,quakers  
have extended the meaning of them beyond
 private to public injuries or wars4    
,the ,quakers1 in answer to this        
observe1 that they dare not give to the 
words in question a less extensive      
meaning4 ,they relate to every one who  

reads them4 ,they relate to the poor4   
,they relate to the rich4 ,they relate  
to1 every potentate who may be the ruler
 of a land4 ,they relate to every       
individual of his council4 ,there is no 
exception1 or dispensation to any one1  
in favour of any case4  ,that they      
relate to public as well as private     
wars1 or that they extend themselves    
naturally to those which are public1 the
 ,quakers conceive it reasonable to     
suppose from the following              
consideration4 ,no man1 they apprehend1 
can possess practically the divine      
principle of loving an individual enemy 
at home1 or of doing good to the man who
 hates him1 but he must of necessity    
love his enemy in any and every other   
place4 ,he must have gone so for forward
 on the road to ,christian perfection1  
as to be unable to bear arms against any
 other person whatsoever1 and           
particularly when1 according to the     
doctrines of the ,new ,testament1 no    
geographical boundaries fix the limits  

of love and enmity between man and man1 
but the whole human race are considered 
as the children of the same parent1 and 
therefore as brothers to one another4   
,but who can truly love an enemy and    
kill him8 ,and where is the difference1 
under the ,gospel dispensation1 between 
,jew and ,gentile1 ,greek and           
,barbarian1 bond and free8  ,that these 
words were meant to extend to public as 
well as to private ware1 the ,quakers   
believe again from the views which they 
entertain relative to the completion of 
prophecy4 ,they believe that a time will
 come1 in one or other of the succeeding
 ages1 when men shall bent their swords 
into ploughshares1 and their spears into
 pruning-hooks1 and when nation shall   
not lift up sword against nation1 and   
they shall not learn war any more4 ,now 
other ,christians1 who differ from them 
in the interpretation of the words in   
question1 believe equally with them1    
that the times thus predicted will come 
to pass4 ,the question then is1 whether 

the more enlarged interpretation of     
these words1 as insisted upon by the    
,quakers1 or of the less enlarged as    
insisted upon by others1 be the most    
consistent with the belief of the future
 accomplishment of the prophecy just    
mentioned4 ,and in this case the        
,quakers are of opinion1 that if wars   
were ever to cease1 one ought to expect 
that some foundation would have been    
previously laid in ,christianity for    
this great and important end4 ,the      
subjugation of the passions1 which it is
 the direct tendency of ,christianity to
 effect1 would produce this end4 ,and so
 far such a foundation has already been 
laid in this system4 ,but as the        
admission of moral precepts into the    
education of man1 so as to form habits  
of moral opinion1 is another1 way of    
influencing conduct in life1 the        
,quakers think it likely that some such 
maxim as that ,christians should not    
fight1 would have been introduced also1 
because the adoption of such a maxim    

would have had a similar tendency with  
the subjugation of the passions in      
producing the same end4 ,for it seems   
absurd1 they conceive1 to suppose that  
wars should cease1 and that no precept  
should have been held out that they were
 wrong4 ,but the more enlarged          
interpretation of the words in question 
furnishes such a precept1 and therefore 
another foundation seems to have been   
laid in ,christianity for the same end4 
,they admit1 therefore1 the larger      
interpretation as included in the less1 
because it comports more with the design
 of ,providence1 who1 by the mouth of   
his prophets wills universal peace1 that
 the prohibition of public as well as of
 private wars should be understood as a 
,christian doctrine1 than that the words
 in question should be confined to      
private injuries alone4  ,the last      
reason1 which the ,quakers give for     
adopting the larger interpretation of   
the words in the sermon upon the ,mount1
 as well as the less1 is the following4 

,they are of opinion1 that1 as          
,christians1 they ought not to lessen   
the number of the moral obligations of  
the ,gospel4 ,they ought not to abridge 
its dignity1 nor to put limits to its   
benevolence4 ,if it was the desire of   
,jesus ,christ1 that men should love    
their enemies1 it is their duty to      
believe1 that his wish could not have   
been otherwise than universal4 ,if it   
was an object with him to cure moral    
evil1 it is their duty to suppose1 that 
it was his desire to destroy it1 not    
partially1 but to the utmost possible   
extent4 ,if it was his design to give   
happiness to man1 it is their duty to   
determine1 that he intended to give it  
not in a limited proportion1 but in the 
largest measure4 ,but when they consider
 the nature of wars1 that they militate 
against the law of preservation1 that   
they include the commission of a        
multitude of crimes1 that they produce a
 complication of misery and suffering to
 man1 they conceive they would not be   

doing their duty as ,christians1 or     
giving to ,christianity its due honour1 
if they were not to admit the larger    
meaning of the words in question as well
 as the less4 ,reason too1 pleads for   
the one as well as for the other4       
,consistency of moral doctrine again    
demands both4 ,but if we admit the      
restricted interpretation1 and exclude  
the larger1 we offend reason4 ,all      
consistency is at an end4 ,individual   
responsibility for moral turpitude will 
be taken from man4 ,crimes1 clearly     
marked and defined in the page of       
,christianity1 will cease to be crimes  
at the will of princes4 ,one            
contradiction will rush in after        
another2 and men will have two different
 standards of morality1 as they adhere  
to the commands of the ,gospel1 or to   
the customs of governments or of the    
world4   ,,sect4 ,,ii4  ,meaning of the 
scriptural passages advanced by the     
,quakers1 supported by the opinions and 
practice of the early                   

,christians--,early ,christian writers  
held it unlawful for ,christians to     
fight1 as appears from                  
,justin--,tatian--,clemens--and         
others--,christians would not enter into
 the armies for more than two centuries1
 as appears from ,ireneus--,tertullian  
--,celsus--,origen and others--and      
generally left the military service1 if 
they happened to be converted in it4    
,it may be presumed to be difficult for 
,christians1 who have been in the habit 
of seeing wars entered into and carried 
on by their own and other ,christian    
governments1 and without any other      
censure than that they might be         
politically wrong1 to see the scriptural
 passages of non-resistance to evil and 
love of enemies1 but through a vitiated 
medium4 ,the prejudices of some1 the    
interests of others1 and custom with    
all1 will induce a belief among them1   
that these have no relation to public   
wars4 ,at least they will be glad to    
screen themselves under such a notion4  

,but the question is1 what a ,heathen   
would have said to these passages1 who1 
on his conversion to ,christianity1     
believed that the ,new ,testament was of
 divine origin1 that it was the book of 
life1 and that the precepts1 which it   
contained1 were not to be dispensed     
with1 to suit particular cases1 without 
the imputation of evil4 ,now such a     
trial1 the ,quakers say1 has been made4 
,it was made by the first ,christians1  
and they affirm1 that these interpreted 
the passages1 which have been mentioned1
 differently from those of most of the  
,christians of the present age2 for that
 both their opinions and their practice 
spoke loudly against the lawfulness of  
war4  ,upon this new subject ,i shall   
enter next4 ,and ,i confess ,i shall    
enter upon it willingly4 ,first1 because
 ,i know of none that is more important4
 ,secondly1 because1 though controversy 
may have thrown some light upon it1 much
 remains to be added4 ,and1 thirdly1    
because the assertions of the ,quakers  

on this point are disputed by many at   
the present day4 ,with respect to the   
opinions of the early ,quakers1 which ,i
 shall notice first1 it must be         
premised1 that such of them as have     
written books1 have not all of them     
entered on this subject4 ,some of them  
have not had even occasion to mention   
it4 ,but where they have1 and where they
 have expressed an opinion1 ,i believe  
that this will be found unfavourable to 
the continuance of war4  ,justin the    
,martyr1 one of the earliest writers in 
the second century1 considers war as    
unlawful4 ,he makes also the devil the  
author of all war4 ,no severer sentence 
could have been passed upon it than     
this1 when we consider it as coming from
 the lips of an early ,christian4 ,the  
sentiment too was contrary to the       
prevailing sentiments of the times1     
when1 of all professions1 that of war   
was most honourable1 and was the only   
one that was considered to lead to      
glory4 ,it resulted1 therefore1 in all  

probablity1 from the new views1 which   
,justin had acquired by a perusal of    
such of the scriptures1 as had then     
fallen into his hands4  ,tatian1 who was
 the disciple of ,justin1 in his oration
 to the ,greeks1 speaks precisely in the
 same terms on the same subject4  ,from 
the different expressions of ,clemens of
 ,alexandria1 a contemporary of the     
latter1 we collect his opinion to be    
decisive against the lawfulness of war4 
,tertullian1 who may be mentioned next  
in order of time1 strongly condemned the
 practice of bearing arms1 as it related
 to ,christians4 ,i shall give one or   
two extracts from him on this subject4  
,in his dissertation on the worship of  
idols1 he says1 ,though the soldiers    
came to ,john1 and received a certain   
form to be observed1 and though the     
centurion believed1 yet ,jesus ,christ1 
by disarming ,peter1 disarmed every     
soldier afterwards3 for custom never    
sanctions an illicit act4 ,and in his   
,soldier's ,garland1 he says1 ,can a    

soldier's life be lawful1 when ,christ  
has pronounced1 that he who lives by the
 sword shall perish by the sword8 ,can  
one1 who professes the peaceable        
doctrines of the ,gospel1 be a soldier1 
when it is his duty not so much as to go
 to law8 and shall he1 who is not to    
revenge his own wrongs1 be instrumental 
in bringing others into chains1         
imprisonment1 torment1 death8  ,cyprian1
 in his ,epistle to ,donatus1 takes a   
view of such customs in his own times1  
as he conceived to be repugnant to the  
spirit or the letter of the ,gospel4 ,in
 looking at war1 which was one of them1 
he speaks thus3 ,suppose thyself1 says  
he1 with me on the top of some very     
exalted eminence1 and from thence       
looking down upon the appearances of    
things beneath thee4 ,let our prospect  
take in the whole horizon1 and let us   
view1 with the indifference of persons  
not concerned in them1 the various      
motions and agitations of human life4   
,thou wilt then1 ,i dare say1 have a    

real compassion for the circumstances of
 mankind1 and for the posture in which  
this view will represent them4 ,and when
 thou reflectest upon thy condition1 thy
 thoughts will rise in transports of    
gratitude and praise to ,god for having 
made thy escape from the pollutions of  
the world4 ,the things thou wilt        
principally observe1 will be the        
highways beset with robbers1 the seas   
with pirates1 encampments1 marches1 and 
all the terrible forms of war and1      
bloodshed4 ,when a single murder is     
committed1 it shall be deemed perhaps a 
crime2 but that crime shall commence a  
virtue1 when committed under the shelter
 of public authority1 so that punishment
 is not rated by the measure of guilt1  
but the more enormous the size of the   
wickedness is1 so much the greater is   
the chance for impunity4 ,these are the 
sentiments of ,cyprian1 and that they   
were the result of his views of         
,christianity1 as taken from the divine 
writings1 there can be little doubt4 ,if

 he had stood upon the same eminence1   
and beheld the same sights previously to
 his conversion1 he might1 like others1 
have neither thought piracy             
dishonourable1 nor war inglorious4      
,lactantius1 who lived some time after  
,cyprian1 in his treatise ,concerning   
the ,true ,worship of ,god1 says1 ,it   
can never be lawful for a righteous man 
to go to war1 whose warfare is in       
righteousness itself1 ,and in another   
part of the same treatise he observes1  
that no exception can be made with      
respect to this command of ,god4 ,it can
 never be lawful to kill a man1 whose   
person the ,divine ,being designed to be
 sacred as to violence4  ,it will be    
unnecessary to make extracts from other 
of the early ,christian writers1 who    
mention this subject4 ,i shall therefore
 only observe1 that the names of        
,origen1 ,archelaus1 ,ambrose1          
,chrysostom1 ,jerom1 and ,cyril1 may be 
added1 to those already mentioned1 as   
the names of persons who gave it as     

their opinion1 that it was unlawful for 
,christians to go to war4  ,with respect
 to the practice of the early           
,christians1 which is the next point to 
be considered1 it may be observed1 that 
there is no well authenticated instance 
upon record1 of ,christians entering    
into the army for the first two         
centuries2 but it is true1 on the other 
hand1 that they declined the military   
profession1 as one in which it was not  
lawful for them to engage4  ,the first  
species of evidence1 which ,i shall     
produce to this point1 may be found in  
the following facts1 which reach from   
the year #afi to the year #aih1 ,avidius
 ,crassus had rebelled against the      
emperor ,verus1 and was slain in a short
 time afterwards4 ,clodius ,albinus in  
one part of the world1 and ,pescenninus 
,niger in another1 rebelled against the 
emperor ,severus1 and both were slain   
likewise4 ,now suspicion fell1 as it    
always did in these times1 if any thing 
went wrong1 upon the ,christians1 as    

having been concerned upon these        
occasions4 ,but ,tertullian1 in his     
,discourse to ,scapula1 tells us1 that  
no ,christians were to be found in these
 armies4 ,and yet these armies were     
extensive4 ,crassus was master of all   
,syria1 with its four legions1 ,niger of
 the ,asiatic and ,egyptian legions1 and
 ,albinus of those of ,britain1 which   
legions together contained between a    
third and an half of the standing       
legions of ,rome4 ,and the fact1 that no
 ,christians were to be found in these1 
is the more remarkable1 because1        
according to the same ,tertullian1      
,christianity had reached all the       
places1 in which these armies were4  ,a 
second species of evidence1 as far as it
 goes1 may be collected from expressions
 and declarations in the works of       
certain authors of those times4 ,justin 
the ,martyr1 and ,tatian1 make          
distinctions between soldiers and       
,christians2 and the latter says1 that  
the ,christians declined even military  

commands4 ,clemens of ,alexandria1 gives
 the ,christians1 who were cotemporary  
with him1 the appellation of peaceable1 
or of the followers of peace1 thus      
distinguishing them from the soldiers of
 his age4 ,and he says expressly1 that  
those1 who were the followers of peace1 
used none of the instruments of war4  ,a
 third species of evidence1 which is of 
the highest importance in this case1 is 
the belief which the writers of these   
times had1 that the prophecy of ,isaiah1
 which stated1 that men should turn     
their swords into ploughshares1 and     
their spears into pruning-hooks1 was    
then in the act of completion4  ,irenus1
 who flourished about the year #ahj1    
affirms1 that this famous prophecy had  
been completed in his time2 for the     
,christians1 says he1 have changed their
 swords and their lances into           
instruments of peace1 and they know not 
how to fight1 ,justin ,martyr1 who was  
cotemporary with ,irenus1 asserted the  
same thing1 which he could not have done

 if the ,christians in his time had     
engaged in war4 ,that the prophecy1 says
 he1 is fulfilled1 you have good reason 
to believe1 for we1 who in times past   
killed one another1 do not now fight    
with our enemies4 ,and here it is       
observable1 that the word fight does not
 mean to strike1 or to beat1 or to give 
a blow1 but to fight as in war2 and the 
word enemy does not mean a common       
adversary1 or one who has injured us1   
but an enemy of the state2 and the      
sentence1 which follows that which has  
been given1 puts the matter again out of
 all doubt4 ,tertullian1 who lived after
 these1 speaks in those remarkable      
words3 ,deny that these 7meaning the    
turning of swords into ploughshares7 are
 the things prophesied of1 when you see 
what you see1 or that they are the      
things fulfilled1 when you read what you
 read2 but if you deny neither of these 
positions1 then you must confess1 that  
the prophecy has been accomplished1 as  
far as the practice of every individual 

is concerned1 to whom it is applicable4 
,i might go from ,tertullian even as far
 as ,theoderet1 if it were necessary1 to
 shew1 that the prophecy in question was
 considered as in the act of completion 
in those times4  ,the fourth and last   
proof will be found in the assertions of
 ,celsus1 and in the reply of ,origen to
 that writer4 ,celsus1 who lived at the 
end of the second century1 attacked the 
,christian religion4 ,he made it one of 
his charges against the ,christians1    
that they refused in his time to bear   
arms for the emperor1 even in the case  
of necessity1 and when their services   
would have been accepted4 ,he told them 
farther1 that if the rest of the empire 
were of their opinion1 it would soon be 
overrun by the ,barbarians4 ,now ,celsus
 dared not have brought this charge     
against the ,christians1 if the fact had
 not been publicly known4 ,but let us   
see whether it was denied by those1 who 
were of opinion that his work demanded a
 reply4 ,the person1 who wrote against  

him in favour of ,christianity1 was     
,origen1 who lived in the third century4
 ,but ,origen1 in his answer1 admits the
 fact as stated by ,celsus1 that the    
,christians would not bear arms1 and    
justifies them for refusing the practice
 on the principle of the unlawfulness of
 war4  ,and as the early ,christians    
would not enter into the armies1 so     
there is good ground to suppose1 that1  
when they became converted in them1 they
 relinquished their profession4 ,human  
nature was the same both in and out of  
the armies1 and would be equally worked 
upon1 in this new state of things1 in   
both cases4 ,accordingly we find1 from  
,tertullian1 in his ,soldier's ,garland1
 that many in his time1 immediately on  
their conversion1 quitted the military  
service4 ,we are told also1 by          
,archelaus1 who flourished under ,probus
 in the year #bgh1 that many ,roman     
soldiers1 who had embraced              
,christianity1 after having witnessed   
the piety and generosity of ,marcellus1 

immediately forsook the profession of   
arms4 ,we are told also by ,eusebius1   
that1 about the same time1 ,numbers laid
 aside a military life1 and became      
private persons1 rather than abjure     
their religion4 ,and here it may not be 
unworthy of remark1 that soldiers1 after
 their conversion1 became so troublesome
 in the army1 both on account of their  
scruples against the idolatrous         
practices required of the soldiery1 and 
their scruples against fighting1 that   
they were occasionally dismissed the    
service on these accounts4   ,,sect4    
,,iii4  ,objection to the foregoing     
statement1 that the idolatry1 which was 
then connected with the military        
service1 and not the unlawfulness of    
war1 was the reason why ,christians     
declined it--,idolatry admitted to be a 
cause--,instance in ,marinus--,but the  
belief of the unlawfulness of fighting  
was another1 and an equally powerful    
cause--,instances in                    
,maximilian--,marcellus--,cassian--,marl

in--,the one scruple as much then a part
 of the ,christian religion as the      
other4   ,as an objection may be made to
 the foregoing statement1 ,i think it   
proper to notice it in this place4  ,it 
will be said1 that the military oath1   
which all were obliged to take alike in 
the ,roman armies1 and which was to be  
repeated annually1 was full of idolatry2
 that the ,roman standards were all     
considered as gods1 and had divine      
honours paid to them by the soldiery2   
and that the images also of the         
emperors1 which were either fixed upon  
these standards1 or placed in the midst 
of them in a temple in the camp1 were to
 be adored in the same manner4 ,now     
these customs were interwoven with the  
military service4 ,no ,roman soldier was
 exempted from them4 ,it will be urged1 
therefore1 that no ,christian could     
submit to these services4 ,indeed when a
 person was suspected of being a        
,christian in those times1 he was       
instantly taken to the altars to        

sacrifice1 it being notorious1 that if  
he were a ,christian he would not       
sacrifice1 though at the hazard of his  
life4 ,is it not1 therefore1 to be      
presumed1 that these idolatrous tests   
operated as the great cause1 why        
,christians refused to enter into the   
army1 or why they left it when converted
 as described in the former section8    
,that these tests operated as a cause1  
we must allow4 ,and let this be         
considered as an insuperable argument   
against those1 who contend that there   
were ,christian soldiers in these times1
 for no ,christian could submit to such 
idolatrous homage2 but1 if so1 no       
,christian could be a soldier4  ,that   
these tests must have operated as a     
cause1 we may infer from the history of 
,marinus4 ,marinus1 according to        
,eusebius1 was a man of family and      
fortune1 and an officer in a legion1    
which1 in the year #bfj1 was stationed  
at ,caesarea of ,palestine4 ,one of the 
centurion's rods happened to become     

vacant in this legion1 and ,marinus was 
appointed to it4 ,but just at this      
moment another1 next to him in rank1    
accused him before the tribunal of being
 a ,christian1 stating1 that the laws   
did not allow a ,christian1 who refused 
to sacrifice to the emperors1 to hold   
any dignity in the army4 ,achus1 the    
judge1 asked ,marinus if it was true1   
that he had become a ,christian4 ,he    
acknowledged it4 ,three hours were then 
allowed him to consider1 whether he     
would sacrifice or die4 ,when the time  
was expired1 he chose the latter4       
,indeed1 so desirous were the early     
,christians of keeping clear of idolatry
 in every shape1 that they avoided every
 custom that appeared in the least      
degree connected with it4 ,thus when a  
largess was given in honour of the      
emperors1 ,l4 ,septimius ,severus the   
father1 and ,m4 ,aurelius ,caracalla the
 son1 a solitary soldier1 as we learn   
from ,tertullian1 was seen carrying the 
garland1 which had been given him on    

that occasion1 in his hand1 while the   
rest wore it upon their heads4 ,on being
 interrogated by the commander1 why he  
refused wearing it1 he replied1 that#ac 
he had become a ,christian4 ,he was     
immediately punished before the army1   
and sent into prison4 ,what became of   
him afterwards is not related4 ,but it  
must be clear1 if he lived and cherished
 his ,christian feelings1 that1 when the
 day of the renewal of his oath1 or of  
the worshipping of the standards1 or of 
any sacrifice in the camp1 should       
arrive1 he would have refused these     
services1 or abandoned his profession4  
,footnote #ac3 ,the priests wore the    
garland1 when they sacrificed to the    
,heathen gods4  ,but though             
unquestionably the idolatrous services1 
required of the soldiers of those times1
 hindered ,christians from entering into
 the armies1 and compelled those1 who   
were converted in them1 to leave them1  
nothing is more true1 than that the     
belief1 that it was unlawful for        

,christians to fight1 occasioned an     
equal abhorrence of a military life4    
,one of the first effects1 which        
,christianity seems to have produced    
upon its first converts1 when it was    
pure and unadulterated1 and unmixed with
 the interpretations of political men1  
was a persuasion1 that it became them1  
in obedience to the divine commands1 to 
abstain from all manner of violence1 and
 to become distinguishable as the       
followers of peace4 ,we find accordingly
 from ,athenagoras1 and other early     
writers1 that the ,christians of his    
time1 abstained1 when they were struck1 
from striking again1 and that they      
carried their principles so far1 as even
 to refuse to go to law with those who  
injured them4 ,we find also1 from the   
same ,athenagoras1 and from ,theophilus 
,antiochenus1 ,tatian1 ,minucius ,felix1
 and others1 that they kept away from   
the shews of the gladiators4 ,this they 
did1 not only because these shews were  
cruel2 but because1 as ,theophilus says1

 lest we should become partakers of the 
murders committed there4 ,a similar     
reason is also given by ,athenagoras on 
this occasion3 ,who is there1 says he1  
that does not prize the shews of the    
gladiators1 which your emperors make for
 the people8 ,but we1 thinking that     
there is very little difference whether 
a man be the author or spectator of     
murder1 keep away from all such sights4 
,and here it may be observed1 that the  
gladiators themselves were1 generally   
prisoners of war1 or reputed enemies1   
and that the murder of these was by     
public authority1 and sanctioned2 as in 
war1 by the state4 ,now what conclusion 
are we to draw from these premises8 ,can
 we think it possible1 that those1 who  
refused to strike again1 or to go to law
 with those who injured them1 and who   
thought an attendance at the            
gladiatorial spectacles criminal on the 
principle1 that he who stood by was a   
murderer1 though the murder was         
sanctioned by law2 should not have an   

objection to the military service1 on   
the principle1 that it was unlawful to  
fight8  ,in short1 the belief of the    
unlawfulness of war1 was universal among
 ,christians in those times4 ,every     
,christian writer of the second century1
 who notices the subject1 makes it      
unlawful for ,christians to bear arms4  
,and if the ,christian writers of this  
age were of this opinion1 contrary to   
all their sentiments before their       
conversion1 and wholly from their       
knowledge of divine truths1 why should  
not others1 who had a common nature with
 these1 be impressed1 on receiving the  
same truths1 in a similar manner8 ,and  
so undoubtedly they were4 ,and as this  
belief was universal among the          
,christians of those times1 so it       
operated with them as an impediment to a
 military life1 quite as much as the    
idolatry1 that was connected with it1 of
 which the following instances1 in      
opposition to that of ,marinus1 may     
suffice4  ,the first case ,i propose to 

mention shall be1 where there was an    
objection to entering into the military 
service upon this principle4 ,and here1 
,i apprehend none can be more in point  
than that of ,maximilian1 as preserved  
in the acts of ,ruinart4  ,maximilian1  
having been brought before the tribunal1
 in order to be enrolled as a soldier1  
,dion1 the proconsul1 asked him his     
name4 ,maximilian1 turning to him1      
replied1 ,why wouldst thou know my name8
 ,i am a ,christian1 and cannot fight4  
,then ,dion ordered him to be enrolled1 
and when he was enrolled1 it was recited
 out of the register1 that he was five  
feet ten inches high4 ,immediately after
 this1 ,dion bade the officer mark him4 
,but ,maximilian refused to be marked1  
still asserting that he was a           
,christian4 ,upon which ,dion instantly 
replied1 ,bear arms1 or thou shalt die4 
,to this ,maximilian answered1 ,i cannot
 fight1 if ,i die4 ,i am not a soldier  
of this world1 but a soldier of ,god4   
,dion then said1 ,who has persuaded thee

 to behave thus8 ,maximilian answered1  
,my own mind1 and he who called me4     
,dion then spoke to his father1 and bade
 him persuade his son4 ,but his father  
observed1 that his son knew his own     
mind1 and what it was best for him to   
do4  ,after this had passed1 ,dion      
addressed ,maximilian again in these    
words1 ,take thy arms1 and receive the  
mark4 ,i can receive1 says ,maximilian1 
no such mark4 ,i have already the mark  
of ,christ4 ,upon which ,dion said1 ,i  
will send thee quickly to thy ,christ4  
,thou mayest do so1 said ,maximilian1   
but the glory will be mine4  ,dion then 
bade the officer mark him4 ,but         
,maximilian still persisted in refusing1
 and spoke thus3 ,i cannot receive the  
mark of this world1 and if thou shouldst
 give me the mark1 ,i will destroy it4  
,it will avail nothing4 ,i am a         
,christian1 and it is not lawful for me 
to wear such a mark about my neck1 when 
,i have received the saving mark of the 
,lord ,jesus ,christ1 the ,son of the   

living ,god1 whom thou1 knowest not1 who
 died to give us life1 and whom ,god    
gave for our sins4 ,him all we          
,christians obey4 ,him we follow as the 
restorer of our life1 and the author of 
our salvation4  ,dion instantly replied 
to this1 ,take thy arms1 and receive the
 mark1 or thou shalt suffer a miserable 
death4--,but ,i shall not perish1 said  
,maximilian4 ,my name is already        
enrolled with ,christ4 ,i cannot fight4 
,dion said1 ,consider then thy youth1   
and bear arms4 ,the profession of arms  
becomes a young man4 ,maximilian        
replied1 ,my arms are with the ,lord4 ,i
 cannot fight for any earthly           
consideration4 ,i am now a ,christian4  
,dion the proconsul1 said1 ,among the   
life-guards of our masters ,dioclesian  
and ,maximian1 and ,constantius and     
,maximus1 there are ,christian soldiers1
 and they fight4 ,maximilian answered1  
,they know best what is expedient for   
them1 but ,i am a ,christian1 and it is 
unlawful to do evil4  ,dion said1 ,take 

thy arms4 ,despise not the profession of
 a soldier1 lest thou perish            
miserably4--,but ,i shall not perish1   
says ,maximilian2 and if ,i should leave
 this world1 my soul will live with     
,christ the ,lord4  ,dion then ordered  
his name to be struck from the roll1    
and1 when this was done1 he proceeded1  
,because1 out of thy rebellious spirit1 
thou hast refused to bear arms1 thou    
shall be punished according to thy      
deserts for an example to others4 ,and  
then he delivered the following         
sentence3 ,maximilian6 because thou hast
 with a rebellious spirit refused to    
bear arms1 thou art to die by the sword4
 ,maximilian replied1 ,thanks be to     
,god4  ,he was twenty years1 three      
months1 and seventeen days old1 and when
 he was led to the place of execution1  
he spoke thus3 ,my dear brethren1       
endeavour with all your might1 that it  
may be your portion to see the ,lord1   
and that he may give you such a crown2  
and then1 with a pleasant countenance1  

he said to his father1 ,give the        
executioner the soldier's coat thou hast
 gotten for me1 and when ,i shall       
receive thee in the company of the      
blessed martyrs1 we may also rejoice    
together with the ,lord4  ,after this he
 suffered4 ,his mother ,pompeiana       
obtained his body of the judge1 and     
conveyed it to ,carthage1 and buried it 
near the place where the body of        
,cyprian the ,martyr lay4 ,and thirteen 
days after this his mother died1 and was
 buried in the came place4 ,and ,victor1
 his father1 returned to his habitation1
 rejoicing and praising ,god1 that he   
had sent before such a gift to the      
,lord1 himself expecting to follow      
after4  ,i shall only observe1 upon this
 instance1 that it is nearly pure and   
unmixed1 or that it is but little       
connected with idolatrous circumstances1
 or rather1 that the unlawfulness of    
fighting was principally urged by       
,maximilian as a reason against entering
 upon a military life4 ,let us now find 

a case1 where1 when a person was        
converted in the army1 he left it1      
pleading this principle1 as one among   
others1 for his dereliction of it4      
,marcellus was a centurion in the legion
 called ,trajana4 ,on a festival1 given 
in honour of the birth-day of ,galerius1
 he threw down his military belt at the 
head of the legion1 and in the face of  
the standards1 declared with a loud     
voice1 that he would no longer serve in 
the army1 for that he had become a      
,christian4 ,i hold in detestation1 said
 he1 addressing himself to all the      
soldiers1 the worship of your gods3     
gods1 which are made of wood and stone1 
gods which are deaf and dumb4 ,so far   
,marcellus1 it appears1 seems to have   
been influenced in his desertion of a   
military life by the idolatry connected 
with it4 ,but let us hear him farther on
 this subject4 ,it is not lawful1 says  
he1 for a ,christian1 who is the servant
 of ,christ the ,lord1 to bear arms for 
any earthly consideration4 ,after a     

delay of more than three months in      
prison after this transaction1 which    
delay was allowed for the purpose of    
sparing him1 he was brought before the  
prefect4 ,there he had an opportunity of
 correcting his former expressions4 ,but
 as he persisted in the same sentiments1
 he suffered4 ,it is remarkable1 that1  
almost immediately after his execution1 
,cassian1 who1 was the notary to the    
same legion1 refused to serve any       
longer1 by publicly throwing his pen and
 accompt-book upon the ground1 and      
declaring1 at the same time1 that the   
sentence of ,marcellus was unjust4 ,when
 taken up by the order of ,aurelianus   
,agricolanus1 he is described by the    
record1 preserved by ,ruinart1 to have  
avowed the same sentiments as           
,marcellus1 and1 like him1 to have      
suffered death4  ,it may not be         
necessary1 perhaps1 to cite any other   
instances1 as opposed to that of        
,marinus1 to the point in question4     
,but1 as another occurs1 which may be   

related in few words1 ,i will just      
mention it in this place4 ,martin1 of   
whom ,sulpicius ,severus says so much1  
had been bred to the profession of arms1
 but1 on his conversion to              
,christianity1 declined it4 ,in the     
answer1 which he gave to ,julian the    
,apostate for his conduct on this       
occasion1 we find him making use only of
 these words1 ,i am a ,christian1 and   
therefore ,i cannot fight4  ,now this   
answer of ,martin is detached from all  
notions of idolatry4 ,the unlawfulness  
of fighting is given as the only motive 
for his resignation4 ,and there is no   
doubt1 that the unlawfulness of fighting
 was as much a principle of religion in 
the early times of ,christianity1 as the
 refusal of sacrifice to the ,heathen   
gods2 and that they operated equally to 
prevent men from entering into the army1
 and to drive them out of it on their   
conversion4 ,indeed these principles    
generally went together1 where the      
profession of arms presented itself as  

an occupation for a ,christian4 ,he1 who
 refused the profession on account of   
the idolatry connected with it1 would   
have refused it on account of the       
unlawfulness of fighting4 ,and he1 who  
refused it on account of the guilt of   
fighting1 would have refused it oh      
account of the idolatrous services it   
required4 ,both and each of them were   
impediments1 in the early times of      
,christianity1 to a military life4      
,,sect4 ,,iv4  ,early ,christians then  
declined the army on account1 of one1   
among other persuasions1 that it was    
unlawful for ,christians to             
fight--,their practice examined farther1
 or into the fourth century--shewn from 
hence1 that while ,christianity         
continued pure1 ,christians still       
declined the military profession--but as
 it became less pure1 their scruples    
against it became less--and when it     
became corrupt1 their scruples against  
it ceased--,manner in which the ,quakers
 make the practice of these early times 

support the meaning of the scriptural   
passages1 which they adduce in favour of
 their tenet on war4   ,as it will now  
probably be admitted1 that the early    
,christians refused to enter into the   
army1 and that they left it after their 
conversion1 on account of one1 among    
other persuasions1 that it was unlawful 
for them to fight1 ,i must examine their
 practice1 as it related to this        
subject1 still farther1 or ,i must trace
 it down to a later period1 before ,i   
can show how the ,quakers make the      
practice of these early times support   
the meaning of the scriptural passages1 
which they advance in favour of their   
tenet on war4  ,it may be considered as 
a well founded proposition1 that1 as the
 lamp of ,christianity burnt bright1 in 
those early times1 so those1 who were   
illuminated by it1 declined the military
 profession2 and1 that1 as its flame    
shone less clear1 they had less         
objection to it4 ,thus1 in the two first
 centuries1 when ,christianity was the  

purest1 there were no ,christian        
soldiers4 ,in the third century1 when it
 became less pure1 there is frequent    
mention of such soldiers4 ,and in the   
fourth1 when its corruption was fixed1  
,christians entered upon the profession 
of arms with as little hesitation1 as   
they entered upon any other occupation  
in life4  ,that there were no ,christian
 soldiers in the first and second       
centuries1 has already been made        
apparent4  ,that ,christianity also was 
purest in these times1 there can be no  
doubt4 ,let us look at the character    
which is given of the first ,christians 
by ,athenagoras1 ,justin ,martyr1       
,minucius ,felix1 and others of the     
early ,christian writers4 ,according to 
these they were plain and neat in their 
apparel1 and frugal in their furniture4 
,they were temperate in their eating and
 drinking4 ,they relinquished all the   
diversions of the times1 in which they  
saw any tendency to evil4 ,they were    
chaste in their conversation1 tempering 

mirth with gravity4 ,they were modest   
and chaste in their deportment and      
manners4 ,they were punctual to their   
words and engagements4 ,they were such  
lovers of the truth1 that1 on being     
asked1 if they were ,christians1 they   
never denied it1 though death was the   
consequence of such a religious         
profession4 ,they loved each other as   
brethren1 and called one another by that
 name4 ,they were kind1 and courteous1  
and charitable1 beyond all example1 to  
others4 ,they abstained from all manner 
of violence4 ,they prayed for those who 
persecuted them4 ,they were patterns of 
humility and patience4 ,they made no    
sacrifice of their consciences1 but     
would persevere in that which was right1
 never refusing to die for their        
religion4 ,this is the character1 which 
is uniformly given of them by the       
,christian writers of those times4      
,that their conduct was greatly altered 
in the third century1 where we are now  
to view it1 we may collect from         

indisputable authority4 ,i stated in the
 former section1 that a ,christian      
soldier was punished for refusing to    
wear a garland1 like the rest of his    
comrades1 on a public occasion4 ,this   
man1 it appears1 had been converted in  
the army1 and objected to the ceremony  
on that account4 ,now ,tertullian tells 
us1 that this soldier was blamed for his
 unseasonable zeal1 as it was called1 by
 some of the ,christians at that time1  
though all ,christians before considered
 the wearing of such a garland as       
unlawful and profane4 ,in this century  
there is no question but the ,christian 
discipline began to relax4 ,to the long 
peace the church enjoyed from the death 
of ,antoninus to the tenth year of      
,severus1 is to be ascribed the         
corruption that ensued4 ,this corruption
 we find to have spread rapidly2 for the
 same ,tertullian was enabled to furnish
 us with the extraordinary instance of  
manufacturers of idols being admitted   
into the ecclesiastical order4 ,many    

corruptions are also noticed in this    
century by other writers4 ,cyprian      
complained of them1 as they existed in  
the middle1 and ,eusebius1 as they      
existed at the end of it1 and both      
attributed it to the peace1 or to the   
ease and plenty1 which the ,christians  
had enjoyed4 ,the latter gives us a     
melancholy account of their change4     
,they had begun to live in fine houses1 
and to indulge in luxuries4 ,but1 above 
all1 they had begun to be envious1 and  
quarrelsome1 and to dissemble1 and to   
cheat1 and to falsify their word1 so    
that they lost the character1 which     
,pliny1 an adversary to their religion1 
had been obliged to give of them1 and   
which they had retained for more than a 
century1 as appears by their own        
writers4  ,that there were ,christian   
soldiers in this more corrupt century of
 the church1 it is impossible to deny4  
,for such frequent mention is made of   
them in the histories1 which relate to  
this period1 that we cannot refuse our  

assent to one or other of the           
propositions1 either that there were men
 in the armies1 who called themselves   
,christians1 or that there were men in  
them1 who had that name given them by   
others4 ,that they were ,christians1    
however1 is another question4 ,they were
 probably such ,christians1 as ,dion    
mentioned to have been among the        
life-guards of ,dioclesian and          
,maximian1 and of ,constantius and      
,maximus1 of whom ,maximilian observed1 
,these men may know what it is expedient
 for them to do1 but ,i am a ,christian1
 and therefore ,i cannot fight4 ,indeed1
 that real ,christians could have been  
found in the army in this century is    
impossible1 for the military oath1 which
 was full of idolatry1 and the adoration
 of the standards1 and the performance  
of sacrifice1 still continued as        
services#ad not to be dispensed with by 
the soldiery4 ,no one1 therefore1 can   
believe1 that men in the full practice  
of ,pagan idolatry1 as every legionary  

soldier must then have been1 were real  
,christians1 merely because it is       
recorded in history1 that men1 calling  
themselves ,christians1 were found in   
the army in those times4 ,on the other  
hand1 if any soldiers professed         
,christianity at this period1 or are    
related by authors to have professed it1
 and yet to have remained soldiers1 it  
may be directly pronounced1 that they   
could only have been nominal or         
corrupted ,christians4  ,footnote #ad3  
,the military oath was not altered for  
,christians till the next century1 when 
they were allowed to swear by ,god1 by  
,christ1 and by the ,holy ,spirit1 and  
by the majesty of the emperor1 which1   
next to ,god1 is to be loved and        
honoured by mankind4  ,that             
,christianity was more degenerate in the
 fourth than in the third century 7which
 is the next position7 we have          
indubitable proof4 ,one of the first    
facts1 that strikes us1 is an           
extraordinary one related by            

,lactantius1 in his ,death of the       
persecuted1 that there were ,christians 
at this time1 who1 having probably a    
superstitious belief1 that the sign of  
the ,cross would be a preventive of     
pollution1 were present1 and even       
assisted at some of the ,heathen        
sacrifices4 ,but it is not necessary to 
detail these or other particulars4      
,almost every body knows1 that more     
evils sprang up to the church in this   
century1 than in any other1 some of     
which remain at the present day4        
,indeed1 the corruption of ,christianity
 was fixed as it were by law in the age 
now mentioned4 ,constantine1 on his     
conversion1 introduced many of the      
,pagan ceremonies and1 superstitions1 in
 which he had been brought up1 into the 
,christian religion4 ,the ,christians1  
rejoiced at seeing an emperor of their  
own persuasion1 under whom they had     
hopes of restoration to equal privileges
 with others1 and of freedom from       
persecution1 submitted1 in order to     

please or flatter him1 to his idolatrous
 customs and opinions1 thus sacrificing 
their consciences to their ease and     
safety4 ,many1 on the other hand1 who   
had always been ,heathens1 professed    
themselves ,christians at once out of   
compliment to their emperor1 and without
 any real conversion of the heart4 ,thus
 there was a mixture of ,christianity   
and ,paganism in the church1 which had  
never been known before4 ,constantine   
too did not dispense with the           
blasphemous titles of ,eternity1        
,divinity1 and ,pontifex ,maximus1 as   
they had been given to his predecessors4
 ,after his death1 he was considered    
also as a god4 ,and if ,philostorgius is
 to be believed1 the ,christians1 for so
 he calls them1 prayed to and worshipped
 him as such4  ,now in this century1    
when the corruption of the church may be
 considered to have been fixed1 we      
scarcely find any mention of ,christian 
soldiers1 or we find the distinction    
between them and others gradually       

passing away4 ,the truth is1 that1 when 
the ,christians of this age had         
submitted to certain innovations upon   
their religion1 they were in a fit state
 to go greater lengths2 and so it       
happened1 for as ,heathens1 who         
professed to be ,christians out of      
compliment to their emperor1 had no     
objection to the military service1 so   
,christians1 who had submitted to       
,heathenism on the same principle1      
relaxed1 in their scruples concerning   
it4 ,the latter too were influenced by  
the example of the former4 ,hence the   
unlawfulness of fighting began to be    
given up4 ,we find1 however1 that here  
and there an ancient father still       
retained it as a religious tenet1 but   
these dropping off one after another1 it
 ceased at length to be a doctrine of   
the church4  ,having now traced the     
practice of the ,christians down to the 
fourth century1 as far as the profession
 of arms is concerned1 ,i shall state in
 few words the manner in which the      

,quakers make this practice support the 
meaning of the scriptural passages1     
which they produce in favour of their   
tenet on war4  ,the ,quakers then lay it
 down as a position1 that the           
,christians of the first and second     
centuries1 as we had already observed1  
gave the same interpretation1 as they   
themselves give1 of the passages in     
question4  ,now they say first1 that if 
there were any words or expressions in  
the original manuscripts of the         
,evangelists or ,apostles1 which might  
throw light upon the meaning of these or
 other passages on the same subject1 but
 which words and expressions were not in
 the copies which came after1 then many 
of those who lived in the first and     
second centuries1 had advantages with   
respect to knowledge on this subject1   
which their successors had not1 inasmuch
 as the former were soon afterwards     
lost4  ,they say secondly1 that if there
 was any thing in tradition which might 
help to explain these passages more     

satisfactorily1 those of the first and  
second centuries had advantages again1  
because they lived nearer to these      
traditions1 or to the time when they    
were more pure1 than those ,christians  
did1 who succeeded them4  ,they say     
thirdly1 that1 if primitive practice be 
to be considered as the best interpreter
 of the passages in question1 then those
 of the first and second centuries had  
their advantages again1 because many of 
them lived in the times of the          
,evangelists and the ,apostles1 and all 
of them nearer to those who succeeded   
the ,evangelists and ,apostles1 than    
those in the subsequent ages of the     
,christian era4  ,but in direct         
inference1 they conceive1 is to be drawn
 from these premises1 namely1 that the  
opinions of those who lived in the first
 and second centuries1 relative to the  
meaning of the passages in question1 are
 likely to be more correct on these     
several accounts1 than those of         
,christians in any of the ages that     

followed4  ,and as in the first and     
second centuries of the church1 when    
,christianity was purest1 there were no 
,christian soldiers1 but as in the      
fourth century1 when it became corrupt1 
,christians had lost their objections to
 a military life1 they conceive the     
opinions of the former to be more       
correct than those of the latter1       
because the opinions of real            
,christians1 willing to make any        
sacrifice for their religion1 must be   
always less biassed and more pure1 than 
those of persons calling themselves     
,christians1 but yet submitting to the  
idolatrous and other corrupt practices  
of the world4  ,and as they conceive    
this to be true of the opinions of the  
second century1 when compared with those
 of the fourth1 so they conceive it to  
be true of the opinions of the second1  
when compared with those of the moderns 
upon this subject1 because1 whatever our
 progress in ,christianity may be1      
seeing that it is not equal to that of  

the first ,christians1 it is certain1   
besides the distance of time1 that we   
have prejudices arising from the        
practice of fourteen centuries1 during  
all which time it has been held out1    
except by a few individuals1 as lawful  
for ,christians to fight4   ,,sect4,v4  
,reflections of the author on the       
foregoing subject--,case of a superior  
being supposed1 who should reside in the
 planet nearest to us1 and see war      
carried on by men no larger than the    
race of ants--,his enquiry as to the    
origin of these wars--their             
duration--and other                     
circumstances--supposed answers to these
 questions--,new arguments1 from this   
supposed conversation1 against war4   ,i
 have now stated the principal          
arguments1 by which the ,quakers are    
induced to believe it to be a doctrine  
of ,christianity1 that men should       
abstain from war1 and ,i intended to    
close the subject in the last section4  
,but when ,i consider the frequency of  

modern wars2 when ,i consider that they 
are scarcely over1 before others rise up
 in their place2 when ,i consider again1
 that they come like the common         
diseases1 which belong to our infirm    
nature1 and that they are considered by 
men nearly in a similar light1 ,i should
 feel myself criminal1 if ,i were not to
 avail myself of the privilege of an    
author1 to add a few observations of my 
own upon this subject4  ,living as we do
 in an almost inaccessible island1 and  
having therefore more than ordinary     
means of security to our property and   
our persons from hostile invasion1 we do
 not seem to be sufficiently grateful to
 the ,divine ,being for the blessings we
 enjoy4 ,we do not seem to make a right 
use of our benefits by contemplating the
 situation1 and by feeling a tender     
anxiety for the happiness of others4 ,we
 seem to make no proper estimates of the
 miseries of war4 ,the latter we feel   
principally in abridgments of a         
pecuniary nature4 ,but if we were to    

feel them in the conflagration of our   
towns and villages1 or in personal      
wounds1 or in the personal sufferings of
 fugitive misery and want1 we should be 
apt to put a greater value than we do1  
upon the blessings of peace4 ,and we    
should be apt to consider the connexion 
between war and misery1 and between war 
and moral evil1 in a light so much      
stronger than we do at present1 that we 
might even suppose the precepts of      
,jesus ,christ to be deficient1 unless  
they were made to extend to wars1 as    
well as to private injuries4  ,i wonder 
what a superior being1 living in the    
nearest planet to our earth1 and seeing 
us of the size of ants1 would say1 if he
 were enabled to get any insight into   
the nature of modern wars4  ,it must    
certainly strike him1 if he were to see 
a number of such diminutive persons     
chasing one another in bodies over      
different parts of the hills and vallies
 of the earth1 and following each other 
in little nut-shells1 as it were upon   

the ocean1 as a very extraordinary      
sight1 and as mysterious1 and hard to be
 explained4 ,he might1 at first1        
consider them as occupied in a game of  
play1 or as emigrating for more food1 or
 for a better climate4 ,but when he saw 
them stop and fight1 and destroy one    
another1 and was assured that they were 
actually engaged in the solemn game of  
death1 and this at such a distance from 
their own homes1 he would wonder at the 
causes of these movements1 and the      
reason of this destruction1 and1 not    
knowing that they possessed rational    
faculties1 he would probably consider   
them as animals1 destined by nature to  
live upon one another4  ,i think the    
first question he would ask would be1   
,and from whence do these fightings     
come8 ,it would be replied of course1   
that they came from their lusts2 that   
these beings1 though diminutive in their
 appearance1 were men2 that they had    
pride1 and ambition2 that they had envy 
and jealousy2 that they indulged also   

hatred1 and malice1 and avarice1 and    
anger2 and that1 on account of some or  
other of these causes1 they quarrelled  
and fought with one another4  ,well1 but
 the superior being would say1 is there 
no one on the earth1 which ,i see below 
me1 to advise them to conduct themselves
 better1 or are the passions you speak  
of eternally uppermost1 and never to be 
subdued8 ,the reply would of course be1 
that in these little beings1 called men1
 there had been implanted the faculty of
 reason1 by the use of which they must  
know that their conduct was             
exceptionable1 but that1 in these cases1
 they seldom minded it4 ,it would also  
be added in reply1 that they had a      
religion1 which was not only designed by
 a spirit from heaven1 who had once     
lived among them1 but had been          
pronounced by him as efficacious to the 
end proposed2 that one of the great     
objects of this religion was a due      
subjugation of their passions2 and this 
was so much insisted upon1 that no one  

of them was considered to have received 
this religion truly1 unless his passions
 were subdued4 ,but here the superior   
being would enquire1 whether they       
acknowledged the religion spoken of1 and
 the authority from whence it came8 ,to 
which it would of course be replied1    
that they were so tenacious of it1      
notwithstanding their indulgence of     
their passions1 and their destruction of
 one another1 that you could2 not offend
 them more grievously than by telling   
them1 that they did not belong to the   
religion they professed4  ,it is not    
difficult to foresee what other         
questions the superior being would ask1 
and probably the first of these would   
be1 the duration of the lives of these  
little beings1 and the length and       
frequency of their wars8 ,it would be   
replied to this1 that their lives were  
but as a vapour1 which appeareth for a  
little time1 and then vanisheth away1   
and that a quarter1 and sometimes half  
of their time on earth1 was spent in    

those destructive pursuits4 ,the        
superior being would unquestionably be  
grieved at this account1 because he     
would feel1 that they really frustrated 
their own happiness1 or that they lost  
by their own fault a considerable       
portion of the enjoyment of their lives4
  ,in this impatience and anxiety for   
their future comfort1 he would probably 
ask again1 if they had any notion of any
 generous end for which they were born1 
for it is impossible they could suppose1
 that they came into the world to       
destroy one another4 ,it would be       
replied1 that they could not be ignorant
 of the true object or end2 for the same
 religion1 in which they believed1 and  
which was said before to have been given
 them by a spirit sent from heaven1     
inculcated that they were sent there on 
a life of trial1 and that in a future   
existence they were to give an account  
of their conduct1 and were to be        
rewarded or punished accordingly4 ,the  
same religion1 it would be replied1 also

 inculcated1 notwithstanding their      
fightings1 the utmost benevolence from  
one towards another4 ,it wished so much 
every one of them to live peaceably1    
that it enjoined it as a duty rather to 
put up with an injury than to resent it1
 and it carried its benevolence so far1 
that it made no distinction between     
others of the same species1 who spoke a 
different language1 or lived in other   
districts or parts of the same world4   
,but here the superior being would      
interrupt4--,what1 he would say6 ,are   
they not to resent injuries1 and yet do 
they go to war8 ,and are they not afraid
 of fighting in this manner1 when they  
are to give an account of their conduct 
in a future state8 ,it would be replied1
 ,no3 they have their philosophers among
 them1 and most of these have           
determined1 that1 in this particular    
case1 responsibility lies at the door of
 those who employ them4 ,but1           
notwithstanding this1 there are others  
living among them1 who think otherwise4 

,these are of opinion1 that those who   
employ them cannot take the             
responsibility upon themselves without  
taking it from those whom they thus     
employ4 ,but the religion of the ,great 
,spirit no where says1 that any         
constituted authorities among them can  
take away the responsibility of         
individual creatures1 but1 on the other 
hand1 in the most positive terms1 that  
every individual creature is responsible
 wholly for himself4 ,and this religion 
does not give any creature an exemption 
on account of any force which may be    
used against him2 because no one1       
according to its precepts1 is to do     
evil1 not even that good may come4 ,but 
if he be persecuted1 he is to adhere to 
that which is right1 and to expect his  
reward in the other state4 ,the         
impossibility1 therefore1 of breaking or
 dissolving individual responsibility1  
in the case of immoral action1 is an    
argument to many1 of the unlawfulness of
 these wars4 ,and those who reason in   

this manner1 think they have reasoned   
right1 when they consider besides1 that1
 if any of the beings in question were  
to kill one of his usually reputed      
enemies in the time of peace1 he would  
suffer death for it1 and be considered  
as accountable also for his crime in a  
future state4 ,they cannot see1         
therefore1 how any constituted          
authorities among them can alter the    
nature of things1 or how these beings   
can kill others in time of war1 without 
the imputation of a crime1 whom they    
could not kill without such an          
imputation in time of peace4 ,they see  
in the book of the ,great ,spirit no    
dispensation given to societies to after
 the nature of actions1 which are       
pronounced to be crimes4  ,but the      
superior being would say1 is it really  
defined1 and is it defined clearly in   
the great book of the ,spirit1 that if  
one of them should kill another1 he is  
guilty of a crime6 ,it would be replied1
 not only of a crime1 but of the        

greatest of all crimes1 and that no     
dispensation is given to any of them to 
commit it in any case4 ,and it would be 
observed farther1 that there are other  
crimes1 which these fightings generally 
include1 which are equally specified and
 forbidden in the great book1 but which 
they think it proper to sanction in the 
present case4 ,thus1 all kinds of       
treachery and deceit are considered to  
be allowable1 for a very ancient        
philosopher among them has left a maxim 
upon record1 and it has not yet been    
beaten out of their heads1              
notwithstanding the precepts of the     
great book1 in nearly the following     
words3 ,who thinks of requiring open    
courage of an enemy1 or that treachery  
is not equally allowable in war8#ae     
,footnote #ae3 ,dolus an virtus quis in 
hoste requirat8  ,strange6 the superior 
being would reply4 ,they seem to me to  
be reversing the order of their nature1 
and the end of their existence4 ,but how
 do they justify themselves on these    

occasions8 ,it would be answered1 that  
they not only justify themselves1 but   
they even go so far as to call these    
fightings honourable4 ,the greater the  
treachery1 if it succeeds1 and the      
greater the number of these beings      
killed1 the more glorious is the action 
esteemed4  ,still more strange6 the     
superior being would reply4 ,and is it  
possible1 he would add1 that they enter 
into this profession ,with a belief1    
that they are entering into an          
honourable employ8 ,some of them1 it    
would be replied1 consider it as a      
genteel employ4 ,and hence they engage  
in it4 ,others1 of a lazy disposition1  
prefer it to any other4 ,others are     
decoyed into it by treachery in various 
ways4 ,there are also strong drinks1    
which they are fond of1 and if they are 
prevailed upon to take these to excess1 
they lose their reason1 and then they   
are obliged to submit to it4 ,it must be
 owned too1 that when these wars begin1 
the trades of many of these little      

beings are stopped1 so that1 to get a   
temporary livelihood1 they go out and   
fight4 ,nor must it be concealed1 that  
many are forced to go1 both against     
their judgment and against their will4  
,the superior being1 hurt at these      
various accounts1 would probably ask1   
and what then does the community get by 
these wars1 as a counterbalance for the 
loss of so much happiness1 and the      
production of so much evil8 ,it would be
 replied1 nothing4 ,the community is    
generally worse off at the end of these 
wars1 than when it began to contend4    
,but here the superior being would wish 
to hear no more of the system4 ,he would
 suddenly turn away his face1 and retire
 into one of the deep valleys of his    
planet1 either with exclamations against
 the folly1 or with emotions of pity for
 the situation1 or with expressions of  
disgust at the wickedness1 of these     
little creatures4     ,o for a lodge in 
some vast wilderness1    ,some boundless
 contiguity of shade1    ,where tumour  

of oppression and deceit1    ,of        
unsuccessful or successful war1         
,might never reach me more6 ,my ear is  
pain'd1    ,my soul is sick with every  
day's report1    ,of wrong and outrage1 
with which earth is fill'd4    ,lands1  
intersected by a narrow frith1    ,abhor
 each other4 ,mountains interpos'd1     
,make enemies of nations who had else1  
,like kindred drops1 been mingled into  
one4    ,thus men devotes his brother1  
and destroys--    ,then what is man8    
,and what man1 seeing this1    ,and     
having human feelings1 does not blush1  
,and hang his head1 to think himself a  
man8  ,,cowper   ,,sect4 ,,vi4  ,subject
 farther considered--,sad conceptions of
 those relative to the ,divine ,being1  
and the nature of the ,gospel1 who plead
 for the necessity of war--,war         
necessary1 where statesmen pursue the   
policy of the world--,nature and        
tendency of this policy--but not        
necessary where they pursue the policy  
of the ,gospel--,nature and tendency of 

this policy--,this tendency farther     
confirmed by a supposed case of a few   
,quakers becoming the governors of the  
world4   ,it is now an old maxim1 and   
time with all its improvements has not  
worn it away1 that wars are necessary in
 the present constitution of the world4 
,it has not even been obliterated1 that 
they are necessary1 in order to sweep   
off mankind on account of the narrow    
boundaries of the earth4 ,but they1 who 
make use of this argument1 must be      
aware1 that1 in espousing it1 they      
declare no less1 than that ,god1 in the 
formation of his system1 had only half  
calculated or half provided for its     
continuance1 and that they charge him   
with a worse cruelty than is recorded of
 the worst of men3 because1 if he told  
men to increase and multiply1 and gave  
them passions accordingly1 it would     
appear as if he had created them only to
 enjoy an eternal feast in the sight of 
their destruction4 ,nor do they make him
 a moral governor of the world1 if he   

allows men to butcher one another       
without an individual provocation or    
offence4  ,neither do persons1 arguing  
for the necessity of wars1 do less than 
set themselves above the prophecies or  
oracles of ,god1 which declare1 that    
such warfare shall some time or other   
cease4  ,neither do they1 when they     
consider wars as necessary1 and as never
 to be done away on account of the      
wicked passions of men1 do less than    
speak blasphemy against the ,gospel of  
,jesus ,christ1 because they proclaim it
 to be inadequate to the end proposed4  
,for the proper subjugation of these1   
among other purposes1 it was that the   
,gospel was promulgated4 ,if it be      
thought a miracle1 that the passions of 
men should be subdued1 it is still a    
miracle1 which ,christianity professes  
to work2 which it has worked since the  
hour of its institution2 which it has   
worked in men1 who have placed their    
highest reputation in martial glory2 and
 which it continues to work1 at the     

present day4 ,those1 therefore1 who     
promote wars1 and excite the passions of
 men for this purpose1 attempt to undo  
what it is the object of ,christianity  
to do1 and to stop the benign influence 
of the ,gospel in the hearts of men4    
,that wars are necessary1 or rather that
 they will be begun and continued1 ,i do
 not mean to deny1 while statesmen      
pursue the wisdom or policy of the      
world4  ,what this wisdom or policy is1 
it will not be difficult to trace4 ,and 
first1 when any matter is in dispute    
among the rulers of nations1 is it not a
 maxim1 that a high tone is desirable in
 the settlement of it1 in order that the
 parties may seem to betray neither fear
 nor weakness1 and that they may not be 
thought to lose any of their dignity or 
their spirit8 ,now as the human passions
 are constituted1 except they have      
previously been brought under due       
regulation by ,christianity1 what is    
more likely than that a high tone of    
language on one side should beget a     

similar tone on the other1 or that      
spirit1 once manifested1 should1 produce
 spirit in return1 and that each should 
fly off1 as it were1 at a greater       
distance from accommodation than before1
 and that1 when once exasperation has   
begun1 it should increase4 ,now what is 
the chance1 if such policy be resorted  
to on such occasions1 of the            
preservation of peace between them8     
,and1 secondly1 is it not also a        
received maxim1 that1 in controversies  
of this sort1 a nation1 even during the 
discussion1 should arm itself1 in order 
that it may shew itself prepared8 ,but  
if any one nation arms during the       
discussion2 if it fits out armies or    
fleets of observation with a view of    
deterring1 or of being ready in case of 
necessity of striking1 as it is called1 
the first blow2 what is more probable1  
than that the other will arm also1 and  
that it will fit out its own armies and 
fleets likewise8 ,but when both are thus
 armed1 pride and spirit will scarcely  

suffer them to relax1 and what is then  
more probable1 than that they will begin
 to fight8  ,and1 thirdly1 is it not a  
maxim also1 that1 even during the       
attempt to terminate the dispute1 the   
public mind should be prepared8 ,are not
 the public papers let loose to excite  
and propagate a flame8 ,and are not the 
deeds of our ancestors ushered into our 
ears to produce a martial spirit8 ,but  
if the national temper is roused on both
 sides1 and if preparations are carrying
 on at the same time with the utmost    
vigour1 where again is the hope of the  
prevention of war between them8  ,and1  
fourthly1 after hostilities are         
commenced1 is it not a maxim also to    
perpetuate the enmity1 which has been   
thus begun1 and to give it a deeper     
root1 and even to make it eternal by    
connecting it with religion8 ,thus      
flag-staffs are exhibited upon steeples1
 bells are rung to announce victories1  
and sermons are preached as occasions   
arise1 as if the places allotted for    

,christian worship1 were the most proper
 from whence to issue the news of human 
suffering1 or to excite the passions of 
men for the destruction of one another4 
,nor is this all4 ,the very colours of  
the armies are consecrated4 ,i do not   
mean to say1 that like the banners in   
the ,praetorian tents1 they are actually
 worshipped1 but that an attempt is made
 to render them holy in the eyes of     
those who are present4 ,an attempt is   
made1 wonderful to relate1 to           
incorporate war into the religion of    
,jesus ,christ1 and to perpetuate enmity
 on the foundation of the ,gospel6  ,now
 this is the policy of the world1 and   
can it be seriously imagined1 that such 
a system as this can ever lead to peace8
 ,for while discussions relative to     
matters of national dispute are carried 
on in a high tone1 because a more humble
 tone would betray weakness or fear2    
while again1 during this discussion1    
preparations for war are going on1      
because the appearance of being prepared

 would convey the idea of determined    
resolution1 and of more than ordinary   
strength2 while again1 during the same  
discussion1 the national spirit is      
awakened and inflamed2 and while again1 
when hostilities have commenced1        
measures are resorted to1 to perpetuate 
a national enmity1 so that the parties  
consider themselves as natural enemies  
even in the succeeding peace1 what hope 
is there of the extermination of war on 
earth8  ,but let us now look at the     
opposite policy1 which is that of the   
,gospel4 ,now this policy would consist 
in the practice of meekness1 moderation1
 love1 patience1 and forbearance1 with a
 strict regard to justice1 so that no   
advantages might be taken on either     
side4 ,but if these principles1 all of  
which are preventive of irritation1 were
 to be displayed in our negotiations    
abroad1 in the case of any matter in    
dispute1 would they not annihilate the  
necessity of wars8 ,for what is the     
natural tendency of such principles8    

,what is their tendency1 for instance1  
in private life8 ,and who are the       
negotiators on these occasions but men8 
,which kind of conduct is most likely to
 disarm an opponent1 that of him who    
holds up his arm to strike1 if his      
opponent should not comply with his     
terms1 or of him who argues justly1 who 
manifests a temper of love and          
forbearance1 and who professes that he  
will rather suffer than resist1 and that
 he will do every thing sooner than that
 the affair shall not be amicably       
settled8 ,the ,apostle ,paul1 who knew  
well the human heart1 says1 ,if thine   
enemy hunger1 feed him1 for in so doing 
thou shalt heap coals of fire on his    
head4 ,that is1 thou shall cause him1 by
 thy amiable conduct1 to experience     
burning feelings within himself1 which1 
while they torment him with the         
wickedness of his own conduct1 shall    
make him esteem thee1 and bring him over
 to thy side4 ,thus thou shalt overcome 
his evil by thy good4 ,or1 in other     

words1 as fire melts the hardest metals1
 so thy kindness shall melt his anger4  
,thus ,parnell--     ,so artists melt   
the sullen ore of lead1    ,by heaping  
coals of fire upon its head4    ,touch'd
 by the warmth1 the metal teams to glow1
    ,and pure from dress1 the silver    
tang below4  ,this policy again would   
consist of the practical duty of        
attempting to tranquillize the minds of 
the people1 while the discussion was    
going on1 of exhorting them to await the
 event with composure1 of declaring     
against the folly and wickedness of     
wars1 as if peace only could be the     
result1 of abstaining from all hostile  
preparations1 and indeed from all       
appearance of violence4 ,now what       
influence would such conduct have again1
 but particularly when known to the     
opposite party8 ,if the opposite party  
were to see those alluded to keeping    
down the passions of their people1 would
 they inflame the passions of their own8
 ,if they were to be convinced1 that    

these were making no preparations for   
war1 would they put themselves to the   
expence of arming8 ,can we see any other
 termination of such a contest than the 
continuance of peace8  ,that the policy 
of the ,gospel1 if acted upon by        
statesmen1 would render wars            
unnecessary1 we may infer from supposed 
cases4 ,and1 first1 ,i would ask this   
simple question1 whether1 if all the    
world were ,quakers1 there would be any 
more wars8 ,i am sure the reply would   
be1 no4 ,but why not8 ,because nations  
of ,quakers1 it would be replied1 would 
discuss matters in dispute between them 
with moderation1 with temper1 and with  
forbearance4 ,they would never make any 
threats4 ,they would never arm1 and     
consequently they would never fight4 ,it
 would be owing then to these           
principles1 or1 in other words1 to the  
adoption of the policy of the ,gospel in
 preference of the policy of the world1 
that1 if the globe were to be peopled by
 ,quakers1 there would be no wars4 ,now 

,i would ask1 what are ,quakers but men1
 and might not all1 if they would suffer
 themselves to be cast in the same mould
 as the ,quakers1 come out of it of the 
same form and character8  ,but ,i will  
go still farther4 ,i will suppose that  
any one of the four continents1 having  
been previously divided into three      
parts1 was governed only by three       
,quakers1 and that these had the same   
authority over their subjects1 as their 
respective sovereigns have at present4  
,and ,i win maintain1 that there would  
never be1 upon this continent1 during   
their respective administrations1       
another war4 ,for1 first1 many of the   
causes of war would be cut off4 ,thus1  
for instance1 there would be no disputes
 about insults offered to flags4 ,there 
would be none again about the balance of
 power4 ,in short1 it would be laid down
 as a position1 that no one was to do   
evil1 that good might come4 ,but as1    
notwithstanding1 there might still be   
disputes from other causes1 these would 

be amicably settled4 ,for first1 the    
same ,christian disposition would be    
manifest in the discussion as in the    
former case4 ,and1 secondly1 if the     
matter should be of an intricate nature1
 so that one ,quaker government could   
not settle it with another1 these would 
refer it1 according to their            
constitution1 to a third4 ,this would be
 the ne plus ultra of the business4     
,both the discussion and the dispute    
would end here4 ,what a folly then to   
talk of the necessity of wars1 when1 if 
but three ,quakers were to rule a       
continent1 they would cease there8      
,there can be no plea for such language1
 but the impossibility of taming the    
human passions4 ,but the subjugation of 
these is the immediate object of our    
religion4 ,to confess1 therefore1 that  
wars must be1 is either to utter a libel
 against ,christianity1 or to confess   
that we have not yet arrived at the     
stature of real ,christians4   ,,sect4  
,,vii4  ,subject farther examined--,case

 allowed1 that if a cabinet of good men 
had to negotiate with a cabinet of good 
men1 there might be no wars--but what   
would be the issue if good had to deal  
with bad--,case of ,american settlers1  
who adopted the policy of the world1 and
 were always at war--and of other       
,american settlers1 who adopted the     
policy of the ,gospel1 and were always  
at peace--,no case stronger1 than where 
civilized men had to deal with savage   
,american tribes4   ,i believe it will  
be allowed1 that the ,quaker instances1 
mentioned in the last section1 are in   
point4 ,but ,i am aware also1 it will be
 said that1 though different cabinets1  
all having the same ,christian          
disposition1 would settle their disputes
 in a friendly manner1 how would a      
cabinet1 consisting of spiritually      
minded men1 settle with a cabinet of    
other men1 who had not brought their    
passions under due regulation1 and who1 
besides1 had no notion of the           
unlawfulness of war4  ,i apprehend that 

it will not be denied1 that men1 as     
ferocious as any recorded in history1   
were those1 who were found in ,america1 
when that continent was discovered4 ,we 
hear nothing of ,africans1 or of        
,asiatics1 which would induce us to     
suppose1 that they were as wild and as  
barbarous as these4 ,and nothing is more
 true of these1 than they1 were         
frequently concerned in wars4 ,i shall  
therefore take these for an example1 and
 ,i shall shew by the opposite conduct  
of two different communities towards    
them1 that it rests with men to live    
peaceably or not1 as they cultivate the 
disposition to do it1 or as they follow 
the policy of the ,gospel in preference 
of the policy of the world4  ,when the  
,english1 ,dutch1 and others1 began to  
people ,america1 they purchased land of 
the natives4 ,but when they went to that
 continent1 notwithstanding there were  
amiable persons among them1 and friends 
to civil and religious liberty1 they    
went with the notions of worldly policy1

 and they did not take with them the    
,christian wisdom of the unlawfulness of
 war4 ,they acted on the system of      
preparation1 because there might be     
danger4 ,they never settled without     
palisadoes and a fort4 ,they kept their 
nightly watches1 though unmolested4     
,they were1 in short1 in the midst of   
war1 though no injury had been offered  
them by the natives1 and though         
professedly in the midst of peace4  ,in 
the peopling of ,connecticut1 for ,i    
must begin with some one state1 it was  
ordered at an ,english court1#af holden 
at ,dorchester1 on the seventh day of   
,june1 #agcf1 that every town should    
keep a watch1 and be well supplied with 
ammunition4 ,the constables were        
directed to warn the watches in their   
turns1 and to make it their care1 that  
they should be kept according to the    
direction of the court4 ,they were      
required also to take care that the     
inhabitants were well furnished with    
arms and ammunition1 and kept in a      

constant state of defence4 ,as these    
infant settlements1 the author observes1
 were filled and surrounded with        
numerous savages1 the people conceived  
themselves in danger1 when they lay     
down1 and when they rose up1 when they  
went out1 and when they came in4 ,their 
circumstances were such1 that it was    
judged necessary for every man to be a  
soldier4  ,footnote #af3 ,trumbull's    
,history of ,connecticut1 p4 #ef4  ,i   
find from this author1 looking farther  
into his history1 that previously to the
 order of the court at ,dorchester1     
which did nothing more than enjoin a    
more strict execution of the original   
plan1 which was that of military        
preparation and defence1 some of the    
settlers had been killed by the natives4
 ,the provocation which the natives     
received1 is not mentioned4 ,but it was 
probably provocation enough to savage   
,indians1 to see people settle in their 
country with all the signs and symptoms 
of war4 ,was such a system likely to    

have any other effect than that of      
exciting their jealousy8 ,they could see
 that these settlers had at least no    
objection to the use of arms4 ,they     
could see that these arms could never be
 intended but against other persons1 and
 there were no other persons there but  
themselves4 ,judging therefore by       
outward circumstances1 they could draw  
no inference of a peaceable disposition 
in their new neighbours4 ,war soon      
followed4 ,the ,pequots were attacked4  
,prisoners were made on both sides4 ,the
 ,indians treated those settlers        
barbarously1 who fell into their hands1 
for they did not see1 on the capture of 
their own countrymen1 any better usage  
on the part of the settlers themselves2 
for these settlers1 again1 had not the  
wisdom to use the policy of the ,gospel1
 but preferred the policy of the        
world4#ag ,though the first planters of 
,new-,england and ,connecticut1 says the
 same author1 were men of eminent piety 
and strict morals1 yet1 like other good 

men1 they were subject to misconception1
 and the influence of passion4 ,their   
beheading sachems whom they took in war1
 killing the male captives1 and         
enslaving the women and children1 was   
treating them with a severity1 which1 on
 the benevolent principles of           
,christianity1 it will be difficult to  
justify4  ,footnote #ag3 ,p4 #aab4      
,after this treatment1 war followed war4
 ,and as other settlements were made by 
others in other states on the same      
principles1 war fell to their portion   
likewise4 ,and the whole history of the 
settlement of ,america1 where these     
principles were followed1 or where the  
policy of the world was adopted1 is full
 of the wars between the settlers and   
the ,indians1 which have continued more 
or less1 and this nearly up to the      
present day4  ,but widely different was 
the situation of the settlers under     
,william ,penn4 ,when he and his fellow 
,quakers went to this continent1 they   
went with the principles of ,christian  

wisdom1 or they adopted the policy of   
the ,gospel instead of the policy of the
 world4 ,they had to deal with the same 
savage ,indians as the other settlers4  
,they had the same fury to guard        
against1 and were in a situation much   
more exposed to attack1 and of course   
much more creative of alarm2 for they   
had neither sword nor musket1 nor       
pallisadoe1 nor fort4 ,they judged it   
neither necessary to watch1 nor to be   
provided with ammunition1 nor to become 
soldiers4 ,they spoke the language of   
peace to the natives1 and they proved   
the sincerity of their language by their
 continuance in a defenceless condition4
 ,they held out also1 that all wars were
 unlawful1 and that1 whatever injuries  
were offered them1 they would sooner    
bear them1 than gratify the principle of
 revenge4 ,it is quite needless to go   
farther into the system of this         
venerable founder of ,pennsylvania4 ,but
 it may be observed1 that no ,quaker    
settlers1 when known to be such1#ah were

 killed1 and1 whatever attacks were made
 upon the possessors of land in their   
neighbourhood1 none were ever made upon 
those who settled on the lands purchased
 by ,william ,penn4  ,footnote #ah3 ,the
 ,indians shot him who had the gun1 says
 ,storey in his ,journal1 and when they 
knew the young man they killed was a    
,quaker1 they seemed sorry for it1 but  
blamed him for carrying a gun4 ,for they
 knew the ,quakers would not fight1 or  
do them any harm1 and therefore1 by     
carrying a gun1 they took him for an    
enemy4 ,this instance1 which was in     
after times1 confirms still more        
strongly all that has been said on this 
subject4 ,quakers at this time          
occasionally armed themselves against   
the wild beasts of the country4  ,it may
 not be improper to observe farther1    
that the harmonious intercourse between 
the ,quakers and the ,indians continues 
uninterrupted to the present day4 ,in   
matters of great and public concern1 of 
which ,i could mention instances1 it has

 been usual with the ,indians to send   
deputies to the ,quakers for advice1 and
 the former have even been prevailed    
upon by the latter to relinquish wars1  
which they had it in contemplation to   
undertake4 ,it is usual also for some of
 these to send their children to the    
,quakers for education4 ,and so great is
 the influence of the ,quakers over some
 of these tribes1 that many individuals 
belonging to them1 and now living       
together1 have been reclaimed from a    
savage life4 ,these have laid aside the 
toilsome occupations of the chase4 ,they
 raise horses1 cattle1 and sheep4 ,they 
cultivate wheat and flax4 ,they weave   
and spin4 ,they have houses1 barns1 and 
saw-mills among them4 ,they have schools
 also1 and civilization is taking place 
of the grossest barbarism4  ,these      
facts1 when contrasted1 speak for       
themselves4 ,a cabinet of ,quaker       
ministers1 acting upon the policy of the
 ,gospel1 has been seated in the heart  
of a savage and warlike nation1 and     

peace has been kept with them for ever4 
,a cabinet of other settlers1 acting on 
the policy of the world1 has been seated
 in the heart of nations of a similar   
description1 and they have almost       
constantly1 been embroiled in wars4 ,if 
,christian policy has had its influence 
on ,barbarians1 it would be libellous to
 say1 that it would not have its        
influence upon those who profess to be  
,christians4 ,let us then again1 from   
the instances which have been now       
recited1 deprecate the necessity of     
wars4 ,let us not think so meanly of the
 ,christian religion1 as that it does   
not forbid1 nor so meanly of its power1 
as that it is not ante to prevent1 their
 continuance4 ,let us not think1 to the 
disgrace of our religion1 that the human
 heart1 under its influence1 should be  
so retrogade1 that the expected blessing
 of universal peace should be thought no
 improvement in our moral condition1 or 
that our feelings under its influence   
should continue so impure1 that1 when it

 arrives1 we should regard it not so    
much a blessing1 as a cures4 ,but let   
us1 on the other hand1 hope and believe1
 that1 as an opposite and purer policy  
is acted upon1 it will do good to our   
own natures1 good to the peace and      
happiness of the world1 and honour to   
the religion of the ,gospel4   ,,sect4  
,,viii  ,subject finally                
considered--,authors of wars generally  
justify their own as defensive--and     
state that1 if any nation were to give  
up the practice of war1 or to act on the
 policy of the ,gospel1 it would be     
overrun by others1 which acted upon the 
policy of the world--,reason to believe1
 that such a nation would be held in    
veneration by others1 and applied to by 
them for the settlement of their        
disputes--,sentiments of ,bishop ,butler
 in a supposed case--,case of ,antoninus
 ,pius--,conclusion4   ,having now said 
all that ,i intended to say on the      
supposed necessity of wars1 ,i shall for
 a short time direct the attention of   

the reader to two points1 the only two1 
that ,i purpose to notice on this       
subject4  ,it is usually said1 first1   
that the different powers1 who go to    
war1 give it out that their wars are    
defensive1 or that they justify         
themselves on this principle4  ,i shall 
observe in reply to this1 that it is    
frequently difficult to determine1 where
 actual aggression begins4 ,even old    
aggressions1 of long standing1 have     
their bearings in these disputes4 ,not  
shall we find often any clue to a       
solution of the difficulty in the       
manifestoes of either party1 for each   
makes his own case good in these2 and if
 we were to decide on the merits of the 
question by the contents of these1 we   
should often come to the conclusion1    
that both the parties were wrong4 ,thus1
 for instance1 a notion may have been   
guilty of an offence to another4 ,so far
 the cause of the other is a just one4  
,but if the other should arm first1 and 
this during an attempt at accommodation1

 it will be a question1 whether it does 
not forfeit its pretensions to a just   
case1 and whether both are not then to  
be considered as aggressors on the      
occasion8  ,when a nation avows its     
object in a war1 and changes its object 
in the course of it1 the presumption is1
 that such a nation has been the        
aggressor4 ,and where any nation goes to
 war upon no other avowed principle1    
than that of the balance of power1 such 
a nation1 however right according to the
 policy of the world1 is an aggressor   
according to the policy of the ,gospel1 
because it proceeds upon the principle1 
that it is lawful to do evil1 that good 
may come4  ,if a nation hires or employs
 the troops of another to fight for it1 
though it is not the aggressor in any   
war1 yet it has the crime upon its head 
of making those aggressors1 whom it     
employs4  ,but1 generally speaking1 few 
modern wars can be called defensive4 ,a 
war1 purely defensive1 is that in which 
the inhabitants of a nation remain      

wholly at home to repel the attacks of  
another1 and content themselves with    
sending protection to the settlements   
which belong to it4 ,but few instance   
are recorded of such wars4  ,but if     
there be often a difficulty in          
discerning between aggressive and       
defensive wars1 and if1 moreover1 there 
is reason to suppose1 that most of the  
modern wars are aggressive1 or that both
 patties become aggressors in the course
 of the dispute1 it becomes the rulers  
of nations to pause1 and to examine     
their own consciences with fear and     
trembling1 before they allow the ,sword 
to bedrawn1 lest a dreadful             
responsibility should fall upon their   
heads for all the destruction of        
happiness1 all the havoc of life1 and   
all the slaughter of morals that may    
ensue4  ,it is said1 secondly1 that if  
any nation were publicly to determine to
 relinquish the practice if war1 or to  
act on the policy of the ,gospel1 it    
would be overrun by other nations which 

might act on the policy of the world4   
,this argument is neither more nor less 
than that of the ,pagan ,celsus1 who    
said in the second century1 that1 if the
 rest of the ,roman empire were         
,christians1 it would be overrun by the 
,barbarians4  ,independently of the     
protection1 which such a nation might   
count upon from the moral ,governor of  
the world1 let us enquire1 upon rational
 principles1 what would be likely to be 
its fate4  ,armies1 we know1 are kept up
 by one nation1 principally because they
 are kept up by another4  ,and in       
proportion as one rival nation adds to  
its standing armies1 it is thought by   
the other to be consistent with the     
policy of the world to do the same4 ,but
 if one nation were to decline keeping  
any armies at all1 where would be the   
violence1 to reason to suppose1 that the
 other would follow the example8 ,who   
would not be glad to get rid of the     
expence of keeping them1 if they could  
do it with safety8 ,nor is it likely1   

that any powerful nation1 professing to 
relinquish war1 would experience the    
calamities of it4 ,its care to avoid    
provocation would be so great1 and its  
language would be so temperate1 and     
reasonable1 and just1 and conciliatory1 
in the case of any dispute which might  
arise1 that it could hardly fail of     
obtaining an accommodation4 ,and the    
probability is1 that such a nation would
 grow so high in esteem with other      
nations1 that they would have recourse  
to it in their disputes with one        
another1 and would abide by its         
decision4 ,add the general influence1   
says the great ,bishop ,butler in his   
,analogy1 which each a kingdom would    
have over the face of the earth1 by way 
of example particularly1 and the        
reverence which would be paid to it4 ,it
 would plainly be superior to all       
others1 and the world must gradually    
come under its empire1 not by means of  
lawless violence1 but partly by what    
must be allowed to be just conquest1 and

 partly by other kingdoms submitting    
themselves voluntarily to it1 throughout
 a course of ages1 and claiming its     
protection one after another in         
successive exigencies4 ,the head of it  
would be an universal monarch in another
 sense than any other mortal has yet    
been1 and the eastern style would be    
literally applicable to him1 that all   
people1 nations1 and languages1 should  
serve him4 ,now ,bishop ,butler supposes
 this would be the effect1 where the    
individuals of a nation were perfectly  
virtuous4 ,but ,i ask much less for my  
hypothesis4 ,i only ask that the ruling 
members of the cabinet of any great     
nation 7and perhaps these would only    
amount to three or four7 should consist 
of real ,christians1 or of such men as  
would implicitly follow the policy of   
the ,gospel1 and ,i believe the result  
would be as ,i have described it4  ,nor 
indeed are we without instances of the  
kind4 ,the goodness of the emperor      
,antoninus ,pius was so great1 that he  

was said to have outdone all example4   
,he had no war in the course of a long  
reign of twenty-four years1 so that he  
was compared to ,numa4 ,and nothing is  
more true1 than that princes referred   
their controversies to his decision4    
,nor most ,i forget again to bring to   
the notice of the reader the instance1  
though on a smaller scale1 of the       
colonists and descendants of ,william   
,penn4 ,the ,quakers have uniformly     
conducted themselves towards the        
,indians in such a manner1 as to have   
given them from their earliest          
intercourse1 an exulted idea of their   
character4 ,and the consequence is1 as  
,i stated in a former section1 that the 
former1 in affairs of importance1 are   
consulted by the latter at the present  
day4 ,but why1 if the cabinet of any one
 powerful nation were to act upon the   
noble principle of relinquishing war1   
should we think the other cabinets so   
lost to good feelings1 as not to respect
 its virtue8 ,let us instantly abandon  

this thought2 for the supposition of a  
contrary sentiment would make them worse
 than the savages ,i have mentioned4    
,let us then cherish the fond hope1 that
 human animosities are not to be        
eternal1 and that man is not always to  
be made a tiger to man4 ,let us hope    
that the government of some one nation  
7and when we consider the vast power of 
the ,british empire1 the nature of its  
constitution and religion1 and the      
general humanity of its inhabitants1    
none would be better qualified than our 
own7 will set the example of the total  
dereliction of wars4 ,and let us1 in all
 our respective situations1 precede the 
anticipated blessing1 by holding out the
 necessity of the subjugation of the    
passions1 and by inculcating the        
doctrine of universal benevolence to    
man1 so that when we look upon the      
beautiful islands1 which lie scattered  
as so many ornaments of the ocean1 we   
may wish their several inhabitants no   
greater injury than the violence of     

their own waves2 or that1 when we view  
continents at a distance from us1 we may
 consider them as inhabited by our      
brothers2 or that when we contemplate   
the ocean itself1 which may separate    
them from our sight1 we may consider it1
 not as separating our love1 but as     
intended by ,providence to be the means 
of a quicker intercourse for the        
exchange of reciprocal blessings4       
,,chap4 ,,iv4   ,,sect4 #a4  ,fourth    
tenet is on the subject of a pecuniary  
maintenance of a ,gospel                
ministry--,example and precepts of      
,jesus ,christ--,also of ,paul and      
,peter--,conclusions from these         
premises--,these conclusions supported  
by the primitive practice--,great tenet 
resulting from these conclusions1 and   
this primitive practice is1 that the    
,quakers hold it unlawful to pay their  
own ministers1 and also others of any   
other denomination1 for their ,gospel   
labours4   ,the fourth and last tenet of
 the ,quakers is on the subject of the  

unlawfulness of a pecuniary maintenance 
of a ,gospel ministry4  ,in explaining  
this tenet1 ,i am aware that ,i am      
treading upon delicate ground4 ,the     
great majority of ,christians have      
determined1 that the spiritual labourer 
is worthy of his hire2 that if men      
relinquish the usual occupations by     
which a livelihood is obtained1 in order
 that they may devote themselves to the 
service of religion1 they are entitled  
to a pecuniary maintenance2 and that1 if
 they produce a rich harvest from what  
they sow1 they are of all men1          
considering their usefulness to man to  
be greater in this than in any other    
service they can render him1 the most   
worthy of encouragement and support4 ,i 
am aware also of the possibility of     
giving offence to some in the course of 
the explanation of this tenet4 ,to these
 ,i can only say1 that ,i have no       
intention of hurting the feelings of    
any2 that in the church there are those 
whom ,i esteem and love1 and whom of all

 others ,i should be sorry to offend4   
,but it must be obvious to these1 and   
indeed to all1 that it is impossible for
 me1 in writing a history of the manners
 and opinions of the ,quakers1 to pass  
over in silence the tenet that is now   
before me2 and if ,i notice it1 they    
must be sensible1 that it becomes me to 
state fully and fairly all the arguments
 which the ,quakers give for the        
difference of opinion1 which they       
manifest from the rest of their         
fellow-citizens1 on this subject4  ,it  
does not appear then1 the ,quakers say1 
by any records that can be produced1    
that ,jesus ,christ ever received any   
payment for the doctrines which he      
taught1 neither does it appear1 as far  
as his own instructions1 which are      
recorded by the ,evangelists1 can be    
collected on this subject1 that he      
considered any pecuniary stipend as     
necessary or proper for those who were  
to assist in the promotion of his       
religion4  ,jesus ,christ1 on the       

erection of his ,gospel ministry1 gave  
rules to his disciples1 how they were to
 conduct themselves in the case before  
us4 ,he enjoined the twelve1 before he  
sent them on this errand1 as we collect 
from ,st4 ,matthew and ,st4 ,luke1      
that1#ai as they had received freely1 so
 they were to give freely2 that they    
were to provide neither gold1 nor       
silver1 nor brass in their purses1 nor  
scrip1 nor other things for their       
journey2 for that the workman was worthy
 of his meat4 ,and1 on their return from
 their mission1 he asked them1#bj ,when 
,i sent you without purse1 and scrip1   
and shoes1 lacked ye any thing8 ,and    
they said1 nothing4 ,then said he unto  
them1 but now he that hath a purse let  
him take it1 and likewise his scrip4    
,footnote #ai3 ,matt x4 #h4 ,luke ix4   
#a4  ,footnote #bj3 ,luke xxii4 #ce4    
,in a little time afterwards1 ,jesus    
,christ sent out other seventy as       
disciples1 to whom he gave instructions 
similar to the former1 that they should 

not take scrip1 clothes1 and money with 
them4 ,but to these he said             
additionally1 that#ba wheresoever they  
were received1 they were to eat such    
things as were given them2 but where    
they were not received1 they were to go 
their way1 and say1 even the dust of    
your city1 which cleaveth on us1 we do  
wipe off against you4 ,and as on that   
occasion he compared the ministers of   
his ,gospel to the labourers1 whom a man
 sends to the harvest1 he told them they
 were at liberty to eat what was set    
before them1 because the labourer was   
worthy of his hire4  ,footnote #ba3     
,luke x4  ,this the ,quakers conceive to
 be the substance of all that ,jesus    
,christ taught upon this subject4 ,they 
go therefore next to ,st4 ,paul for a   
farther elucidation of it4  ,they are of
 opinion1 that ,st4 ,paul1 in his       
,epistle to#bb ,timothy1 and to the     
,corinthians1 and ,galatians1           
acknowledges the position1 that the     
spiritual labourer is worthy of his     

hire4  ,footnote #bb3 #a ,cor4 ix4--#a  
,tim4 v4--,gal4 vi4  ,the same ,apostle1
 however1 says1 that#bc if any would not
 work1 neither should he eat4 ,from this
 text the ,quakers draw two conclusions1
 first1 that when ministers of the      
,gospel are idle1 they are not entitled 
to bodily sustenance2 and1 secondly1    
that those only1 who receive them1 are  
expected to support them4 ,the same     
,apostle says also1#bd ,let him that is 
taught in the word1 communicate unto him
 that teacheth in all good things1 but  
he nowhere says1 to him that teacheth   
not4  ,footnote #bc3 #b ,thes4 iii4 #aj4
  ,footnote #bd3 ,gal4 vi4 #f4  ,but    
though men1 who faithfully spend their  
time in preaching the ,gospel1 are      
entitled to bodily maintenance from     
those who receive them1 yet ,st4 ,paul1 
the ,quakers say1 as far as his own     
practice was concerned thought it more  
consistent with the spirit of           
,christianity1 and less detrimental to  
its interests1 to support himself by the

 labour of his own hands1 than to be    
supported by that of others4 ,and he    
advises others to do the same1 and not  
to make their preaching chargeable1#be  
not because1 says he we have not power1 
but to make ourselves an ensample to you
 to follow us4  ,footnote #be3 #b ,thes4
 iii4 #j4  ,this power the ,quakers     
consider ministers of the ,gospel to    
abuse1 who make their preaching         
chargeable1 if by any means1 they can   
support themselves2 for ,st4 ,paul says 
farther1 #bf ,what is my reward then8   
,verily that1 when ,i preach the        
,gospel1 ,i may make the ,gospel of     
,christ without charge1 that ,i abuse   
not my power in the ,gospel4 ,thus the  
,apostle1 they conceive1 looks up to    
,god and not to men for the reward of   
his spiritual labours4 ,and the same    
,apostle makes it a characteristic of   
the false teachers1 that they make      
merchandize of their hearers4#bg        
,footnote #bf3 #a ,cor4 ix4 #ah4        
,footnote #bg3 #b ,pet4 ii4 #c4  ,it is 

objected to the ,quakers1 on this       
occasion1 that ,st4 ,paul received      
relief from the brethren at ,philippi1  
as well as from others1 when he did not 
preach4 ,but their reply is1 that this  
relief consisted of voluntary and       
affectionate presents sent to him in    
circumstances of distress4 ,in this case
 the ,apostle states1 that he never     
desired these gifts1 but that it was    
pleasant to him to see his religious    
instruction produce a benevolence of    
disposition that would abound to their  
account4#bh  ,footnote #bh3 ,philip4 iv4
 #ag4  ,st4 ,peter is the only other    
person1 who is mentioned in the ,new    
,testament as speaking on this subject4 
,writing to those1 who had been called  
to the spiritual oversight of the       
churches1 he advises as follows3#bi     
,feed the flock of ,god1 which is among 
you1 taking the oversight thereof not by
 constraint but willingly1 not for      
filthy lucre1 but of a ready mind1      
neither as being lords over ,god's      

heritage1 but being examples to the     
flock4 ,and when the chief ,shepherd    
shall appear1 ye shall receive a crown  
of glory that fadeth not away4 ,upon    
these words the ,quakers make three     
observations2 that ministers should not 
make a gain of the ,gospel2 that they   
should look to ,god for their reward1   
and not to men2 and that ,peter himself 
must have preached1 like ,st4 ,paul1    
without fee or reward1 or he could not  
consistently have recommended such a    
practice to others4  ,footnote #bi3 #a  
,pet4 v4 #b4  ,the ,quakers1 therefore1 
from the example and precepts of ,jesus 
,christ1 and of the ,apostles ,paul and 
,peter1 come to the following           
conclusions on this subject4 ,first1    
that ,god raises up his own ministers4  
,secondly1 that these are to dispense   
his ,gospel freely4 ,thirdly1 that they 
are to take1 whereever they are         
received1 such things as are given them1
 which things they deserve while in the 
exercise of their calling1 as much as   

the labourer his hire1 but that no      
bargains are to be made about religion2 
that they are not to compel men to give1
 neither are they to take away any thing
 from those who are unwilling to receive
 them1 but1 in this case1 to go their   
ways1 and shake the dust from their feet
 against them1 or1 in other words1 to   
declare that they have done their own   
duty in going to them with the word of  
,god1 and that the fault lies with them 
in refusing to hear it4 ,neither1 when  
they return from their1 missions1 or are
 idle at home1 are they to receive any  
thing1 but to use their own scrips and  
purses1 and clothes4 ,and fourthly1 that
 though it be lawful for them to receive
 such sustenance1 under such            
limitations1 during the exercise of     
their ministry1 it would be more        
consistent with the spirit of           
,christianity1 if they would give their 
spiritual labours freely1 and look up to
 ,god for their reward1 thus avoiding   
the character of false teachers1 and the

 imputation of an abuse of their power  
in the ,gospel4  ,now these conclusions1
 the ,quakers say1 seem to have been    
sanctioned1 in a great measure1 by the  
primitive practice for the three first  
centuries of the church1 or till the    
darkness of apostacy began to overwhelm 
the religious world4  ,in the very early
 times of the ,gospel1 many ,christians1
 both at ,jerusalem and ,alexandria in  
,egypt1 sold their possessions1 and     
lived together on the produce of their  
common stock4 ,others in ,antioch1      
,galatia1 and ,pontus1 retained their   
estates in their possession1 but        
established a fund1 consisting of weekly
 or monthly offerings1 for the support  
of the church4 ,this fund continued in  
after times4 ,but it was principally for
 the relief of poor and distressed      
saints1 in which the ministers of the   
,gospel1 if in that situation1 might    
also share4 ,tertullian1 in speaking of 
such funds1 gives the following account3
 ,whatsoever we have1 says he1 in the   

treasury of our churches1 is not raised 
by taxation1 as though we put men to    
ransom their religion1 but every man    
once a month1 or when it pleaseth him1  
bestoweth what he thinks proper1 but not
 except he be willing4 ,for no man is   
compelled1 but left free to his own     
discretion4 ,and that1 which is thus    
given1 is not bestowed in vanity1 but in
 relieving the poor1 and upon children  
destitute of parents1 and in the        
maintenance of aged and feeble persons1 
and of men wrecked by sea1 and of such  
as have been condemned to metallic      
mines1 or have been banished to islands1
 or have been cast into prison1         
professing the ,christian faith4  ,in   
process of time1 towards the close of   
the third century1 some lands began to  
be given to the church4 ,the revenue    
from these was thrown into the general  
treasury or fund1 and was distributed1  
as other offerings were1 by the deacons 
and elders1 but neither bishops nor     
ministers of the ,gospel were allowed to

 have any concern with it4 ,it appears  
from ,origen1 ,cyprian1 ,urban1         
,prosper1 and others1 that if in those  
times such ministers were able to       
support themselves1 they were to have   
nothing from this fund4 ,the fund was   
not for the benefit of any particular   
person4 ,but if such ministers stood in 
need of sustenance1 they might receive  
from it2 but they were to be satisfied  
with simple diet1 and necessary apparel4
 ,and so sacred was this fund held to   
the purposes of its institution1 that   
the first ,christian emperors1 who did  
as the bishops advised them1 had no     
recourse to it1 but supplied the wants  
of ministers of the ,gospel from their  
own revenues1 as ,eusebius1 ,theodoret1 
and ,sozomen relate4  ,the council of   
,antioch1 in the year #cdj1 finding     
fault with the deacons relative to the  
management of the funds of the churches1
 ordained that the bishops might        
distribute them1 but that they should   
take no part of them to themselves1 or  

for the use of the priests and brethren 
who lived with them1 unless necessity   
required it1 using the words of the     
,apostle1 ,having food and raiment1 be  
therewith content4  ,in looking at other
 instances1 cited by the ,quakers1 ,i   
shall mention one1 which throws light   
for a few years farther upon this       
subject4 ,in the year #cei1             
,constantine1 the emperor1 having       
summoned a general council of bishops to
 ,arminium in ,italy1 and provided for  
their subsistence there1 the ,british   
and ,french bishops1 judging it not fit 
to live on the public1 chose rather to  
live at their own expence4 ,three only  
out of ,britain1 compelled by want1 but 
yet refusing assistance offered to them 
by the rest1 accepted the emperor's     
provision1 judging it more proper to    
subsist by public than by private       
support4 ,this delicate conduct of the  
bishops is brought to shew1 that1 where 
ministers of the ,gospel had the power  
of maintaining themselves1 they had no  

notion of looking to the public4 ,in    
short1 in those early times1 ministers  
were maintained only where their        
necessities required it1 and this out of
 the fund for the poor4 ,those1 who took
 from the fund1 had the particular      
application given them of sportularii1  
or basket-clerks1 because1 according to 
,origen1 ,tertullian1 ,cyprian1 and     
others1 they had their portion of       
sustenance1 given them in baskets4      
,these portions consisted but of a small
 pittance1 sufficient only for their    
livelihood1 and were given them on the  
principle laid down by ,st4 ,matthew1   
that the ministers of ,jesus ,christ    
were to eat and drink only such things  
as were set before them4  ,in process of
 time new doctrines were advanced       
relative to the maintenance of the      
ministry1 which will be hereafter       
explained4 ,but as these were the       
inventions of men1 and introduced during
 the apostacy1 the ,quakers see no      
reason1 why they should look up to these

 in preference to those of ,jesus       
,christ1 and of the ,apostles1 and of   
the practice of ,christians in the      
purest periods of the church4 ,they     
believe1 on the other hand1 that the    
latter only are to be relied upon as the
 true doctrines4 ,these were founded in 
divine wisdom on the erection of the    
,gospel ministry1 and were unmixed with 
the inventions of men4 ,they were       
founded on the genius and spirit of     
,christianity1 and not on the genius or 
spirit of the world4 ,the ,quakers      
therefore1 looking up to these as to the
 surer foundation1 have adopted the     
following tenets on this subject4  ,they
 believe1 first1 that it would be       
inconsistent in them as ,christians1 to 
make a pecuniary payment to their own   
ministers for their ,gospel labours4    
,and they regulate their practice       
accordingly upon this principle4 ,no one
 is ever paid by the ,quakers for the   
performance of any office in the church4
 ,if a minister lives at home1 and      

attends the meeting to which he belongs1
 he supports himself1 as ,st4 ,paul did1
 by his own trade4 ,if he goes on the   
ministry to other meetings1 he is       
received by the ,quakers as he travels  
along1 and he finds meat and drink at   
the houses of these4 ,his travelling    
expenses also are generally defrayed in 
this particular case4 ,but he receives  
no reward1 or fixed or permanent        
stipend1 for his services on these or on
 any other such occasions4  ,and as the 
,quakers cannot pay their own ministers1
 so it is a tenet with them1 that they  
cannot pay those of other denominations 
for their ,gospel labours upon the same 
principle2 that is1 they believe1 that  
all ministers of every description ought
 to follow the example1 which ,st4 ,paul
 gave and enjoined them1 of maintaining 
themselves by their own hands2 they     
ought to look up to ,god and not to men 
for their reward2 they ought to avoid   
the character of false teachers1 and the
 imputation of abusing their power in   

the ,gospel4 ,and to these they add a   
particular reason1 drawn from the texts 
quoted1 which is not applicable in the  
former case1 namely1 that ministers are 
not authorised to take meat and drink   
from those who are not willing to       
receive them4   ,,sect4 ,,ii4  ,other   
reasons why ,quakers cannot pay         
ministers of the ,gospel of a different 
denomination from themselves--,these    
arise out of the nature of the payments 
made to them1 or out of the nature of   
tithes--,history of tithes from the     
fourth century to the reign of ,henry   
the eighth1 when they were definitively 
consolidated into the laws of the land4 
,but the ,quakers have other reasons1   
besides the general reasons1 and the    
particular one which has been given1 why
 as ,christians they cannot pay         
ministers of a different denomination   
from themselves for their ,gospel       
labours1 or why they cannot pay         
ministers of the established church4    
,these arise out of the nature of the   

payments which are made to them1 or out 
of the nature of tithes4 ,but to see    
these in their proper light1 some notion
 should be given of the origin of this  
mode of their maintenance4 ,i shall     
therefore give a very concise history of
 tithes from the fourth century1 to     
which period ,i have already brought the
 reader1 to the reign of ,henry the     
eighth1 when they took a station in the 
laws of the land1 from which they have  
never yet been displaced4  ,it has      
already appeared that1 between the      
middle and the close of the fourth      
century1 such ministers of the ,gospel  
as were able1 supported themselves1 but 
that those who were not able1 were      
supported out of the fund for the poor4 
,the latter1 however1 had no fixed or   
determined proportion of this fund      
allotted them1 but had only a bare      
livelihood from it1 consisting of       
victuals served out to them in baskets1 
as before explained4 ,this fund too     
consisted of voluntary offerings1 or of 

revenues from land voluntarily          
bequeathed4 ,and the principle1 on which
 these gifts or voluntary offerings were
 made1 was the duty of charity to the   
poor4 ,one material innovation1 however1
 had been introduced1 as ,i remarked    
before1 since its institution1 namely1  
that the bishops1 and not the deacons1  
had now the management of this fund4    
,at the latter end of the fourth        
century1 and from this period to the    
eighth1 other changes took place in the 
system of which ,i have been speaking4  
,ministers of the ,gospel began to be   
supported1 all of them without          
distinction1 from the funds of the poor4
 ,this circumstance occasioned a greater
 number of persons to be provided for   
than before4 ,the people therefore were 
solicited for greater contributions than
 had been ordinarily given4 ,jerom and  
,omrysostom1 out of good and pious      
motives1 exhorted them in turn to give  
bountifully to the poor1 and double     
honour to those who laboured in the     

lord's work4 ,and though they left the  
people at liberty to bestow what they   
pleased1 they gave it as their opinion1 
that they ought not to be less liberal  
than the ancient ,jews1 who1 under the  
,levitical law1 gave a tenth of their   
property to the priesthood and to the   
poor4 ,ambrose1 in like manner1         
recommended tenths1 as now necessary1   
and as only a suitable donation for     
these purposes4  ,the same line of      
conduct continued to be pursued by those
 who succeeded in the government of the 
church1 by ,augustin1 bishop of ,hippo1 
by ,pope ,leo1 by ,gregory1 by ,severin 
among the ,christians1 in ,pannonia1 and
 by others4 ,their exhortations1        
however1 on this subject1 were now mixed
 with promises and1 threats4 ,pardon of 
sins and future rewards were held out on
 the one hand1 and it was suggested on  
the other1 that the people1 themselves  
would be reduced to a tenth1 and the    
blood of all the poor who died1 would be
 upon their heads1 if they gave less    

than a tenth of their incomes to holy   
uses4 ,by exhortations of this sort1    
reiterated for three centuries1 it began
 at length to be expected of the people1
 that they would not give less than     
tenths of what they possessed4 ,no right
 however was alleged to such a          
proportion of their income1 nor was     
coercion ever spoken of4 ,these tenths  
also were for holy uses1 which chiefly  
included the benefit of the poor4 ,they 
were called the ,lord's goods in        
consequence1 and were also denominated  
the patrimony of the poor4  ,another    
change took place within the period     
assigned1 which ,i must now mention as  
of great concern4 ,ministers of the     
,gospel now living wholly out of the    
tenths1 which with legacies constituted 
the fund of the poor1 a determined      
portion of this fund1 contrary to all   
former usage1 was set apart for their   
use4 ,of this fund1 one fourth was      
generally given to the poor1 one fourth 
to the repairs of churches1 one fourth  

to officiating ministers1 and one fourth
 to the#cj bishops with whom they lived4
 ,hence the maintenance of ministers1 as
 consisting of these two orders1 and the
 repairs of churches1 took now the      
greatest part of it1 so that the face of
 things began to be materially altered4 
,for whereas formerly this fund went    
chiefly to the poor1 out of which       
ministers of the ,gospel were provided1 
it now went chiefly to the church1 out  
of which there came a provision for the 
poor4 ,another change also must be      
noticed with respect to the principle on
 which the gifts towards this fund were 
offered4 ,for whereas tenths were       
formerly solicited on the ,christian    
duty of charity to the poor1 they were  
now solicited on the principle1 that by 
the law of ,moses they ought to be given
 for holy uses1 in which the benefit of 
the fatherless1 the stranger1 and the   
widow1 were included4 ,from this time ,i
 shall use the word tithes for tenths1  
and the word clergy instead of ministers

 of the ,gospel4  ,footnote #cj3 ,in    
process of time1 as the bishops became  
otherwise provided for1 the fund was    
divided into three parts for the other  
three purposes just mentioned4  ,in the 
eighth century1 matters were as ,i have 
now represented them4 ,the people had   
been brought into a notion1 that they   
were to give no less than a tenth of    
their income to holy uses4 ,bishops     
generally at this time1 and indeed long 
previously to this1 lived in            
monasteries4 ,their clergy lived also   
with them in these monasteries1 and went
 from thence to preach in the country   
within the diocese4 ,it must be also    
noticed1 that there were1 at this time1 
other monasteries under abbots or       
priors1 consisting mostly of lay        
persons1 and distinct from those        
mentioned1 and supported by offerings   
and legacies in the same manner4 ,the   
latter1 however1 not having numerous    
ecclesiastics to support1 laid out more 
of their funds than the former were     

enabled to do1 towards the entertainment
 of strangers1 and towards the          
maintenance of the poor4 ,now it must be
 observed1 that1 when these two kinds of
 monasteries existed1 the people were at
 liberty to pay their tithes to either  
of them as they pleased1 and that1      
having this permission1 they generally  
favoured the latter4 ,to these they not 
only paid their tithes1 but gave their  
donations by legacy4 ,this preference of
 the lay abbies to the ecclesiastical   
arose from a knowledge that the poor1   
for whose benefit tithes had been       
originally preached up1 would be more   
materially served4 ,other circumstances 
too occurred1 which induced the people  
to continue the same preference4 ,for   
the bishops in many places began to     
abuse their trust1 as the deacons had   
done before1 by attaching the bequeathed
 lands to their sees1 so that the       
inferior clergy1 and the poor became in 
a manner dependent upon them for their  
daily bread4 ,in other places the clergy

 had seized all to their own use4 ,the  
people therefore so thoroughly favoured 
the lay abbies in preference to those of
 the church1 that the former became     
daily richer1 while the1 latter did     
little more than maintain their ground4 
,this preference1 however1 which made   
such a difference in the funds of the   
ecclesiastical1 and of the lay          
monasteries1 was viewed with a jealous  
eye by the clergy of those times1 and   
measures were at length taken to remove 
it4 ,in a council under ,pope ,alexander
 the third1 in the year #aahj1 it was   
determined1 that the liberty of the     
people should be restrained with respect
 to their tithes4 ,they were accordingly
 forbidden to make appropriations to    
religious houses without the consent of 
the bishop1 in whose diocese they lived4
 ,but even this prohibition did not     
succeed4 ,the people still favoured the 
lay abbies1 paying their tithes there1  
till ,pope ,innocent the third1 in the  
year #abjj1 ordained1 and he enforced it

 by ecclesiastical censures1 that every 
one should pay his tithes to those who  
administered to him spiritual things in 
his own parish4 ,in a general council   
also held at ,lyons1 in the year #abgd1 
it was decreed1 that it was no longer   
lawful for men to pay their tithes where
 they pleased1 as before1 but that they 
should pay them to mother church4 ,and  
the principle1 on which they had now    
been long demanded1 was confirmed by the
 council of ,trent under ,pope ,pius the
 fourth1 in the year #aefj1 which was1  
that they were due by divine right4 ,in 
the course of forty years after the     
payment of tithes had been forced by    
ecclesiastical censures and             
excommunications1 prescription was set  
up4 ,thus the very principle1 in which  
tithes had originated1 was changed4     
,thus free will-offerings became dues1  
to be exacted by compulsion4 ,and thus  
the fund of the poor was converted      
almost wholly into a fund for the       
maintenance of the church4  ,having now 

traced the origin of tithes1 as far as a
 part of the continent of ,europe is    
concerned1 ,i shall trace it as far as  
they have reference to our own country4 
,and here ,i may instantly observe1 and 
in a few words1 that the same system and
 the same changes are conspicuous4 ,free
 will-offerings and donations of land   
constituted a fund for the poor1 out of 
which the clergy were maintained4 ,in   
process of time1 tenths or tithes       
followed4 ,of these1 certain proportions
 were allotted to the clergy1 the       
repairs of the churches1 and the poor4  
,this was the state of things in the    
time of ,offa1 king of ,mercia1 towards 
the close of the eighth century1 when   
that prince1 having caused ,ethelbert1  
king of the ,east ,angles1 to be        
treacherously murdered1 fled to the     
,pope for pardon1 to please whom1 and to
 expiate his own sin1 he caused those   
tithes to become dues in his own        
dominions1 which were only at the will  
of the donors before4  ,about sixty     

years afterwards1 ,ethelwolf1 a weak and
 superstitious prince1 was worked upon  
by the clergy to extend tithes as dues  
to the whole kingdom2 and he consented  
to it under the notion1 that he was thus
 to avert the judgments of ,god1 which  
they represented as visible in the      
frequent ravages of the ,danes4 ,poor   
laymen1 however1 were still to be       
supported out of these tithes1 and the  
people were still at liberty to pay them
 to whichever religious persons they    
pleased4  ,about the close of the tenth 
century1 ,edgar took from the people the
 right of disposing of their tithes at  
their own discretion1 and directed that 
they should be paid to the parish       
churches4 ,but the other monasteries or 
lay-houses resisting1 his orders became 
useless for a time4 ,at this period the 
lay monasteries were rich1 but the      
parochial clergy poor4 ,pope ,innocent1 
however1 by sending out his famous      
decree before mentioned to king ,john1  
which was to be observed in ,england as 

well as in other places under his       
jurisdiction1 and by which it was       
enacted1 that every man was to pay his  
tithes to those only1 who administered  
spiritual help to him in his own parish1
 settled the affair2 for he set up      
ecclesiastical courts1 thundered out his
 interdicts1 and frightened both king   
and people4#ca  ,footnote #ca3 ,to shew 
the principles1 upon which princes acted
 with respect to tithes in these times1 
the following translation of a preamble 
to a grant of king ,stephen may be      
produced3 ,because1 through the         
providence of ,divine ,mercy1 we know it
 to be so ordered1 and by the churches  
publishing it far and near1 every body  
has heard1 that1 by the distribution of 
alms1 persons may be absolved from the  
bonds of sin1 and acquire the rewards of
 heavenly joys1 ,i1 ,stephen1 by the    
grace of ,god1 king of ,england1 being  
willing to have a share with those1 who 
by a happy kind of commerce exchange    
heavenly things for earthly1 and smitten

 with the love of ,god1 and for the     
salvation of my own soul1 and the souls 
of my father and mother1 and all my     
forefathers and ancestors1 c4  ,richard 
the second confirmed these tithes to the
 parishes1 as thus settled by this pope1
 but it was directed by an act1 that1 in
 all appropriations of churches1 the    
bishop of the diocese should ordain a   
convenient sum of money to be           
distributed out of the fruits and       
profits of every living among the poor  
parishioners annually1 in aid of their  
living and sustenance4 ,thus it seems1  
says ,judge ,blackstone1 the people were
 frequently sufferers by the withholding
 of those alms1 for which1 among other  
purposes1 the payment of tithes was     
originally imposed4 ,at length tithes   
were finally confirmed1 and1 in a more  
explicit manner1 by the famous act of   
,henry the eighth on this subject4 ,and 
here ,i must just observe1 that1 whereas
 from the eighth century to this reign1 
tithes were said to be due1 whenever the

 reason of them was expressed1 by divine
 right as under the ,levitical law1 so1 
in the preamble to the act of ,henry the
 eighth1 they are founded on the same   
principle1 being described therein1 as  
due to ,god and the church4 ,thus1 both 
on the continent of ,europe1 as well as 
in our own country1 were these changes  
brought about1 which have been          
described4 ,and they were brought about 
also by the same means1 for they were   
made partly by the exhortations and     
sermons of monks1 partly by the decrees 
of popes1 partly by the edicts of popish
 kings1 and partly by the determinations
 of popish councils4  ,it is not        
necessary1 that ,i should trace this    
subject farther1 or that ,i should make 
distinctions relative to tithes1 whether
 they may be rectorial1 or vicarial1 or 
whether they may belong to lay persons1 
,i have already developed enough of     
their history for my purpose4 ,i shall  
therefore hasten to state those other   
reasons1 which the ,quakers have to     

give1 why they cannot pay other         
ministers of the ,gospel for their      
spiritual labours1 or rather1 why they  
cannot consent to the payment of tithes1
 as the particular species of payment   
demanded by the church4   ,,sect4 ,,iii 
,the other reasons then1 as deducible   
from the history of tithes1 are the     
following--,first1 that they are not in 
equity dues of the church--,secondly1   
that the payment of them being          
compulsory1 it would1 if acceded to1 be 
an acknowledgment that the civil        
magistrate has a right to use force in  
matters of religion--,and thirdly1 that 
being claimed upon an act which holds   
them forth as of divine right1 any      
payment of them would be an             
acknowledgment of the ,jewish religion1 
and that ,christ had not yet actually   
come4   ,the other reasons then1 which  
the ,quakers have to give for refusing  
to support other ministers of the       
,gospel1 may be now deduced from the    
nature of tithes1 as explained in the   

former section4  ,the early ,quakers    
rejected the payment of tithes for three
 reasons2 and1 first1 because they were 
demanded of them as dues of the church4 
,against this doctrine1 they set their  
faces as a religious body4 ,they        
contended that1 if they were due at all1
 they were due to the poor1 from whom   
they had been forcibly taken1 and to    
whom in equity they still belonged2 that
 no prince could alter the nature of    
right and wrong that tithes were not    
justly due to the church1 because ,offa 
wished them to be so1 to expiate his own
 crimes2 or because ,ethelwolf wished   
them to be so1 from a superstitious     
notion1 that he might thus prevent the  
incursions of the ,danes2 or because    
,stephen wished them to be so1 as his   
own grant expresses1 on the principle1  
that the bonds of sin might be          
dissolved1 and that he might have a part
 with those1 who by a happy kind of     
commerce exchanged heavenly things for  
earthly2 or because the popes of ,rome  

wished them to be so1 from whose        
jurisdiction all the subjects of        
,england were discharged by law4  ,they 
resisted the payment of them1 because1  
secondly1 tithes had become of a        
compulsory nature1 or because they were 
compelled to pay them4  ,they contended 
on this head1 that tithes had been      
originally free will-offerings1 but that
 by violence they had been changed into 
dues1 to be collected by force2 that    
nothing could be more clear1 than that  
ministers of the ,gospel1 if the        
instructions of ,jesus to his disciples 
were to be regarded1 were not authorized
 even to demand1 much less to force1 a  
maintenance from others2 and that any   
constrained payment of these1 while it  
was contrary to his intention1 would be 
an infringement of their great tenet1 by
 which they hold1 that1 ,christ's       
kingdom being of a spiritual nature1 the
 civil magistrate had no right to       
dictate a religion to any one1 nor to   
enforce payment from individuals for the

 same1 and that any interference in     
those matters1 which were solely between
 ,god and man1 was neither more nor less
 than an usurpation of the prerogative  
of ,god4  ,they resisted the payment of 
them1 because1 thirdly1 they were       
demanded on the principle1 as appeared  
by the preamble of the act of ,henry the
 eighth1 that they were due as under the
 ,levitical law by divine right4        
,against this they urged1 first1 that1  
if they were due as the ,levitical      
tithes were1 they must have been subject
 to the same conditions4 ,they contended
 that1 if the ,levites had a right to   
tithes1 they had previously given up to 
the community their own right to a share
 of the land1 but that the clergy       
claimed a tenth of the produce of the   
lands of others1 but had given up none  
of their own4 ,they contended also1 that
 tithes by the ,levitical law were for  
the strangers1 the fatherless1 and the  
widows1 as well as for the ,levites1 but
 that the clergy1 by taking tithes1 had 

taken that which had been for the       
maintenance of the poor1 and had        
appropriated it solely to their own use1
 leaving them thus to become a second   
burthen upon the land4  ,but they       
contended1 that the principle itself was
 false4 ,they maintained1 that the      
,levitical priesthood and tithes with   
it1 had ceased on the coming of ,jesus  
,christ1 as appeared by his own example 
and that of his ,apostles2 that it      
became them1 therefore1 as ,christians1 
to make a stand against this principle1 
for that1 by acquiescing in the notion  
that the ,jewish law extended to them1  
they conceived they would be            
acknowledging that the priesthood of    
,aaron still existed1 and that ,christ  
had not actually come4  ,this latter    
argument1 by which it was insisted upon1
 that tithes ceased with the ,jewish    
dispensation1 and that those who        
acknowledged them1 acknowledged the     
,jewish religion for ,christians1 was   
not confined to the early ,quakers1 but 

admitted among many other serious       
,christians of those times4 ,the great  
,john ,milton himself1 in a treatise    
which he wrote against tithes1 did not  
disdain to use it4 ,although1 says he1  
hire to the labourer be of moral and    
perpetual right1 yet that special kind  
of hire1 the tenth1 can be of no right  
or necessity but to that special labour 
for which ,god ordained it4 ,that       
special labour was the ,levitical and   
ceremonial service of the tabernacle1   
which is now abolished4 ,the right1     
therefore1 of that special hire1 must   
needs be withal abolished1 as being also
 ceremonial4 ,that tithes were          
ceremonial is plain1 not being given to 
the ,levites till they had been first   
offered an heave offering to the ,lord4 
,he then1 who by that law brings tithes 
into the ,gospel1 of necessity brings in
 withal a sacrifice and an altar1       
without which tithes by that law were   
unsanctified and polluted1 and therefore
 never thought of in the first          

,christian times1 nor till ceremonies1  
altars1 and oblations had been brought  
back4 ,and yet the ,jews1 ever since    
their temple was destroyed1 though they 
have rabbies and teachers of their law1 
yet pay no tithes1 as having no ,levites
 to whom1 no temple where1 to pay them1 
nor altar whereon to hallow them2 which 
argues1 that the ,jews themselves never 
thought tithes moral1 but ceremonial    
only4 ,that ,christians therefore should
 take them up1 when ,jews have laid them
 down1 must needs be very absurd and    
preposterous4  ,having now stated the   
three great reasons1 which the early    
,quakers gave1 in addition to those     
mentioned in a former section1 why they 
could not contribute towards the        
maintenance of an alien ministry1 or why
 they could not submit to the payment of
 tithes1 as the peculiar payment        
demanded by the established church1 ,i  
shall only observe1 that these are still
 insisted upon by their descendants1 but
 more particularly the latter1 because  

all the more1 modern acts upon this     
subject take the act of ,henry the      
eighth as the great ground-work or legal
 foundation of tithes1 in the preamble  
of which it is inserted1 that they are  
due to ,god and the church4 ,now this   
preamble1 the ,quakers assert1 has never
 been done away1 nor has any other      
principle been acknowledged instead of  
that in this preamble1 why tithes have  
been established by law4 ,the ,quakers  
therefore conceive1 that tithes are     
still collected on the foundation of    
divine right1 and therefore that it is  
impossible for them as ,christians to   
pay them1 for that by every such        
payment1 they would not only be         
acknowledging the ,jewish religion for  
themselves1 but would be agreeing in    
sentiment with the modern ,jews1 that   
,jesus ,christ has not yet made his     
appearance upon earth4     ,,character  
,,of ,,the ,,quakers     ,,chap4 ,i4    
,character of the ,quakers--,character  
of great importance in life--yet often  

improperly estimated--,this the case    
with that of the ,quakers--,attempt to  
appreciate it duly--,many outward       
circumstances in the constitution of the
 ,quakers1 which may be referred to as  
certain helps in the promotion of this  
attempt4   ,nothing is of more          
importance to an individual1 than a good
 character1 during life4 ,posthumous    
reputation1 however desirable it may be 
thought1 is of no service to the person 
whom it follows4 ,but a living          
character1 if it be excellent1 is       
inestimable1 on account of the good     
which it produces to him who possesses  
it4 ,it procures him attention1         
civility1 love1 and respect from others4
 ,hence virtue may be said to have its  
reward in the present life4 ,this       
account will be also true of bodies1 and
 particularly of religious bodies1 of   
men4 ,it will make a difference to the  
individuals of these1 whether they be   
respected1 as a body1 by the individuals
 of other religious denominations1 or by

 the government under which they live4  
,but though character be of so much     
importance in life1 there are few who   
estimate it1 either when they view it   
individually or collectively1 as if     
really is4 ,it is often1 on the one     
hand1 heightened by partiality1 and1 on 
the other1 lowered by prejudice4 ,other 
causes also combine to afford wrong     
apprehensions concerning it4 ,for as    
different diseases throw out often the  
same symptoms1 and the judgment of the  
physician is baffled1 so different      
motives produce frequently similar      
actions1 and the man who tries to       
develop a character1 even if he wishes  
to speak truth1 finds himself at a loss 
to pronounce justly upon it4  ,as these 
failings and difficulties have attended 
men in estimating the character of      
individuals1 so they seem to have       
attended those who have attempted to    
delineate that of the society of the    
,quakers4 ,indeed1 if we were to take a 
view of the different traits which have 

been assigned to the latter1 we could   
not but conclude1 that there must have  
been some mistake concerning them4 ,we  
should have occasion to observe1 that   
some of these were so different in their
 kind1 that they could not reasonably be
 supposed to exist in the same persons4 
,we should find that others could       
scarcely be admitted among a body of    
professing ,christians4 ,the ,quaker    
character1 in short1 as it has been     
exhibited to the world1 is a strange    
medley of consistency and contradiction1
 and of merit and defect4  ,amidst      
accounts1 which have been so            
incongruous1 ,i shall attempt the task  
of drawing the character of the         
,quakers4 ,i shall state1 first1 all the
 excellencies1 that have been said to   
belong to it4 ,i shall state also1 all  
the blemishes with which it has been    
described to be chargeable4 ,i shall    
then enquire how far it is probable that
 any of these1 and in what degree they  
are true4 ,in this enquiry1 some little 

reliance must be placed upon my personal
 knowledge of the ,quakers1 and upon my 
desire not to deceive4 ,it is fortunate1
 however1 that ,i shall be able1 in this
 case1 to apply to a test1 which will be
 more satisfactory to the world1 than   
any opinion of my own upon this subject4
 ,i mean to say that the ,quakers1 like 
others1 are the creatures of their own  
education and habits1 or that there are 
circumstances in their constitution1 the
 knowledge of which will assist us in   
the discussion of this question2        
circumstances1 which will speak for     
themselves and to which we way always   
refer in the case of difficulty or      
doubt4 ,their moral education1 for      
example1 which has been already         
explained1 cannot but have an influence 
on the minds of those who receive it4   
,their discipline also1 which has       
appeared to be of so extraordinary a    
nature1 and to be conducted in so       
extraordinary a manner1 cannot but have 
an effect of its own kind4 ,the peculiar

 customs1 in which they have been       
described to have been born and         
educated1 and which must of course act  
upon them as a second nature1 must have 
a correspondent influence again4 ,from  
these1 and other prominent and          
distinguishing features in their        
constitution1 ,i may hope to confirm    
some of the truths which have been told1
 and to correct some of the errors that 
have been stated1 on the subject which  
is now before us4  ,nor am ,i without   
the hope1 that the discussion of this   
subject upon such principles1 will be   
acceptable to many4 ,to those1 who love 
truth1 this attempt to investigate it   
will be interesting4 ,to the ,quakers it
 will be highly useful4 ,for they will  
see1 in the glass or mirror which ,i    
shall set before them1 the appearance   
which they make in the world4 ,and if   
they shall learn1 in consequence1 any of
 the causes either of their merits or of
 their failings1 they will have learnt a
 lesson1 which they may make useful by  

the farther improvement of their moral  
character4     ,,chap4 ,,ii4  ,good part
 of the character of the ,quakers--,this
 general or particular--,great general  
trait is1 that they are a moral         
people--,this opinion of the world      
accounted for and confirmed by a        
statement of some of the causes that    
operate in the production of            
character--,one of these causes is1 the 
discipline peculiar to this society4    
,i come1 according to my design1 to the 
good part of the character of the       
,quakers4 ,this may be divided into two 
sorts1 into that which is general1 and  
into that which is particular4 ,on the  
subject of their general good character 
,i shall first speak4  ,it is admitted  
by the world1 as ,i had occasion to     
observe in the first chapter of the     
first volume1 that whatever other       
objections might be brought against the 
,quakers as a body1 they deserved the   
character of a moral people4  ,though   
this fact be admitted1 and there would  

therefore appear to be no necessity for 
confirming it1 ,i shall endeavour1      
according to the plan proposed1 to shew1
 by means of the peculiar system of the 
,quakers as a religious body1 that this 
is one of the traits given them by the  
world1 which cannot be otherwise than   
true4  ,the ,quakers believe1 in the    
first place1 that the ,spirit of ,god1  
acting in man1 is one of the wises of   
virtuous character4 ,they believe it to 
be1 of all others1 the purest and       
sublimest source4 ,it is that spring1   
they conceive1 to good action1 and of   
course to exalted character1 in which   
man can have none but a passive concern4
 ,it is neither hereditary nor          
factitious4 ,it can neither be          
perpetuated in generation by the father 
to the child1 nor be given by human art4
 ,it is considered by the ,quakers as   
the great and distinguishing mark of    
their calling4 ,neither dress1 nor      
language1 nor peculiar customs1         
constitute the ,quaker1 but the         

spiritual knowledge which he possesses4 
,hence all pious men may be said to have
 been ,quakers4 ,hence the patriarchs   
were ,quakers1 that is1 because they    
professed to be led by the ,spirit of   
,god4 ,hence the ,apostles and primitive
 ,christians were ,quakers4 ,hence the  
virtuous among the ,heathens1 who knew  
nothing of ,christianity1 were ,quakers 
also4 ,hence ,socrates may be ranked in 
profession with the members of this     
society4 ,he believed in the agency of  
the ,divine ,spirit4 ,it was said of    
him1 that he had the guide of his life  
within him2 that this spirit furnished  
him with divine knowledge2 and that it  
often impelled him to address and exhort
 the people4 ,justin the ,martyr had no 
scruple in calling both ,socrates and   
,heraclitus ,christians1 though they    
lived long before ,christ2 for all such 
as these1 says he1 who lived according  
to the divine word within them1 and     
which word was in all men1 were         
,christians4 ,hence also1 since the     

introduction of ,christianity1 many of  
our own countrymen have been ,quakers1  
though undistinguished by the exterior  
marks of dress or language4 ,among these
 we may reckon the great and venerable  
,milton4 ,his works are full of the     
sentiments of#cb ,quakerism4 ,and hence1
 in other countries and in other ages1  
there have been men1 who might be called
 ,quakers1 though the word ,quakerism   
was unknown4  ,footnote #cb3 ,milton not
 only considered the ,spirit of ,god as 
a divine teacher1 but that the          
scriptures were not to be spiritually   
understood but by the means of this     
spirit4 ,he believed also1 that human   
learning was not necessary for the      
qualification of a minister of the      
,gospel4 ,and he wrote an essay against 
tithes4  ,but independently of the      
agency of the ,spirit of ,god1 which the
 ,quakers thus consider to be the purest
 cause of a good life and character1 we 
may reckon a subordinate cause1 which   
may be artificial1 and within the       

contrivance and wisdom of man4 ,when the
 early ,quakers met together as a       
religious body1 though they consisted of
 spiritually minded men1 they resolved  
on a system of discipline1 which should 
be followed by those who became members 
of the society4 ,this discipline we have
 already seen4 ,we have seen how it     
attempts to secure obedience to         
,christian precepts4 ,how it marks its  
offences4 ,how it takes cognizance of   
them when committed4 ,how it tries to   
reclaim and save4 ,how1 in short1 by    
endeavouring to keep up the members of  
the society to a good life1 it becomes  
instrumental in the production or       
preservation of a good character4  ,from
 hence it will appear1 that the virtue  
of the ,quakers1 and of course that     
their character may be distinguished    
into two kinds1 as arising from two     
sources4 ,it may arise from spiritual   
knowledge on the one hand1 or from their
 discipline on the other4 ,that which   
arises from the first1 will be a perfect

 virtue4 ,it will produce activity in   
excellence4 ,that which arises from the 
second1 will be inferior and sluggish4  
,but1 however it may be subject to this 
lower estimation1 it will always be able
 to produce for those who have it1 a    
certain degree of moral reputation in   
the opinion of the world4  ,these       
distinctions having been made as to the 
sources of virtuous character1 there    
will be no difficulty in shewing1 that  
the world has not been deceived in the  
point in question4 ,for if it be        
admitted that the ,divine ,spirit1 by   
means of its agency on the heart of man1
 is really a cause of virtuous          
character1 it will then be but          
reasonable to suppose1 that the         
,quakers1 who lay themselves open for   
its reception more than others1 both by 
frequent private retirements1 and by    
their peculiar mode of public worship1  
should bear at least as fair a          
reputation as others1 on account of the 
purity of their lives4 ,but the         

discipline1 which is unquestionably a   
guardian of morals1 is peculiar to      
themselves4 ,virtue therefore is kept up
 among the ,quakers by an extraordinary 
cause1 or by a cause which does not act 
among many other bodies of men4 ,it     
ought therefore to be expected1 while   
this extraordinary cause exists1 that an
 extraordinary result should follow1 or 
that more will be kept apparently       
virtuous among the ,quakers1 in         
proportion to their numbers1 than among 
those where no such discipline can be   
found1 or1 in other words1 that1        
whenever the ,quakers are compared with 
those of the world at large1 they will  
obtain the reputation of a moral people4
     ,,chap4 ,,iii4   ,,sect4 ,i4       
,particular traits in the ,quaker       
character--,the first of these is       
benevolence--,this includes good will to
 man in his temporal capacity--,reasons 
why the world has bestowed this trait   
upon the ,quakers--,probability of its  
existence--from their ignorance of many 

degrading diversions of the world--from 
their great tenet on war--from their    
discipline which inculcates             
equality--and watchfulness over         
morals--and from their doctrine that man
 is the temple of the ,holy ,spirit4    
#cc,of the good traits in the ,quaker   
character1 which may be called          
particular1 ,i shall first notice that  
of benevolence4 ,this benevolence will  
include1 first1 good will to man in his 
temporal capacity1 or a tender feeling  
for him as a fellow creature in the     
varied situations of his life4          
,footnote #cc3 ,the reader must be      
aware1 that all ,quakers do not partake 
of this good part of the character4     
,that the generality do1 ,i believe4    
,that all ought to do1 ,i know1 because 
their principles1 as will be clearly    
seen1 lead to such a character4 ,those1 
therefore1 who do not1 will see their   
own deficiency1 or how much they have   
yet to attain1 before they can become   
,quakers4  ,the epithet of benevolent   

has been long given to this society4    
,indeed ,i know of no point1 where the  
judgment of the world has been called   
forth1 in which it has been more        
unanimous1 than in the acknowledgment of
 this particular trait1 as a part of the
 ,quaker character4  ,the reasons for   
the application of this epithet to the  
society1 may be various4  ,it has been  
long known1 that as the early           
,christians called each other brethren1 
and loved each other as such1 so there  
runs through the whole society of the   
,quakers a system of similar love1 their
 affection for one another having been  
long proverbial4  ,it has been long     
known again1 that as the early          
,christians extended their benevolence  
out of the pale of their own society to 
others who lived around them1 so the    
,quakers manifest a similar disposition 
towards their countrymen at large4 ,in  
matters of private distress1 where      
persons of a different religious        
denomination have been the objects1 and 

where such objects have been worthy1    
their purses have been generally open1  
and they have generally given as largely
 in proportion to their abilities as    
other people4 ,to public charities in   
their respective places of residence1   
they have generally administered their  
proper share4 ,but of late years1 as    
they have mixed more with the world1    
this character of the society has become
 more conspicuous or better known4 ,in  
the cases of dearth and distress1 which 
happened a few years ago1 it is a matter
 of publicity1 that they were among the 
foremost in the metropolis1 and in same 
other towns in the kingdom1 not only in 
pecuniary contributions1 but in frequent
 and regular attendances for the proper 
distribution of them4 ,and if their     
character has ever stood higher for     
willingness to contribute to the wants  
of others at any one time than at       
another1 it stands the highest1 from    
whatever cause it may happen1 at the    
present day4  ,it has been long known   

again1 that as the early ,christians    
extended their love beyond their own    
society1 and beyond those of the world  
who lived around them1 to those who were
 reputed natural enemies in their own   
times1 so the ,quakers do not confine   
their benevolence to their own          
countrymen1 but extend it to the various
 inhabitants of the globe1 without any  
discrimination1 whether they are reputed
 hostile to the government under which  
they live4 ,in times of war we never see
 them bearing arms1 and in times of     
victory we never see them exulting1 like
 other people4 ,we never see them       
illuminating their houses1 or running up
 and down the streets1 frantic with joy 
upon such occasions4 ,their joy1 on the 
other hand1 is wounded by the melancholy
 consideration of the destruction of the
 human race1 when they lament1 with     
almost equal sympathy1 over the         
slaughter of enemies and friends4  ,but 
this character of a benevolent people   
has been raised higher of late years in 

the estimation of the public by new     
circumstances or by the unanimous and   
decided part1 which they have taken as a
 body1 in behalf of the abolition of the
 slave-trade4 ,for where has the injured
 ,african experienced more sympathy than
 from the hearts of ,quakers8 ,in this  
great cause the ,quakers have been      
singularly conspicuous4 ,they have been 
actuated as it were by one spring4 ,in  
the different attempts1 made for the    
annihilation of this trade1 they have   
come forward with a religious zeal4     
,they were at the original formation of 
the committee for this important object1
 where they gave an almost unexampled   
attendance for years4 ,i mentioned in   
the preceding volume1 that near a       
century ago1 when this question had not 
awakened the general attention1 it had  
awakened that of the ,quakers as a body2
 and that they had made regulations in  
their commercial concerns with a view of
 keeping themselves clear of the blood  
of this cruel traffic4 ,and from that   

time to the present day they have never 
forgotten this subject4 ,their yearly   
epistles notice it1 whenever such notice
 is considered to be useful4 ,and they  
hold themselves in readiness1 on all fit
 occasions1 to unite their efforts for  
the removal of this great and shocking  
source of suffering to their            
fellow-creatures4  ,but whether these be
 the reasons1 or whether they be not the
 reasons1 why the ,quakers have been    
denominated benevolent1 nothing is more 
true than that this appellation has been
 bestowed upon them1 and this by the    
consent of their countrymen4 ,for we    
have only to examine our public prints1 
to prove the truth of the assertion4 ,we
 shall generally find there1 that when  
there is occasion to mention the        
society1 the word benevolent accompanies
 it4  ,the reader will perhaps be       
anxious to know how it happens1 that the
 ,quakers should possess this general   
feeling of benevolence in a degree so   
much stronger than the general body of  

their countrymen1 that it should have   
become an acknowledged feature in their 
character4 ,he will naturally ask1 does 
their education produce it8 ,does their 
discipline produce it8 ,do their        
religious tenets produce it8 ,what      
springs act upon the ,quakers1 which do 
not equally act upon other people8 ,the 
explanation of this phenomenon will be  
perfectly consistent with my design2 for
 ,i purpose1 as ,i stated before1 to try
 the truth or falsehood of the different
 traits assigned to the character of the
 ,quakers1 by the test of probabilities 
as arising from the nature of the       
customs or opinions which they adopt4 ,i
 shall endeavour therefore to show1 that
 there are circumstances1 connected with
 their constitution1 which have a       
tendency to make them look upon man in a
 less degraded and hostile1 and in a    
more kindred and elevated light1 than   
many others4 ,and when ,i shall have    
accomplished this1 ,i shall have given  
that explanation of the phenomenon1 or  

that confirmation of the trait1 which1  
whether it may or may not satisfy       
others1 has always satisfied myself4    
,the ,quakers1 in the first place1 have 
seldom seen a man degraded but by his   
vices4 ,unaccustomed to many of the     
diversions of the world1 they have      
seldom1 if ever1 seen him in the low    
condition of a hired buffoon or mimic4  
,men1 who consent to let others degrade 
themselves for their sport1 become      
degraded in their turn4 ,and this       
degradation increases with the frequency
 of the spectacle4 ,persons in such     
habits are apt to lose sight of the     
dignity of mankind1 and to consider them
 as made for administration to their    
pleasures1 or in an animal or a reptile 
light4 ,but the ,quakers1 who know      
nothing of such spectacles1 cannot1 at  
least as far as these are concerned1    
lose either their own dignity of mind1  
or behold others lose it4 ,they cannot  
therefore view men under the degrading  
light of animals for sport1 or of       

purchasable play-things4  ,and as they  
are not accustomed to consider their    
fellow-creatures as below themselves1 so
 neither are they accustomed to look    
with enmity towards them4 ,their tenet  
on the subject of war1 which has been so
 amply detailed1 prevents any           
disposition of this kind4 ,for they     
interpret those words of ,jesus ,christ1
 as ,i have before shewn1 which relate  
to injuries1 as extending not to their  
fellow-citizens alone1 but to every     
individual in the world1 and his precept
 of loving enemies1 as extending not    
only to those individuals of their own  
country1 who may have any private       
resentment against them1 but to those   
who become reputed enemies in the course
 of wars1 so that they fix no boundaries
 of land or ocean1 and no limits of     
kindred1 to their love1 but consider    
,jew and ,gentile1 ,greek and           
,barbarian1 bond and free1 as their     
brethren4 ,hence neither fine nor       
imprisonment can induce them to learn   

the use of arms1 so as to become        
qualified to fight against these1 or to 
shed their blood4 ,and this principle of
 love is not laid as it were upon the   
shelf1 like a volume of obsolete laws1  
so that it may be forgotten1 but is kept
 alive in their memories by the         
testimony which they are occasionally   
called to bear or by the sufferings they
 undergo by distraints upon their       
property1 and sometimes by short        
imprisonments1 for refusing military    
service4  ,but while these circumstances
 may have some influence in the         
production of this trait of benevolence 
to man in the character of the ,quakers1
 the one by preventing the hateful sight
 of the loss of his dignity1 and the    
other by destroying the seeds of enmity 
towards him1 there are others1          
interwoven into their constitution1     
which will have a similar1 though a     
stronger tendency towards it4  ,the     
great system of equality1 which their   
discipline daily teaches and enforces1  

will make them look with an equal eye   
towards all of the human race4 ,who can 
be less than a man in the ,quaker       
society1 when the rich and poor have an 
equal voice in the exercise of its      
discipline1 and when they fill equally  
the important offices that belong to it8
 ,and who is there out of the society1  
whom the ,quakers esteem more than      
human8 ,they bow their knees or1 their  
bodies1 as ,i have before noticed1 to no
 man4 ,they flatter no man on account of
 his riches or his station4 ,they pay   
homage to no man on account of his rank 
or title4 ,stripped of all trappings1   
they view the creature man4 ,if then    
they view him in this abstracted light1 
they can view him only as an equal4 ,bit
 in what other society is it1 that a    
similar estimate is made of him8 ,the   
world are apt in general to make too    
much of those in an elevated station1   
and those again in this station are apt 
to make less of others beneath them than
 they ought4 ,thus an under or an over  

valuation of individuals generally takes
 place in society2 from whence it will  
unavoidably happen1 that if some men are
 classed a little below gods1 others    
will be classed but a little above the  
brutes of the field4 ,their discipline1 
again1 has a tendency to produce in them
 an anxious concern for the good of     
their fellow-creatures4 ,man is         
considered1 in the theory of this       
discipline1 as a being1 for whose       
spiritual welfare the members are bound 
to watch4 ,they are to take an interest 
in his character and his happiness4 ,if 
he be overtaken in a fault1 he is not to
 be deserted1 but reclaimed4 ,no        
endeavour is to be spared for his       
restoration4 ,he is considered1 in      
short1 as a creature1 worthy of all the 
pains and efforts that can be bestowed  
upon him4  ,the religion of the ,quakers
 furnishes also a cause1 which occasions
 them to consider man in an elevated    
light4 ,they view him1 as may be        
collected from the preceding volume1 as 

a temple of the ,spirit of ,god4 ,there 
is no man1 so mean in station1 who is   
not made capable by the ,quakers of     
feeling the presence of the ,divinity   
within him4 ,neither sect1 nor country1 
nor colour1 excludes him1 in their      
opinion1 from this presence4 ,but it is 
impossible to view man as a tabernacle1 
in which the ,divinity may reside1      
without viewing him in a dignified      
manner4 ,and though this doctrine of the
 agency of the ,spirit dwelling in man  
belongs to many other ,christian        
societies1 yet it is no where so        
systematically acted upon as by that of 
the ,quakers4  ,these considerations may
 probably induce the reader to believe1 
that the trait of benevolence1 which has
 been affixed to the ,quaker character1 
has not been given it in vain4 ,there   
can be no such feeling for the moral    
interests of man1 or such a benevolent  
attention towards him in his temporal   
capacity1 where men have been accustomed
 to see one another in low and degrading

 characters1 as where no such spectacles
 have occurred4 ,nor can there be such a
 genuine or well founded love towards   
him1 where men1 on a signal given by    
their respective governments1 transform 
their pruning-hooks into spears1 and    
become tygers to one another without any
 private provocation1 as where they can 
be brought under no condition whatever1 
to lift up their arm to the injury of   
any of the human race4 ,there must1 in a
 practical system of equality1 be a due 
appreciation of man as man4 ,there must1
 in a system where it is a duty to watch
 over him1 for his good1 be a tender    
attention towards him as a fellow       
creature4 ,and in a system1 which       
considers him as a temple in which the  
,divine ,being may dwell1 there must be 
a respect towards him1 which will have  
something like the appearance of a      
benevolent disposition to the world4    
,,sect4 ,,ii4  ,trait of benevolence    
includes again good will towards man in 
his religious capacity--,quakers said to

 have no spirit of persecution1 nor to  
talk with bitterness1 with respect to   
other religious sects--,this trait      
probable--because nothing in their      
doctrines that narrows love--their      
sufferings on the other hand--and their 
law against detraction--and their       
aversion to making religion a subject of
 common talk--all in favour of this     
trait4   ,the word benevolence1 when    
mentioned as a trait in the character of
 the ,quakers1 includes also good will  
to man in his religious capacity4  ,it  
has often been observed of the ,quakers1
 that they shew no spirit of            
persecution1 and that you seldom hear   
them talk with bitterness1 with respect 
to other religious societies4  ,on the  
first part of this trait it may be      
observed1 that the ,quakers have never  
had any great power of exercising       
dominion over others in matters of      
religion4 ,in ,america1 where they have 
had the greatest1 they have conducted   
themselves well4 ,william ,penn secured 

to every colonist the full rights of men
 as to religious opinion and worship4   
,if the spirit of persecution is ever to
 be traced to the ,quakers1 it must be  
found in their writings on the subject  
of religion4 ,in one or two of the      
productions of their first authors1 who 
were obliged to support their opinions  
by controversy1 there is certainly an   
appearance of an improper warmth of     
temper2 but it remarkable that1 since   
these times1 scarcely a book has appeal 
written by a ,quaker against the        
religion of another4 ,satisfied with    
their own religious belief1 they seem to
 have wished only to be allowed to enjoy
 it in peace4 ,for when they have       
appeared as polemical writers1 it has   
been principally in the defence of      
themselves4  ,on the second part of the 
trait ,i may remark1 that it is         
possible1 in the case of tithes1 where  
their temper has been tried by expensive
 distraints1 and hard imprisonments1    
that they may utter a harsh expression  

against a system which they believe to  
be anti-,christian1 and which they      
consider also as repugnant to equity1   
inasmuch as it compels them to pay      
labourers1 who perform work in their own
 harvest2 but this feeling is only      
temporary1 and is seldom extended beyond
 the object that produces it4 ,they have
 never1 to my knowledge1 spoken with    
bitterness against churchmen on this    
account4 ,nor have ,i ever heard them1  
in such a season of suffering1 pass the 
slightest reflection upon their faith4  
,that this trait of benevolence to man  
in his religious capacity is probably   
true1 ,i shall endeavour to shew        
according to the method ,i have         
proposed4  ,there is nothing1 in the    
first place1 in the religious doctrines 
of the ,quakers1 which can produce a    
narrowness of mind in religion1 or a    
contempt for the creeds of others4 ,i   
have certainly1 in the course of my     
life1 known some bigots in religion1    
though1 like the ,quakers1 ,i censure no

 man for his faith4 ,i have known some1 
who have considered baptism and the     
sacrament of the supper as such         
essentials in ,christianity1 as to deny 
that those who scrupled to admit them1  
were ,christians4 ,i have known others  
pronouncing an anathema against persons1
 because they did not believe the       
atonement in their own way4 ,i have     
known others again1 who have descended  
into the greatest depths of election and
 reprobation1 instead of feeling an     
awful thankfulness for their own        
condition as the elect1 and the most    
tender and affectionate concern for     
those whom they considered to be the    
reprobate1 indulging a kind of spiritual
 pride on their own account1 which has  
ended in a contempt for others4 ,thus   
the doctrines of ,christianity1         
wonderful to relate1 have been made to  
narrow the love of ,christians6 ,the    
,quaker religion1 on the other hand1    
knows no such feelings as these4 ,it    
considers the ,spirit of ,god as        

visiting all men in their day1 and as   
capable of redeeming all1 and this      
without any exception of persons1 and   
that the difference of creeds1 invented 
by the human understanding1 will make no
 difference in the eternal happiness of 
man4 ,thus it does not narrow the sphere
 of salvation4 ,it does not circumscribe
 it either by numerical or personal     
limits4 ,there does not appear therefore
 to be in the doctrines of the ,quaker  
religion any thing that should narrow   
their love to their fellow creatures1 or
 any thing that should generate a spirit
 of rancour or contempt towards others  
on account of the religion they profess4
  ,there are1 on the contrary1          
circumstances1 which have a tendency to 
produce an opposite effect4  ,i see1 in 
the first place1 no reason why the      
general spirit of benevolence to man in 
his temporal capacity1 which runs       
through the whole society1 should not be
 admitted as having some power in       
checking a bitter spirit towards him in 

his religious character4  ,i see again1 
that the sufferings1 which the ,quakers 
so often undergo on account of their    
religious opinions1 ought to have an    
influence with them in making them      
tender towards others on the same       
subject4 ,virgil1 who was a great master
 of the human mind1 makes the queen of  
,carthage say to ,aeneas1 ,haud ignara  
mali1 miseris succurere disco1 or1 not  
unacquainted with misfortunes myself1 ,i
 learn to succour the unfortunate4 ,so  
one would hope that the ,quakers1 of all
 other people1 ought to know how wrong  
it is to be angry with another for his  
religion4  ,with respect to that part of
 the trait1 which relates to speaking   
acrimoniously of other sects1 there are 
particular circumstances in the customs 
and discipline of the ,quakers1 which   
seem likely to prevent it4  ,it is a law
 of the society1 enforced by their      
discipline1 as ,i shewed in a former    
volume1 that no ,quaker is to be guilty 
of detraction or slander4 ,any person1  

breaking this law1 would come under     
admonition1 if found out4 ,this induces 
an habitual caution or circumspection in
 speech1 where persons are made the     
subject of conversation4 ,and ,i have no
 doubt that this law would act as a     
preventive in the case before us4  ,it  
is not a custom1 again1 with the        
,quakers1 to make religion a subject of 
common talk4 ,those1 who know them1 know
 well how difficult it is to make them  
converse1 either upon their own faith1  
or upon the faith of others4 ,they      
believe1 that topics on religion1       
familiarly introduced1 tend to weaken   
its solemnity upon the mind4 ,they      
exclude subjects also from ordinary     
conversation upon another principle4    
,for they believe1 that religion should 
not be introduced at these times1 unless
 it can be made edifying4 ,but1 if it is
 to be made edifying1 it is to come1    
they conceive1 not through the medium of
 the activity of the imagination of man1
 but through the passiveness of the soul

 under the influence of the ,divine     
,spirit4   ,,sect4 ,,iii4  ,trait of    
benevolence includes again a tender     
feeling toward the brute                
creation--,quakers remarkable for their 
tenderness to animals--,this feature    
produced from their doctrine1 that      
animals are not mere machines1 but the  
creatures of ,god1 the end of whose     
existence is always to be attended to in
 their treatment--and from their opinion
 as to what ought to be the influence of
 the ,gospel1 as recorded in their own  
summary4   ,the word benevolence1 when  
applied to the character of the         
,quakers1 includes also a tender feeling
 towards the brute creation4  ,it has   
frequently been observed by those who   
are acquainted with the ,quakers1 that  
all animals belonging to them are       
treated with a tender consideration1 and
 are not permitted to be abused1 and    
that they feel1 in like manner1 for     
those which may be oppressed by others1 
so that their conduct is often          

influenced in some way or other upon    
such occasions4  ,it will be obvious1 in
 enquiring into the truth of this trait 
in the character of the ,quakers1 that  
the same principles1 which ,i have      
described as co-operating to produce    
benevolence towards man1 are not        
applicable to the species in question4  
,but benevolence1 when once rooted in   
the heart1 will grow like a fruitful    
plant1 from whatever causes it may      
spring1 and enlarge itself in time4 ,the
 man1 who is remarkable for his kindness
 towards man1 will always be found to   
extend it towards the creatures around  
him4 ,it is an ancient saying1 that a   
righteous man regards the life of his   
beast1 but the tender mercies of the    
wicked are cruel4  ,but1 independently  
of this consideration1 there is a       
principle in the ,quaker constitution1  
which1 if it be attended to1 cannot but 
give birth to the trait in question4    
,it has been shewn in the first ,volume1
 on the subject of the diversions of the

 field1 that the ,quakers consider      
animals1 not as mere machines1 to be    
used at discretion1 but in the sublime  
light of the creatures of ,god1 of whose
 existence the use and intention ought  
always to be considered1 and to whom    
rights arise from various causes1 any   
violation of which is a violation of a  
moral law4  ,this principle1 if         
attended-to by the ,quakers1 must1 as ,i
 have just observed1 secure all animals 
which may belong to them1 from          
oppression4 ,they must so consider the  
end of their use1 as to defend them from
 abuse4 ,they must so calculate their   
powers and their years1 as to shield    
them from excessive labour4 ,they must  
so anticipate their feelings1 as to     
protect them from pain4 ,they must so   
estimate their instinct1 and make an    
allowance for their want of             
understanding1 as not to attach to their
 petty mischiefs the necessity of an    
unbecoming revenge4 ,they must act      
towards them1 in short1 as created for  

special ends1 and must consider         
themselves as their guardians1 that     
these ends may not be perverted1 but    
attained4  ,to this it may be added1    
that the printed summary of the religion
 of the society constantly stares them  
in the face1 in which it is recorded1   
what ought to be the influence of       
,christianity on this subject4 ,we are  
also clearly of the judgment1 that1 if  
the benevolence of the ,gospel were     
generally prevalent in the minds of men1
 it would even influence their conduct  
in the treatment of the brute creation1 
which would no longer groan1 the victims
 of their avarice1 or of their false    
ideas of pleasure4     ,,chap4 ,,iv4    
,second trait is that of complacency of 
mind or quietness of character--,this   
trait confirmed by circumstances in     
their education1 discipline1 and public 
worship1 which are productive of quiet  
personal habits--and by their disuse of 
the diversions of the world--by the mode
 of the settlement of their             

differences--by their efforts in the    
subjugation of the will--by their       
endeavour to avoid all activity of mind 
during their devotional exercises--all  
of which are productive of a quiet      
habitude of mind4   ,a second trait in  
the character of the ,quakers is that of
 complacency1 or evenness1 or quietness 
of mind and manner4  ,this trait is1 ,i 
believe1 almost as generally admitted by
 the world1 as that of benevolence4 ,it 
is a matter of frequent observation1    
that you seldom see an irascible        
,quaker4 ,and it is by no means uncommon
 to hear persons1 when ,quakers are the 
subject of conversation1 talking of the 
mysteries of their education1 or        
wondering how it happens1 that they     
should be able to produce in their      
members such a calmness and quietness of
 character4  ,there will be no          
difficulty in substantiating this second
 trait4  ,there are circumstances1 in   
the first place1 in the constitution of 
the ,quaker system1 which1 as it must   

have already appeared1 must be          
generative of quiet personal habits4    
,among these may be reckoned their      
education4 ,they are taught1 in early   
youth1 to rise in the morning in        
quietness1 to go about their ordinary   
occupations in quietness1 and to retire 
in quietness to their beds4 ,we may     
reckon also their discipline4 ,they are 
accustomed by means of this1 when young1
 to attend the monthly and quarterly    
meetings1 which are often of long       
continuance4 ,here they are obliged to  
sit patiently4 ,here they hear the grown
 up members of the society speak in     
order1 and without any interruption of  
one another4 ,we may reckon again their 
public worship4 ,here they are          
accustomed occasionally to silent       
meetings1 or to sit quietly for a length
 of time1 when not a word is spoken4    
,there are circumstances again in the   
constitution of the ,quakers1 which are 
either preventive of mental activity1   
and excitement of passion1 or productive

 of a quiet habitude of mind4 ,forbidden
 the use of cards1 and of music1 and of 
dancing1 and of the theatre1 and of     
novels1 it must be obvious1 that they   
cannot experience the same excitement of
 the passions1 as they who are permitted
 the use of these common amusements of  
the world4 ,in consequence of an        
obligation to have recourse to          
arbitration1 as the established mode of 
decision in the case of differences with
 one another1 they learn to conduct     
themselves with temper and decorum in   
exasperating cases4 ,they avoid1 in     
consequence1 the frenzy of him who has  
recourse to violence1 and the turbid    
state of mind of him who engages in     
suits at law4 ,it may be observed also1 
that if1 in early youth1 their evil     
passions are called forth by other      
causes1 it is considered as a duty to   
quell them4 ,the early subjugation of   
the will is insisted upon in all genuine
 ,quaker families4 ,the children of     
,quakers are rebuked1 as ,i have had    

occasion to observe1 for all expressions
 of anger1 as tending to raise those    
feelings1 which ought to be suppressed4 
,a raising even of their voice is       
discouraged1 as leading to the          
disturbance of their minds4 ,this is    
done to make them calm and passive1 that
 they may be in a state to receive the  
influence of the pure principle4 ,it may
 be observed again1 that in their       
meetings for worship1 whether silent or 
vocal1 they endeavour to avoid all      
activity of the mind for the same       
reason4  ,these different circumstances 
then1 by producing quiet personal habits
 on the one hand1 and quiet mental ones 
on the other1 concur in producing a     
complacency of mind and manner1 so that 
a ,quaker is daily as it were at school1
 as far as relates to the formation of a
 quiet character4     ,,chap4 ,v4       
,third trait is1 that they do not       
temporize1 or do that which they believe
 to be improper as a body of            
,christians--,subjects1 in which this   

trait is conspicuous--,civil            
oaths--,holy or consecrated             
days--,war--,tithes                     
--,language--,address--,public          
illuminations--,utility of this trait to
 the ,quaker character4   ,it is a third
 trait in the character of the ,quakers1
 that they refuse to do whatever as a   
religious body they believe to be wrong4
  ,i shall have no occasion to state any
 of the remarks of the world to shew    
their belief of the existence of this   
trait1 nor to apply to circumstances    
within the ,quaker constitution to      
confirm it4 ,the trait is almost daily  
conspicuous in some subject or another4 
,it is kept alive by their discipline4  
,it is known to all who know ,quakers4  
,i shall satisfy myself therefore with a
 plain historical relation concerning   
it4  ,it has been an established rule   
with the ,quakers1 from the formation of
 their society1 not to temporize1 or to 
violate their consciences1 or1 in other 
words1 not to do that which as a body of

 ,christians they believe to be wrong1  
though the usages of the world1 or the  
government of the country under which   
they live1 should require it1 but rather
 to submit to the frowns and indignation
 of the one1 and the legal penalties    
annexed to their disobedience by the    
other4 ,this suffering in preference of 
the violation of their consciences1 is  
what the ,quakers call the bearing of   
their testimony1 or a demonstration to  
the world1 by the testimony of their own
 example1 that they consider it to be   
the duty of ,christians rather to       
suffer1 than to have any concern with   
that which they conceive to be evil4    
,the ,quakers1 in putting this principle
 into practice1 stand1 ,i believe1      
alone4 ,for ,i know of no other         
,christians1 who as a body#cd pay this  
homage to their scruples1 or who        
determine upon an ordeal of suffering in
 preference of a compromise with their  
ease and safety4  ,footnote #cd3 ,the   
,moravians1 ,i believe1 protest against 

war upon scriptural grounds4 ,but how   
far in this1 or in any other case1 they 
bear a testimony1 like the ,quakers1 by 
suffering1 ,i do not know4  ,the        
subjects1 in which this trait is        
conspicuous1 are of two kinds1 first as 
they relate to things enjoined by the   
government1 and secondly as they relate 
to things enjoined by the customs or    
fashions of the world4  ,in the first   
case there was formerly much more       
suffering than there is at present1     
though the ,quakers still refuse a      
compliance with as many injunctions of  
the law as they did in their early      
times4  ,it has been already stated that
 they refused1 from the very institution
 of their society1 to take a civil oath4
 ,the sufferings1 which they underwent  
in consequence1 have been explained     
also4 ,but happily1 by the indulgence of
 the legislature1 they are no longer    
persecuted for this scruple1 though they
 still persevere in it1 their           
affirmation having been made equal to an

 oath in civil cases4  ,it has been     
stated again1 that they protested       
against the religious observance of many
 of those days1 which the government of 
the country for various considerations  
had ordered to be kept as holy4 ,in     
consequence of this they were grievously
 oppressed in the early times of their  
history4 ,for when their shops were     
found open on ,christmas day1 and on    
,good ,friday1 and on the different     
fast-days which had been appointed1 they
 were taken up and punished by the      
magistrates on the one hand1 and        
insulted and beaten by the people on the
 other4 ,but1 notwithstanding this ill  
usage1 they persevered as rigidly in the
 non-observance of particular days and  
times1 as in their non-compliance with  
oaths1 and they still persevere in it4  
,it does not appear1 however1 that their
 bearing of their testimony in this case
 is any longer a source of much vexation
 or trouble to them3 for though the     
government of the country still         

sanctions the consecration of particular
 days1 and1 the great majority of the   
people join in it1 there seems1 to have 
been a progressive knowledge or         
civilization in both1 which has         
occasioned them to become tender on     
account of this singular deviation from 
their own practice4  ,but though the    
,quakers have been thus relieved by the 
legislature1 and by the more mild and   
liberal disposition of the people1 from 
so much suffering in bearing their      
testimony on the two occasions which    
have been mentioned1 yet there are      
others1 where the laws of government are
 concerned1 on which they find          
themselves involved in a struggle       
between the violation of their          
consciences and a state of suffering1   
and where unfortunately there is no     
remedy at hand1 without the             
manifestation of greater partiality     
towards them1 than it may be supposed an
 equal administration of justice to all 
would warrant4  ,hie first of these     

occasions is when military service1 is  
enjoined4 ,the ,quakers1 when drawn for 
the militia1 refuse either to serve1 or 
to furnish substitutes4 ,for this       
refusal they come under the cognizance  
of the laws4 ,their property1 where they
 have any1 is of course distrained upon1
 and a great part of a little substance 
is sometimes taken from them on1 this   
account4 ,where they have not           
distrainable property1 which is         
occasionally the case1 they never fly1  
but submit to the known punishment1 and 
go patiently to prison4 ,the            
legislature1 however1 has not been      
inattentive to the ,quakers even upon   
this occasion2 for it has limited their 
confinement to three months4 ,the       
government also of the country afforded 
lately1 in a case in which the ,quakers 
were concerned1 an example of attention 
to religious scruples upon this subject4
 ,in the late bill for arming the       
country en masse1 both the ,quakers and 
the ,moravians were exempted from       

military service4 ,this homage to       
religious principle did the authors of  
these exemptions the highest honour4    
,and it certainly becomes the ,quakers  
to be grateful for this unsolicited     
favour2 and as it was bestowed upon them
 upon the full belief that they were the
 people they professed themselves1 they 
should be particularly careful that they
 do not1 by any inconsistency of        
conduct1 tarnish the high reputation1   
which has been attached to them by the  
government under which they live4  ,the 
second occasion is1 when tithes or other
 dues are demanded by the church4 ,the  
,quakers refuse the payment of these    
upon principles1 which have been already
 explained4 ,they come of course again  
under the cognizance of the laws4 ,their
 property is annually distrained upon by
 warrant from justices of the peace1    
where the demand does not exceed the    
value of ten pounds1 and this is their  
usual suffering in this case4 ,but there
 have not been wanting instances where  

an unusual hardness1 of heart has       
suggested a process1 still allowable by 
the law1 which has deprived them of all 
their property1 and consigned them for  
life to the habitation of a prison4#ce  
,footnote #ce3 ,one died1 not a great   
while ago1 in ,york ,castle1 and others1
 who were confined with him1 would have 
shared his fate1 but for the            
interference of the king4  ,it is       
surprising1 that the clergy should not  
unite in promoting a bill in parliament1
 to extend the authority of the justices
 to grant warrants of distraint for     
tithes to more than the value of ten    
pounds1 and to any amount1 as this is   
the most cheap and expeditious way for  
themselves4 ,if they apply to the       
ecclesiastical courts1 they can enforce 
no payment of their tithes then4 ,they  
can put the poor ,quaker into prison1   
but they cannot obtain their debt4 ,if  
they apply to the exchequer1 they may   
find themselves1 at the conclusion of   
their suit1 and this after a delay of   

three years1 liable to the payment of   
extra costs1 to the amount of forty or  
fifty pounds1 with which they cannot    
charge the ,quaker1 though they may     
confine him for life4 ,some1 to my      
knowledge1 have been glad to abandon    
these suits1 and put up with the costs1 
incurred in them2 rather than continue  
them4 ,recourse to such courts occasion 
the clergy frequently to be charged with
 cruelty1 when1 if they had only        
understood their own interests better1  
they would have avoided them4  ,but it  
is not only in cases1 of which the laws 
of the land take cognizance1 that the   
,quakers prefer suffering to doing that 
which their consciences disapprove4     
,there are other cases1 connected1 as ,i
 observed before1 with the opinion of   
the world1 where they exhibit a similar 
example4 ,if they believe any custom or 
fashion of the world to be evil in      
itself1 or to be attended with evil1    
neither popular applause nor popular    
fury can make them follow it1 but they  

think it right to bear their testimony  
against it by its disuse1 and to run the
 hazard of all the ridicule1 censure1 or
 persecution1 which may await them for  
so doing4  ,in these cases1 as in the   
former1 it must be observed1 that the   
sufferings of the ,quakers have been    
much diminished1 though they still      
refuse a compliance in as many instances
 as formerly1 with the fashions of the  
world4  ,it was stated in the first     
volume1 that they substituted the word  
,thou for ,you1 in order that they might
 avoid by their words1 as well as by    
their actions1 any appearance of        
flattery to men4 ,it was stated also1   
that they suffered on this account2 that
 many magistrates1 before whom they were
 carried in the early times of their    
institution1 occasioned their punishment
 to be more severe1 and that they were  
often abused and beaten by others1 and  
put in danger of their lives4 ,this     
persecution1 however1 for this          
singularity in their language1 has long 

ceased2 and the substitution of ,thou   
for ,you is now only considered as an   
innocent distinction between ,quakers   
and other people4  ,it was stated again 
in the same volume1 that the ,quakers   
abstained from the usual address of the 
world1 such as from pulling off their   
hats1 and from bowing the body1 and from
 their ceremonious usages4 ,it was      
explained also1 that they did this upon 
two principles4 ,first1 because1 as such
 ceremonies were no real marks of       
obeisance1 friendship or respect1 they  
ought to be discouraged by a people1    
whose religion required that no image   
should be held out1 which was not a     
faithful picture of its original1 and   
that no action should be resorted to1   
which was not correspondent with the    
feelings of the heart4 ,secondly1       
because all such ceremonies were of a   
complimentary or flattering nature1 and 
were expressly forbidden by ,jesus      
,christ4 ,it was stated also1 that1 on  
account of their rejection of such      

outward usages1 their hats were forcibly
 taken from their heads and thrown away2
 that they were beaten and imprisoned on
 this sole account2 and that the world  
refused to deal with them as tradesmen1 
in consequence of which many could      
scarcely supply their families with     
bread4 ,but this deviation from the     
general practice1 though it still       
characterizes the members of this       
society1 is no longer a source of       
suffering4 ,magistrates sometimes take  
care that their hats shall be taken     
gently from their heads on public       
occasions1 and private persons expect   
now no such homage from ,quakers1 when  
they meet them4  ,there is1 however1 a  
custom1 against which the ,quakers      
anciently bore their testimony1 and     
against which they continue to bear it1 
which subjects them occasionally to     
considerable inconvenience and loss4 ,in
 the case of a general illumination1    
they never light up their houses1 but   
have the courage to be singular in this 

respect1 whatever may be the temper of  
the mob4  ,they believe that the        
practice of general illuminations cannot
 be adopted consistently by persons1 who
 are lovers of the truth4 ,they consider
 it as no certain criterion of joy4     
,for1 in the first place1 how many light
 up their houses1 whose hearts are      
overwhelmed with sorrow8 ,and1 in the   
second place1 the event which is        
celebrated1 may not always be a matter  
of joy to good minds4 ,the birth-day of 
a prince1 for example1 may be ushered in
 as welcome1 and the celebration of it  
may call his actions to mind1 upon which
 a reflection may produce pleasure1 but 
the celebration of the slaughter or     
devastation of mankind can afford no    
happiness to the ,christian4  ,they     
consider the practice again1 accompanied
 as it is with all its fiery            
instruments1 as dangerous and cruel4    
,for how many accidents have happened1  
and how many lives have been lost upon  
such occasions8  ,they consider it again

 as replete with evil4 ,the wild uproar 
which it creates1 the mad and riotous   
joy which it produces1 the              
licentiousness which it favours1 the    
invidious comparisons which it          
occasions1 the partial favour which it  
fixes on individuals who have probably  
no moral merit1 the false joys which it 
holds out1 and the enmity which it has  
on some occasions a tendency to         
perpetuate2 are so many additional      
arguments against it in the opinion of  
the ,quakers4  ,for these and other     
reasons they choose not to submit to the
 custom1 but to bear their testimony    
against it1 and to run the hazard of    
having their windows broken1 or their   
houses pillaged1 as the populace may    
dictate3 ,and in the same manner1 if    
there be any other practice1 in which   
the world may expect them to coincide1  
they reject it1 fearless of the         
consequences1 if they believe it to be  
productive of evil4  ,this noble        
practice of bearing testimony1 by which 

a few individuals attempt to stem the   
torrent of immorality by opposing       
themselves to its stream1 and which may 
be considered as a living martyrdom1    
does1 in a moral point of view1 a great 
deal of good to those1 who              
conscientiously adopt it4 ,it recalls   
first principles to their minds4 ,it    
keeps in their remembrance the religious
 rights of man4 ,it teaches them to     
reason upon principle1 and to make their
 estimates by a moral standard4 ,it is  
productive both of patience and of      
courage4 ,it occasions them to be kind  
and attentive1 and merciful to those who
 are persecuted and oppressed4 ,it      
throws them into the presence of the    
,divinity when they are persecuted      
themselves4 ,in short1 it warms their   
moral feelings1 and elevates their      
religious thoughts4 ,like oil1 it keeps 
them from rusting4 ,like a whetstone1 it
 gives them a new edge4 ,take away this 
practice from the constitution of the   
,quakers1 and you pull down a           

considerable support of their moral     
character4 ,it is a great pity that1 as 
professing ,christians1 we should not1  
more of us1 incorporate this noble      
principle individually into our         
religion4 ,we concur unquestionably in  
customs1 through the fear of being      
reputed singular1 of which our hearts do
 not always approve1 though nothing is  
more true1 than that a ,christian is    
expected to be singular with respect to 
the corruptions of the world4 ,what an  
immensity of good would be done1 if     
cases of persons1 choosing rather to    
suffer than to temporize1 were so       
numerous as to attract the general      
notice of men6 ,would not every case of 
suffering operate as one of the most    
forcible lessons that could be given to 
those who should see it8 ,and how long  
would that infamous system have to live1
 which makes a distinction between      
political expediency and moral right8   
,,chap4 ,,vi4  ,a fourth trait is1 that1
 in political affairs1 they reason upon 

principle1 and not from                 
consequences--,this mode of reasoning   
insures the adoption of the maxim of not
 doing evil that good may come--,had    
,quakers been legislators1 many public  
evils had been avoided1 which are now   
known in the world--,existence of this  
trait probable from the influence of the
 former trait--and from the influence of
 the peculiar customs of the            
,quakers--and from the influence of     
their system of discipline upon their   
minds4   ,the next trait1 which ,i shall
 lay open to the world as belonging to  
the ,quaker character1 is1 that in all  
those cases1 which may be called        
political1 the ,quakers generally reason
 upon principle1 and but seldom upon    
consequences4  ,i do not know of any    
trait1 which ever impressed me more than
 this in all my intercourse with the    
members of this society4 ,it was one of 
those which obtruded itself to my notice
 on my first acquaintance with them1 and
 it has continued equally conspicuous to

 the present time4  ,if an impartial    
philosopher1 from some unknown land1 and
 to whom our manners1 and opinions1 and 
history1 were unknown1 were introduced  
suddenly into our metropolis1 and were  
to converse with the ,quakers there on a
 given political subject1 and to be     
directly afterwards conveyed to the west
 end of the town1 and there to converse 
with politicians1 or men of fashion1 or 
men of the world1 upon the same1 he     
could not fail to be greatly surprised4 
,if he thought the former wise1 or      
virtuous1 or great1 he would unavoidably
 consider the latter as foolish1 or     
vicious1 or little4 ,two such opposite  
conclusions1 as he would hear deduced   
from the reasonings of each1 would      
impress him with an idea1 that he had   
been taken to a country inhabited by two
 different races of men4 ,he would never
 conceive1 that they had been educated  
in the same country1 or under the same  
government4 ,if left to himself1 he     
would probably imagine1 that they had   

embraced two different religions4 ,but  
if he were told that they professed the 
same1 he would then say1 that the       
precepts of this religion had been      
expressed in such doubtful language1    
that they led to two sets of principles 
contradictory to one another4 ,i need   
scarcely inform the reader1 that ,i     
allude to the two opposite conclusions1 
which will almost always be drawn1 where
 men reason from motives of policy or   
from moral right4  ,if it be true that  
the ,quakers reason upon principle in   
political affairs1 and not upon         
consequences1 it will follow as a direct
 inference1 that they will adopt the    
,christian maxim1 that men ought not to 
do evil that good may come4 ,and this is
 indeed the maxim1 which you find them  
adopting in the course of their         
conversation on such subjects1 and which
 ,i believe they would have uniformly   
adopted1 if they had been placed in     
political situations in life4 ,had the  
,quakers been the legislators of the    

world1 we should never have seen many of
 the public evils that have appeared in 
it4 ,it was thought formerly1 for       
example1 a glorious thing to attempt to 
drive ,paganism from the ,holy ,land1   
but ,quakers would never have joined in 
any of the crusades for its expulsion4  
,it has been long esteemed1 again1 a    
desideratum in politics1 that among     
nations1 differing in strength and      
resources1 a kind of balance of power   
should be kept up1 but ,quakers would   
never have engaged in any one war to    
preserve it4 ,it has been thought again1
 that it would contribute to the        
happiness of the natives of ,india1 if  
the blessings of the ,british           
constitution could be given them instead
 of their own4 ,but ,quakers would never
 have taken possession of their         
territories for1 the accomplishment of  
such a good4 ,it has been long thought  
again a matter of great political       
importance1 that our ,west-,indian      
settlements should be cultivated by     

,african labourers4 ,but ,quakers would 
never have allowed a slave-trade for    
such a purpose4 ,it has been thought    
again1 and it is still thought1 a       
desirable thing1 that our property      
should be secured from the petty        
depredations of individuals4 ,but       
,quakers would never have consented to  
capital punishments for such an end4 ,in
 short1 few public evils would have     
arisen among mankind1 if statesmen had  
adopted the system1 upon which the      
,quakers reason in political affairs1 or
 if they had concurred with an ancient  
,grecian philosopher in condemning to   
detestation the memory of the man1 who  
first made a distinction between        
expediency and moral right4  #cf,that   
this trait of reasoning upon principle1 
regardless of the consequences1 is      
likely to be a feature in the character 
of the ,quakers1 we are warranted in    
pronouncing1 when we discover no less   
than three circumstances in the         
constitution of the ,quakers1 which may 

be causes in producing it4  ,footnote   
#cf3 ,the ,sierra ,leone ,company1 which
 was founded for laudable purposes1     
ought have been filled by ,quakers2 but 
when they understood that there was to  
be a fort and depot of arms in the      
settlement1 they declined becoming      
proprietors4  ,this trait seems1 in the 
first place1 to be the direct and       
legitimate offspring of the trait       
explained in the last chapter4 ,for     
every time a ,quaker is called upon to  
bear his testimony by suffering1 whether
 in the case of a refusal to comply with
 the laws1 or with the customs and      
fashions of the land1 he is called upon 
to refer to his own conscience1 against 
his own temporal interest1 and against  
the opinion of the world4 ,the moment he
 gives up principle for policy in the   
course of his reasoning upon such       
occasions1 then he does as many others  
do1 that is1 he submits to the less     
inconvenience1 and then he ceases to be 
a ,quaker4 ,but while he continues to   

bear his testimony1 it is a proof that  
he makes expediency give way to what he 
imagines to be right4 ,the bearing      
therefore of testimony1 where it is     
conscientiously done1 is the parent1 as 
it is also the bulwark and guardian of  
reasoning upon principle4 ,it throws out
 a memento whenever it is practised1 and
 habituates the subject of it to reason 
in this manner4 ,but this trait is      
nourished and supported again by other  
causes1 and first by the influence1     
which the peculiar customs of the       
,quakers must occasionally have upon    
their minds4 ,a ,quaker cannot go out of
 doors1 but he is reminded of his own   
singularity1 or of his difference in a  
variety of respects from his            
fellow-citizens4 ,now every custom1 in  
which he is singular1 whether it be that
 of dress or of language1 or of address1
 or any other1 is founded1 in his own   
mind1 on moral principle1 and in direct 
opposition to popular opinion and       
applause4 ,he is therefore perpetually  

reminded1 in almost all his daily       
habits1 of the two opposite systems of  
reasoning1 and is perpetually called    
upon as it were to refer to the         
principles1 which originally made the   
difference between him and another      
citizen of the world4  ,neither has the 
discipline of the ,quakers a less       
tendency to the production of the trait 
in question4 ,for the business1 which is
 transacted in the monthly and quarterly
 and yearly meetings1 is transacted     
under the deliberations of grave and    
serious men1 who consider themselves as 
frequently under the divine influence1  
or as spiritually guided on such        
occasions4 ,in such assemblies it would 
be thought strange if any sentiment were
 uttered1 which savoured of expediency  
in opposition to moral right4 ,the youth
 therefore1 who are present1 see no     
other determination of any question than
 by a religious standard4 ,hence these  
meetings operate as schools1 in which   
they are habituated to reason upon      

principle1 and to the exclusion of all  
worldly considerations1 which may       
suggest themselves in the discussion of 
any point4     ,,chap4 ,,vii4  ,a fifth 
trait is1 that they have an             
extraordinary independence of           
mind--,this probable1 because the result
 of the farmer trait--because likely to 
be produced by their discipline--by     
their peculiar custom--and by their     
opinions on the supposed dignity of     
situations in life--because again1 they 
are not vulnerable by the seduction of  
governments--or by the dominion of the  
church--or by the power of fashion and  
of the opinion of the world4   ,the next
 trait1 conspicuous in the character of 
the ,quakers1 and which is nearly allied
 to the former1 is that of independence 
of mind4  ,this trait is of long        
standing1 having been coeval with the   
society itself4 ,it was observed by     
,cromwell1 that he could neither win the
 ,quakers by money1 nor by honours1 nor 
by places1 as he could other people4 ,a 

similar opinion is entertained of them  
at the present day4 ,for of all people  
it is generally supposed that they are  
the least easily worked upon1 or the    
least liable to be made tools or        
instruments in the bands of others4     
,who1 for example1 could say1 on any    
electioneering occasion1 whatever his   
riches might be1 that he could command  
their votes8  ,there will be no         
difficulty in believing this to be a    
real feature in the character of the    
,quakers4 ,for when men are accustomed  
to refer matters to their reason1 and to
 reason upon principle1 they will always
 have an independence of mind1 from a   
belief that they are right4 ,and        
wherever it be a maxim with them not to 
do evil that good may come1 they will   
have a similar independence from a      
consciousness1 that they have never put 
themselves into the power of the world4 
,hence this independence of mind must be
 a result of the trait explained in the 
former chapter4  ,but in looking into   

the constitution of the ,quakers1 we    
shall find it full of materials for the 
production of this noble trait4  ,their 
discipline has an immediate tendency to 
produce it4 ,for in no community does a 
man feel himself so independent as a    
man4 ,a ,quaker is called upon in his   
own society to the discharge of         
important offices4 ,he sits as a        
representative1 a legislator1 and a     
judge4 ,in looking round him1 he finds  
all equal in privileges1 but none       
superior1 to himself4  ,their peculiar  
customs have the same tendency1 for they
 teach them to value others1 who are not
 of the society1 by no higher standard  
than that by which they estimate        
themselves4 ,they neither pull off their
 hats1 nor bow1 nor scrape4 ,in their   
speech they abstain from the use of     
flattering words and of titles4 ,in     
their letters1 they never subscribe     
themselves the humble servants of any   
one4 ,they never use1 in short1 any     
action or signature1 which1 serving as a

 mark of elevation to others1 has any   
influence towards the degradation of    
themselves4  ,their opinions also upon  
the supposed dignity of situations in   
life contribute towards the promotion of
 this independence of their minds4      
,they value no man1 in the first place1 
on account of his earthly title4 ,they  
pay respect to magistrates1 and to all  
the nobility of the land1 in their      
capacity of legislators1 whom the chief 
magistrate has appointed2 but they      
believe that the mere letters in a      
schedule of parchment can give no more  
intrinsic worth to a person1 than they  
possess themselves1 and they think with 
,juvenal1 that the only true nobility is
 virtue4 ,hence titles1 in the glare of 
which some people lose the dignity of   
their vision1 have no magical effect    
upon ,quakers4  ,they value no man again
 on account of the antiquity of his     
family exploits4 ,they believe1 that    
there are people now living in low and  
obscure situations1 whose ancestors     

performed in the childhood of history1  
when it was ignorant and incapable of   
perpetuating traditions1 as great feats 
as those1 which in its greater maturity 
it has recorded4 ,and as far as these   
exploits of antiquity may be such as    
were performed in wars1 they would not  
be valued by them as ornaments to men1  
of whose worth they can only judge by   
their virtuous or their ,christian      
character4  ,they value no man again on 
account of the antiquity of his         
ancestry4 ,believing revelation to      
contain the best account of the rise of 
man1 they consider all families as      
equally old in their origin1 because    
they believe them to have sprung from   
the same two parents1 as their common   
source4  ,but this independence of mind1
 which is said to belong to the         
,quakers1 may be fostered again by other
 circumstances1 some of which are       
peculiar to themselves4  ,many men allow
 the independence of their minds to be  
broken by an acceptance of the honours  

offered to them by the governments1     
under which they live2 but no ,quaker   
could accept of any of the honours of   
the world4  ,others allow the           
independence of their minds to be       
invaded by the acceptance of places and 
pensions from the same quarter4 ,but    
,quakers1 generally speaking1 are in a  
situation too independent in consequence
 of their industry1 to need any support 
of this kind2 and no ,quaker could      
accept it on the terms on which it is   
usually given4  ,others again suffer    
their opinions to be fettered by the    
authority of ecclesiastical dominion1   
but the ,quakers have broken all such   
chains4 ,they depend upon no minister of
 the ,gospel for their religion1 nor do 
they consider the priesthood1 as others 
do1 as a distinct order of men4  ,others
 again come under the dominion of       
fashion and of popular opinion1 so that 
they dare only do that which they see   
others do1 or are hurried from one folly
 to another1 without having the courage 

to try to resist the stream4 ,but the   
life of a ,quaker is a continual state  
of independence in this respect1 being a
 continual protest against many of the  
customs and opinions of the world4  ,i  
shall now only observe upon this        
subject1 that this trait of independence
 of mind1 which is likely to be         
generated by some1 and which is         
preserved by other of the causes which  
have been mentioned1 is not confined to 
a few members1 but runs through the     
society4 ,it belongs to the poor as well
 as to the rich1 and to the servants of 
a family as well as to those who live in
 poverty by themselves4 ,if a poor      
,quaker were to be introduced to a man  
of rank1 he would neither degrade       
himself by flattery on the one hand1 nor
 by any unbecoming submission on the    
other4 ,he would neither be seduced into
 that which was wrong1 nor intimidated  
from doing that which was right1 by the 
splendour or authority of appearances   
about him4 ,he would still preserve the 

independence of his mind1 though he     
would behave with respect4 ,you would   
never be able to convince him1 that he  
had been talking with a person1 who had 
been fashioned differently from himself4
 ,this trait of independence cannot but 
extend itself to the poor4 ,for having  
the same rights and privileges in the   
discipline1 and the same peculiar       
customs1 and the same views of men and  
manners as the rest of the society1 a   
similar disposition must be found in    
these1 unless it be counteracted by     
other causes4 ,but as ,quaker servants1 
who live in genuine ,quaker families1   
wear no liveries1 nor any badges of     
poverty or servitude1 there is nothing  
in the opposite scale to produce an     
opposite feature in their character4    
,,chap4 ,,viii4   ,,sect4 ,i4  ,a sixth 
trait is that of courage--,this         
includes1 first1 courage in             
life--,courage not confined to military 
exploits--,quakers seldom intimidated or
 abashed--dare to say what they         

think--and to do what they believe to be
 right--,this trait may arise from that 
of bearing their testimony--and from    
those circumstances which produced      
independence of mind--and from the      
peculiar customs of the society4        
,another trait in the character of the  
,quakers1 which is nearly allied to     
independence of mind1 is courage4 ,this 
courage is conspicuous both in life and 
in the hour of death4 ,that1 which      
belongs to the former instance1 ,i shall
 consider first4  ,if courage in life   
were confined solely to military        
exploits1 the ,quakers would have no    
pretensions to this character4 ,but     
courage consists of presence of mind in 
many situations of peril different from 
those in war4 ,it consists often in     
refusing to do that which is wrong1 in  
spite of popular opinion4 ,hence the    
man1 who refuses a challenge1 and whom  
men of honour would brand with cowardice
 on that account1 may have more real    
courage in so doing1 and would have it  

in the estimation of moral men1 than the
 person who sends it4 ,it may consist   
also in an inflexible perseverance in   
doing that which is right1 when         
persecution is to follow4 ,such was the 
courage of martyrdom4 ,as courage then  
may consist in qualities different from 
that of heroism1 we shall see what kind 
of courage it is that has been assigned 
to the ,quakers1 and how far they may be
 expected to be entitled to such a      
trait4  ,there is no question1 in the   
first place1 that ,quakers have great   
presence of mind on difficult and trying
 occasions4 ,to frighten or to put them 
off their guard would be no easy task4  
,few people have ever seen an innocent  
,quaker disconcerted or abashed4  ,they 
have the courage also to dare to say1 at
 all times and in all places1 what they 
believe to be right4  ,i might appeal   
for the truth of this1 as far as the    
early ,quakers are concerned1 to the    
different conversations which ,george   
,fox had with ,oliver ,cromwell1 or to  

the different letters which be wrote to 
him as protector1 or to those which he  
afterwards wrote to king ,charles the   
second4  ,i might appeal again to the   
address of ,edward ,burroughs to the    
same monarch4  ,i might appeal again to 
the bold but respectful language1 which 
the early ,quakers used to the          
magistrates1 when they were carried     
before them1 and to the intrepid and    
dignified manner in which they spoke to 
their judges1 in the coarse of the      
numerous trials to which they were      
brought in those early times4  ,i might 
appeal also to ,barclay's address to the
 king1 which stands at the head of his  
,apology4  ,as it is inconsistent1 says 
,barclay to king ,charles the second1   
with the truth ,i bear1 so it is far    
from me to use this letter as an engine 
to flatter thee1 the usual design of    
such works1 and therefore ,i can neither
 dedicate it to thee1 nor crave thy     
patronage1 as if thereby ,i might have  
more confidence to present it to the    

world1 or be more hopeful of its        
success4 ,to ,god alone ,i owe what ,i  
have1 and that more immediately in      
matters spiritual1 and therefore to him 
alone1 and the service of his truth1 ,i 
dedicate whatever work he may bring     
forth in me1 to whom only the praise and
 honour appertain1 whose truth needs not
 the patronage of worldly princes2 his  
arm and power being that alone by which 
it is propagated1 established1 and      
confirmed4  ,and farther on1 he says1   
,thou hast tasted of prosperity and     
adversity2 thou knowest what it is to be
 banished thy native country1 to be     
overruled1 as well as to rule1 and to   
sit upon the throne2 and1 being         
oppressed1 thou hast reason to know how 
hateful the oppression is both to ,god  
and man4 ,if1 after all these warnings  
and advertisements1 thou dost not turn  
unto the ,lord with all thy heart1 but  
forget him who remembered thee in       
distress1 and give up thyself to follow 
lust and vanity2 surely great will be   

thy condemnation4  ,and this courage to 
dare to say what they believe to be     
right1 as it was an eminent feature in  
the character of the primitive1 so it is
 unquestionably a trait in that of the  
modern ,quakers4 ,they use no flattery  
even in the presence of the king2 and   
when the nation has addressed him in    
favour of new wars1 the ,quakers have   
sometimes had the courage to oppose the 
national voice on such an occasion1 and 
to go before the same great personage1  
and in a respectful and dignified       
manner1 to deliver a religious petition 
against the shedding of human blood4    
,they have the courage also to dare to  
do as well as to say what they consider 
to be right4  ,it is recorded of the    
early ,quakers1 that1 in the times of   
the hottest persecution1 they stood to  
their testimony in the places appointed 
for their worship4 ,they never assembled
 in private rooms1 or held private      
conventicles1 employing persons to watch
 at the doors1 to keep out spies and    

informers1 or to prevent surprise from  
the magistrates4 ,but they worshipped   
always in public1 and with their doors  
open4 ,nor1 when armed men were sent to 
dissolve their meetings1 did they ever  
fly1 but1 on the summons to break up and
 depart1 they sat motionless1 and1      
regardless of threats and blows1 never  
left their devotions1 but were obliged  
to be dragged out1 one by one1 from     
their places4 ,and even when their      
meeting-houses were totally destroyed by
 the magistrates1 they sometimes met the
 next meeting-day1 and worshipped       
publicly on the ruins1 notwithstanding1 
they knew that they were subject by so  
doing1 to fines1 and scourges1 and      
confinements1 and banishment1 and that1 
like many others of their members who   
had been persecuted1 they might die in  
prison4  ,this courage of the early     
,quakers has descended as far as        
circumstances will allow us to judge1 to
 their posterity1 or to those who       
profess the same faith4 ,for happily1 on

 account of the superior knowledge which
 has been diffused among us since those 
times1 and on account of the progress of
 the benign influence of ,christianity1 
both of which may be supposed to have   
produced among the members of our       
legislature a spirit of liberality in   
religion1 neither the same trials2 nor  
the same number of them1 can be afforded
 for the courage of the modern ,quakers1
 as were afforded for that of the       
,quakers of former days4 ,but as far as 
there are trials1 the former exhibit    
courage proportioned to their weight4   
,this has been already conspicuous in   
the bearing of their testimony1 either  
in those cases where they run the hazard
 of suffering by opposing the customs of
 the world1 or where1 by refusing a     
compliance with legal demands which they
 believe to be antichristian1 they      
actually suffer4 ,nor are these         
sufferings often slight1 when we        
consider that they may be made1 even in 
these days of toleration1 to consist of 

confinement1 as the law now stands1 for 
years1 and it may happen even for life1 
in prison4  ,this trait of courage in   
life1 which has been attached to the    
character of the ,quakers1 is the       
genuine offspring of the trait of the   
bearing of their testimony4 ,for by     
their testimony it becomes their        
religion to suffer1 rather than comply  
with many of the laws and customs of the
 land4 ,but every time they get through 
their sufferings1 if they suffer        
conscientiously1 they gain a victory1   
which gives them courage to look other  
sufferings in the face1 and to bid      
defiance to other persecutions4  ,this  
trait is generated again by all those   
circumstances which have been           
enumerated1 as producing the quality of 
independence of mind1 and it is promoted
 again by the peculiar customs of the   
society4 ,for a ,quaker is a singular   
object among his countrymen4 ,his dress1
 his language1 and his customs mark him4
 ,one person looks at him4 ,another     

perhaps derides him4 ,he must summon    
resolution1 or he cannot stir out of    
doors and be comfortable4 ,resolution1  
once summoned1 begets resolution again1 
till at length he acquires habits       
superior to the looks and frowns1 and   
ridicule1 of the world4   ,,sect4 ,,ii4 
,the trait of courage includes also     
courage in death--,this trait           
probably--from the lives which the      
,quakers lead--and from circumstances   
connected with their religious faith4   
,the trait of courage includes also     
courage in death1 or it belongs to the  
character of the ,quakers1 that they    
shew great indifference with respect to 
death1 or that they possess great       
intrepidity1 when sensible of the       
approach of it4  ,i shall do no more on 
this subject1 than state what may be the
 causes of this trait4  ,the dissolution
 of all our vital organs1 and of the    
cessation to be1 so that we move no     
longer upon the face of the earth1 and  
that our places know us no more1 or the 

idea of being swept away suddenly into  
eternal oblivion1 and of being as though
 we had never been1 cannot fail of      
itself of producing awful sensations    
upon our minds4 ,but still more awful   
will these be1 where men believe in a   
future state1 and where1 believing in   
future rewards and punishments1 they    
contemplate what may be their allotment 
in eternity4 ,there are considerations1 
however1 which have been found to       
support men1 even under these awful     
reflections1 and to enable them to meet 
with intrepidity their approaching end4 
,it may certainly be admitted1 that1 in 
proportion as we cling to the things of 
the world1 we shall be less willing to  
leave them1 which may induce an         
appearance of fear with respect to      
departing out of life2 and that1 in     
proportion as we deny the world and its 
pleasures1 or mortify the affections of 
the flesh1 we shall be more willing to  
exchange our earthly for spiritual      
enjoyments1 which may induce an         

appearance of courage with respect to   
death4  ,it may be admitted again1 that1
 in proportion as we have filled our    
moral stations in life1 that is1 as we  
have done justly1 and loved mercy1 and  
this not only with respect to our       
fellow-creature man1 but to the         
different creatures of ,god1 there will 
be a conscious rectitude within us1     
which will supply us with courage1 when 
we believe ourselves called upon to     
leave them4  ,it may be admitted again1 
that1 in proportion as we have          
endeavoured to follow the divine        
commands1 as contained in the sacred    
writings1 and as we have followed these 
through faith1 fearless of the opinions 
and persecutions of men1 so as to have  
become sufferers for the truth1 we shall
 have less fear or more courage1 when we
 suppose the hour of our dissolution to 
be approaching4  ,now1 without making   
any inviduous comparisons1 ,i think it  
will follow from hence1 when we consider
 the ,quakers to be persons of          

acknowledged moral character1 when we   
know that they deny themselves for the  
sake of becoming purer beings1 the      
ordinary pleasures and gratifications of
 the world1 and when almost daily       
experience testifies to us1 that they   
prefer bearing their testimony1 or      
suffering as a ,christian body1 to a    
compliance with customs1 which they     
conceive the ,christian religion to     
disapprove1 that they will have as fair 
pretensions to courage in the hour of   
death1 as any other people1 as a body1  
from the same causes4  ,there are other 
circumstances1 however1 which may be    
taken into consideration in this        
account1 and1 in looking over these1 ,i 
find none of more importance than those 
which relate to the religious creeds    
which may be professed by individuals or
 communities of men4  ,much1 in the     
first place1 will depend upon the       
circumstance1 how far men are doubtful  
and wavering in their creeds1 or how far
 they depend upon others for their      

faith1 or how far1 in consequence of    
reasoning or feeling1 they depend upon  
themselves4 ,if their creeds are not in 
their own power1 they will be liable to 
be troubled with every wind of doctrine 
that blows1 and to be unhappy1 when the 
thought of their dissolution is brought 
before them4 ,but the ,quakers1 having  
broken the power or dominion of the     
priesthood1 what terrors can fanaticism 
hold out to them1 which shall appal     
their courage in their later hours8  ,it
 is also of great importance to men what
 may be the nature of their creeds4     
,some creeds are unquestionably more    
comfortable to the mind than others4 ,to
 those1 who believe in the doctrine of  
election and reprobation1 and imagine   
themselves to be of the elect1 no creed 
can give greater courage in the hour of 
death2 and to those who either doubt or 
despair of their election1 none can     
inspire more fear4 ,but the ,quakers1 on
 the other hand1 encourage the doctrine 
of perfection1 or that all may do the   

will of ,god1 if they attend to the     
monitions of his grace4 ,they believe   
that ,god is good1 and just1 and        
merciful2 that he visits all with a view
 to this perfection without exception of
 persons2 that he enables all1 through  
the sacrifice of ,christ1 to be saved2  
and that he will make an allowance for  
all according to his attributes2 for    
that he is not willing that any should  
perish1 but that all should inherit     
eternal life4     ,,chap4 ,,ix4  ,last  
good trait is that of punctuality to    
words and engagements--,this probable   
from the operation of all those         
principles1 which have produced for the 
,quakers the character of a moral       
people--and from the operation of their 
discipline4   ,the last good trait1     
which ,i shall notice in the character  
of the ,quakers1 is that of punctuality 
to their words and engagements4  ,this  
is a very ancient trait4 ,judge ,forster
 entertained this opinion of ,george    
,fox1 that if he would consent to give  

his word for his appearance1 he would   
keep it4 ,trusted to go at large without
 any bail1 and solely on his bare word1 
that he would be forth coming on a given
 day1 he never violated his promise4    
,and he was known also to carry his own 
commitment himself4 ,in those days also1
 it was not unusual for ,quakers to     
carry their own warrants1 unaccompanied 
by constables or others1 which were to  
consign them to a prison4  ,but it was  
not only in matters which related to the
 laws of the land1 where the early      
,quakers held their words and           
engagements sacred4 ,this trait was     
remarked to be true of them in their    
concerns in trade4 ,on their first      
appearance as a society1 they suffered  
as tradesmen1 because others1 displeased
 with the peculiarity of their manners1 
withdrew their custom from their shops4 
,but in a little time1 the great outcry 
against them was1 that they got the     
trade of the country into their hands4  
,this outcry arose in part from a strict

 execution of all commercial            
appointments and agreements between them
 and others1 and because they never     
asked two prices for the commodities    
which they sold4 ,and the same character
 attaches to them as a commercial body1 
though there may be individual          
exceptions1 at the present day4         
,neither has this trait been confined to
 them as the inhabitants of their own   
country4 ,they have carried it with them
 wherever they have gone4 ,the treaty of
 ,william ,penn was never violated4 ,and
 the estimation1 which the ,indians put 
upon the word of this great man and his 
companions1 continues to be put by them 
upon that of the modern ,quakers in     
,america1 so that they now come in      
deputations1 out of their own           
settlements1 to consult them on         
important occasions4  ,the existence of 
this trait is probable both from general
 and from particular considerations4    
,if1 for example1 any number of         
principles should have acted so forcibly

 and in such a manner upon individuals1 
as to have procured for them as a body  
the reputation of a moral people1 they  
must have produced in them a disposition
 to keep their faith4#cg  ,footnote #cg3
 ,this character was given by ,pliny to 
the first ,christians4 ,they were to    
avoid fraud1 theft1 and adultery4 ,they 
were never to deny any trust1 when      
required to deliver it up1 nor to       
falsify their word on any occasion4     
,but the discipline of the ,quakers has 
a direct tendency to produce this       
feature in their character1 and to make 
it an appendage of ,quakerism4 ,for     
punctuality to words and engagements is 
a subject of one of the periodical      
enquiries4 ,it is therefore publicly    
handed to the notice of the members1 as 
a ,christian virtue1 that is expected of
 them1 in their public meetings for     
discipline4 ,and any violation in this  
respect would be deemed a breach1 and   
cognizable as such1 of the ,quaker laws4
     ,,chap4 ,x4  ,imperfect traits in  

the ,quaker character--,some of these   
may be called intellectually defective  
traits--,first imputation of this kind  
is1 that the ,quakers are deficient in  
learning compared with other            
people--,this trait not improbable on   
account of their devotion to trade--and 
on account of their controversies and   
notions about human learning--and of    
other causes4   ,the world1 while it has
 given to the ,quakers as a body1 as it 
will have now appeared1 a more than     
ordinary share of virtue1 has not been  
without the belief that there are       
blemishes in their character4 ,what     
these traits or blemishes are1 may be   
collected partly from books1 partly from
 conversation1 and partly from vulgar   
sayings4 ,they are divisible into two   
kinds1 into intellectually defective1   
and into morally defective traits2 the  
former relating to the understanding1   
the latter to the heart4  ,the first of 
the intellectually defective traits     
consists in the imputation1 that the    

,quakers are deficient in the           
cultivation of the intellect of their   
children1 or that1 when they grow up in 
life1 they are found to have less       
knowledge than others in the higher     
branches of learning4 ,by this ,i mean1 
that they are understood to have but a  
moderate classical education1 to know   
but little of the different branches of 
philosophy1 and to have1 upon the whole1
 less variety of knowledge than others  
of their countrymen in the corresponding
 stations of life4  ,this trait seems to
 have originated with the world in two  
supposed facts4 ,the first is1 that     
there has never been any literary writer
 of eminence born in the society1 ,penn1
 ,barclay and others having come into it
 by convincement1 and brought their     
learning with them4 ,the second is1 that
 the society has never yet furnished a  
philosopher1 or produced any material   
discovery4 ,it is rather a common       
remark1 that if the education of others 
had been as limited as that of the      

,quaker1 we should have been probably at
 this day without a ,newton1 and might  
have been strangers to those great      
discoveries1 whether of the art of      
navigation1 or of the circulation of the
 blood1 or of any other kind1 which have
 proved so eminently useful to the      
comfort1 health1 and safety of many of  
the human race4  ,this trait will be    
true1 or it will be false1 as it is     
applied to the different classes1 which 
may be found in the society of the      
,quakers4 ,the poor1 who belong to it1  
are all taught to read1 and are         
therefore better educated than the poor 
belonging to other bodies of men4 ,they 
who spring from parents whose situation 
does not entitle them to rank with the  
middle class1 but yet keeps them out of 
the former1 are generally educated1 by  
the help of a#ch subscription1 at       
,ackworth school1 and may be said to    
have more school learning than others in
 a similar situation in life4 ,the rest1
 whatever may be their situation1 are   

educated wholly at the expence of their 
parents1 who send them either to private
 ,quaker seminaries1 or to schools in   
the neighbourhood1 as they judge it to  
be convenient or proper4 ,it is upon    
this body of the ,quakers that the      
imputation can only fall2 and as far as 
these are concerned1 ,i think it may be 
said with truth1 that they possess a    
less portion of what is usually called  
liberal knowledge than others in a      
corresponding station in life4 ,there   
may be here and there a good classical1 
or a good mathematical scholar4 ,but in 
general there are but few ,quakers1 who 
excel in these branches of learning4 ,i 
ought1 however1 to add1 that this       
character is not likely to remain long  
with the society4 ,for the young        
,quakers of the present day seem to me  
to be sensible of the inferiority of    
their own education1 and to be making an
 attempt towards the improvement of     
their minds1 by engaging in those1 which
 are the most entertaining1 instructive1

 and useful1 ,i mean1 philosophical     
pursuits4  ,footnote #ch3 ,their parents
 pay a small annual sum towards their   
board and clothing4 ,the rest is made up
 by a subscription among the society1   
and by the funds of the school4  ,that  
deficiency in literature and science is 
likely to be a trait in the character of
 the ,quakers1 we may pronounce1 if we  
take into consideration circumstances   
which have happened1 and notions which  
have prevailed1 in this society4  ,the  
,quakers1 like the ,jews of old1 whether
 they be rich or poor1 are brought up1  
in obedience to their own laws1 to some 
employment4 ,they are called of course  
at an early age from their books4 ,it   
cannot therefore be expected of them1   
that they should possess the same       
literary character as those who spend   
years at our universities1 or whose time
 is not taken up by the concerns of     
trade4  ,it happens also in this        
society1 that persons of the poor and   
middle classes are frequently through   

industry becoming rich4 ,while these    
were gaining but a moderate support1    
they gave their children but a moderate 
education4 ,but when they came into     
possession of a greater substance1 their
 children had finished their education1 
having grown up to men4  ,the ancient   
controversy too1 relative to the        
necessity of human learning as a        
qualification for ministers of the      
,gospel1 has been detrimental to the    
promotion of literature and science     
among the ,quakers4 ,this controversy   
was maintained with great warmth and    
obstinacy on both sides1 that is1 by the
 early ,quakers1 who were men of        
learning1 on the one hand1 and by the   
divines of our universities on the      
other4 ,the less learned in the society1
 who read this controversy1 did not make
 the proper distinction concerning it4  
,they were so interested in keeping up  
the doctrine1 that learning was not     
necessary for the priesthood1 that they 
seemed to have forgotten that it was    

necessary at all4 ,hence knowledge began
 to be cried down in the society2 and   
though the proposition was always meant 
to be true with respect to the          
priesthood only1 yet many mistook or    
confounded its meaning1 so that they    
gave their children but a limited       
education on that account4  ,the        
opinions also of the ,quakers relative  
to classical authors1 have been another 
cause of impeding in some degree their  
progress in learning1 that is1 in the   
classical part of it4 ,they believe     
these to have inculcated a system of    
morality frequently repugnant to that of
 the ,christian religion4 ,and the      
,heathen mythology1 which is connected  
with their writings1 and which is       
fabulous throughout1 they conceive to   
have disseminated romantic notions among
 youth1 and to have made them familiar  
with fictions1 to the prejudice of an   
unshaken devotedness to the love of     
truth4     ,,chap4 ,,xi4  ,second trait 
is1 that they are a superstitious       

people--,circumstances that have given  
birth to this trait--,quakerism1 where  
it is understood1 is seldom chargeable  
with superstition--,where it is         
misunderstood1 it leads to it--,subjects
 in which it may be misunderstood are   
those of the province of the            
,spirit--and of dress and               
language--,evils to be misapprehended   
from a misunderstanding of the former   
subject4   ,it may seem wonderful at    
first sight1 that persons1 who have     
discarded an undue veneration for the   
saints1 and the saints days1 and the    
relics of the ,roman ,catholic religion1
 who have had the resolution to reject  
the ceremonials of ,protestants1 such as
 baptism and the sacrament of the       
supper1 and who have broken the terrors 
of the dominion of the priesthood1      
should1 of all others1 be chargeable    
with superstition4 ,but so it is4 ,the  
world has certainly fixed upon them the 
character of a superstitious people4    
,under this epithet much is included4   

,it is understood that ,quakers are more
 ready than others to receive mystical  
doctrines1 more apt to believe in       
marvellous appearances more willing to  
place virtue in circumstances1 where    
many would place imposition2 and that1  
independently of all this1 they are more
 scrupulous with respect to the         
propriety of their ordinary movements1  
waiting for religious impulses1 when no 
such impulses are expected by other     
religious people4  ,this trait of       
superstition is an ancient trait in the 
character of the ,quakers1 and has      
arisen from the following causes4  ,it  
has been long imagined1 that where a    
people devote themselves so exclusively 
to the influence of the ,spirit as the  
,quakers appear to do1 they will not be 
sufficiently on their guard to make the 
proper distinctions between imagination 
and revelation1 and that they will be   
apt to confound impressions1 and to     
bring the divine ,spirit out of its     
proper sphere into the ordinary         

occurrences of their lives4 ,and in this
 opinion the world considers itself to  
have been confirmed by an expression    
said to have been long in use among     
,quakers1 which is1 that they will do   
such and such things if they have       
liberty to do them4 ,now by this        
expression the ,quakers may mean only1  
that all human things are so uncertain1 
and so many unforeseen events may       
happen1 that they dare make no promises1
 but they will do the things in question
 if no obstacle should arise to prevent 
them4 ,and this caution in language runs
 through the whole society2 for they    
seldom promise but provisionally in any 
case4 ,but the world has interpreted the
 expression differently1 and maintains  
that the ,quakers mean by it1 that they 
will do such and such things1 if they   
feel that they have liberty or          
permission from the ,spirit of ,god4    
,two other circumstances1 which have    
given birth to this trait in the        
character of the ,quakers1 are the      

singularities of their dress and        
language4 ,for when they are spoken of  
by the world1 they are usually mentioned
 under the name of the idolatry or      
superstition of the ,quaker language1 or
 the idolatry or superstition of the    
,quaker dress4  ,now this trait1 which  
has originated in the three causes that 
have been mentioned1 is considered by   
the world to have been still more       
confirmed by a circumstance which       
happened but a few years ago1 namely1   
that when animal magnetism was in       
fashion1 there were more of this society
 worked upon by these delusions1 than of
 any other4  ,with respect to the truth 
of this trait1 ,i believe it cannot     
easily be made out1 as for as animal    
magnetism is concerned4 ,for though     
undoubtedly there were ,quakers so      
superstitious as to be led away on this 
occasion1 yet they were very few in     
number1 and not more in proportion than 
others of other religious denominations4
 ,the conduct of these was also         

considered as reprehensible by the      
society at large1 and some pains were   
taken to convince them of their error1  
and of the unsuitableness of such       
doctrines with the religion they        
professed4  ,with respect to the truth  
of this trait1 as it may have existed on
 other occasions1 it may be laid down as
 a position generally true1 that where  
,quakers understand their own           
constitution1 it can have no place among
 them4 ,but where they do not understand
 it1 there are few people among whom it 
is more likely to exist1 as we may see  
from the following account4  ,it is the 
doctrine of ,quakerism on the subject of
 the ,spirit1 that it is an infallible  
guide to men in their spiritual         
concerns4 ,but ,i do not see where it is
 asserted by any of the ,quaker writers1
 that it is to be a guide to man in all 
the temporal concerns of his life1 or   
that he is to depreciate the value of   
human reason4 ,george ,fox was very     
apprehensive that even in matters of    

religion1 which constitute the immediate
 province of the divine ,spirit1 men    
might mistake their own enthusiastic    
feelings for revelation2 and he censured
 some1 to use his own expression1 for   
having gone out into imaginations4 ,the 
society also have been apprehensive of  
the same consequences4 ,hence one among 
other reasons for the institution of the
 office of elders4 ,it is the duty of   
these to watch over the doctrine of the 
ministers to see that they preach       
soundly1 and that they do not mistake   
their own imaginations for the ,spirit  
of ,god1 and mix his wisdom with the    
waywardness of their own wills4 ,they   
therefore1 who believe in the doctrine  
of the agency of the ,spirit1 and at the
 same time in the necessity of great    
caution and watchfulness that they may  
not confound its operations with that of
 their own fancies1 will never incur the
 charge1 which has been brought against 
the body at large4 ,but if there are    
others1 on the other hand1 who give     

themselves up to this agency without the
 necessary caution1 they will gradually 
mix their impressions1 and will1 in     
time1 refer most of them to the same    
source4 ,they will bring the ,divine    
,being by degrees out of his spiritual  
province1 and introduce him into all the
 trivial and worthless concerns of their
 lives4 ,hence a belief will arise1     
which cannot fail of binding their minds
 in the chains of delusion and          
superstition4  ,it is the doctrine of   
,quakerism again on the subject of      
dress1 that plainness and simplicity are
 required of those who profess the      
,christian character2 that any deviation
 from these is unwarrantable1 if it be  
made on the plea of conformity to the   
fashions of the world2 that such        
deviation bespeaks the beginning of an  
unstable mind2 and1 if not noticed1 may 
lead into many evils4 ,they therefore1  
who consider dress in this point of     
view1 will never fall into any errors of
 mind in their contemplation of this    

subject4 ,but if there are members1 on  
the other hand1 who place virtue in the 
colour and shape of their cloathing1 as 
some of the ,jews did in the broad      
phylacteries on their garments1 they    
will place it in lifeless appearances   
and forms1 and bring their minds under  
vassalage to a false religion4 ,and in  
the same manner it may be observed with 
respect to language1 that if persons in 
the society lay an undue stress upon it1
 that is1 if they believe truth or      
falsehood to exist inherently in        
lifeless words1 and this contrary to the
 sense in which they know they will be  
understood by the world1 so that they   
dare not pronounce them for religion's  
sake1 they will be in danger of placing 
religion where it is not1 and of falling
 into errors concerning it1 which will  
be denominated superstition by the      
world4  ,as ,i am now on the subject of 
superstition1 as capable of arising from
 the three causes that have been        
mentioned1 ,i shall dwell for a short   

time on some of the evils which may     
arise from one of them1 or from a       
misunderstanding of the doctrine of the 
agency of the ,spirit4  ,i believe it   
possible1 in the first place1 for those 
who receive this doctrine without the   
proper limitations1 that is1 for those  
who attribute every thing exclusively to
 the ,spirit of ,god1 and who draw no   
line between revelation and the         
suggestions of their own will1 to be    
guilty of evil actions and to make the  
,divine ,being the author of them all4  
,i have no doubt1 for example1 that many
 of those1 who engaged in the crusades1 
considered themselves as led into them  
by the ,spirit of ,god4 ,but what true  
,quaker1 in these days1 would wish to   
make the ,almighty the author of all the
 bloodshed in the wars that were        
undertaken on this account8  ,the same  
may be said with respect to martyrdoms4 
,for there is reason to believe1 that   
many who were instrumental in shedding  
the blood of their fellow-creatures1    

because they happened to differ from    
them in religious opinion1 conceived    
that they were actuated by the divine   
,spirit1 and that they were doing ,god  
service1 and aiding the cause of        
religion by their conduct on such       
occasions4 ,but what true ,quaker would 
believe that the ,father of justice and 
mercy was the author of these bloody    
persecutions1 or that1 if men were now  
to feel an impulse in their own minds to
 any particular action1 they ought to   
obey it1 if it were to lead them to do  
evil that good might come8  ,the same   
may be said with respect to many of the 
bad laws1 which are to be found in the  
codes of the different nations of the   
world4 ,legislators no doubt have often 
thought themselves spiritually guided   
when they made them4 ,and judges1 who   
have been remarkable for appealing to   
the divine ,spirit in the course of     
their lives1 have made no hesitation to 
execute them4 ,this was particularly the
 case with ,sir ,matthew ,hale4 ,if     

there be any one1 whose writings speak a
 more than ordinary belief in the agency
 of the ,spirit of ,god1 it is this     
great and estimable man4 ,this spirit he
 consulted not only in the spiritual1   
but in the temporal concerns1 of his    
life4 ,and yet he sentenced to death a  
number of persons1 because they were    
reputed to be witches4 ,but what true   
,quaker believes in witchcraft8 or does 
he not rather believe1 that the ,spirit 
of ,god1 it rightly understood1 would   
have protested against condemnation for 
a crime1 which does not exist8  ,but the
 mischief1 if a proper distinction be   
not made between the agency of the      
,spirit and that of the will of man1 may
 spread farther1 and may reach the man  
himself1 and become injurious both to   
his health1 his intellect1 and his      
usefulness1 and the ,divine ,being may  
be made again the author of it all4     
,many1 we all know1 notwithstanding     
their care and attention1 have found    
that they have gone wrong in their      

affairs in various instances of their   
lives1 that is1 events have shewn that  
they have taken a wrong course4 ,but if 
there be those who suppose themselves in
 these instances to have been acted upon
 by the ,spirit or ,god1 what is more   
likely than that they may imagine that  
they have lost his favour1 and that     
looking upon themselves as driven by him
 into the wrong road1 they may fall into
 the belief1 that they are among the    
condemned reprobate1 and pine away1     
deprived of their senses1 in a state of 
irretrievable misery and despair8       
,others again may injure their health1  
and diminish their comfort and their    
utility in another way4 ,and here ,i may
 remark1 that if ,i have seen what the  
world would call superstition among the 
,quakers1 it has been confined          
principally to a few females1 upon whose
 constitution1 more delicate than that  
of men1 an attention to undistinguished 
impressions1 brought on in a course of  
time by a gradual depreciation of human 

reason1 has acted with considerable     
force4 ,i fear that some of these1 in   
the upright intention of their hearts to
 consult the ,almighty on all occasions 
as the sole arbiter of every thing that 
is good1 have fostered their own        
infirmities1 and gone into retirements  
so frequent1 as to have occasioned these
 to interfere with the duties of        
domestic comfort and social good1 and   
that they have been at last so perplexed
 with doubts and an increasing multitude
 of scruples1 that they have been afraid
 of doing many things1 because they have
 not had a revelation for them4 ,the    
state of such worthy persons is much to 
be pitied4 ,what must be their feelings 
under such a conflict1 when they are    
deserted by human reason8 ,what an      
effect will not such religious doubts   
and perplexities have upon their health8
 ,what impediments do they not throw in 
the way of their own utility8  ,i should
 be sorry if by any observations1 such  
as the preceding1 ,i should be thought  

to censure any one for the morality of  
his feelings4 ,and still more sorry     
should ,i be1 if ,i were to be thought  
to have any intention of derogating from
 the character of the ,supreme ,being4  
,i am far from denying his omniscience1 
for ,i believe that he sees every       
sparrow that falls to the ground1 and   
even more1 that he knows the innermost  
thoughts of men4 ,i deny not his        
omnipresence1 for ,i believe that he may
 be seen in all his works4 ,i deny      
neither his general nor his particular  
providence1 nor his hearing of our      
prayers1 nor his right direction in our 
spiritual concerns1 nor his making of   
all things work together for good to    
those who love him4 ,neither do ,i      
refuse to admit him either into our     
journies1 or into our walks1 or into our
 chambers1 for he can make all the      
things we see subservient to our moral  
instruction1 and his own glory4 ,but ,i 
should be sorry to have him considered  
as a clock1 that is to inform us about  

the times of our ordinary movements1 or 
to make him a prompter in all our       
worldly concerns1 or to oblige him to   
take his seat in animal magnetism1 or to
 reside in the midst marvellous         
delusions4 ,why should we expect a      
revelation in the most trivial concerns 
of our lives1 where our reason will     
inform us8 ,why1 like the waggoner1     
apply to ,jupiter1 when we may remove   
the difficulty by putting our own       
shoulders to the wheels8 ,if we are     
reasonable creatures1 we can generally  
tell1 whether we ought to go forwards or
 backwards1 or to begin1 or to postpone1
 whether our actions are likely to be   
innocent or hurtful1 or whether we are  
going on an errand of benevolence or of 
evil4 ,in fact1 there can be no         
necessity for this constant appeal to   
the ,spirit in all our worldly concerns1
 while we possess our reason as men4    
,and unless some distinction be made    
between the real agency of ,god and our 
own volitions1 which distinction true   

,quakerism suggests1 we shall be liable 
to be tossed to and fro by every wind   
that blows1 and to become the creatures 
of a superstition1 that may lead us into
 great public evils1 while it may be    
injurious to our health and intellect1  
and to the happiness and utility of our 
lives4     ,,chap4 ,,xii4  ,morally     
defective traits--,first of these is    
that of obstinacy--,this was attached   
also to the early ,christians--,no just 
foundation for the existence of this    
trait4   ,i come now to the             
consideration of those which ,i have    
denominated morally defective traits4   
,the first trait of this kind1 which is 
attached to the character of the        
,quakers1 is that of an obstinate       
spirit4  ,this trait is a very ancient  
one4 ,it was observed in the time of    
,george ,fox1 of the members of this    
society1 that they were as stiff as     
trees1 and this idea concerning them has
 come down to the present day4  ,the    
origin of this trait must be obvious to 

all4 ,the ,quakers1 as we have seen1    
will neither pay tithes1 nor perform    
military service1 nor illuminate their  
houses1 like other people1 though they  
are sure of suffering by their refusal  
to comply with custom in these cases4   
,now1 when individuals1 few in number1  
become singular1 and differ from the    
world at large1 it is generally         
considered that the majority are in the 
right1 and that the minority are in the 
wrong4 ,but obstinacy may be defined to 
be a perseverance in that which is      
generally considered to be wrong4  ,this
 epithet has attached1 and will attach  
to those who resist the popular opinion1
 till men are better educated1 or till  
they lose their prejudices1 or have more
 correct and liberal notions on         
religion4 ,the early ,christians were   
themselves accused of obstinacy1 and    
this even by the enlightened ,pliny4 ,he
 tells1 us1 that they would not use wine
 and frankincense before the statues of 
the emperors2 and that there was no     

question that for such obstinacy they   
deserved punishment4#ci  ,footnote #ci3 
,pervicaciam certe et inflexibitem      
obstinationem debere puniri4  ,in       
judging of the truth of this trait1 two 
queries will arise4 ,first1 whether the 
,quakers1 in adhering rigidly to those  
singularities which have produced it1   
are really wrong as a body of           
,christians8 ,and1 secondly1 whether    
they do not conscientiously believe     
themselves to be right8  ,in the case of
 the early ,christians1 which has been  
mentioned1 we1 who live at this day1    
have no doubt that ,pliny put a false   
estimate on their character4 ,we believe
 them to have done their duty1 and we   
believe also that they considered       
themselves as doing it1 when they       
refused divine honours to the emperors4 
,and the action1 therefore1 which ,pliny
 denominated obstinacy1 would1 if it had
 been left to us to name it1 have been  
called inflexible virtue1 as arising out
 of a sense of the obligations imposed  

upon them by the ,christian religion4   
,in the same manner we may argue with   
respect to the ,quakers4 ,who1 for      
example1 if he will try to divest       
himself of the prejudices of custom1 and
 of the policy of the world1 feels such 
a consciousness of his own powers as    
positively to pronounce1 that the       
notions of the ,quakers are utterly     
false1 as to the illicitness of wars    
under the ,christian system8 ,the       
arguments of the ,quakers on this       
subject are quite as good1 in my        
apprehension1 as any that ,i have heard 
advanced on the other side of the       
question4 ,these arguments too are      
unquestionably much more honourable to  
,christianity1 and much more consistent 
with the nature and design of the       
,gospel dispensation4 ,they are         
supported also by the belief and the    
practice of the earliest ,christians4   
,they are arguments again1 which have   
suggested themselves to many good men1  
who were not ,quakers1 and which have   

occasioned doubts in some instances1 and
 conviction in others1 against the      
prejudice of education and the dominion 
of custom4 ,and if the event should ever
 come to pass1 which most ,christians   
expect1 that men will one day or other  
turn their swords and their spears into 
ploughshares and pruning-hooks1 they1   
who live in that day1 will applaud the  
perseverance of the ,quakers in this    
case1 and weep over the obstinacy and   
inconsistency of those who combated     
their opinions4  ,but the great question
 after all is1 whether the ,quakers     
believe themselves in this or in any    
other of their religious scruples1 to be
 right1 as a ,christian body8 ,if there 
are those among them who do not1 they   
give into the customs of the world1 and 
either leave the society themselves1 or 
become disowned4 ,it is therefore only a
 fair and a just presumption1 that all  
those who continue in the society1 and  
who keep up to these scruples to the    
detriment of their worldly interest1    

believe themselves to be right4 ,but    
this belief of their own rectitude1 even
 if they should happen to be wrong1 is  
religion to them1 and ought to be       
estimated so by us in matters in which  
an interpretation of ,gospel principles 
is concerned4 ,this is but an homage due
 to conscience1 after all the blood that
 has been shed in the course of         
,christian persecutions1 and after all  
the religious light that has been       
diffused among us since the reformation 
of our religion4     ,,chap4 ,,xiii4    
,,sect4 ,i4  ,next trait is that of a   
money-getting spirit--,probability of   
the truth of this trait examined--,an   
undue eagerness after money not unlikely
 to be often the result of the frugal   
and commercial habits of the            
society--but not to the extent1 as      
insisted on by the world--,this         
eagerness1 wherever it exists1 seldom   
chargeable with avarice4   ,the next    
trait in the character of the ,quakers  
is that of a money-getting spirit1 or of

 a devotedness to the acquisition of    
money in their several callings and     
concerns4  ,this character is considered
 as belonging so generally to the       
individuals of this society1 that it is 
held by the world to be almost          
inseparable from ,quakerism4 ,a certain 
writer has remarked1 that they follow   
their concerns in pursuit of riches1    
with a step as steady as time1 and with 
an appetite as keen as death4  ,i do not
 know what circumstances have given     
birth to this trait4 ,that the ,quakers 
are a thriving body we know4 ,that they 
may also appear1 when known to be a     
domestic people1 and to have discarded  
the amusements of the world1 to be more 
in their shops and counting-houses than 
others1 is probable4 ,and it is not     
unlikely1 that1 in consequence of this  
appearance1 connected with this worldly 
prosperity1 they may be thought to be   
more intent than others upon the        
promotion of their pecuniary concerns4  
,there are circumstances1 however1      

belonging to the character and customs  
of the society1 which would lead to an  
opposite conclusion4 ,the ,quakers1 in  
the first place1 are acknowledged to be 
a charitable people4 ,but if so1 they   
ought not to be charged1 at least1 with 
that species of the money-getting       
spirit1 which amounts to avarice4 ,it is
 also an undoubted fact1 that they give 
up no small portion of their time1 and  
put themselves to no small expence1 on  
account of their religion4 ,in country  
places they allot one morning in the    
week1 and in the towns generally two1   
besides the ,sunday1 to their religious 
worship4 ,they have also their monthly  
meetings1 and after these their         
quarterly1 to attend1 on account of     
their discipline4 ,and this they do     
frequently at a great distance1 and     
after a considerable absence as         
tradesmen1 from their homes4 ,i do not  
mean to insinuate by this latter        
instance1 that men become pious1 and    
therefore proof against the influence of

 money1 exactly in proportion as they   
attend their religious meetings1 but    
that1 where they are voraciously intent 
upon the getting of money1 they could   
hardly be expected to make such a       
sacrifice of their time4  ,but whatever 
may be the appearance on either side1   
the question is1 whether the imputation 
of the trait1 which is now under our    
consideration1 be founded in fact4 ,what
 circumstances make in favour of it8    
,what circumstances make against it8    
,and which of these preponderate on the 
whole8  ,we may say then1 at the first  
sight1 that the precepts of ,quakerism  
make decidedly against it4 ,and we may  
say again1 that it ought to be expected1
 that all those principles and          
circumstances1 which have an influence  
in the production of moral character1 or
 of such a character as belongs to the  
,quakers as a body1 should work together
 either towards its prevention or its   
cure4  ,on the other hand1 if we examine
 the situation of the society1 we shall 

find circumstances1 the operation of    
which is directly in favour of such a   
trait4  ,and first1 in looking into the 
human heart1 we seem to discover a      
circumstance1 which1 on account of the  
situation alluded to1 may operate as a  
spring in producing it4 ,men1 generally 
speaking1 love consequence4 ,now the    
,quakers1 though they have consequence  
in their own society1 have none in the  
world4 ,they can be neither legislators 
nor magistrates4 ,they can take no      
titles to distinguish them4 ,they pass  
therefore in the world1 like the common 
and undistinguished herd1 except from   
the circumstances of their dress4 ,but  
riches give all men consequence4 ,and it
 is not clear to me1 but that this      
circumstance may have its operation on  
the minds of some who are called        
,quakers1 in contributing to the        
production of the money-getting spirit1 
inasmuch as it may procure them a       
portion of estimation1 which they cannot
 otherwise have1 while they remain in   

their own body4  ,in looking again into 
the human heart1 we find another1 and   
this a powerful spring1 connected with  
the situation of the society1 for the   
production of such a trait4  ,the       
,quakers1 as ,i have observed before1   
are mostly in trade4 ,now they are      
generally a sedate1 thoughtful1 sober1  
diligent1 and honest people4 ,it is not 
then too much to say1 with these        
qualifications1 that they will be as    
successful in trade as others4 ,hence   
their incomes will be as great1 in      
proportion to their capitals1 as those  
of others1 from the same source4  ,but  
let us look for a moment at their       
outgoings4 ,they neither spend nor lose 
their money at cards1 or at horse-races1
 or by any other species of gaming4     
,they do not waste their substance      
either in drinking at taverns or at     
home4 ,not having1 in general1 an       
enlarged education1 or a taste for      
literature1 they have no expensive      
libraries4 ,they buy no costly          

paintings4 ,they neither powder their   
hair1 nor dress in a splendid manner4   
,they use no extravagant furniture4     
,they keep no packs of hounds for their 
diversion4 ,they are never seen at the  
theatres4 ,they have neither routes1    
balls1 nor music meetings4 ,they have   
neither expensive liveries nor          
equipages4 ,hence it must follow1 that  
their outgoings1 as far as their living 
is concerned1 cannot in general be as   
great as those of others in a similar   
condition of life4 ,but if their inlets 
are greater than their outlets of money1
 when compared with those of other      
persons1 a greater overplus of money    
beyond the expences of living1 will be  
the constant result1 or there will be a 
greater increasing accumulation of      
money1 upon the whole1 than falls within
 the possession of others4 ,now a       
question arises here1 founded on a      
knowledge of the infirmity of our       
nature4 ,are men likely1 in general1    
constituted as they are1 to see the     

golden idol constantly rising in        
dimensions before them1 and to refrain  
front worshipping it1 or1 are they      
likely to see it without a corruption of
 their moral vision8 ,it is observed#dj 
by one of the scriptural writers1 ,a    
merchant shall hardly keep himself from 
doing wrong1 and a huckster shall not be
 free from sin4 ,and where is it1 that  
this old saying1 except the mind be     
strongly fortified by religion1 will not
 be found equally true in the present1  
as in former times8 ,the truth is1 that 
the old maxim1 ,creseit amor nummi      
quantum ipsa pecunia creseit1 is a just 
one4 ,that is1 it is true1 that the     
coming in of money in an undue          
proportion begets the love of it1 that  
the love of money again leads to the    
getting of more2 that the getting of    
more again generally increases the      
former love4 ,and hence a round is kept 
up of circumstances and feelings1 till a
 money-getting spirit creeps into the   
character of him1 who is placed in a    

situation so unfortunate for the purity 
of his heart4  ,footnote #dj3           
,ecclesiasticus xxvi4 #bi4  ,these then 
are the acting and the counteracting    
circumstances on both sides4 ,which of  
the two are likely to be predominant1 we
 must conjecture4 ,when men have become 
full grown ,quakers1 the latter will    
lose their power4 ,but where they have  
not 7and it is to be presumed that there
 are many in the society who have not   
reached this stature1 and many again who
 bear only the name of their profession7
 they will frequently prevail4 ,i own ,i
 fear that precepts1 though there may be
 a general moral bias1 will not always  
be found successful against those1 which
 are considered to be the most powerful 
of the temptations1 to which our nature 
is exposed4 ,i own1 when ,i consider    
that the ,quakers1 in consequence of    
their commercial and frugal habits1 have
 greater pecuniary accumulations before 
their eyes than others in a similar     
condition of life1 when ,i consider how 

few are able to bear these accumulations
 without moral injury to themselves1 and
 that even the early ,christians began  
to relax in their character when they   
begun to be prosperous1 ,i am of        
opinion1 that there is some foundation  
far the existence of such a spirit1     
though not to the extent1 as insisted on
 by the world2 or1 that there is in the 
society1 notwithstanding the many bright
 and amiable exceptions that are to be  
found in it1 greater eagerness after    
wealth than is consistent with its      
religious profession4 ,and to this      
opinion ,i am inclined from another     
consideration1 which cannot be          
overlooked in the present case4 ,the    
book of ,extracts itself acknowledges   
the existence of such a spirit1 for it  
characterises it under the name of      
hastening to be rich1 and it calls it a 
growing evil4  ,but when ,i say that ,i 
so for accede to the opinion of the     
world1 as to allow that the             
money-getting spirit may be fixed upon a

 part of the society1 ,i feel that ,i   
ought to make a proper distinction      
concerning it4 ,i must observe1 that the
 money-getting spirit1 wherever it may  
be chargeable upon ,quakers1 seldom     
belongs to that species which is called 
avarice4 ,it is by no means incongruous 
to suppose1 that there may be in the    
same person an unreasonable love of     
money1 and yet a shew of benevolence4   
,the money-getting spirit will have a   
different effect1 as it operates upon   
different persons4 ,upon those1 who have
 been brought up in an ignorant and     
unfeeling manner1 it will operate to    
make them hoard their substance1 and to 
keep it exclusively to themselves4 ,but 
it will not always hinder those who have
 been humanely educated1 though it may  
lead them to unreasonable accumulations1
 from dispensing a portion of their     
gains4 ,in the first instance it is     
highly criminal1 because it keeps the   
whole of its talent in a napkin4 ,in the
 second1 though less criminal1 it is    

greatly to be deplored1 but more        
particularly in a ,quaker1 who1 making a
 higher profession of ,christianity than
 many others1 ought to give to the world
 the example of a purer mind4   ,,sect4 
,,ii4  ,farther observations on the     
subject of the former                   
trait--,practicable methods suggested   
for its extirpation--,these methods not 
destructive1 but promotive1 of the      
temporal interests of the members of    
this society1 and consistent with the   
religion they profess4   ,as the        
,quakers appear to me1 in consequence of
 their commercial and frugal habits1 to 
be in danger of contracting a           
money-getting spirit1 and as this spirit
 is the worst feature that can exist in 
the ,quaker character1 ,i shall allot a 
few pages to the farther consideration  
of the subject1 with a view of the      
prevention of such an evil4  ,that it is
 the worst feature that can exist in the
 character of the society1 ,i repeat4   
,it is worse than a want of knowledge1  

or than superstition1 because these     
relate to the understanding1 while this 
is confined to the heart4 ,it renders   
the system of the moral education of the
 ,quakers almost nugatory4 ,for what is 
the use of keeping the mind in a state  
of spiritual purity by means of         
prohibitions1 or by attempting to shut  
it out from the knowledge of corruptive 
amusements1 if it be afterwards to be   
rendered impure by the love of money8   
,it occasions them again to bear their  
testimony as it were against their own  
religion4 ,for a ,quaker is not in the  
situation of on ordinary person4 ,he    
looks upon himself as a highly          
professing ,christian2 as one1 who is   
not to conform to the fashions of the   
world2 as one1 who is to lead a life of 
self-denial2 as one1 who is to go       
forward in virtue1 his belief being that
 of a possibility of perfection even in 
the present life4 ,he considers himself 
too as a representative of the early    
,christians1 and holds himself ready to 

follow them by the bearing of his       
testimony1 into suffering1 and even unto
 death4 ,but what ,christian can harbour
 a money-getting spirit1 or be concerned
 in an extensive accumulation of wealth8
 ,if a ,quaker therefore should go into 
the common road1 and fall down before   
the idol mammon1 like any other ordinary
 person1 how can the world give him any 
pretension but to an ordinary religion8 
,my object in the present consideration 
of the subject1 will be to shew the     
,quakers in general1 and those in       
particular who may need it1 some        
practical cure for this evil1 and to    
convince them1 that the mode of         
effecting it will not be detrimental to 
the temporal interests of their         
families1 but promotive of their        
spiritual1 and consistent with the      
religion they profess4  ,the first      
method1 which ,i would recommend to     
those who are in trade1 and who know    
their own habits of life1 and the extent
 of their families1 would be to fix upon

 a certain sum1 which they may think    
sufficient for a future decent and      
moderate competency1 and to leave off   
business1 as soon as this should be     
obtained4 ,such a step would be useful4 
,it would be making room for others to  
live as well as themselves4 ,it would be
 honourable1 for it would be generous4  
,and it would operate as a certain      
preventive of the money-getting spirit1 
as well as of the imputation of it4 ,for
 if such a retreat from trade1 were laid
 down and known as a general custom of  
the society1 the ,quakers might bid     
their hearts rise in defiance against   
the corruptions of money1 and their     
reputation against the clamours of the  
world4  ,this step1 hard and difficult  
as it may appear to those who are       
thriving in the world1 is1              
notwithstanding1 not a novel one1 if we 
may judge either by the example of many 
of the pure minded ,christians of other 
denominations1 or by that of many       
estimable persons in this society4 ,john

 ,woolman1 among many others1 was uneasy
 on account of his business growing     
cumbersome1 for so he expresses it1 lest
 it should hurt the purity of his mind4 
,and he contracted it1 leaving himself  
only enough of it1 and this by the      
labour of his own hands1 for a decent   
support4 ,and here ,i might mention     
other individuals of this society1 if ,i
 had no objection to offend the living  
by praise1 who1 following his example1  
have retired upon only a moderate       
competency1 though in the way of great  
accumulations1 for no other reason than 
because they were afraid1 lest such     
accumulations should interfere with     
their duty1 or injure their character1  
as ,christians4  ,but if this measure   
should not be approved of under an idea 
that men ought to have employments for  
their time1 or that in these days of    
increasing taxes and of progressively   
expensive living1 they cannot specify   
the sum that may be sufficient for their
 future wants1 ,i have another to       

propose1 in consequence of which they   
may still follow their commercial       
pursuits1 and avoid the imputation in   
question4 ,i mean that the ,quakers     
ought to make it a rule1 after the      
annual expences of living have been     
settled1 to lay by but small savings4   
,they ought never to accustom their eyes
 to behold an undue accumulation of     
money1 but liberally to deal it out in  
charity to the poor and afflicted in    
proportion to their gains1 thus making  
their occupations a blessing to mankind4
 ,no other measure will be effectual but
 this1 if the former be not resolved    
upon1 while they continue in trade4     
,their ordinary charity1 it is clear1   
will not do4 ,large as it may have been1
 it has not been found large enough to  
prove a corrective of this spirit in the
 opinion of the world4 ,indeed1 it      
matters not how large a charitable      
donation may seem1 if we view it either 
as a check upon this spirit1 or as an   
act of merit1 but how large it is1 when 

compared with the bulk of the savings   
that are left4 ,a hundred pounds1 given 
away annually in benevolence1 may appear
 something1 and may sound handsomely in 
the ears of the public4 ,but if this sum
 be taken from the savings of two       
thousand1 it will be little less than a 
reproach to the donor as a ,christian4  
,in short1 no other way than the        
estimation of the gift by the           
surplus-saving will do in the case in   
question4 ,but this would certainly be  
effectual to the end proposed4 ,it would
 entirely keep down the money-getting   
spirit4 ,it would also do away the      
imputation of it in the public mind4    
,for it is impossible in this case1 that
 the word ,quakerism should not become  
synonimous with charity1 as it ought to 
be1 if ,quakerism be a more than        
ordinary profession of the ,christian   
religion4  ,now these methods are not   
chimerical1 but practicable4 ,there can 
be no reasonable objection against them1
 because they allow of the acquisition  

of a decent and moderate competency4    
,the only one that can be started will  
be1 that ,quakers may injure the        
temporal interests of their children1 or
 that they cannot1 upon this plan1 leave
 them independent at their deaths 444   
,that independence for children is the  
general aim of the world1 ,i know well4 
,but ,i know also1 in reply to this     
objection1 that ,christianity has no    
such word as independence in her book4  
,for of what do people wish to make     
their children independent8 ,certainly  
not of ,providence1 for that would be   
insanity indeed4 ,of the poor then shall
 ,i say8 ,that is impossible1 for how   
could they get their daily bread8 ,of   
the rich1 then1 like themselves8 ,that  
would be folly1 for where would they    
form their friendships or their         
connubial connections1 in which they    
must place a portion of the happiness of
 their lives8 ,do they wish then to make
 them independent of society at large1  
so as not to do it good8 ,that is       

against all religion4 ,in short it is   
impossible1 while we exist in this life1
 to be independent one of another4 ,we  
are bound by ,christianity in one great 
chain1 every link of which is to support
 the next2 or the band is broken4 ,but  
if they mean by independence such a     
moneyed situation as shall place their  
children out of the reach of the frowns1
 and crosses1 and vicissitudes of the   
world1 so that no thought or care shall 
be necessary for the means of their own 
livelihood1 ,i fear they are procuring a
 situation for them1 which will be      
injurious even to their temporal        
interests as men4  ,the matter then     
seems to me to be brought to this       
question1 whether it is better1 ,i mean 
as a general proposition1 to bring up   
children with the expectation of such a 
moderate portion of wealth1 that they   
shall see the necessity of relying upon 
their own honest endeavours and the     
,divine support1 or to bring them up    
with such notions of independence1 that1

 in the pride and exultation of their   
hearts1 they may be induced to count    
themselves mighty1 and to lose sight of 
the power and providence of ,god8  ,if  
we were to look into the world for an   
answer to this question1 we should find 
no greater calamity than that of leaving
 to children an affluent independence4  
,such persons1 when grown up1 instead of
 becoming a blessing1 are generally less
 useful than others4 ,they are          
frequently proud and haughty1 fancying  
themselves omnipotent1 they bid defiance
 to the opinions of the virtuous part of
 the community4 ,to the laws of honour  
and fashion they pay a precise          
obedience1 but trample under foot1 as of
 little consequence1 the precepts of the
 ,christian religion4 ,having sensual   
gratifications in their power1 they     
indulge to excess4 ,by degrees they ruin
 their health and fortunes1 and get     
wisdom by experience1 when it is too    
late to use it4 ,how many young persons 
have ,i known1 and ,i wish ,i could make

 a different statement1 whose ruin      
originated wholly in a sense of their   
own independence of the world6          
,neither1 if we look into the society of
 the ,quakers1 shall we find a different
 account4 ,it is undoubtedly true1      
though there are many amiable           
exceptions1 that the worst examples in  
it are generally among the children of  
the rich4 ,these presently take wings1  
and fly away1 so that1 falling into the 
corruptive and destructive fashions of  
the times1 their parents have only been 
heaping up riches2 not knowing who were 
to gather them4 ,and here it may be     
remarked1 that the ,quaker education1 by
 means of its prohibitions1 greatly     
disqualifies its young members1 who may 
desert from the society1 from acting    
prudently afterwards4 ,they will be1 in 
general1 but children1 and novices in   
the world4 ,kept within bounds till this
 period1 what is more probable than     
that1 when they break out of them1 they 
will bunch-into excess4 ,a great river  

may be kept in its course by paying     
attention to its banks1 but if you make 
a breach in these restrictive walls1 you
 let it loose1 and it deluges the plains
 below4  ,in short1 whether we turn our 
eyes to the ,quaker society1 or to the  
world at large1 we cannot consider an   
affluent independence as among the      
temporal advantages of youth4 ,and as   
they1 who only leave their children a   
moderate portion of substance1 so that  
they shall see the necessity of relying 
upon their own honest endeavours1 and   
the ,divine support1 act wisely in their
 own generation1 so they act only       
consistently with the religion they     
profess4 ,for what does the religion of 
the ,quakers hold out to them as the    
best attainment in life8 ,is it not     
spiritual knowledge8 ,is it not that    
knowledge1 which shall fit them best for
 the service of their ,maker8 ,but such 
knowledge is utterly unattainable while 
a money-getting spirit exists2 for it   
has been declared by the highest        

authority1 that we cannot serve ,god and
 mammon4     ,,chap4 ,,xiv4  ,another   
trait is that of a want of animation or 
affection--,this an appearance only1 and
 not a reality1 arising from a proper   
subjugation of the passions--from the   
prohibitions relative to dress--and     
address--and the amusements of the      
world4   ,it is said next of the        
,quakers1 that they are a cold and      
inanimate people2 and that they have    
neither the ordinary affection1 nor the 
gradation of affection1 of other people4
  ,i may immediately pronounce upon this
 trait1 that it is merely an outward    
appearance4 ,the ,quakers have as warm  
feelings as the rest of their           
countrymen4 ,their love of their        
fellow-creatures1 more conspicuous in   
them than in many others1 as has been   
amply shewn1 gives them a claim to the  
possession of warm and affectionate     
feeling4 ,the ,quakers too have the     
character of a domestic people2 but     
surely1 if they do not possess          

affection1 and this in a very high      
degree1 they must have miserable homes4 
,there is indeed a want of gradation in 
their affections1 which may be traced   
upon some occasions4 ,in making their   
wills1 for example1 they are not apt to 
raise up an eldest son to the detriment 
of the rest of their offspring4 ,and    
this certainly is a proof1 that they do 
not possess the gradation of affection  
of many other people6 ,happy is it for  
their own comfort and the welfare of    
their families1 that they give this     
proof to the world of this equal        
affection for their children4  ,that    
this trait is only an appearance1 and   
not a reality1 ,i shall shew1 by staring
 many outward circumstances1 in the     
,quaker constitution1 which may be      
preventive of apparent animation1 but   
which can have no influence on the      
heart4  ,we must all of us be sensible1 
that both opinions and customs have an  
influence on the warmth or coldness of  
our characters4 ,who would expect1 if   

two faithful portraits could have been  
handed down to us from antiquity1 to    
find the same gravity or coldness of    
countenance and manners in an ,athenian1
 as in a ,spartan8 ,and in the same     
manner who can expect1 that there will  
not be a difference in the appearance of
 ,quakers and other people8  ,the truth 
is1 that the discipline and education of
 the ,quakers produce an appearance of a
 want of animation1 and this outward    
appearance the world has falsely taken  
as a symbol of the character of the     
heart4 ,can we expect that a due        
subjugation of the passions1 which is   
insisted upon in true ,quaker families1 
will give either warmth to the          
countenance1 or spirit to the outward   
manners8 ,do not the passions animate1  
and give a tone to the characters of    
men8 ,can we see then the same variety  
of expression in the faces of the       
,quakers as in those of others on this  
account8 ,the actions of men1 again1    
enliven their outward appearances1 but  

,quakers1 being forbidden to use the    
address of the world1 can assume no     
variety of action in their intercourse  
with others4 ,the amusements1 again1 of 
the world1 such as of music and the     
theatre1 reach the mind1 and1 animating 
it1 give a greater expression to the    
countenance1 on which the contemplation 
afterwards produces a similar though a  
slighter effect4 ,but in what ,quakers  
can you see sensibility from the same   
cause8 ,the dress too1 of the members of
 this society gives them an appearance  
of gravity and dulness4 ,it makes them  
also shy of their fellow citizens4 ,but 
gravity1 and dulness1 and shyness1 have 
generally1 each of them1 the appearance 
of coldness of manners4     ,,chap4     
,,xv4  ,another trait is that of        
evasiveness in speech--,this an         
appearance only1 arising from a peculiar
 regard to truth--and from a caution    
about the proper use of words1 induced  
by circumstances in the discipline1 and 
by the peculiarities in the ,quaker     

language4   ,it is alleged against the  
,quakers1 as another bad trait in their 
character1 that they are not plain and  
direct1 but that they are evasive in    
their answers to any questions that may 
be asked them4  ,there is no doubt but  
that the world1 who know scarcely any   
thing about the ,quakers1 will have some
 reason1 if they judge from their       
outward manner of expression1 to come to
 such a conclusion4 ,there is often a   
sort of hesitation in their speech1     
which has the appearance of evasiveness4
 ,but though there may be such an       
appearance1 their answers to questions  
are full and accurate when finally      
given2 and unquestionably there is no   
intention in them either to hold back   
any thing1 or to deceive4  ,this outward
 appearance1 strange to relate1 arises  
in part from an amiable trait in the    
character of the ,quakers66 ,their great
 desire to speak the truth1 and not to  
exceed it1 occasions often a sort of    
doubtfulness of speech4 ,it occasions   

them also1 instead of answering a       
question immediately1 to ask other      
questions1 that they may see the true   
bearings of the thing intended to be    
known4 ,the same appearance of doubt    
runs also through the whole society in  
all those words which relate to         
promises1 from the same cause4 ,for the 
,quakers1 knowing the uncertainty of all
 human things1 and the impossibility of 
fulfilling but provisionally1 seldom1 as
 ,i have observed before1 promise any   
thing positively1 that they may not come
 short of the truth4 ,the desire        
therefore of uttering the truth has in  
part brought this accusation upon their 
heads4  ,other circumstances also to be 
found within the ,quaker constitution   
have a tendency to produce the same     
effect4  ,in their monthly and quarterly
 and annual meetings for discipline1    
they are taught by custom to watch the  
propriety of the expressions that are   
used in the wording of their minutes1   
that these may accurately represent the 

sense of the persons present4 ,and this 
habit of caution about the use of words 
in the affairs of their own society     
naturally begets a caution concerning it
 also in their intercourse with the     
world4  ,the peculiarities of their     
language produce also a similar         
circumspection4 ,for where people are   
restrained from the use of expressions  
which are gene rally adopted by others1 
and this in the belief that1 as a highly
 professing people1 they ought to be    
watchful over their words as well as    
their actions1 a sort of hesitation will
 accompany them1 or a sort of pause will
 be perceptible1 while they are choosing
 as it were the proper words for a reply
 to any of the questions that may be    
asked them4     ,,chap4 ,,xvi4  ,another
 trait is that of shyness--,this an     
appearance only1 arising from the former
 trait--and from that of coldness of    
manners--and from the great sobriety of 
the ,quaker character4   ,another bad   
trait1 which the world has fixed upon   

the ,quakers1 is that of being a sly    
people4 ,this trait has been long given 
them4 ,we find it noticed by ,pope3     
,the ,quaker sly1 the ,presbyterian     
sour4  ,this charge is grounded on      
appearances4 ,it arises in part from the
 last mentioned trait in their          
character2 for if men be thought        
cautious in the use of their words1 and 
evasive in their answers1 whether they  
be so or not1 they will be marked as    
sly4  ,it arises again from the trait of
 want of animation or of coldness of    
manners4 ,for if men of good            
understanding1 in consequence of the    
subjugation of their passions1 appear   
always to be cool1 they will have an    
appearance of wariness4  ,it arises     
again from the great sobriety of the    
,quakers4 ,for where men are always     
sober1 they appear to be always on their
 guard1 and men1 who are always on their
 guard1 are reputed cunning4  ,these    
circumstances of coolness and sobriety1 
when called into action1 will only      

confirm the world in the opinion of the 
existence of the trait in question4 ,for
 it will not be easy to deceive a man of
 but moderate understanding1 who never  
loses his senses either by intoxication 
or by passion4 ,and what man1 in such   
habits1 will not make a better bargain  
than one who is hot in his temper1 or   
who is accustomed to be intoxicated8    
,hence the trait arises from            
appearances1 which are the result of    
circumstances1 favourable to the        
morality of the ,quaker character4      
,,chap4 ,,xvii4  ,last bad trait is a   
disregard of truth--,apparent rise of   
this trait--,falsehood of it probable   
from considerations on the language of  
the ,quakers--from their prohibition of 
detraction--their rejection of romantic 
books--their punctuality to words and   
engagements--and their ideas with       
respect to the unlawfulness of civil    
oaths4    ,the last charge against the  
,quakers will be seen in a vulgar       
expression1 which should have had no    

place in this book1 if it had not been a
 saying in almost every body's mouth4   
,the expression1 is1 ,though they will  
not swear1 they will lie4  ,this trait  
has arisen in part from those different 
circumstances1 which have produced the  
appearance of evasiveness4 ,for if      
people are thought evasive1 they will   
always be thought liars4 ,evasiveness   
and lying are almost synonimous terms4  
,it is not impossible also1 if ,quakers 
should appear to give a doubtful answer1
 that persons may draw false conclusions
 from thence1 and therefore may suppose 
them to have spoken falsely4 ,these two 
circumstances of an apparent            
evasiveness1 and probably of a deduction
 of conclusions from doubtful or        
imaginary premises1 have1 ,i apprehend1 
produced an appearance1 which the world 
has interpreted into evil4  ,no trait1  
however1 can be more false than this4 ,i
 know of no people1 who regard truth    
more than the ,quakers4 ,their whole    
system bends and directs to truth4 ,one 

of the peculiarities of their language1 
or their rejection of many of the words 
which other people use1 because they    
consider them as not religiously        
appropriate to the objects of which they
 are the symbols1 serves as a constant  
admonition to them to speak the truth4  
,their prohibition of all slanderous    
reports1 as mentioned in a former       
volume1 has a tendency to produce the   
same effect2 for detraction is forbidden
 partly on the idea1 that all such      
rumours on character may be false4      
,they reject also the reading of plays  
and novels1 partly under a notion1 that 
the subjects and circumstances in these 
are fictitious1 and that a taste        
therefore1 for the reading1 of these1 if
 acquired1 might familiarize their youth
 with fictions1 and produce in them a   
romantic and lying spirit4  ,it is a    
trait1 again1 in the character of the   
,quakers1 as we have seen1 that they are
 remarkable for their punctuality in the
 performance of their words and         

engagements4 ,but such punctuality      
implies neither more nor less1 than that
 the words spoken by ,quakers are       
generally fulfilled2 and1 if they are   
generally fulfilled1 then the inference 
is1 that all such words have been       
generally truths4  ,to this ,i may add1 
that the notions of the ,quakers on the 
subject of oaths1 and their ideas of the
 character which it becomes them to     
sustain in life1 must have a powerful   
effect upon them in inducing an         
attention to the truth2 for they        
consider ,jesus ,christ to have         
abolished civil oaths1 because he wished
 to introduce a more excellent system   
than that of old1 that is1 because he   
meant it to be understood by his        
disciples1 that he laid such an eternal 
obligation upon them to speak truth1    
that oaths were to be rendered          
unnecessary1 where persons make a       
profession of his religion4     ,,chap4 
,,xviii4   ,,sect4 ,i4  ,character of   
the ,quaker women--,this differs a      

little from that of the men--,women     
share in the virtues of the former--but 
do not always partake of all their      
reputed imperfections--are not          
chargeable with a want of knowledge--nor
 with the money-getting spirit--,modesty
 a feature in their character4          
,having now amply enquired into the     
character of the men1 ,i shall say a few
 words on the subject of that of the    
women of this society4 ,for though it   
might be supposed at the first sight    
7the ,quakers being cast as it were in  
one mould7 that the same character would
 attach to both1 yet it must be obvious1
 on farther consideration1 that it      
cannot be wholly applicable to the      
female sex4  ,it may be laid down as a  
position1 that the women of this society
 share in the virtues of the men4 ,they 
possess their benevolence1 their        
independence of mind1 and the other good
 traits in their moral character4 ,but  
they do not always partake of all their 
reputed imperfections4  ,the want of    

knowledge1 which was reckoned among the 
failings of the men1 can have no room as
 a charge against the women4  ,for1     
first1 let us compare the ,quaker women 
with the ,quaker men4 ,now it generally 
happens in the world1 that men have more
 literary knowledge than women1 but this
 is not so generally the case in this   
society4 ,as the women here are not     
taken from their books1 like the men1 at
 an early age1 and put into trade1 they 
have no bar1 like these1 to the farther 
improvement of their minds4 ,they       
advance often in the acquisition of     
knowledge1 while the latter1 in         
consequence of their attention to       
business1 are kept stationary4 ,hence it
 almost uniformly happens1 that they are
 quite as well informed1 and that they  
have as great a variety of knowledge as 
these1 so that they suffer no           
disparagement1 as the women of the world
 do1 by a comparison with the other sex4
  ,neither will the ,quaker women be    
considered as deficient in knowledge1 if

 compared with women of other religious 
denominations4 ,it is too much the      
practice1 but particularly in the higher
 circles1 to educate females for shew4  
,we too seldom see a knowledge of the   
domestic duties4 ,to dance well1 to sing
 well1 and to play well1 these are the  
usual accomplishments that are insisted 
on1 and they are insisted upon with an  
earnestness1 as if they included all the
 valuable purposes of life4 ,thus the   
best part of youth is spent in the      
acquirement of trivial things3 or rather
 the acquirement of such things takes up
 so much time1 as to leave but little   
for the moral and intellectual          
improvement of the mind4 ,the great     
object1 on the other hand1 of the       
education of the ,quaker females1 is    
utility and not shew4 ,they are taught  
domestic economy1 or the cares and      
employments of a house4 ,they are taught
 to become good wives and good mothers4 
,prohibited the attainments of music and
 dancing1 and many of the corruptive    

amusements of the world1 they have ample
 time for the improvement of the        
understanding4 ,thus they have in       
general as good an education as other   
females1 as far as literary acquirements
 are concerned2 so that1 whether they   
are compared with ,quaker men1 or with  
the other women of the island1 they will
 not incur the imputation of a          
deficiency of knowledge4  ,it must be   
obvious too1 that the money-getting     
spirit1 which the world has fixed upon  
as a trait in the character of some of  
the men1 can seldom be a trait in that  
of the women of this society4 ,for men  
are the principals in trade4 ,they lay  
their plans for the getting of money4   
,they see the accumulating surplus rise4
 ,they handle it4 ,they count it4 ,they 
remember it4 ,the women1 on the other   
hand1 see it only in the disposition of 
their husbands or parents1 who make     
probably a larger allowance for domestic
 wants or gratifications than before4   
,hence a charge cannot be so frequently 

brought against them of a want of that  
spiritual mindedness1 which is the great
 characteristic of ,quakerism1 as they  
have but little to do with the mammon of
 the world4  ,to these exceptions in    
,quaker women from the reputed          
imperfections of ,quaker men1 ,i cannot 
help adding in this place1 that the     
females of this society are peculiarly  
distinguishable for that which has been 
at all times considered as one of the   
brightest ornaments of their sex4       
,modesty is particularly conspicuous in 
their looks and in their whole outward  
demeanour4 ,it is conspicuous in their  
conversation4 ,it is conspicuous also in
 their dress4 ,and here it may not be   
improper to observe1 that1 whatever     
objections may be made to the ,quaker   
apparel1 it is estimable1 as far as it  
gives this appearance of modesty to the 
females who wear it1 or rather as far as
 it hinders them from wearing the loose 
and indelicate garments1 which are      
frequently worn1 without any scruple1 by

 many of the females of the world4      
,,sect4 ,,ii4  ,quaker women1 besides   
their private1 have a public            
character--,low light in which women    
have been held--,importance given them  
by chivalry--and by the revival of      
learning in ,europe--and by the         
introduction of ,christianity--but still
 held in an inferior light--,quakers    
have given them their due importance in 
society--,influence of their public     
character on their minds4   ,the ,quaker
 women1 independently of their private1 
have that which no other body of women  
have1 a public character4 ,this is a new
 era in female history4 ,i shall        
therefore make a few observations on    
this1 before ,i proceed to another      
subject4  ,it is melancholy1 when we    
look into the history of women1 to see  
the low estimation in which they have   
been held from the earliest times4 ,it  
is possible1 because they have not      
possessed the strength of constitution1 
that they may have been thought not to  

have had the intellect of men4 ,it is   
possible1 because domestic cares and the
 rearing of children have been consigned
 to them1 that other occupations may not
 have been considered as falling within 
the province of their stations4 ,but    
whatever may have been the causes1      
polygamy or concubinage has             
unquestionably been the greatest1 in    
hindering women from occupying an       
useful1 dignified1 and important station
 in society4 ,this custom has held them 
up as little better than slaves1 or than
 living toys or play-things4 ,and this  
custom has prevailed over a great       
portion of the globe from times of the  
earliest antiquity to the present day4  
,among the many circumstances which     
contributed to give importance to women 
in ,europe1 we may reckon the           
introduction of chivalry4 ,honour and   
humanity were the characteristics of    
this institution4 ,hence weakness was to
 be protected by it4 ,and as weakness   
was more particularly the lot of women1 

so these became more peculiarly the     
objects of its care4 ,hence women began 
to feel a consequence1 which had been   
hitherto denied them4 ,they were treated
 with politeness and tenderness by all1 
and men began to be even solicitous of  
their applause4 ,but though this was the
 case1 chivalry did not elevate them    
beyond a certain height4 ,it rendered a 
polite attention to them essential4 ,but
 this attention was an homage to the    
weakness of females1 and not to their   
intellect4 ,it presupposed no capacity  
of usefulness in them1 for every thing1 
in fact1 was to be done for them1 and   
they were to do but little for          
themselves4  ,the revival of learning in
 the twelfth century was another cause  
of adding to the importance of women4   
,as men became more learned1 they began 
to respect the power of the human       
understanding4 ,they began to be        
acquainted1 by means of history1 with   
the talents of women in former ages4    
,they began to give a better education  

to their families4 ,these circumstances 
produced a more enlarged opinion of     
female genius4 ,hence learning became an
 instrument of giving new consequence to
 women4 ,but it gave it to them on a    
principle different from that of        
chivalry3 for whereas chivalry insisted 
upon a polite attention to them on      
account of the weakness of their        
constitutions1 learning insisted upon it
 on account of the strength of their    
understanding1 or because they were     
intellectual and reasonable beings4 ,but
 that which contributed most to make    
women important in society1 was the     
introduction of the ,christian religion4
 ,by the mild spirit which it diffused1 
it produced a certain suavity of        
behaviour towards them4 ,by the         
abolition of polygamy it allowed of no  
division of a man's love among many     
women1 but limited it to one4 ,thus it  
made one woman dearer than another1 and 
of course every individual woman of     
consequence4 ,by the abolition of       

polygamy1 it added to their consequence 
again1 by raising them from the rank of 
slaves to that of the companions of men4
 ,this importance it increased again by 
the inculcation of specific duties      
towards them1 and by the doctrine1 that1
 as all1 without exception1 were equally
 accountable for their actions1 and the 
,divine ,being was no respecter of      
persons1 so all1 whether men or women1  
were of equal importance in his sight4  
,but though ,christianity has operated1 
as it always will1 where it is felt in  
the heart1 to the production of a tender
 attention to women1 and to the         
procuring of an honourable station for  
them in society1 we have yet to lament1 
that this operation has not been more   
general1 considering our public         
profession of this religion1 than we    
find it at the present day4 ,women are  
still seldom appreciated as they ought  
to be4 ,they are still weighed in a     
different scale from men4 ,their        
education is still limited1 as if their 

understandings1 notwithstanding the     
honourable testimony which history has  
borne concerning them1 were incapable of
 high attainments4 ,if homage be paid to
 their beauty1 very little is paid to   
their opinions4 ,limits also are        
assigned to the sphere of their utility4
 ,to engage in other pursuits than they 
do would be thought strange4 ,in short1 
the education they receive marks the    
inferior situation for which they are   
considered to be designed4 ,its tendency
 is mostly to outward shew4 ,formed like
 dolls or play-things1 which are given  
to children to captivate by outside     
appearances1 they are generally rendered
 incapable of exhibiting great talents1 
or of occupying an important station in 
life4  ,but it seems to have been       
reserved for the ,quakers us a religious
 body1 to insist upon that full         
practical treatment and estimation of   
women1 which ought to take place        
wherever ,christianity is professed4    
,they have accordingly given to the     

females of their own society their      
proper weight in the scale of created   
beings4 ,believing them to have adequate
 capacities1 and to be capable of great 
usefulness1 they have admitted them to a
 share in the administration of almost  
all the offices which belong to their   
religious discipline1 so that1          
independently of their private1 they    
have a public character1 like the men4  
,in the first volume1 ,i had occasion to
 observe1 when treating on the subject  
of the discipline1 that representatives 
were chosen by the men out of their own 
body to the different meetings which    
were then named4 ,just so it is with the
 ,quaker women4 ,representatives are    
appointed out of these by the other     
women on similar occasions4 ,i stated   
also that1 at certain times1 the men    
assembled by themselves2 that they      
discussed the business that came before 
them2 that they replied to those who    
supported opposite opinions to their    
own2 and that the young men were present

 during these discussions4 ,so it is    
with the women4 ,they sit in council by 
themselves4 ,they argue and reply in    
like manner4 ,the young females are also
 present4 ,i stated also1 that during   
these meetings of the men1 one of them  
held the office of drawing up and       
recording the minutes of the proceedings
 or resolutions that had taken place4   
,the women also appoint one of their own
 body to the same office4 ,i stated     
again1 that1 in these meetings of the   
men1 some were chosen as a committee to 
act in particular cases4 ,so also are   
women chosen to act as a committee by   
their own meetings4 ,i explained the    
nature of the office of overseer1 and ,i
 observed that there were overseers     
among the men4 ,there are also overseers
 among the women4 ,i explained the      
nature of the office of elder1 and ,i   
observed that there were elders among   
the men4 ,the women have their elders   
likewise4 ,the men were said to preach  
as in other societies4 ,the women are   

permitted to preach also4 ,in short1 if 
the men consider themselves to be       
qualified for any office belonging their
 religious discipline1 they believe     
their women to be equally capable of    
holding the same4 ,no distinction is    
made as to the powers of usefulness     
between the men and the women of this   
society4 ,there are few offices held by 
men1 but there is a corresponding one   
for those of the other sex4#da          
,footnote #da3 ,the principal exceptions
 are1 that they are not correspondents1 
arbitrators1 legislators1 or on         
committees of appeal4  ,the execution of
 these and other1 public offices1 by    
which the ,quaker women have an         
important station allotted them in      
society1 cannot but have an important   
influence on their minds4 ,it gives     
them1 in fact1 a new cast of character4 
,it imparts to them1 in the first place1
 a considerable knowledge of human      
nature4 ,it produces in them thought1   
and foresight1 and judgment4 ,it creates

 in them a care and concern for the     
distressed4 ,it elevates their ideas4   
,it raises in them a sense of their own 
dignity and importance as human beings1 
which sets them above every thing that  
is little and trifling1 and above all   
idle parade and shew4 ,fond as they are 
of the animal creation1 you do not see  
them lavishing their caresses on        
lap-dogs1 to the contempt of the poor   
and miserable of their own species4 ,you
 never see them driving from shop to    
shop to make up a morning's amusement1  
by examining and throwing out of order  
the various articles of tradesmen1      
giving them great trouble1 and buying   
nothing in return4 ,you never find them 
calling upon those whom they know to be 
absent from their homes1 thus making    
their mimic visits1 and leaving their   
useless cards4 ,nothing1 in short1 so   
ridiculous or degrading1 is known among 
them4 ,their pursuits are rational1     
useful1 and dignified4 ,and they may be 
said in general to exhibit a model for  

the employment of time1 worthy of the   
character they profess4                 
,,miscellaneous ,,particulars ,,relative
 ,,to ,,the ,,quakers   ,quakers a happy
 people--,subordinate causes of this    
happiness--namely1 their comfortable    
situation--their attachment to domestic 
life--their almost constant             
employment--this happiness not broken   
like that of others1 by an interruption 
of the routine of constituted           
pleasures--or by anger and other        
passions or by particular enquiries and 
notions about religion4     ,if a person
 were to judge of the ,quakers by the   
general gravity of their countenances1  
and were to take into consideration1 at 
the same time1 the circumstance1 that   
they never partook of the amusements of 
the world1 in which he placed a part of 
his own pleasures1 he would be induced  
to conclude1 that they had dull and     
gloomy minds1 and that they could not be
 upon the whole a happy people4 ,such a 
conclusion1 however1 would be contrary  

to the fact4 ,on my first acquaintance  
with them ,i was surprised1 seeing the  
little variety of their pursuits1 at the
 happiness which they appeared to enjoy1
 but as ,i came to a knowledge of the   
constitution and state of the society1  
the solution of the problem became easy4
  ,it will not be difficult to develope 
the subordinate causes of this          
happiness4#db ,to shew the first of     
these1 ,i shall view the society in the 
three classes of the rich1 the middle1  
and the poor4 ,of the rich1 ,i may      
observe1 that they are not so affluent  
in general as the rich of other bodies4 
,of the middle1 that they are upon the  
whole in better circumstances than      
others of the same class in life4 ,of   
the poor1 that they are not so poor as  
others in a similar condition4 ,now the 
rich in the ,quaker society have of     
course as many of the comforts of life  
in their power as they desire4 ,the     
middle classes in this society have more
 of these than the middle classes of    

other denominations4 ,the poor in the   
same society have also more of these1 in
 consequence of the handsome provision  
which is made for them1 than others in a
 similar situation with themselves4     
,there is therefore upon the whole a    
greater distribution of the comforts of 
life1 among all the ranks of this       
society1 than is to be found in any     
other community1 in proportion to their 
numbers4 ,but this superior state1 in   
point of comfortable circumstances1     
ought to be undoubtedly a source of     
superior happiness4 ,for where the      
comforts of life are wanting1 it is in  
vain to suppose men can be happy1 unless
 their minds are more than usually      
comforted by their religion4  ,footnote 
#db3 ,religion1 which includes positive 
virtues1 and an absence from vices1     
joined to a peaceful conscience and a   
well grounded hope of a better life1 is 
the first and greatest cause of         
happiness1 and may belong to all4 ,but  
,i confine myself1 in this chapter1 to  

such causes only as may be called       
subordinate1 and in which the ,quakers  
are more particularly concerned4        
,another source of their happiness may  
be found in their domestic situation4   
,the ,quakers1 as ,i have observed      
before1 in consequence of denying       
themselves the pleasures of the world1  
have been obliged to cherish those which
 are found in domestic life4 ,in the    
fashionable world1 men and their wives  
seldom follow their pleasures together4 
,they resemble the little wooden figures
 of the man and the woman1 which1 by    
moving backwards and forwards in a small
 painted house1 denote the changes of   
the weather4 ,while one of these is     
within1 the other is out of doors4 ,but 
this is not the case with the ,quakers4 
,the husband and wife are not so easily 
separable4 ,they visit generally        
together4 ,they are remarked as         
affectionate4 ,you never hear of        
intrigues among them4 ,they are long in 
each others society at a time1 and they 

are more at home than almost any other  
people4 ,for neither the same pleasures1
 nor the same occupations1 separate     
these as others4 ,the husband is never  
seen at a play1 nor at a tavern1 nor at 
a dance4 ,neither the naval nor the     
military profession summons him abroad4 
,he is seldom concerned in voyages as a 
mariner4 ,hence he must of necessity be 
much at home4 ,add to this1 that the    
,quakers have generally families1 with  
the power of providing for them4 ,but   
these circumstances render their homes  
agreeable to them1 and increase their   
domestic delights4  ,a third source of  
the happiness of the ,quakers arises    
from the circumstance of their being    
almost constantly employed4 ,few are so 
miserable as those who have nothing to  
do1 or who1 unable to find employment1  
feel a dull vacuum in their time4 ,and  
the converse of this proposition is     
equally true1 that the time of those    
flies pleasantly away1 who can employ it
 rationally4 ,but there is rarely such a

 being among the ,quakers as a lazy     
person1 gaping about for amusement4     
,their trades or callings occupy the    
greater portion of their time4 ,their   
meetings of discipline1 as has been     
already shewn1 occupy their time again4 
,the execution of the various offices to
 which they may be appointed1 such as of
 overseers1 or elders1 or committee-men1
 or arbitrators in disputes1 occupies   
more4 ,few ,quakers1 but particularly   
the more respectable1 have many vacant  
hours4 ,and here it may not be improper 
to remark1 that the discipline of the   
society1 organized as it is1 is         
productive of a cheerful and friendly   
intercourse of the members1 or of a     
sociable manner of spending their time1 
one with another4 ,the monthly meetings 
usually bring two or three particular   
meetings together4 ,the members of      
these1 when they have dispatched their  
business1 retire to the houses of their 
friends1 where they take their          
refreshment1 and indulge in the         

pleasures of conversation4 ,the         
quarterly meetings again bring the      
monthly meetings of the county into one4
 ,here again1 when the business is over1
 they partake of a similar repast4      
,hence a renewal of conversation and of 
friendship4 ,the yearly meeting again   
brings many1 from the quarterly         
together4 ,and here the ,quakers from   
all parts of the kingdom have an        
opportunity of seeing and conversing    
with one another4 ,i may add too1 that  
many individuals in the interim1 who    
travel1 whether on business or on       
pleasure1 or on religious errands1      
enlarge this friendly intercourse2 for  
few ,quakers pass through the towns     
where ,quakers live1 without calling    
upon these1 so that there are many      
sources within the customs and          
constitution of the society1 that are   
productive of cheerful hours4#dc        
,footnote #dc3 ,it may be mentioned     
here1 that the ,quakers acknowledge     
their relations to a much farther degree

 of consanguinity1 than other people4   
,this relationship1 where it can be     
distinctly traced1 is commemorated by   
the appellation of cousin4 ,this custom 
therefore is a cause of endearment when 
they meet1 and of course of additional  
pleasure4  ,but here it will probably be
 said1 that these sources of happiness1 
which have been hitherto described1 are 
common to many others4 ,i grant they are
 to individuals1 but not to communities 
at large4 ,no society has probably so   
many of the comforts of life in its     
power1 number for number1 and rank for  
rank1 as that of the ,quakers4 ,none    
probably so wholly domestic4 ,none1     
where the members of it have such       
frequent intercourse with each other1 or
 where they are so connected in the     
bonds of brotherly love1 and none1 as   
far as ,i know men1 who have such       
constant employment for their time4     
,having explained some of those1 which  
may be considered as positive sources of
 happiness to the ,quakers1 ,i shall now

 shew what may be causes of unhappiness 
to others1 and that the ,quakers seldom 
partake of these4 ,such an exposition1  
however strange it may appear at the    
first sight1 will be materially to the  
point4 ,for though an exemption from the
 causes of the uneasiness of others can 
never be admitted as a proof of the     
existence of positive enjoyment among   
the ,quakers1 yet if the latter have    
solid sources of happiness of their own1
 and these are not in any material      
degree diminished by the causes of the  
uneasiness of the former1 there will be 
left to them1 because there will be no  
drawback1 a certain portion of happiness
 with less alloy4 ,and here it is       
obvious at the first sight1 that the    
,quakers have not the same1 nor so many 
wants as others1 with respect to their  
pleasures1 and that they do not admit   
the same things to be component parts of
 them4 ,hence they have not the same    
causes of uneasiness from the chance of 
interruption4 ,hence also their         

happiness is more in their own power4   
,what individual can annihilate the     
comforts which arise from their own     
industry1 or their domestic enjoyments1 
or their friendly intercourse with each 
other1 or their employments1 which arise
 from their discipline1 and from their  
trade and callings8 ,but how easily are 
many of the reputed enjoyments of the   
world to be broken8 ,some people place  
their happiness in a routine of         
constituted pleasures4 ,in proportion as
 these have been frequently resorted to1
 they will have got into the habit as   
the necessary enjoyments of life4 ,take 
away then from persons in such habits   
the power of these their ordinary       
gratifications1 and you will make them  
languid1 and even wretched4 ,there will 
be a wide chasm1 which they will not    
know how to fill up2 a dull vacuum of   
time1 which will make their existence   
insipid2 a disappointment1 which will   
carry with it a lacerating sting4 ,in   
some of the higher circles of life1     

accustomed to such rounds of pleasure1  
who does not know that the ,sunday is   
lamented as the most cruel interrupter  
of their enjoyments8--,no shopping in   
the morning--no theatre or route in the 
evening--,nothing but dull heavy church 
stares them in the face4 ,but ,i will   
not carry this picture to the length to 
which ,i am capable4 ,i shall only      
observe that1 where persons adopt a     
routine of constituted pleasures1 they  
are creating fictitious wants for       
themselves1 and making their own        
happiness subject to interruption1 and  
putting it into the power of others4    
,the ,quakers1 however1 by the total    
rejection of all the amusements included
 in the routine alluded to1 know nothing
 of the drawbacks or disadvantages      
described4  ,the ,quakers again are     
exempt from several of the causes of    
uneasiness1 which attach to the world at
 large4 ,some go to the gaming-table1   
and ruin themselves and their families1 
and destroy the peace of their minds4   

,but the ,quakers are never found       
injuring their fortunes or their        
happiness by such disreputable means4   
,others disturb the harmony of their    
lives by intemperate sallies of passion4
 ,it has been well observed1 that1      
whatever may be the duration of a man's 
anger1 so much time he loses of the     
enjoyment of his life4 ,the ,quakers1   
however1 have but few miserable moments 
on this account4 ,a due subjugation of  
the passions has been generally         
instilled into them from early youth4   
,provocation seldom produces in them any
 intemperate warmth1 or takes away1 in  
any material degree1 from the apparent  
composure of their minds4  ,others      
again1 by indulging their anger1 are    
often hurried into actions of which the 
consequences vex and torment them1 and  
of which they often bitterly repent4    
,but the ,quakers endeavour to avoid    
quarrelling1 and therefore they often   
steer clear of the party and family     
feuds of others4 ,they avoid also1 as   

much as possible1 the law1 so that they 
have seldom any of the lawsuits to      
harass and disturb them1 which interrupt
 the tranquillity of others by the heavy
 expence1 and by the lasting enmities   
they occasion4  ,the ,quakers again are 
exempt from many of the other passions  
which contribute to the unhappiness of  
the world at large4 ,some men have an   
almost boundless ambition4 ,they are    
desirous of worldly honours1 or of      
eminent stations1 or of a public name1  
and pursue these objects in their       
passage through life with an avidity    
which disturbs the repose of their      
minds4 ,but the ,quakers scarcely know  
any such feeling as that of ambition1   
and of course scarcely any of the       
torments that belong to it4 ,they are   
less captivated by the splendour of     
honours than any other people1 and they 
had rather live in the memory of a few  
valuable friends1 than be handed down to
 posterity for those deeds1 which       
generally constitute the basis of public

 character4  ,others again1 who cannot  
obtain these honourable distractions1   
envy those who possess them4 ,they envy 
the very coronet upon the coach1 as it  
passes by4 ,but the ,quakers can have no
 such feelings as these4 ,they pass in  
their pilgrimage through life regardless
 of such distinctions1 or they estimate 
them but as the baubles of the1 day4 ,it
 would be folly therefore to suppose1   
that they could be envious of that which
 they do not covet4  ,the ,quakers again
 are exempt from some of the occasions  
of uneasiness which arise to others from
 considerations on the subject of       
religion4 ,some people1 for example1 pry
 into what are denominated mysteries4   
,the more they look into these1 the less
 they understand them1 or rather1 the   
more they are perplexed and confounded4 
,such an enquiry too1 while it bewilders
 the understanding1 generally affects   
the mind4 ,but the ,quakers avoid all   
such curious enquiries as these1 and    
therefore they suffer no interruption of

 their enjoyment from this source4      
,others again1 by the adoption of gloomy
 creeds1 give rise frequently to        
melancholy1 and thus lay in for         
themselves a store of fuel for the      
torment of their own minds4 ,but the    
,quakers espouse no doctrines1 which1   
while they conduct themselves uprightly1
 can interrupt the tranquillity of their
 lives4 ,it is possible there may be    
here and mere an instance where their   
feelings may be unduly affected1 in     
consequence of having carried the       
doctrine of the influence of the        
,spirit1 as far as it relates to their  
own condition1 beyond its proper bounds4
 ,but individuals1 who may fell into    
errors of this nature1 are1 it is to be 
hoped1 but few2 because any melancholy1 
which may arise from these causes1 must 
be the effect1 not of genuine           
,quakerism1 but of a degenerate         
superstition4     ,,chap4 ,,ii4  ,good1 
which the ,quakers have done as a       
society upon earth--by their general    

good example--by shewing that           
persecution for religion is             
ineffectual--by shewing the             
practicability of the subjugation of the
 will of man--the influence of          
,christianity on character--the         
inefficacy of capital punishments--the  
best object of punishment--the          
practicability of living1 either in a   
private or a public capacity1 in harmony
 and peace--the superiority of the      
policy of the ,gospel over the policy of
 the world4   ,when we consider man as  
distinguished from other animals by the 
rational and spiritual faculties which  
he possesses1 we cannot but conceive it 
to be a reproach to his nature1 if he   
does not distinguish himself from these1
 or1 if he does not leave some trace    
behind him1 that he has existed         
rationally and profitably both to       
himself and others4 ,but if this be     
expected of man1 considered abstractedly
 as man1 much more will it be expected  
of him1 if he has had the advantages of 

knowing the doctrines of ,christianity1 
and the sublime example of the great    
,author of that religion4 ,and the same 
observation1 ,i apprehend1 will hold    
true with respect to societies of men4  
,for if they have done no good during   
their existence1 we cannot see how they 
can escape censure1 or that it would not
 have been better that they had not     
existed at all4 ,this consideration     
leads me to enquire1 what good the      
,quakers have done since their          
institution1 as a society1 upon earth4  
,it was said of the ,quakers in ,george 
,fox's time1 after their character had  
been established1 that1 if they did not 
stand1 the nation would run into        
debauchery4 ,by this ,i apprehend it was
 meant1 that it was a desirable thing to
 have a people to look up to1 who1      
residing in the 'midst of a vicious     
community1 professed to be followers of 
that which was right1 and to resist the 
current of bad example in their own     
times2 or that such a people might be   

considered as a leaven1 that might      
leaven the whole lump1 but that1 if this
 leaven were lost1 the community might  
lose one of its visible incitements to  
virtue4 ,now in this way the ,quakers   
have had a certain general usefulness in
 the world4 ,they have kept more1 ,i    
apprehend1 to first principles1 than any
 other people4 ,they have afforded a    
moral example4 ,this example ought to   
have been useful to others4 ,to those   
who were well inclined1 it should have  
been as a torch to have lighted up their
 virtue1 and it should have been a      
perpetual monument for reproof to       
others1 who were entering upon a career 
of vice4  ,the first particular good1   
after the general one now stated1 which 
the ,quakers have done1 has been1 that  
they have shewn to those who have been  
spectators of their conduct1 that all   
persecution for matters of religion1 as 
it is highly criminal in the eyes of the
 ,supreme ,being1 so it is inadequate to
 the end proposed4 ,this proposition1   

indeed1 seems to be tolerably ,well     
understood at the present day4 ,at least
 they whose minds have been well        
informed1 acknowledge it4 ,the history  
of martyrdom1 by which we learn how     
religion soars above all suffering1 how 
the torments inflicted on the body are  
unable to reach the mind1 how the moral 
,governor of the world reigns triumphant
 upon earth1 how tyranny and oppression 
fall prostrate before virtue1 losing    
their malignant aim1 has been one1 among
 other causes1 of this knowledge4 ,but  
as history is known but to few1 and is  
not remembered by all1 the ,quakers are 
particularly useful by holding up the   
truth of the proposition to our daily   
sight1 that is1 by the example they     
continue to afford us of bearing their  
testimony in all cases where the civil  
magistrate is concerned on the one hand1
 and their consciences on the other4  ,a
 second good1 which the ,quakers have   
done1 is by shewing1 as a whole body1   
the power of ,christianity in the       

subjugation of the will of men1 and its 
influence on their character4  ,they are
 living proofs1 in the first instance1  
that human nature is not the stubborn   
thing1 which many have imagined it to   
be2 that1 however it may be depraved1 it
 is still corrigible2 and that this     
correction is universally practicable1  
for that there are as various           
dispositions in this society as in any  
other in proportion to its numbers4     
,they shew1 that ,christianity can alter
 the temper1 that it can level enmities1
 and that there is no just occasion for 
any to despair4 ,and they are living    
proofs1 in the second1 as to what kind  
of character ,christianity1 where it is 
rightly received1 will produce2 ,they   
are living proofs1 that it can produce  
sobriety1 inoffensiveness1 simplicity1  
charity1 peace1 and the domestic and    
other virtues4 ,now though every private
 ,christian can shew in himself an      
example of these effects1 yet the       
,quakers shew it1 not by producing      

solitary instances1 but as a body2 the  
temper of the great mass of their       
members being apparently cast in the    
same mould1 and their character1 as a   
society1 being acknowledged to be that  
of a moral people4  ,and here ,i cannot 
but stop for a moment to pay a just     
tribute to the ,quaker system1 as one of
 the best modes of the ,christian       
,religion2 for whether the doctrines    
which belong to it1 or whether the      
discipline which it promotes1 or whether
 both of them conjointly1 produce the   
effects which have been just related1   
certain it is1 that they are            
produced4#dd ,but that system of        
religion is surely the most excellent1  
which produces1 first1 the greatest1    
and1 secondly1 the most universal effect
 upon those who profess it4 ,for what is
 the use of any particular creed1 or    
where is the advantage of any one creed 
above another1 if it cannot give the    
great characteristic marks of a         
,christian1 a subjugated mind and a     

moral character8 ,what signifies the    
creed of any particular description of  
,christian professors1 if it has no     
influence on the heart1 or if we see    
professors among these giving way to    
their passions1 or affording an         
inconsistent example to the world4      
,footnote #dd3 ,many of the ,quakers in 
,america1 influenced by custom1 ,adopted
 the practice of holding slaves4 ,but on
 a due recurrence to their principles   
they gave freedom to these              
unconditionally1 thus doing another     
public good in the world1 and giving    
another example of the power of religion
 on the mind4  ,the ,quakers have given1
 again1 in the reforms1 which1 in the   
first volume1 ,i described them to have 
introduced into legislation1 a beautiful
 and practical lesson of jurisprudence  
to the governors of all nations4 ,they  
have shewn the inefficacy of capital    
punishments2 that the best object in the
 punishment of offenders is their       
reformation2 that this accords best with

 the genius and spirit of the ,christian
 ,religion2 and that while such a       
system1 when followed1 restores the     
abandoned to usefulness in society1 it  
diminishes the number of crimes4#de     
,footnote #de3 ,see ,vol4 ,i1 ,sect4 #d1
 p4 #aih4  ,they have shewn again1 by   
their own example1 that it is not so    
difficult for men to live peaceably     
together1 as has been usually believed2 
and they have exhibited the means by    
which they have effected this desirable 
end in life4 ,and as they have proved1  
that this is practicable in private1 so 
they have proved1 as has appeared in    
this volume1 that it is practicable in  
public life1 or1 which is the same      
thing1 they have shewn1 that in the     
intercourse which exists between        
nations1 there is no necessity for wars4
  ,they have shewn and established again
 by the two latter instances1 both of   
which relate to government1 a           
proposition which seems scarcely to be  
believed1 if we judge by the practice of

 statesmen1 but the truth of which ought
 for ever to be insisted upon1 that the 
policy of the ,gospel is superior to the
 policy of the world4  ,this is a       
portion of the good which the ,quakers  
have done since their appearance as a   
society in the world4 ,what other good  
they have done it is not necessary to   
specify4 ,and as to what they would do1 
if they were permitted to become        
universal legislators1 it may be a      
pleasing subject for contemplation1 but 
it does not fall within the limits of   
the present chapter4     ,,chap4 ,,iii4 
,general opinion1 that the ,quakers are 
on the decline as a                     
society--,observations upon this        
subject--,opinion believed1 upon the    
whole1 to be true--,causes of this      
supposed declension--,mixed             
marriages--,tithes--,pursuit of trade1  
as connected with the peculiar habits of
 the society1 and a residence in the    
towns--,education4   ,i have often heard
 it suggested as matter for             

conversation1 whether the ,quakers were 
increasing or decreasing in their       
number1 and the result has always been  
an opinion1 that they were a declining  
body4  ,when we consider the simplicity 
and even philosophy of the ,quaker      
religion1 the preservation it affords   
against the follies and difficulties of 
life1 and the happiness to which it     
ultimately leads1 we shall wonder that  
the progress of the society1 in point of
 number1 has not been greater than we   
find it4 ,and when we consider1 on the  
other hand1 how difficult it is to be a 
,quaker1 how much it is against the     
temper and disposition of man to be     
singular1 or to resist the tide of      
custom and fashion1 and to undergo an   
ordeal of suffering on these accounts1  
we shall wonder that it has not been    
long ago extinct4  ,that many are       
disowned by the society1 in consequence 
of which its numbers are diminished1 is 
true4 ,that others come into it from    
other quarters1 by which an increase is 

given to it1 independently of its own   
natural population1 is true also4 ,but  
whether the new members exceed the      
disowned1 or the disowned the new1 is   
the question to be resolved4 ,now no    
people have had better opportunities of 
ascertaining this point1 than the       
,quakers themselves4 ,by means of their 
monthly meetings they might with ease   
have instituted a census on a given day4
 ,they might have renewed such a census4
 ,they might have compared the returns  
in every case4 ,but as no such census   
has ever been made1 the ,quakers        
themselves1 though they have their      
ideas1 cannot speak with particular     
accuracy1 on this subject4  ,the general
 opinion1 however1 is1 and the ,quakers1
 ,i apprehend1 will not deny but lament 
it1 that those who go out of the society
 are upon the whole more numerous than  
those who come into it by convincement1 
and therefore that there is1 upon the   
whole1 a decrease among them4  ,of the  
truth of this opinion1 some have adduced

 as a proof1 that the quarterly meetings
 have been reduced to three fourths of  
their original number4 ,but this is not 
to be considered as a certain criterion 
of the fact4 ,for it is by no means     
uncommon to find1 if the ,quakers       
decrease in one county1 that they       
increase in another4 ,it has also been  
adduced1 that many particular meetings  
have been broken up1 or that            
meeting-houses in the country are       
standing deserted1 or without ,quakers  
to worship in them4 ,but neither can    
this be considered as any infallible    
proof of the point4 ,for it frequently  
happens1 that if the ,quakers become    
less numerous in any particular village1
 they become more so in some of the     
towns of the same county4 ,thus no true 
judgment can be formed upon these       
principles4 ,the ,quaker population1 in 
this respect1 on account of its         
movements1 resembles the sea1 which1    
while it loses on one part of its shores
 or boundaries1 gains upon another4     

,there are1 however1 considerations1    
which may be more decisive of the fact4 
,in the time of ,george ,fox the number 
of those converted to his principles was
 immense4#df ,this number1 if we consult
 all the facts that might be adduced on 
the occasion1 continued to be large in  
after times4 ,now it must be observed1  
that the ,quakers are a sober and       
temperate people1 that they generally   
marry at a proper age1 and that they    
have large families4 ,it is therefore   
impossible1 if the descendants of the   
early ,quakers had continued in the     
society1 that their number should not   
have been much larger than we find it at
 the present day1 and1 if so1 there must
 have been a secession or an expulsion1 
amounting1 notwithstanding all influx by
 conversion1 to a decrease4  ,footnote  
#df3 ,although the remark may be just1  
that in the time of ,george ,fox a great
 number were converted to his           
principles1 yet a small portion of those
 were actually received into membership1

 and the same remark may correctly be   
made even in the present day3 as it is  
believed that immense numbers are       
convinced of the truth as held by the   
,quakers1 but owing to their not being  
willing to undergo an ordeal of         
suffering on account of their           
principles1 a small portion of those    
apply to be admitted into the society4  
,,american ,,editor4  ,it is obvious    
again that the ,quakers1 in consequence 
of their industry and their frugal      
habits1 must almost unavoidably grow    
rich4 ,now if the descendants of the    
early ,quakers had remained in the      
society1 we should have seen more       
overgrown fortunes in it1 than among    
others in proportion to their numbers4  
,but this is contrary to the fact4 ,the 
very richest1 as the world now goes1    
would not be considered to be           
particularly rich2 and it is a truth    
that those who are affluent among them  
have generally been the founders1 by    
means of their industry and integrity1  

of their own fortunes4  ,it is1 again1 a
 matter of observation among the        
,quakers1 now grown into a truth1 that  
if men grow rich in the society1 their  
grand-children generally leave it4 ,but 
surely this amounts to a confession1    
that in a particular part of the society
 there are the seeds of a regular and   
successive decrease4  ,that the ,quakers
 then upon the whole are a declining    
body1 there can be no doubt4#dg ,while  
,i state it1 ,i lament it4 ,i lament    
that there should be any diminution of  
number among those who have done so much
 good in the world1 and who have so     
justly obtained the reputation of a     
moral people4 ,this consideration will  
lead me to enquire into the causes of   
this decline4 ,it will impel me also to 
enquire into the means of remedy4 ,how  
far ,i may be successful in the latter  
attempt1 ,i am unable to say4 ,but it   
will always be a pleasing consideration 
to me1 to have tried to prevent the     
decrease of a virtuous people4          

,footnote #dg3 ,against this decrease we
 cannot set off any great increase by   
admission into membership4 ,the dress1  
the language1 the fear of being         
singular1 the discipline with its       
various restraints1 the unwillingness of
 men to suffer where suffering can be   
avoided1 these and other circumstances  
are great impediments in the way of an  
entrance into this society2 and to this 
,i may add1 that applications for       
admission into it are not always        
complied with4  ,with respect then to   
the causes of this decline1 to which ,i 
shall confine myself in this chapter1   
they will be found in the causes of     
disownment4 ,now of these1 some may be  
called original and immediate1 and      
others original and remote4  ,of        
original and immediate1 the first is    
what the ,quakers call mixed marriage4  
,it has been before stated1 that those  
who marry out of the society are        
disowned1 and the reasons for such      
disownments have been given4  ,a second 

will be found in tithes4 ,they who pay  
these are ultimately disowned4 ,and they
 are disowned as well for the payment of
 lay-tithes1 as of those which are      
ecclesiastical4  ,of the original and   
remote1 a very prolific cause is the    
pursuit of trade1 connected as it is    
with the peculiar habits of the society1
 and a residence in the towns4#dh       
,footnote #dh3 ,owing perhaps to the    
causes alleged by the author1 the       
society may have decreased in ,england1 
yet it is certain that in this country  
the number of ,quakers has very         
considerably increased4 ,,american      
,,editor4  ,to shew this ,i must        
observe1 first1 that the poor1          
comparatively speaking1 are seldom      
disowned1 for they know that they#di    
shall never be so well provided for in  
any other society4 ,i must observe      
again1 that the members of the middle   
classes are also1 comparatively         
speaking1 but seldom disowned4 ,these   
must live by trade1 but if so1 they     

cannot be better off than as ,quakers4  
,the direct conclusion then1 from these 
observations1 will be1 that the greater 
number of those who are disowned1 will  
be found among the rich1 or among such  
as are growing rich4 ,hence it appears1 
that1 as far as this original and remote
 cause is concerned1 my enquiry must be1
 how it happens1 that members of this   
particular class should be excluded from
 membership more than those of any      
other4  ,footnote #di3 ,i by no means   
intend to say1 that the poor do not     
remain in the society from an attachment
 to its principles1 but that this may be
 a political motive also4  ,in answer to
 this enquiry ,i must say1 as ,i have   
observed before1 that ,quakers in trade1
 having as good abilities1 and as much  
diligence and integrity as others1 will 
succeed as well as others in it1 but    
that1 having less sources of outgoings1 
their savings will be generally greater4
 ,hence they will have before their eyes
 the sight of a greater accumulation of 

wealth4 ,but in proportion as such      
accumulation of substance is beheld1 the
 love of it increases4 ,now while this  
love increases1 or while their hearts   
are unduly fixed on the mammon of the   
world1 they allow many little           
inconsistencies in their children to    
escape their reproof4 ,but1 besides     
this1 as the religion and the love of   
the mammon of the world are at variance1
 they have a less spiritual discernment 
than before4 ,hence they do not see the 
same irregularities in the same light4  
,from this omission to check these      
irregularities on the one hand1 and from
 this decay of their spiritual vision on
 the other1 their children have greater 
liberties allowed them than others in   
the same society4 ,but as these         
experience this indulgence1 or as these 
admit the customs and fashions of the   
world1 they grow more fond of them4     
,now1 as they live in towns1 the spark  
that is excited is soon fanned into a   
flame4 ,fashions and fashionable things1

 which they cannot but see daily before 
their eyes1 begin to get the dominion4  
,when they are visited by wholesome     
advisers1 they dislike the interference4
 ,they know they shall be rich4 ,they   
begin to think the discipline of the    
society a cruel restraint4 ,they begin  
to dislike the society itself1 and1     
committing irregularities1 they are     
sometimes in consequence disowned4 ,but1
 if they should escape disownment       
themselves1 they entail it generally    
upon their children4 ,these are brought 
up in a still looser manner than        
themselves4 ,the same process goes on   
with these as with their parents1 but in
 a still higher degree1 till a conduct  
utterly inconsistent with the principles
 of the society occasions them to be    
separated from it4 ,thus in the same    
manner1 as war1 according to the old    
saying1 begets poverty1 and poverty     
peace1 so the pursuit of trade1 with the
 peculiar habits of the society1 leads  
to riches1 riches to fashion and        

licentiousness1 and fashion and         
licentiousness to disownment1 so that   
many ,quakers educate their children as 
if there were to be no ,quakers in the  
second generation from themselves4 ,and 
thus1 though1 strictly speaking1        
irregularities are the immediate        
occasion of these disownments1 they are 
ultimately to be attributed to the      
original and remote cause as now        
described4#ej  ,footnote #ej3 ,i hope ,i
 shall not be understood as involving   
the rich in a promiscuous censure4 ,i   
know as amiable examples among these and
 among their children1 as among others  
of the society4 ,but we must naturally  
expect more deviations among the rich1  
number for number1 than among others4   
,that this is by no means an            
unreasonable account1 ,i shall shew in  
some measure by an appeal to facts4 ,the
 ,american ,quakers sprang from the     
,english4 ,the ,english1 though drained 
in consequence1 were still considerable1
 when compared with the former4 ,but it 

is remarkable1 that the ,american       
,quakers exceed the ,english by at least
 five times their number at the present 
day4 ,now it must undoubtedly be        
confessed1 that the ,americans have     
advantages1 as far as this fact is      
concerned1 which the ,english have not4 
,they have no tithes as a cause of      
disownment4 ,their families also1 ,i    
believe1 increase more rapidly4 ,many   
persons also1 as will be the case in a  
country that is not fully settled1 live 
in the neighbourhoods of the ,quakers1  
but at a distance from those of other   
religious denominations1 and therefore1 
wishing to worship somewhere1 seek      
membership with them4 ,but ,i apprehend 
that a great cause of this disparity of 
number lies in this difference of the   
situation of the two1 that whereas the  
great ,quaker population in ,england is 
in the towns with but a remnant in the  
country1 the great ,quaker population in
 ,america is in the country with but a  
remnant in the towns4#ea ,and that the  

,americans themselves believe1 that the 
place of the residence of their members 
is connected in some measure with the   
increase and decrease of their society1 
it is fair to presume1 from this        
circumstance1 that1 in several of the   
quarterly meetings in ,america1 advice  
has been given to parents to bring up   
their children in the country1 and1 as  
little as possible1 in the towns4       
,footnote #ea3 ,the number of the       
,quakers is undoubtedly great in one or 
two of the cities in ,america1 but the  
whole town-population is not great1 when
 compared with the whole                
country-population there4  ,another of  
the original and remote causes is       
education4 ,this1 as it becomes         
promotive of the diminution of the      
society1 is of two kinds4 ,the first may
 be called alien4 ,the second is such as
 is afforded in the society itself4     
,some parents1 growing rich1 and wishing
 to give their children a better        
education1 than they can get in their   

own schools1 send them to others to be  
instructed4 ,now the result has not been
 desirable1 where it has been designed1 
that such children should be continued  
,quakers4 ,for how is a poor solitary   
,quaker boy to retain the peculiarities 
belonging to his religious profession1  
in the face of the whole school8 ,will  
not his opinions and manners be drowned 
as it were in the torrent of the        
opinions and manners of the rest8 ,how  
can he get out of this whirlpool pure8  
,how1 on his return1 will he harmonize  
with his own society8 ,will not either  
he1 or his descendants1 leave it8 ,such 
an education may make him undoubtedly   
both a good and an enlightened man1 and 
so far one of the most desirable objects
 in life will have been accomplished1   
but it certainly tends to destroy the   
peculiar institution of ,quakerism4     
,the education1 which is afforded in the
 society itself1 is divisible again into
 two kinds1 into that which is moral or 
religious1 and into that which is       

literary or philosophical4  ,it must    
undoubtedly be confessed1 in looking    
into that which is moral or religious1  
that sufficient care is not always taken
 with regard to youth4 ,we sometimes see
 fathers and sons1 and mothers and      
daughters1 so different in their        
appearance and deportment1 that we      
should scarcely have imagined them to be
 of the same family4 ,i am not now      
speaking of those parents1 who may live 
in the towns1 and who may be more than  
ordinarily devoted to the mammon of the 
world1 but of some who1 living both in  
town and country1 give an example of a  
liberal and amiable spirit1 and of a    
blameless conduct to the world4 ,that   
the former should neglect and lose sight
 of their offspring1 when their moral   
vision is clouded by an undue eagerness 
after money1 is not to be wondered at1  
but that the latter should do it1 is    
surprising4 ,it is certainly true that  
some of these are too indulgent in their
 families1 contrary to the plan and     

manner of their own education1 or that  
they do not endeavour to nip all rising 
inconsistencies in the bud4 ,the        
consequence is1 that their children get 
beyond control in time1 when they lament
 in vain their departure from the       
simplicity of the society4 ,hence the   
real cause of their disownment1 which   
occasionally follows1 is not in the     
children running out of bounds1 but in  
the parents running out of bounds in the
 manners of their children4 ,and here ,i
 may add1 that some parents1 dwelling   
too much on the disuse of forms in      
religion1 because such disuse is        
inculcated by their own doctrines1 run  
into the opposite extreme1 and bring up 
their children in too much ignorance of 
the general plan of ,christianity1 as it
 is laid down in the letter of the      
scriptures4  ,with respect to education1
 as for it is literary or philosophical1
 it is frequently sufficient for those  
upon whom it is bestowed4 ,but it does  
not appear to me to be carried to its   

proper extent1 in the case of the       
children of the rich1 when ,i consider  
how friendly it might be made towards   
the promotion of virtue4 ,some1 we know1
 growing wealthy1 have had children when
 they were poorer1 and1 when in this    
poorer state1 they have given them an   
education which has been suitable to it1
 not calculating upon their future rise 
in life4 ,but their children1 having had
 such a limited education1 have not had 
that which has been proper for their    
subsequent station in life4 ,others     
again1 who have been born in better     
circumstances1 have1 on account of an   
undue depreciation of human knowledge1  
educated their children as improperly   
for their station as the former4 ,the   
children then1 in both these cases1 have
 not had an education sufficient1 with  
the prospect of riches before them1 to  
keep them out of the way of harm4 ,they 
have not had1 in addition to any        
religious instruction1 that taste given 
them for sublime pursuits1 which should 

make them despise those which were      
frivolous4 ,thus many of the corruptive 
opinions1 fashions1 and amusements of   
the world have charmed them4 ,giving way
 to these1 they have been overcome4     
,when overcome1 they have run into      
excesses1 and for these excesses they   
have been disowned4 ,but surely1 with a 
better education1 they would have       
thought all such corruptive opinions1   
fashions1 and amusements1 as below their
 notice1 and unworthy of their          
countenance and support4     ,,chap4    
,,iv4  ,supposed remedies for the       
diminution of some of these             
causes--,regulations in the case of     
mixed marriages--,measures to be adopted
 in the pursuit of trade--,education1 as
 it is moral or religious1 to be more   
strictly enforced in some families--as  
it is literary or philosophical1 to be  
carried to a greater extent among the   
children of the rich--,object of this   
latter education--,nature of it as      
consisting both knowledge and           

prohibitions--,how it would operate     
against the fascinating allurements of  
the world1 or to the end proposal4   ,i 
,purpose now to suggest1 as briefly as  
,i can1 such opinions1 as1 if adopted1  
might possibly operate as remedies to   
some of the evils which have been       
described4 ,in doing this ,i am aware of
 the difficulties that await me4 ,i am  
sensible that ,i ought not to be too    
sanguine as to the result of all my     
observations upon this subject and yet1 
,i cannot but think1 that ,i may be     
successful in some of them4 ,arduous1   
however1 as the task1 and dubious as my 
success may be1 ,i am encouraged1 on the
 prospect of being but partially useful1
 to undertake it4  ,on the first of the 
original and immediate causes which have
 been mentioned1 ,i mean mixed          
marriages1 ,i shall have but little to  
say4 ,i do not see how it is possible1  
while the society means to keep up a due
 subordination among its members1 not to
 disown such as may marry out of it4 ,in

 mixed families1 such as these marriages
 produce1 it is in vain to expect that  
the discipline can be carried on1 as has
 been shewn in the second volume4 ,and1 
without this discipline1 the society    
would hardly keep up1 in the extensive  
manner it does1 the character of a moral
 people4 ,i think1 however1 that some   
good might be done by regulations to be 
universally observed4 ,thus they1 who   
are deputed to inform the disowned of   
their exclusion from membership1 should 
be of the most amiable temper and       
conciliatory manners4 ,every unqualified
 person should be excluded from these   
missions4 ,permission should be         
solicited for both the married persons  
to be present on such occasions4 ,it is 
difficult to estimate the good effect   
which the deputed1 if of sweet and      
tender dispositions1 or the bad effects 
which the deputed1 if of cold and       
austere manners1 might have upon those  
they visited1 or what bias it might give
 the one in particular1 who had never   

been in membership1 for or against the  
society4 ,permission also might be      
solicited1 even when the mission was    
over for future friendly opportunities  
or visits1 which would shew in the      
society itself a tender regard and      
solicitude for the welfare of its former
 members4 ,it is not at all improbable1 
from the impression which such apparent 
regard and solicitude might occasion1   
that the children of the visited1 though
 not members1 might be brought up in the
 rules of membership4 ,and finally it   
appears to me to be desirable1 that the 
disowned1 if they should give proof by  
their own lives and the education of    
their children1 of their attachment to  
the principles of the society1 and      
should solicit restoration to           
membership1 should be admitted into it  
again without any acknowledgment of past
 errors1 and wholly as new and convinced
 members4  ,with respect to the second  
of the immediate and original causes1   
which is to be found in tithes1 ,i may  

observe that it is1 as for as ,i can    
collect1 but a small and an inferior    
one1 few being disowned on this account1
 and still fewer now than formerly4 ,it 
would be desirable1 however1 few as     
these instances may be1 to prevent them4
 ,but ,i fear that no remedy can be     
pointed out1 in which the ,quakers would
 acquiesce1 except it could be shewn1   
that a distinction might be made between
 the payment of ecclesiastical and      
lay-tithes1 which would not interfere   
with the great tenets of the society on 
this subject4  ,a third cause of        
disownment1 but this belongs to the     
original and remote1 was shewn to be the
 pursuit of trade1 connected as it is   
with the peculiar habits of the society 
and a residence in the towns4 ,i may    
propose as remedies for this1 first1    
that parents should be careful to       
exhibit a good example to their         
children4 ,secondly1 as ,i have before  
observed1 that they should prescribe to 
themselves moderation in the acquisition

 of wealth1 either by relinquishing     
trade at a given time1 or by dealing out
 the profits of it more liberally than  
common in the way of benevolence1 so    
that their children1 in each case1 may  
never have the misfortune of the        
prospect of a large moneyed independence
 before their eyes4 ,or lastly1 that    
they should give them a better education
 than they do at present1 on which      
subject1 according to the prescribed    
order of things1 ,i am now to speak4  ,a
 fourth cause then1 but this belongs    
also to the original and remote1 was    
shewn to exist in education4 ,and       
education1 as it was promotive of the   
diminution of the society1 was of two   
kinds4  ,with respect to that part of it
 which is alien1 the remedy is easy4    
,there has been great difficulty in     
procuring proper schoolmasters1 ,i mean 
such as have been ,quakers4 ,two reasons
 may be given for this4 ,the first is1  
that the society having been backward in
 affording due encouragement to         

learning1 few of any great literary     
acquisitions have been brought up in it4
 ,the second is1 that persons have      
found1 that they could make much less of
 their time in such a line of employment
 than in the way of trade4 ,but surely  
the ,quakers1 as a body in comfortable  
and independent circumstances1 might    
easily remedy the evil4 ,does not a man1
 who devotes his time to the instruction
 of youth1 deserve to be made as        
comfortable as the man who sells silver 
utensils1 or bracelets1 or ear-rings1 or
 other articles of trade8 ,is there any 
comparison between the moral usefulness 
of these8 ,is there any profession more 
useful than that which forms the        
youthful mind8 or rather1 is it not the 
most important profession in the        
state8#eb  ,footnote #eb3 ,it is but    
justice to the ,quakers to observe1 that
 they are taking more pains than        
formerly in the promotion of this       
object4 ,i am told that there are more  
private seminaries now kept by ,quakers 

for the education of the youth of their 
own society1 than even before the       
institution of ,ackworth school4  ,with 
respect to the education which is       
acquired in the society itself1 the     
remedy is not difficult4 ,this education
 was shewn to be of two kinds4  ,on that
 part of it1 which is moral or          
religious1 ,i may observe1 that the     
remedy is in the parents themselves4    
,the first thing to be recommended is an
 universal vigilance over the           
disposition and manners of children1 so 
that no censurable appearance1 whether  
in temper or in conduct1 may be allowed 
to pass without suitable notice or      
reproof1 or that the bud1 which promises
 to be corruptive of morals1 should no  
sooner make its appearance1 than it     
should be cut off4 ,in cases of so much 
importance1 as where the happiness both 
of parents and children is concerned1   
the former should be peculiarly         
circumspect4 ,they should not talk about
 things1 but insist upon them1 on all   

proper occasions4 ,they should not point
 out1 but redress4 ,they should not lop 
off the branches1 but lay the axe to the
 root4 ,and surely youth is the best    
season for such wholesome interference4 
,it is1 in the first place1 the season  
in which a remedy is practicable2 for we
 are assured1 if we train up a child in 
the way he should go1 that1 when he is  
old1 he will not depart from it4 ,it is1
 secondly1 the season in which it is    
most practicable2 for can we hope to    
bend the tree so easily to our form1 as 
the sapling from whence it came8 and1   
thirdly1 it is the season in which it is
 practicable only1 for will not a small 
irregularity grow1 if uncontrolled1 to a
 greater8 ,will not one irregularity    
also1 if not properly checked1 give     
birth to others8 ,and may not these be  
so incorporated into the inner man in a 
course of time1 that it may be as       
difficult for parents to eradicate them1
 as for the ,ethiopian to change his    
colour1 or the leopard his spots8 ,but  

surely the ,quakers ought to know the   
impropriety of undue indulgences in     
their families1 as well as any other    
people8 ,is not the early subjugation of
 the will a doctrine more particularly  
adopted by them as a society8 ,without  
such a subjugation do they not conceive 
the mind to be in an unfit state to     
receive the admonitions of the pure     
principle1 and of course to make a true 
proficiency in religion8 ,do they not   
consider themselves also as a highly    
professing people1 and do they not know 
that the world expects more from them   
than from others8 ,but how can their    
children ever perpetuate this           
extraordinary character after them1 or  
shew that their parents possessed it1   
unless they are brought up in a         
peculiarly guarded manner8 ,in addition 
to these observations it may be         
recommended1 that parents should be     
careful to give their children what may 
be called a literal instruction in      
,christianity1 in contradistinction to  

pure theism1 or to those doctrines which
 they conceive may come from the        
teachings of the ,holy ,spirit1 so that 
they may have a more intimate knowledge 
of all their principles1 as a ,christian
 body4  ,with respect to that part of   
education which may consist of knowledge
 as it is literary or philosophical1 ,i 
conceive it might be attended with      
advantage to carry it to a greater      
extent than has hitherto been practised 
in the society1 but particularly the    
latter4 ,nothing is so delightful to    
youth as experimental philosophy1 by    
which they see the causes of things     
unfolded to their view4 ,no science     
takes their attention more1 or inclines 
them1 in the farther pursuit of it1 to  
be satisfied with home4 ,and yet ,i     
doubt whether this branch of learning be
 not almost wholly neglected in the     
,quaker schools4 ,the education which is
 received in the society1 as it consists
 of the two kinds of knowledge          
described1 is not1 in my apprehension1  

carried far enough1 so as to suit the   
peculiar situation of the children of   
the rich4 ,these are they1 who are most 
in danger4 ,these are they1 who1 having 
the prospect of wealth before them1 have
 the prospect of being able to procure  
destructive pleasures4 ,these are they1 
who1 having the prospect of             
independence1 do not fear the opinion of
 the world or the loss of reputation in 
it1 like those1 who have their          
livelihood to obtain by their own       
industry4 ,now it should be the         
particular object of the education of   
these1 as indeed it should be of all    
rich persons1 so to instruct them1 that1
 while they are obliged to live in the  
world1 they may be enabled to live out  
of it1 or deny it2 so that1 when seated 
amidst its corrupt opinions1 amusements1
 and fashions1 they should estimate them
 as below their notice1 and as utterly  
unworthy of their countenance and       
support4  ,i should be sorry if1 in     
holding up this species of education to 

a farther encouragement1 as a           
preservative of the morals of the       
children of rich parents amidst the     
various temptations of life1 ,i were to 
be thought to endeavour to take away in 
any degree the necessity of the         
influence of the ,holy ,spirit on the   
mind of man1 or to deny that this       
,spirit ought not to be resorted to as  
the first and best guide1 both by rich  
and poor1 during their pilgrimage upon  
earth4 ,for who can teach us best to    
deny the world8 ,who can teach us best  
to estimate its pursuits8 ,who can      
instruct us best to resist its          
temptations8 ,to the ,divine ,being then
 we are first to look up1 as to him who 
can be the best author of all our good1 
and the surest averter of all our evils1
 who can apply the best remedy to the   
imperfections of our nature1 and who1   
while he leads us in safety1 can lead us
 into the way of truth4 ,but when we    
consider how many are inattentive1 on   
account of the cares1 and pleasures1 and

 fashions1 and prejudices1 and customs  
of the world1 to the secret notices of  
his grace1 ,i cannot help considering   
that we may be allowed to have secondary
 and subordinate helps to our virtue4   
,as the discipline of the ,quaker       
society may produce and preserve a      
certain purity of life1 so may a        
literary and philosophical education    
operate to the same end4 ,such an       
education is in its general tendency a  
friend to the promotion of virtue and to
 the discouragement of vice4 ,it sets us
 often unquestionably above many of the 
corruptive opinions and customs in the  
midst of which we live4 ,it leads us    
also frequently to the contemplation of 
the ,divine ,being in all the variety of
 his works4 ,it gives us amiable1 awful1
 and sublime conceptions of him4 ,as    
far1 therefore1 as it is capable of     
doing this1 it is a useful1 though it be
 only a subordinate source of our       
purity1 and we may therefore adopt it   
innocently4 ,but we are never to forget1

 at the same time1 that1 though it may  
help us occasionally to resist corrupt  
temptations1 and to encourage desirable 
propensities1 yet it cannot do every    
thing for us that is necessary1 and that
 we are never to overlook1 on this      
account1 the necessity of the influence 
of the ,holy ,spirit4  ,to shew in what 
the education1 which under these        
limitations ,i am going to propose1 may 
consist1 ,i shall revive the controversy
 between the philosophical moralists and
 the ,quakers1 as described in the      
eighth chapter of the first volume4 ,the
 philosophical moralists contended1 that
 knowledge was to be preferred1 as being
 more to be relied upon than            
prohibitions3 that prohibitions were    
often causes of greater evils than they 
were intended to prevent2 that they     
themselves were friends to occasional   
indulgencies2 that they saw nothing     
necessarily or inherently mischievous in
 the amusements of the world2 that it   
was not wise to anticipate danger by    

looking to distant prospects1 where the 
things were innocent in themselves2 that
 ignorance of vice was no guardian of   
morals2 that causes1 and not sub-causes1
 were to be contended against2 and that 
there was no certain security but in    
knowledge and in a love of virtue4 ,to  
this the ,quakers replied1 that         
prohibitions were sanctioned by divine  
authority2 that as far as they related  
to the corrupt amusements of the world1 
they were implied in the spirit of      
,christianity2 that the knowledge1 which
 should be promotive of virtue1 could   
not be inculcated without them2 that    
knowledge again1 if it were to be       
acquired by the permission of occasional
 indulgences1 or by being allowed to    
pass through scenes which might be      
dangerous to virtue1 would be more      
ruinous than ignorance by a prohibition 
of vice2 that ignorance of vice was an  
essential in ,christian morals2 and that
 prohibitions therefore were            
indispensably necessary1 and better to  

be relied upon1 than any corrupt        
knowledge1 which might arise from an    
acquaintance with the customs of the    
world4  ,this then was the state of the 
controversy1 as described in the first  
volume4 ,and in this state it was left4 
,but1 to explain the education which ,i 
have in view1 ,i shall now bring it to a
 conclusion4  ,i must observe then1 that
 the philosophical moralists had the    
advantage of the ,quakers in this       
controversy1 inasmuch as they supposed  
that knowledge was a better safeguard to
 morals than a mere ignorance of vice2  
but they failed in this1 that they      
permitted this knowledge to be acquired 
by passing through scenes which might   
not be friendly to virtue4 ,now this    
latter permission is inadmissible in a  
,christian education2 for no ,christian 
youth ought to be permitted to see or to
 hear that which ought not to be uttered
 or exhibited by a ,christian4 ,the     
,quakers1 on the other hand1 had the    
advantage of the philosophical          

moralists1 inasmuch as they considered  
ignorance to be better than corrupted   
knowledge2 but they failed in this1 that
 they seemed to rely upon ignorance of  
vice as a safeguard against it1 without 
a proper portion of knowledge4 ,the     
education then1 to which ,i allude1     
ought to embrace the most valuable      
positions of both4 ,it should consist of
 knowledge1 and it should consist of    
wise prohibitions also4 ,knowledge and  
prohibitions are inseparable4 ,while the
 mind is gaining knowledge1 it should be
 kept innocent4 ,and while it is kept   
innocent1 it should be gaining          
knowledge4 ,youth should have that kind 
of knowledge instilled into them1 by    
which they should discern the value of  
the prohibitions which are enjoined     
them4 ,they should have such and so much
 knowledge1 that if they were           
accidentally placed in the way of the   
things prohibited1 they should be able  
to look them in the face1 and pass      
through them without injury4 ,this is   

that education1 which1 without          
superseding the necessity of the        
influence of the ,holy ,spirit1 has a   
tendency to enable persons1 while they  
live in the world1 to live out of it or 
deny it4  ,but lest ,i should not be    
clearly understood upon this subject1 ,i
 will exemplify how such an education   
would act or operate to the end         
proposed4  ,and1 first of all1 knowledge
 may be acquired by reading4 ,now there 
are two kinds of reading1 the one       
useful1 the other dangerous4 ,by the    
premises1 ,i am to adopt the first1 and 
to prohibit the last4 ,if then ,i       
accustom my child to the best and purest
 models of ancient and modern           
literature1 ,i give him a certain taste 
for composition4 ,if ,i accustom him to 
the purest and most amiable sentiments1 
as contained in these1 ,i give him a    
love of virtue4 ,if ,i heighten these   
sentiments by beautiful selections from 
the more pure and amiable sentiments of 
,christianity1 ,i increase that love4   

,if ,i give him in my own conduct an    
example1 he sees me practise that which 
,i recommend4 ,i give him then a taste  
for the purest reading1 and the choicest
 compositions1 and ,i offer to his      
notice1 at the same time1 a certain     
system of morality1 which he cannot but 
gradually adopt as his own4 ,now ,i     
would ask1 what influence could a novel 
have upon a mind formed in this manner1 
if thrown accidentally in his way4 ,if  
its composition were but moderate1 as is
 the case with most of them1 it would   
not suit the taste of my child4 ,if its 
sentiments were impure1 it would disgust
 him4 ,these would be so contrary to the
 taste and to the feelings he had       
acquired1 that the poison in such a     
book1 like a ball1 fired at a globular  
surface1 would slide off without        
detriment to the morals of my child4    
,knowledge again may be acquired in the 
course of amusements1 and of such as may
 be resorted to within doors4 ,now of   
these again there are two kinds1 the    

innocent and the corruptive4 ,by the    
premises ,i am to be concerned with the 
first only4 ,if then ,i accustom my     
child to mathematical and philosophical 
pursuits1 if ,i incite him to           
experiments in these1 if ,i assist him  
in measuring the motions of the heavenly
 bodies1 and in discovering the wisdom  
and power of ,omnipotence as displayed  
in these1 if ,i occasion him to be      
interested in1 the contemplation of such
 subjects1 what have ,i done for my     
child8 ,have ,i not called out his      
intellectual faculties8 ,have ,i not    
laid in him the foundation of a serious 
and a thoughtful mind8 ,have ,i not     
accustomed him to solid things1 in      
opposition to those that are light1 and 
to sublime things1 in opposition to     
those that are frivolous8 ,have ,i not  
inculcated in him a love for science8   
,but take my child1 after he has been   
accustomed to such thoughts and such    
subjects1 to the theatre4 ,let the      
pantomime display its various attracting

 scenes to his view4 ,and will he not   
think his entertainment low and         
superficial1 in comparison of that which
 he left at home4  ,knowledge again may 
be acquired by amusements which are out 
of doors4 ,these again may be innocent  
or exceptionable4 ,as before1 ,i have   
nothing to do but with the former4 ,if  
then ,i accustom my child to range the  
fields1 as an employment promotive of   
his health1 and connect this healthy    
exercise with the entertainment of      
botanical pursuits1 do ,i not1 in       
examining with him the shape1 the       
colour1 and the mechanism of plants and 
flowers1 confirm in him his former love 
of the works of nature8 ,do ,i not      
confirm his former notion of the wisdom 
and power of omnipotence8 ,do ,i not    
teach him by these1 and the other       
pursuits which have been mentioned1 that
 all recreations should be innocent1 and
 that time should be wisely employed8   
,but hark6 another amusement1 and one of
 those which are followed out of doors1 

is at hand4 ,the hounds are in view1 and
 fast approaching4 ,my son is           
accidentally solicited to join them4 ,he
 would ask my permission1 but ,i am     
absent4 ,at length he goes4 ,he follows 
them in wild tumult and uproar for an   
hour4 ,he sees some galloping over      
hedges and ditches like madmen1 and     
hazarding their persons in a            
presumptuous manner4 ,he sees others    
ride over the cultivated fields of their
 neighbours1 and injure the rising corn4
 ,he finds that all this noise and      
tumult1 all this danger and injury1 are 
occasioned by the pursuit of a little   
hare1 whose pain is in proportion to the
 joy of those who follow it4 ,now can   
this diversion1 educated as my child has
 been1 fascinate him8 ,will he not      
question its innocence8 ,and will he not
 question its consistency as a natural  
pursuit1 or as an employment for his    
time8  ,it is thus then that knowledge  
will be found to operate as an          
artificial and innocent preservative    

against the destructive pleasures of the
 world4 ,but prohibitions without       
knowledge will be but of little avail1  
where there is a prospect of riches1 and
 the power of gratifying any improper   
appetites as they may arise4 ,but by    
knowledge we shall be able to discover  
the beauty of things1 so that their     
opposites1 or the things prohibited1    
will cease to charm us4 ,by knowledge we
 shall be able to discern the ugliness  
of the things prohibited1 so that we    
shall be enabled to loathe them1 if they
 should come into our way4 ,and thus an 
education1 conducted upon the principles
 of knowledge1 may operate to the end   
proposed4     ,,chap4 ,v4  ,education   
continued1 as consisting of knowledge   
and prohibitions--,good1 which the      
,quakers have done by prohibitions1     
without any considerable                
knowledge--,greater good1 which they    
would do with it--,knowledge then a     
great desideratum in the ,quaker        
education--,favourable state of the     

society for the communication of it with
 purity1 or without detriment to        
morals--,in what this knowledge should  
consist--,general advantages of         
it--,peculiar advantages1 which it would
 bring to the society4   ,when we       
consider that men have all the same     
moral nature1 we wonder1 at the first   
sight1 at the great difference of       
conduct which they exhibit upon earth4  
,but when we consider the power of      
education upon the mind1 we seem to lose
 our surprize4 ,if men in all countries 
were educated alike1 we should find a   
greater resemblance in their character4 
,it is1 in short1 education1 which makes
 the man4 ,and as education appears to  
me to be of so much importance in life1 
,i shall make it the subject of this and
 the succeeding chapter4  ,all education
 should have two objects in view1 the   
opening of the understanding and the    
improvement of the heart4 ,of the two1  
the latter is most important4 ,there    
cannot be a question1 whether the person

 of the most desirable character be the 
virtuous or the learned man4 ,without   
virtue knowledge loses half its value4  
,wisdom1 without virtue1 may be said to 
be merely political2 and such wisdom1   
whenever it belongs to a man1 is little 
better than the cunning or craftiness of
 a fox4 ,a man of a cultivated mind1    
without an unshaken love of virtue1 is  
but a dwarf of a man4 ,his food has done
 him no good1 as it has not contributed 
to his growth4 ,and it would have been  
better1 for the honour of literature1 if
 he had never been educated at all4 ,the
 talents of man1 indeed1 considering him
 as a moral being1 ought always to be   
subservient to religion4 ,all           
philosophy1 says the learned ,cudworth1 
to a wise man1 to a truly sanctified    
mind1 as he in ,plutarch speaketh1 is   
but matter for divinity to work upon4   
,religion is the queen of all those     
inward endowments of the soul3 and all  
pure natural knowledge1 all virgin and  
undeflowered arts and sciences1 are her 

handmaids1 that rise up and call her    
blessed4  ,now if the opening of the    
understanding1 and the improvement of   
the heart1 be the great objects to be   
attained1 it will follow1 that both     
knowledge and wise prohibitions should  
always be component parts of the        
education of youth4 ,the latter the     
,quakers have adopted ever since the    
institution of their society4 ,the      
former they have been generally backward
 to promote1 at least to any            
considerable extent4 ,that they have    
done good1 however1 by their            
prohibitions1 though unaccompanied by   
any considerable knowledge1 it would be 
disingenuous not to acknowledge4 ,but   
this goad has been chiefly confined to  
the children of those who have occupied 
middle stations in the society4 ,such   
children have undoubtedly arrived at the
 true wisdom of life at an early age1 as
 ,i described in the first volume1 and  
have done honour to the religion they   
professed4 ,but prohibitions1 without   

knowledge1 have not been found to answer
 so well among the children of those who
 have had the prospect of a large       
moneyed independence before them1 and   
who have not been afraid either of the  
bad opinion of their own society1 or of 
the bad opinion of the world4 ,it has   
been shewn1 however1 that knowledge with
 prohibitions would1 in all probability1
 be useful to these2 that it would have 
a tendency to enable them1 in the       
perilous situation in which they are    
placed1 to stand against the corrupt    
opinions and fashions1 and while they   
were living in the world1 to live out of
 it1 or to deny it4  ,peculiarly        
situated as the ,quakers are1 they have 
opportunities1 beyond any other people1 
of ingrafting knowledge into their      
system of education without danger1 or1 
in other words1 of giving knowledge to  
their children with the purity which    
,christianity would prescribe4 ,the     
great misfortune in the world is1 that a
 learned education is frequently thought

 more of than a virtuous one2 that      
youth1 while they are obtaining         
knowledge1 are not properly watched and 
checked2 and that they are suffered to  
roam at large in the pursuit of science1
 and to cultivate or not1 at their own  
option1 the science1 if ,i may so call  
it1 of religion4 ,hence it will happen1 
that1 where we see learned men1 we shall
 not always see these of the most       
exemplary character4 ,but the ,quakers  
have long ago adopted a system of       
prohibitions1 as so many barriers       
against vice1 or preservatives of       
virtue4 ,their constitution forbids all 
indulgences that appear unfriendly to   
morals4 ,the ,quakers therefore1 while  
they retain the prohibitions which      
belong to their constitution1 may give  
encouragement to knowledge1 without a   
fear that it will be converted to the   
purposes of vice4  ,the ,quakers1 again1
 have opportunities or advantages1 which
 others have not1 in another point of   
view4 ,in the great public seminary at  

,ackworth1 which belongs to them1 and   
which is principally for those who are  
of the poor and middle classes1 every   
thing is under the inspection and       
guidance of committees1 which can watch 
and enforce an observance of any rules  
that may be prescribed4 ,why then1 if   
public seminaries were instituted for   
the reception of the children of the    
rich1 or if the rich were to give       
encouragement to large private          
seminaries for the same purposes1 should
 they not be placed under the visiting  
discipline of the society8 ,why should  
they not be placed under the care of    
committees also8 ,why should not these  
committees see that the two great       
objects of the education proposed were  
going on at the same time1 or that1     
while knowledge was obtaining1          
discipline had not been relaxed4 ,why   
should not such seminaries produce      
future ,penns1 and ,barclays1 and       
others1 who1 while they were men capable
 of deep literary researches1 should be 

exemplary for their virtue8  ,as        
knowledge then ought to form a part of  
the proposed education1 on a much larger
 scale than has been hitherto           
encouraged1 ,i shall say a few words as 
to the component parts of it1 and as to 
the general advantages of these1 and ,i 
shall afterwards speak to the advantages
 which the society in particular would  
derive from such a change4  ,in the     
education ,i propose1 ,i do not mean1 in
 the slightest manner1 to break in upon 
the moral system of the ,quakers1 as    
described in the first volume4 ,i do not
 propose to them the polite arts4 ,i do 
not recommend them to make children     
musicians1 or that they should learn1   
under the dancing-master1 to step       
gracefully4 ,i advise only such         
knowledge as will be strictly innocent  
and useful4  ,in the first place1 ,i    
recommend a better classical education4 
,classical knowledge gives the          
foundation both of particular and       
universal grammar4 ,while it gives the  

acquisition of the dead languages1 it is
 the root1 and thereforce facilitates   
the acquisition of many of the living4  
,as most of the technical terms in the  
professions and sciences are borrowed   
from these languages1 it renders them   
easily understood4 ,the study of the    
structure and combination of words and  
sentences calls forth the reflecting    
powers of youth1 and expands their      
genius4 ,it leads to penetration and    
judgement4 ,it induces habits of        
diligence and patience4 ,by means of    
this knowledge we have access to the    
sacred writings in the languages in     
which they were written1 and we are     
therefore not liable to be imposed upon1
 for the sense of them1 by others4 ,we  
become acquainted also1 by means of it1 
with the sentiments and knowledge of the
 ancients4 ,we see their thoughts and   
expressions4 ,we acquire a literary     
taste4  ,a knowledge of ancient history 
is necessarily conpected with the       
former4 ,to this1 however1 should be    

added that of the modern4 ,history1     
while it entertains us1 instructs us    
morally4 ,we cannot see the rise and    
fall of empires1 or the causes of their 
formation and dissolution1 or read the  
histories of good and bad men1 without  
impressions of moral importance to      
ourselves4  ,a philosophical education  
is peculiarly important4 ,by this ,i    
mean1 a general knowledge of the        
mathematics1 of mechanics1 optics1      
hydrostatics1 astronomy1 chemistry1     
botany1 and the like4 ,the teaching of  
these should be accompanied by          
experiments4 ,experimental philosophy1  
as ,i observed before1 is peculiarly    
interesting to youth4 ,such knowledge   
teaches us the causes of things4        
,mysteries1 hitherto hidden both in the 
garden and in the field1 and in the     
heaven and in the air1 lie unfolded to  
our view4 ,every walk we take1 while the
 surface of the earth remains as it is1 
and the canopy of the firmament is      
spread over us1 gives its the           

opportunity1 in all the innumerable     
objects presented to our view1 of almost
 endless investigation and delight4 ,and
 the deeper we go into the hidden things
 of nature1 and the more we unfold them1
 have we not a better belief of the     
existence of the ,creator1 and grander  
notions of the symmetry1 order1 beauty1 
and wisdom of his works8 ,such knowledge
 leads also1 as it has always done1 to  
discoveries1 by which we may make       
ourselves useful to mankind4 ,and1      
besides the utility1 of which it may    
make us capable1 can discoveries of the 
principles of nature lessen oar love and
 admiration of the first great ,cause8  
,to philosophical knowledge should be   
added general reading4 ,such reading    
should be of the purest kind4 ,of       
knowledge1 acquired in this manner1 it  
maybe said1 that it opens new sources of
 right views and sentiments1 and this   
even independently of ,christianity1    
from which our most valuable information
 is derived4 ,thus at a time1 when as a 

nation we professed to be ,christians1  
we shed the blood of the martyrs4 ,thus 
when even such men as the great ,sir    
,matthew ,hale1 one of the brightest    
,christian patterns in our country1 were
 at the head of it1 we condemned persons
 to death for witchcraft4 ,but knowledge
 superior to that of those times1 has   
taught us better things4 ,by means of it
 we perceive1 that persecution does not 
destroy1 but that it propagates         
opinions1 and that the belief of the    
existence of witchcraft is absurd4      
,these then appear to me to be the      
general advantages1 or such as are      
inseparable from education when composed
 of the various branches of knowledge   
which have been described4 ,i shall now 
endeavour to shew the peculiar          
advantages1 which the ,quakers would    
derive from it4  ,it will appear then1  
if we look back into the character of   
the ,quakers1 as described in this      
volume1 that the world charges them1 ,i 
mean the more affluent part of them1    

with having less learning1 than others  
in a similar rank of life4 ,but surely  
the education ,i propose would remove   
this intellectual defect4  ,the world   
again1 as we have seen1 has fixed       
another intellectual blemish upon them  
by the imputation of superstition4 ,but 
how does superstition enter1 but where  
there is a want of knowledge8 ,does not 
all history bear testimony1 that in     
proportion as men have been more or less
 enlightened1 they have been less or    
more liable to this charge8 ,it is      
knowledge then1 which must banish this  
frightful companion of the mind4        
,wherever individuals acknowledge1 in a 
more extensive degree than others1 the  
influence of the ,divine ,spirit in man1
 these1 of all other people1 will find  
the advantages of it4 ,knowledge leads  
to a solution of things1 as they are    
connected with philosophy1 or the theory
 of the human mind4 ,it enables men to  
know their first and their second       
causes1 so as to distinguish between    

causes and occasions4 ,it fixes the     
nature of action and of thought2 and1 by
 referring effects to their causes1 it  
often enables men to draw the line      
between the probability of fancy and    
inspiration4 ,how many good men are     
there1 who1 adopting a similar creed    
with that of the ,quakers on this       
subject1 make themselves uneasy1 by     
bringing down the ,divine ,being1       
promiscuously and without due           
discrimination1 into the varied concerns
 of their lives8 ,how many are there1   
who attribute to him that which is      
easily explained by the knowledge of    
common causes8 ,thus1 for instance1     
there are appearances in nature1 which a
 person of an uninformed mind1 but who  
should adopt the doctrine of the        
influence of the ,spirit1 would place   
among signs1 and wonders1 and divine    
notices1 which others1 acquainted with  
the philosophy of nature1 would almost  
instantly solve4 ,thus again there may  
be occasions1 which persons1 carrying   

the same doctrine to an undue extent1   
might interpret into warning or         
prophetic voices1 but which a due       
exercise of the intellect1 where such   
exercise has been properly encouraged1  
would easily explain4 ,this reminds me  
of a singular occurrence3 ,a friend of  
mine was lately walking in a beautiful  
vale4 ,in approaching a slate-quarry he 
heard an explosion1 and a mass of stone1
 which had been severed by gunpowder1   
fell near him as he walked along4 ,he   
went immediately to the persons         
employed4 ,he represented the           
impropriety of their conduct in not     
having given proper notice to such as   
were passing by1 and concluded by       
declaring emphatically1 that they       
themselves would be soon destroyed4 ,it 
happened1 but six weeks afterwards1 that
 two of these men were blown to pieces4 
,the words then of my friend were       
verified4 ,now ,i have no doubt that    
ignorant persons1 in the habit of       
referring every thing promiscuously to  

the ,divine interference1 would consider
 my friend as a prophet1 and his words  
as a divinely forewarning voice4 ,but   
what did my friend mean8 or where did he
 get his foresight on this occasion8    
,the answer is1 that my friend1 being   
accustomed to the exercise of his       
rational faculties1 concluded1 that if  
the people in question were so careless 
with respect to those who should be     
passing by in such times of danger1 they
 would by custom become careless with   
respect to themselves1 and that         
ultimately some mischief would befal    
them4 ,it is knowledge1 then1 acquired  
by a due exercise of the intellectual   
powers1 and through the course of an    
enlightened education1 which will give  
men just views of the causes and effects
 of things1 and which1 while it teaches 
them to discover and acknowledge the    
,divine ,being in all his wondrous      
works1 and properly to distinguish him  
in his providences1 preserves them from 
the miseries of superstition4  ,the     

world again has fixed the moral blemish 
of the money-getting1 spirit upon the   
,quaker character4 ,but knowledge would 
step in here also as a considerable     
corrector of the evil4 ,it would shew1  
that there were other objects besides   
money1 which were worthy of pursuit4    
,nor would it point out only new        
objects1 but it would make a scale of   
their comparative importance4 ,it would 
fix intellectual attachments1 next to   
religion1 in the highest class4 ,thus   
money would sink in importance as a     
pursuit1 or be valued only as it was the
 means of comfort to those who had it1  
or of communicating comfort to others4  
,knowledge also would be useful in      
taking off1 to a certain degree1 the    
corruptive effects of this spirit1 for  
it would prevent it by the more liberal 
notions it would introduce1 from leaving
 the whole of its dregs of pollution    
upon the mind4  ,the ,quakers again1 as 
we have seen1 have been charged with a  
want of animation1 from whence an unjust

 inference has been drawn of the        
coldness of their hearts4 ,but knowledge
 would diminish this appearance4 ,for1  
in the first place1 it would enlarge the
 powers1 and vary the topics of         
conversation4 ,it would enliven the     
speaker4 ,it would give him animation in
 discourse4 ,animation again would      
produce a greater appearance of energy1 
and energy of the warmth of life4 ,and  
there are few people1 whatever might be 
the outward cold appearance of the      
person with whom they conversed1 whose  
prejudices would not die away1 if they  
found a cheerful and an agreeable       
companion4  ,another charge against the 
,quakers was obstinacy4 ,this was shewn 
to be unjust4 ,the trait1 in this case1 
should rather have been put down as     
virtue4 ,knowledge1 however1 would even 
operate here as a partial remedy4 ,for  
while the ,quakers are esteemed         
deficient in literature1 their          
opposition to the customs of the world1 
will always be characterized as folly4  

,but if they were to bear in the minds  
of their countrymen a different         
estimation as to intellectual           
attainments1 the trait might be spoken  
of under another name4 ,for persons are 
not apt to impute obstinacy to the      
actions of those1 however singular1 whom
 they believe to have paid a due        
attention to the cultivation of their   
minds4  ,it is not necessary to bring to
 recollection the other traits that were
 mentioned1 to see the operation of a   
superior education upon these4 ,it must 
have already appeared1 that1 whatever   
may be the general advantages of        
learning1 they would be more than       
usually valuable to the ,quaker         
character4     ,,chap4 ,,vi4  ,arguments
 of those of the society examined1 who  
may depreciate human knowledge--,this   
depreciation did not originate with the 
first ,quakers--with                    
,barclay--,penn--,ellwood--but arose    
afterwards--,reputed disadvantages of a 
classical education--,its heathen       

mythology and morality--,disadvantages  
of a philosophical one--,its            
scepticism--,general disadvantages of   
human learning--,inefficiency of all the
 arguments advanced4   ,having shewn the
 advantages1 which generally accompany a
 superior education1 ,i shall exhibit   
the disadvantages which may be thought  
to attend it1 or ,i shall consider those
 arguments1 which some persons of this  
society1 who have unfortunately         
depreciated human learning1 though with 
the best intentions1 might use against  
it1 if they were to see the contents of 
the preceding chapter4  ,but1 before ,i 
do this1 ,i shall exonerate the first   
,quakers from the charge of such a      
depreciation4 ,these exhibited in their 
own persons the practicability of the   
union of knowledge and virtue4 ,while   
they were eminent for their learning1   
they were distinguished for the piety of
 their lives4 ,they were indeed the     
friends of both4 ,they did not patronize
 the one to the prejudice and expulsion 

of the other4#ec  ,footnote #ec3 ,george
 ,fox was certainly an exception to this
 as a scholar4 ,he was also not friendly
 to classical learning on account of    
some of the indelicate passages         
contained in the classical authors1     
which he and ,farley and ,stubbs1 took  
some pains to cite1 but1 if these had   
been removed1 ,i believe his objections 
would have ceased4  ,barclay1 in his    
celebrated apology1 no where condemns   
the propriety or usefulness of human    
learning1 or denies it to be promotive  
of the temporal comforts of man4 ,he    
says that the knowledge of ,latin1      
,greek and ,hebrew1 or of logic and     
philosophy1 or of ethics1 or of physics 
and metaphysics1 is not necessary4 ,but 
not necessary for what8 ,mark his own   
meaning4 ,not necessary to make a       
minister of the ,gospel4 ,but where does
 he say that knowledge1 which he himself
 possessed to such a considerable       
extent1 was not necessary1 or that it   
did not contribute to the innocent      

pleasures of life8 ,what would have been
 the character of his own book1 or what 
would have been its comparative value   
and usefulness1 if he had not been able 
to quote so many authors to his purpose 
in their original texts1 or to have     
detected so many classical errors1 or to
 have introduced such apposite history1 
or to have drawn up his propositions    
with so much logical and mathematical   
clearness and precision1 or if he had   
not been among the first literary       
characters of his day8  ,william ,penn  
was equally celebrated with ,barclay as 
a scholar4 ,his works afford abundant   
proof of his erudition1 or of the high  
cultivation of his mind4 ,like the rest 
of his associates1 he was no advocate   
for learning1 as a qualification for a  
minister of the ,gospel1 but he was yet 
a friend to it1 on the principle1 that  
it enlarged the understanding1 and that 
it added to the innocent pleasures of   
the mind4 ,he entreated his wife1 in the
 beautiful letter which he left her1    

before he embarked on his first voyage  
to ,america1 not to be sparing of       
expence in procuring learning for his   
children1 for that by such parsimony all
 was lost that was saved4 ,and he       
recommended also in the same letter the 
mathematical or philosophical education 
which ,i have described4  ,thomas       
,ellwood1 a celebrated writer among the 
early ,quakers1 and the friend of the   
great ,john ,milton1 was so sensible of 
the disadvantages arising from a want of
 knowledge1 that he revived his         
learning1 with great industry1 even     
after he had become a ,quaker4 ,let us  
hear the account which he gives of      
himself in his own ,journal4 ,i         
mentioned before1 says he1 that1 when ,i
 was a boy1 ,i made some progress in    
learning1 and that ,i lost it all again 
before ,i came to be a man4 ,nor was ,i 
slightly sensible of my last therein1   
till ,i came amongst the ,quakers4 ,but 
then ,i both saw my loss1 and lamented  
it2 and applied myself with the utmost  

diligence1 at all leisure times to      
recover it4 ,so false ,i found that     
charge to be1 which in those times was  
east as a reproach upon the ,quakers1   
that they despised and decried all human
 learning1 because they denied it to be 
essentially necessary to a ,gospel      
ministry1 which was one of the          
controversies of those times4  ,but     
though ,i toiled hard1 and spared no    
pains to regain what ,i had once been   
master of1 yet ,i found it a matter of  
so great difficulty1 that ,i was ready  
to say1 as the noble eunuch to ,philip1 
in another case1 how can ,i1 unless ,i  
had some man to guide me8  ,this ,i had 
formerly complained of to my especial   
friend ,isaac ,pennington1 but now more 
earnestly2 which put him upon           
considering and contriving a means for  
my assistance4  ,he had an intimate     
acquaintance with ,dr4 ,paget1 a        
physician of note in ,london1 and he    
with ,john ,milton1 a gentleman of great
 note for learning1 throughout the      

learned world1 for the accurate pieces  
he had ,written on various subjects and 
occasions4  ,this person1 having filled 
a public station in the former times1   
lived now a private and retired life in 
,london2 and1 having wholly lost his    
sight1 kept always a man to read to him1
 which usually was the son of some      
gentleman of his acquaintance1 whom in  
kindness he took to improve in his      
learning4  ,thus by the mediation of my 
friend ,isaac ,pennington with ,dr4     
,paget1 and of ,dr4 ,paget with ,john   
,milton1 was ,i admitted to come to him2
 not as a servant to him 7which at that 
time he needed not7 nor to be in the    
house with him2 but only to have the    
liberty of coming to his house at       
certain hours1 when ,i would1 and to    
read to him what books he should appoint
 me1 which was all the favour ,i        
desired4  ,by means of this extract1    
made from the life of ,thomas ,ellwood1 
we come to three conclusions4 ,first1   
that the early ,quakers were generally  

men of eminent learning4 ,secondly1 that
 they did not decry or depreciate human 
knowledge4 ,and thirdly1 that the       
calumny of such a depreciation by them  
arose from the controversy which they   
thought it right to maintain1 in which  
they denied it to be necessary as a     
qualification for a ,gospel minister4   
,this latter conclusion brings me round 
again to the point4 ,and here ,i must   
observe1 that1 though this famous       
controversy occasioned the first        
,quakers to be unduly blamed on account 
of such a depreciation1 yet it          
contributed to make some of their       
immediate successors1 as ,i stated in a 
former volume1 justly chargeable with   
it4 ,but whether this was or was not the
 real cause1 it is not material to the  
question4 ,many of the society1 from    
came cause or other1 did undoubtedly1 in
 the age immediately succeeding that of 
their founders1 begin to depreciate     
human knowledge1 the effects of which1  
though gradually dissipating1 have not  

been wholly done away at the present    
day4 ,the disadvantages1 therefore1 of  
human learning1 or the arguments which  
would be advanced against it by those   
who may undervalue it1 ,i shall now     
consider4  ,these arguments may be      
divided into particular and general4 ,on
 the former ,i shall first speak4  ,a   
classical education is considered to be 
objectionable1 first1 on account of the 
,heathen mythology that is necessarily  
connected with it4 ,its tendency1 as it 
relates to fabulous occurrences1 is     
thought to be unfavourable1 as it may   
lead to a romantic propensity1 and a    
turn for fiction4 ,but surely the       
meaning of such occurrences cannot be   
well mistaken4 ,if they are represented 
to our view in fable1 they have had     
their foundation in truth4 ,many of them
 again are of such importance1 that we  
could not wish to see them annihilated4 
,let us refer1 for example1 to the story
 of ,deucalion and ,pyrrha4 ,is it not  
one among the many outward confirmations

 of the truth of the history of ,moses8 
,or do we not trace in it additional    
proofs of the deluge1 and of the renewal
 of mankind8  ,its tendency again1 as it
 relates to the fabulous history of the 
,heathen gods1 their number1 their      
offices1 and their character1 is        
considered as degrading and             
exceptionable4 ,i will concede this for 
a moment4 ,but may it not1 on the other 
hand1 be rendered instructive and       
useful8 ,may not the retention of such  
an history be accompanied with great    
moral advantages to our children8 ,the  
emperor ,theodosius commanded the idol  
temples to be destroyed4 ,instead of    
devoting them to the use of the         
,christians of those times1 by which    
they might have been preserved to future
 generations1 the most beautiful remains
 of antiquity were reduced to ruins4    
,but would it not have been better1 if  
,theodosius had brought good out of evil
 by retaining them8 ,would it not have  
been a high moral gratification to those

 who knew the fact1 that temples1       
appropriated to the worship of idols1   
had been devoted to the service of the  
only true ,god8 ,would it not have been 
a matter of joy to these to have        
reflected upon the improving condition  
of mankind8 ,and1 while they looked up  
to these beautiful structures of art1   
might not the sight of them have        
contributed to the incitement of their  
virtue8 ,if it be the tendency of the   
corrupt part of our nature to render    
innocent things vicious1 it is1 on the  
other hand1 in the essence of our nature
 to render vicious things in process of 
time innocent1 so that the very remnants
 of idolatry may be made subservient to 
our moral improvement4 ,if1 as ,i       
observed in the first volume1 we were to
 find an alter which had been sacred to 
,moloch1 but which had been turned into 
a stepping-stone to help the aged and   
infirm upon their horses1 why should we 
destroy it8 ,might it not be made useful
 to our morality1 as for as it could be 

made to excite sorrow for the past and  
gratitude for the present8 ,and in the  
same manner the retention of the        
,heathen mythology might be made        
serviceable4 ,ought it not1 whenever we 
contemplate it1 to make us thankful1    
that we have not the dark and cheerless 
path of our ancestors to tread2 that we 
have clearer light2 that we have surer  
prospects2 that we have a steadier      
ground of hope2 and ought we not1 on a  
contemplation of these superior         
advantages1 brought to us by revelation1
 to be roused into the practice of a    
superior virtue4  ,classical education  
again is considered as objectionable by 
the ,quakers on account of the ,heathen 
notions1 which it may spread4 ,thus the 
highest reputation of man is placed in  
deeds of martial achievement1 and a     
martial ardour is in consequence infused
 into youth1 which it is difficult to   
suppress4 ,that such notions and effect 
are produced1 there can be no doubt2 but
 how are we to avoid these whilst we are

 obliged to live in the world8 ,the     
expulsion of the classics would not     
expel them4 ,our own newspapers1 which  
are open to all1 spread the same        
opinions1 and are instrumental of course
 in producing the same excitements1 but 
they do it in a much more objectionable 
way than the classical authors1 that is1
 they do it with less delicacy1 and with
 a more sanguinary applause4 ,but where1
 as ,i observed before1 shall we retire 
from such impressions8 ,does not the    
recruiting drum propagate them in all   
our towns8 ,do not the ringing of the   
bells1 and the illuminations1 which     
occasionally take place in the time of  
war1 propagate them also8 ,and do we not
 find these1 both in war and in peace1  
the sentiments and impressions of the   
world8 ,our own notions then1 our own   
writings1 and our own customs1 are more 
to be blamed in this respect1 than the  
literary compositions of ancient times4 
,but this1 of all others1 ought to be   
least an objection with the ,quakers to 

such an education2 because1 to their    
honour1 they have a constant            
counteraction of the effects of such    
sentiments and impressions in the       
principles of their own constitution1   
and which counteraction cannot cease1   
while1 by the bearing of their          
testimony1 they live in a continual     
protest against them4  ,the last        
objection to a classical education is1  
that the system of the ,heathen morality
 is generally too deficient for those   
who are to be brought up as ,christians4
 ,to this ,i answer1 that it is quite as
 good as the system of the morality of  
the world4 ,i could procure purer       
sentiments1 and this generally from the 
,heathen authors usually called#ed      
classical1 than ,i can collect from     
many1 even of the admired publications  
of our own times4 ,the morality of the  
heathens is not so deficient as many    
have imagined4 ,if their best opinions  
were duly selected and brought into one 
view1 the only matter of surprise would 

be1 how1 with no other than the law     
written upon the heart1 they had made   
such sublime discoveries4 ,it was       
principally in their theology1 where the
 law written upon the heart could not   
reach1 that the ancients were deficient4
 ,they knew but little of the one true  
,god4 ,they did not know that he was a  
,spirit1 and that he was to be worshiped
 in spirit and in truth4 ,they were     
ignorant of his attributes4 ,they had   
learnt nothing of the true origin1      
nature1 and condition of man1 or of the 
scheme of creation and redemption4      
,these things were undoubtedly hidden   
from the eyes of the ancient            
philosophers4 ,and it was in knowledge  
of this kind chiefly1 that their        
deficiency was apparent4 ,but how is    
this particular deficiency detrimental  
to youth1 or how rather might it not be 
rendered useful to them in the way      
described8 ,what a sublime contrast does
 knowledge1 as exhibited by revelation1 
afford to the ignorance of those times1 

and what joy and gratitude ought we not 
to feel in the comparison8 ,and this is 
the only use which can be made of their 
mythology8 ,for when we send youth to   
the classical authors1 we send them to  
learn the languages1 and this through a 
medium where the morality is both useful
 and respectable1 but we do not send    
them1 living where the blessings of     
revelation are enjoyed1 to be instructed
 in religion4  ,footnote #ed3 ,it must  
however be acknowledged1 that1 amidst   
beautiful sentiments1 such as are       
indelicate are occasionally             
interspersed4 ,but the quakers might    
remedy this objection by procuring a new
 edition of the purest classics only1 in
 which particular passages might be     
omitted4 ,they might also add new ,latin
 notes1 founded on ,christian           
principles1 where any ideas were found  
to be incorrect1 and thus make          
,heathenism itself useful1 as a literal 
teacher of a moral system4 ,the world1  
,i believe1 would be obliged to the     

,quakers for such an edition1 and it    
would soon obtain in most of the schools
 of the kingdom4  ,the principal        
argument against a philosophical        
education1 which is the next subject for
 consideration1 is1 that men1 who       
cultivate such studies1 require often   
more proofs of things than can always be
 had1 and that1 if these are wanting1   
they suspend their belief4 ,and as this 
is true in philosophy1 so it may be true
 in religion4 ,hence persons accustomed 
to such pursuits1 are likely to become  
sceptics or infidels4 ,to this ,i       
answer1 that the general tendency of    
philosophy is favourable to religion4   
,its natural tendency is to give the    
mind grand and sublime ideas1 and to    
produce in it a belief of the existence 
of one great cause1 which is not visible
 among men4 ,thus1 for example1 ,i find 
that the planets perform a certain      
round6 ,they perform it with a certain  
velocity4 ,they do not wander at random1
 but they are kept to their orbits4 ,i  

find the forces which act upon them for 
this purpose4 ,i find1 in short1 that   
they are subject to certain laws4 ,now1 
if the planets were living agents1 they 
might have prescribed these laws to     
themselves4 ,but ,i know that this1 when
 ,i believe them to consist of material 
substances1 is impossible4 ,if then1 as 
material substances1 they are subject to
 laws1 such laws must have been given   
them4 ,there must have been some        
lawgiver4 ,in this manner then ,i am led
 to some other great1 and powerful1 and 
invisible ,agent or ,cause4 ,and here it
 may be observed1 that if philosophers  
were ever baffled in their attempts at  
discovery1 or in their attempts after   
knowledge1 as they frequently are1 they 
would not1 on this account1 have any    
doubt with respect to the being of a    
,god4 ,if they had found1 after repeated
 discoveries1 that the ideas acquired   
from thence were repeatedly or          
progressively sublime1 and that they led
 repeatedly or progressively to a belief

 of the existence of a superior ,power1 
is it likely that they would all at once
 discard this belief1 because there     
researches were unsuccessful8 ,if they  
were to do this1 they would do it       
against all the rules of philosophizing1
 and against the force of their own     
habits4 ,i say1 that analogical is a    
part of philosophical reasoning1 and    
that they would rather argue1 that1 as  
such effects had been uniformly         
produced1 so they would probably still  
be produced1 if their researches were   
crowned with success4 ,the tendency then
 of philosophical knowledge is far      
otherwise than has been supposed4 ,and  
it makes highly in favour of the study  
of these sciences1 that those who have  
cultivated them the most1 such as       
,newton1 and ,boyle1 and others1 have   
been found among the ablest advocates   
for religion4#ee  ,footnote #ee3 ,i by  
no means intend to say1 that philosophy 
leads to the religion called            
,christianity1 but that it does to      

,theism1 which is the foundation of it4 
,i come now1 to the general arguments   
used by the ,quakers against human      
learning1 the first of which is1 that   
they who possess it are too apt to      
reduce religion to reason1 and to strip 
it of the influence of the ,spirit4 ,but
 this is contrary1 as a general         
position1 to all fact4 ,we find no      
mention of this in history4 ,the fathers
 of the church were the most eminent for
 learning in their own days1 and these  
insisted upon the ,influence of the     
,spirit in spiritual concerns1 as one of
 the first articles of their faith4 ,the
 reformers1 who succeeded these1 were   
men of extensive erudition also1 and    
acknowledged the same great principle4  
,and nine-tenths1 ,i believe1 of the    
,christians of the present1 day1 among  
whom we ought to reckon nine-tenths of  
the men of learning also1 adopt a       
similar creed4  ,another general        
argument is1 that learning is apt to    
lead to conceit and pride1 or to a      

presumed superiority of intellect1 in   
consequence of which men raise          
themselves in their own estimation1 and 
look down upon others as creatures of an
 inferior order of race4 ,to this ,i may
 answer1 that as prodigies are daily    
produced in nature1 though they may be  
but as one to a hundred thousand when   
compared with the perfect things of     
their own kind1 so such phenomena may   
occasionally make their appearance in   
the world4 ,but as far as my own        
experience goes1 ,i believe the true    
tendency of learning to be quite the    
reverse4 ,i believe the most learned to 
be generally the most humble1 and to be 
the most sensible of their own          
ignorance4 ,men1 in the course of their 
studies1 daily find something new4      
,every thing new shews them only their  
former ignorance1 and how much there is 
yet to learn4 ,the more they persevere1 
in their researches1 the more they      
acknowledge the latter fact4 ,the longer
 they live1 the more they lament the    

shortness of life1 during which1 man    
with all his industry1 can attain so    
little1 and that1 when he is but just   
beginning to know1 he is cut off4 ,they 
see1 in short1 their own nothingness1   
and1 however they may be superior in    
their attainments1 they are convinced   
that their knowledge is1 after all1 but 
a shadow2 that it is but darkness2 that 
it is but the absence of light2 and that
 it no sooner begins to assume an       
appearance than it is gone4  ,the last  
general argument against learning is1   
that it does not lead to morality1 or   
that learned men do not always exhibit  
an example of the best character4 ,in   
answer to this ,i must observe1 that the
 natural tendency of learning is to     
virtue4 ,if learned men are not         
virtuous1 ,i presume their conduct is an
 exception to the general effect of     
knowledge upon the mind4 ,that there    
are1 however1 persons of such unnatural 
character1 ,i must confess4 ,but any    
deficiency in their example is not to be

 attributed to their learning4 ,it is to
 be set down1 on the other hand1 to the 
morally defective education they have   
received4 ,they have not been accustomed
 to wise restraints4 ,more pains have   
been taken to give them knowledge1 than 
to instruct them in religion4 ,but where
 an education has been bestowed upon    
persons1 in which their morals have been
 duly attended to1 where has knowledge  
been found to be at variance1 or rather 
where has it not been found to be in    
union1 with virtue8 ,of this union the  
,quakers can trace some of the brightest
 examples in their own society4 ,where  
did knowledge1 for instance1 separate   
herself from religion in ,barclay1 or in
 ,penn1 or in ,burroughs1 or in         
,pennington1 or in ,ellwood1 or in      
,arscott1 or in ,claridge1 or in many   
others who might be named4 ,and as this 
has been the case in the ,quaker        
society1 where a due care has been taken
 of morals1 so it has been the case     
where a similar care has been manifested

 in the great society of the world4     
,piety has found    ,friends ,in the    
friends of ,science1 and true pray'r    
,has flow'd from lips wet with          
,castalian dews4    ,such was thy       
wisdom1 ,newton1 childlike sage6        
,sagacious reader of the works of ,god1 
,and in his word sagacious4 ,such too   
thine1    ,milton1 whose genius had     
angelic wings1    ,and fed on manna4    
,and such thine1 in whom    ,our        
,british ,themis gloried with just      
cause1    ,immortal ,hale6 for deep     
discernment prais'd    ,and sound       
integrity not more1 than fam'd    ,for  
sanctity of manners undefil'd4  ,cowper4
  ,it appears then1 if ,i have reasoned 
properly1 that the arguments usually    
adduced against the acquisition of human
 knowledge are but of little weight4 ,if
 ,i have reasoned falsely upon this     
subject1 so have the early ,quakers4 ,as
 they were friends to virtue1 so they   
were friends to science4 ,if they have  
at any time put a low estimate upon the 

latter1 it has been only as a           
qualification for a minister of the     
,gospel4 ,here they have made a stand4  
,here they have made a discrimination4  
,but ,i believe it will no where be     
found1 that they have denied1 either    
that learning might contribute to the   
innocent pleasures of life1 or that it  
might be made a subordinate and         
auxiliary instrument towards the        
promotion of virtue4     ,,chap4 ,,vii4 
,conclusion of the work--,conclusionary 
remarks divided into two kinds--,first1 
as they relate to those who may have had
 thoughts of leaving the                
society--,advantages1 which these may   
have proposed to themselves by such a   
change--,these advantages either        
religious or temporal--,the value of    
them considered4   ,having now gone     
through all the subjects1 which ,i had  
prescribed to myself at the beginning of
 this work1 ,i purpose to close it4 ,but
 as it should be the wish of every      
author to render his production useful1 

,i shall add a few observations for this
 purpose4 ,my remarks then1 which will  
be thus conclusory1 relate to two       
different sorts of persons4 ,they will  
relate1 first1 to those who may have had
 thoughts of leaving the society1 or1   
which is the same thing1 who persist in 
a course of irregularities1 knowing     
beforehand1 and not regretting it1 that 
they shall be eventually disowned4 ,it  
will relate1 secondly1 to all other     
persons1 or to those who may be called  
the world4 ,to the former ,i shall      
confine my attention in this chapter4   
,i have often heard persons of great    
respectability1 and these even in the   
higher circles of life1 express a wish1 
that they had been brought up as        
,quakers4 ,the steady and quiet         
deportment of the members of this       
society1 the ease with which they appear
 to get through life1 the simplicity and
 morality of their character1 were the  
causes which produced the expression of 
such a wish4 ,but why then1 ,i have     

observed1 if you feel such a disposition
 as this wish indicates1 do you not     
become ,quakers8 ,because1 it has been  
replied1 we are too old to be singular4 
,dressing with sufficient simplicity    
ourselves1 we see no good reason for    
adopting the dress of the society4 ,it  
would be as foolish in us to change the 
colour and fashion of our clothing1 as  
it would be criminal in the ,quakers1   
with their notions1 to come to the use  
of that which belongs to us4            
,endeavouring also to be chaste in our  
conversation1 we cannot adopt their     
language4 ,it would be as inconsistent  
in us to speak after the manner of the  
,quakers1 as it would be inconsistent in
 them to leave their own language for   
ours4 ,but we wish we had been born     
,quakers4 ,and1 if we had been born     
,quakers1 we would never have deserted  
the society4  ,perhaps they to whom ,i  
shall confine my remarks in this        
chapter1 are not aware1 that such       
sentiments as these are floating in the 

minds of many4 ,they are not aware1 that
 it is considered as one of the         
strongest things for those who have been
 born in the society1 and been          
accustomed to its particularities1 to   
leave it4 ,and least of all are they    
aware of the worthless motives1 which   
the world attributes to them for an     
intended separation from it4  ,there is1
 indeed1 something seemingly            
irreconcileable in the thought of such a
 dereliction or change4 ,to leave the   
society of a moral people1 can it be a  
matter of any credit8 ,to diminish the  
number of those who protest against war1
 and who have none of the guilt upon    
their heads of the sanguinary progress  
of human destruction which is going on  
in the world1 is it desirable1 or       
rather1 ought it not to be a matter of  
regret8 ,and to leave it at a time1 when
 its difficulties are over1 is it a     
proof of a wise and a prudent choice8   
,if persons had ever had it in          
contemplation to leave the society in   

its most difficult and trying times1 or 
in the days of its persecution1 when    
only for the adoption of innocent       
singularities its members were insulted1
 and beaten1 and bruised1 and put in    
danger of their lives1 it had been no   
matter of surprise3 but to leave it1    
when all prejudices against them are    
gradually decreasing1 when they are     
rising in respectability in the eyes of 
the government under which they live1   
and when1 by the weight of their own    
usefulness and character1 they are      
growing in the esteem of the world1 is  
surely a matter of wonder1 and for which
 it is difficult to account4  ,this     
brings me to the point in question1 or  
to the examination of those arguments1  
which may at times have come into the   
heads of those who have had thoughts of 
ceasing to be members of this society4  
,in endeavouring to discover these1 we  
can only suppose them to be actuated by 
one motive1 for no other will be        
reasonable1 namely1 that they shall     

derive advantages from the change4 ,now 
all advantages are resolvable into two  
kinds1 into such as are religious1 and  
into such as are temporal4 ,the first   
question then is1 what advantages do    
they gain in the former case1 or do they
 actually come into the possession of a 
better religion8  ,i am aware that to   
enter into this subject1 though but     
briefly1 is an odious task4 ,but ,i     
shall abstain from all comparisons1 by  
which ,i might offend any4 ,if ,i were  
to be asked which1 among the many       
systems of the ,christian religion1 ,i  
should prefer1 ,i should say1 that ,i   
see in all of them much to admire1 but  
that no one of them1 perhaps1 does      
wholly1 or in every part of it1 please  
me2 that is1 there is no one1 in which  
,i do not see some little difficulty1   
which ,i cannot solve1 though this is no
 impediment to my faith4 ,but1 if ,i    
were pressed more particularly upon this
 point1 ,i should give the following    
answer4 ,i should say1 that ,i should   

prefer that1 which1 first of all1 would 
solve the greatest number of            
difficulties1 as far as scriptural texts
 were concerned1 in conformity with the 
,divine attributes1 which1 secondly1    
would afford the most encouraging and   
consolatory creed1 if it were equally   
well founded with any other2 and which1 
thirdly1 either by its own operation1 or
 by the administration of it1 would     
produce the post perfect ,christian     
character4 ,let us then judge of the    
religion of the ,quakers by this        
standard4  ,that there are difficulties 
with respect to texts of scripture1 must
 be admitted2 for if all men were to    
understand them alike1 there would be   
but one profession of the ,christian    
religion4 ,one man endeavours to make   
his system comport wholly with human    
reason1 and the consequence is1 that    
texts constantly stare him in the face1 
which militate against it4 ,another     
discards reason1 with a determination to
 abide literally by that1 which is      

revealed1 and the consequence is1 that1 
in his literal interpretation of some   
passages1 he leaves others wholly       
irreconcileable with his scheme4 ,now   
the religion1 of the ,quakers has been  
explained1 and this extensively4 ,in its
 doctrinal parts it is simple4 ,it is   
spiritual4 ,it unites often philosophy  
with revelation4 ,it explains a great   
number of the difficult texts with      
clearness and consistency4 ,that it     
explains all of them ,i will not aver4  
,but these which it does explain1 it    
explains in the strictest harmony with  
the love1 goodness1 justice1 mercy1 and 
wisdom of ,god4  ,as to the creed of the
 ,quakers1 we have seen its effects4 ,we
 have seen it to be both encouraging and
 consolatory4 ,we have seen it produce  
happiness in life1 and courage in death4
 ,the doctrine of the possibility of    
human perfection1 where it is believed1 
must be a perpetual stimulus to virtue1 
it must encourage hope and banish fear4 
,but it may be said1 that stimulative   

and consolatory as it may be1 it wants  
one of the marks which ,i have insisted 
upon1 namely1 a sound foundation4 ,but  
surely they1 who deny it1 will have as  
many scriptural texts against them as   
they who acknowledge it1 and will they  
not be rendering their own spiritual    
situation perilous8 ,but what do the    
,quakers mean by perfection8 ,not the   
perfection of ,god1 to which there are  
no limits1 as has been before explained1
 but that which arises to man from the  
possibility of keeping the divine       
commands4 ,they mean that perfection1   
such as ,noah1 and ,job1 and ,zacharias1
 and ,elizabeth1 attained1 and which the
 ,jewish rabbies distinguished by the   
name of ,redemption1 and which they     
conceived to be effected by the         
influence of the ,holy ,spirit1 or that 
state of man in ,christian morals1      
which1 if he arrives at it1 the ,divine 
,being 7outward redemption having taken 
place by the sacrifice of ,christ7 is   
pleased to accept as sufficient1 or as  

the most pure state at which man1 under 
the disadvantages of the frailty of his 
nature1 can arrive4 ,and is not this the
 practicable perfection1 which ,jesus   
himself taught in these words1 ,be ye   
perfect1 even as your ,father1 which is 
in heaven is perfect4 ,not that he      
supposed it possible1 that any human    
being could be as perfect as the ,divine
 ,nature4 ,but he proposed1 by these    
expressions1 the highest conceivable    
model of human excellence1 of which our 
natures were capable1 well knowing that 
the higher our aspirations the higher we
 should ascend1 and the sooner we should
 reach that best state of humanity that 
was attainable4 ,and here it is1 that   
,christianity1 as a rule of moral       
conduct1 surpasses all others4 ,men1 in 
general1 look up to men for models4     
,thus ,homer makes one of his heroes1   
when giving counsel to his son1 say1    
,always emulate the best4 ,thus also we 
should say to our children1 if a person 
of extraordinary character were to live 

in our neighbourhood1 ,this is the      
pattern for your virture4 ,but ,jesus   
,christ says1 aim at perfection beyond  
that which is human1 alluding to the    
attributes of ,god1 and thus you will   
attain a higher excellence than the     
study of any other model can produce4   
,with respect to the formation of man   
according to the model which            
,christianity prescribes1 the system of 
the ,quakers is no where to be excelled4
 ,no one1 that we know of1 is more      
powerful in the production of a         
subjugated mind and of a moral          
character4 ,by this ,i mean1 that there 
is none which is more universally       
powerful4 ,it is the tendency of        
,christianity1 whatever denomination it 
may assume1 to produce these effects4   
,but there is full as general an        
appearance of these among the ,quakers1 
as in any other ,christian profession4  
,it will appear then1 that1 if the three
 criterions1 which have been specified1 
should be admitted to be those by which 

a judgment may be formed in the present 
case1 they1 who have had thoughts of    
leaving the society1 will not be much   
better off by an exchange of their      
religion4  ,let us see next1 what would 
be the greater temporal advantages1     
which they would obtain4 ,these may be  
summed up in two essential ingredients  
of happiness1 in tranquillity of mind1  
in consequence of which we pass through 
the troubles of life in the most placid 
manner1 and in a moderate pecuniary     
independence1 in consequence of which we
 know none of the wants and hardships1  
but enjoy the reasonable comforts of it4
  ,with respect to tranquillity of mind1
 we have shown this to be constitutional
 with the ,quakers4 ,it arises from     
their domestic enjoyments1 from seldom  
placing their pleasures or their        
fortunes in the power of others1 from   
freedom from the ambition and envyings  
of the world1 from the regulation of the
 temper1 from avoiding quarrels and     
lawsuits1 and from other causes4 ,and   

with respect to a moderate pecuniary    
independence1 we have shewn not only    
that this is the general portion of the 
society1 but that it is in the very     
nature of their habits to acquire it4   
,now these essential ingredients of     
happiness1 or these temporal advantages1
 do not belong to the present ,quakers  
only4 ,they have always belonged to     
,quakers2 and they will be perpetuated  
as an inheritance to their children1 as 
long as ,quakerism lasts4 ,by this ,i   
mean to say1 that if any ,quakers1 now  
living1 could be sure that their        
descendants would keep to the wholesome 
regulations of the society for ten      
generations to come1 they might have the
 comfort of believing1 that tranquillity
 of mind would accompany them1 as an    
effect of the laws and constitution     
belonging it1 and that at any rate an   
easy pecuniary situation in life would  
be preserved to them4 ,for if it be no  
difficult thing1 with the natural habits
 of the society1 to acquire an          

independence1 it is much easier to      
preserve that which has been left them4 
,but will they1 who have had it in      
contemplation to leave the society1 be  
able to say this for their children1    
when they adopt the world for their     
home8 ,what certainty is there1 that    
these will experience tranquillity1     
unless they are seen1 quite as far as   
manhood1 in the habits of religion8     
,will the cares of the world1 its       
ambition1 its thirst after honours1 and 
its unbridled affections and passions1  
give them no uneasiness8 ,and can the   
fortunes transmitted to them1 subject as
 they will be to its destructive        
fashions and pleasures1 be insured to   
them for even half of their times8 ,how 
many have we seen1 who have been in the 
prime of health in the morning1 who have
 fallen before night in the duel8 ,and  
how many have we seen in a state of     
affluence at night1 who have been ruined
 by gaming in the morning8  ,but it is  
possible that they1 who may have had    

thoughts of leaving the society2 may    
picture to themselves another advantage1
 which ,i have not yet mentioned4 ,it is
 possible1 that there may be yet one    
which they may distinguish by such a    
name4 ,they may possibly think it to be 
a gain to get rid of the restraint of   
the discipline of the society1 and to   
enjoy the freedom of the world4  ,that  
the discipline is a restraint1 ,i do not
 deny4 ,but it must never be forgotten1 
that its object is moral good1 and its  
effect the preservation of a moral      
character4 ,but1 come you1 who complain 
of this heavy burden imposed upon you1  
and let us converse together for a      
moment1 and let us see1 if1 when you    
relinquish it1 you do not impose upon   
yourself a worse4 ,are you sure that1   
when you get rid of this discipline1 you
 will not come under the discipline of  
fashion8 ,and who is ,fashion8 ,is she  
not of all mistresses the most          
imperious1 and unreasonable1 and cruel8 
,you may be pleased with her for a      

while1 but you will eventually feel her 
chains4 ,with her iron whip1 brandished 
over your head1 she will issue out her  
commands1 and you must obey them4 ,she  
will drive you1 without mercy1 through  
all her corruptive customs1 and through 
all her chameleon changes1 and this     
against your judgment and against your  
will4 ,do you keep an equipage8 ,you    
must alter the very shape of your       
carriage1 if she prescribes it4 ,is the 
livery of your postilion plain8 ,you    
must make it of as many colours as she  
dictates4 ,if you yourself wear corbeau 
or raven colour to-day1 you must change 
it1 if she orders you1 to that of puce1 
or the flea1 to-morrow4 ,but it is not  
only1 in your equipage and your dress1  
that she will put you under her control4
 ,she will make you obedient to her in  
your address and manners4 ,she will     
force upon you rules for your           
intercourse with others4 ,she will point
 out to you her amusements1 and make you
 follow them4 ,she will place you under 

her cruel laws of honour1 from which she
 will disown you1 if you swerve4 ,now ,i
 beseech you1 tell me1 which you think  
you would prefer1 the discipline of the 
goddess ,fashion1 or that of the good   
old mistress1 which you may have wished 
to leave8 ,the one kindly points out to 
you1 and invites and warns you to avoid1
 every dangerous precipice1 that may be 
before you4 ,the other is not satisfied1
 but with your destruction4 ,she will   
force you1 for a single word1 uttered in
 a thoughtless moment1 to run the hazard
 of your life1 or to lose what she calls
 your character4 ,the one1 by preserving
 you in innocence1 preserves you happy4 
,the greater your obedience to her1 the 
greater is your freedom2 and it is the  
best species of freedom1 because it is  
freedom from the pollutions of the      
world4 ,the other awakens your          
conscience1 and calls out its stings4   
,the more obedient you are to her1 the  
greater is your slavery1 and it is the  
worst species of slavery1 because it is 

often slavery to vice4 ,in consequence  
of the freedom which the one bestows    
upon you1 you are made capable of       
enjoying nature and its various         
beauties1 and by the contemplation of   
these1 of partaking of an endless feast4
 ,in consequence of the freedom which   
the one bestows upon you1 you are made  
capable of enjoying nature1 and its     
various beauties1 and1 by the           
contemplation1 of these1 of partaking of
 an endless feast4 ,in consequence of   
the slavery to which the other reduces  
you1 you are cramped as to such         
enjoyments4 ,by accustoming you to be   
pleased with ridiculous and corruptive  
objects1 and silly and corruptive       
changes1 she confines your relish to    
worthless things4 ,she palsies your     
vision1 and she corrupts your taste4    
,you see nature before you1 and you can 
take no pleasure in it4 ,thus she unfits
 you for the most rational of the       
enjoyments of the world1 in which you   
are designed to live4     ,,chap4       

,,viii4  ,conclusory remarks1 as they   
relate to those who compose the world at
 large--,advantages1 which these may    
derive from the contents of this        
work--from a view of many of the        
customs--and of the principles explained
 in it--from seeing practically the     
influence of these customs and          
principles in the production of         
character and happiness--and from seeing
 the manner of their operation1 or how  
they produce the effects described4   ,i
 shall now endeavour to make my         
conclusory remarks useful as they may   
relate to those who may be called the   
world4  ,to state the object1 which ,i  
have in view1 ,i shall observe at once1 
that men are divided in opinion as to   
the lawfulness1 or expediency1 or       
wholesomeness of many of the customs1   
fashions1 and accomplishments of the    
world4 ,we find some encouraging in     
their families1 and this without any    
hesitation1 and to an almost unlimited  
extent1 those which many1 on account of 

religious considerations1 have expelled4
 ,we find others again endeavouring to  
steer a course between the opinions and 
practice of these4 ,the same diversity  
of sentiment prevails also with respect 
to principles4 ,the virtuous or moral   
are adopted by some4 ,the political by  
others4 ,that the political often obtain
 both in education and in subsequent    
life1 there is no question4 ,thus1 for  
example1 a young man is thought by some 
to be more likely to make his way in the
 world with the address which           
fashionable accomplishments may give    
him1 even if he be a little dissipated1 
than one of strict virtue with          
unpolished manners4 ,thus again in      
actions and transactions1 policy is     
often preferred to express and open     
declarations of the truth4 ,others again
 are of opinion1 that the general basis 
of principle should be virtue1 but that 
a latitude may be1 allowed for a        
seasonable policy4 ,thus an education is
 going on under ,christian parents1 as  

if ,christianity had objects in view1   
which were totally opposite to each     
other4  ,it is in this point of view    
chiefly1 that ,i can hope to be useful  
in this conclusory part of my work4 ,we 
have seen in the course of it both      
customs and principles laid open and    
explained4 ,we have seen the tendencies 
and bearings of these4 ,we have seen    
them probed1 and examined by a moral    
standard4 ,we have seen their influence 
on character and happiness4 ,we have    
seen the manner in which they act1 or   
how these effects are produced4 ,a      
revision therefore of these cannot but  
be useful1 but more particularly to     
parents1 as it may enable some of these1
 in conjunction with the knowledge they 
possess1 to form probably a more correct
 system than they may have had it in    
contemplation to adopt1 for the         
education of their youth4  ,the first   
advantage then1 which those who compose 
the world at large may derive from the  
contents of this work1 will be from a   

review of some of the customs which have
 been censured in it4  ,in looking into 
customs1 the first that obtrudes itself 
upon our notice1 is that of allowing to 
children those amusements1 which1 on    
account of the use of them1 may be      
called gaming4 ,a view is offered to us 
here1 which is divested of all          
superstition4 ,it is no where contended 
at random1 in speaking against these1   
that their origin is objectionable4 ,it 
is no where insisted upon1 that there is
 evil in them considered abstractedly by
 themselves1 or that they may not be    
used innocently1 or that they may not be
 made the occasion of innocent mirth4   
,the evil is candidly stated to arise   
from their abuse4 ,the nature of this   
evil is unfolded4 ,thus the malevolent  
passions1 such as anger1 envy1 hatred1  
revenge1 and even avarice1 are stirred  
up1 where they should be particularly   
prevented1 in the youthful breast4 ,a   
spirit of gaming1 which may be          
destructive of fortune1 health1 and     

morals1 is engendered4 ,a waste of      
time#ef is occasioned1 inasmuch as other
 pursuits might be followed1 which would
 be equally amusing1 but conducive to   
the improvement of the mind4 ,the nature
 of the abuse is unfolded likewise4 ,it 
consists of making games of chance      
productive of loss and gain4 ,thus they 
hold up speedy pecuniary acquisitions1  
and speedy repairs of misfortune4 ,thus 
they excite hope and fear1 and give     
birth to pain and disappointment4 ,the  
prevention also of the abuse1 and that  
alone which can be effectual1 is pointed
 out4 ,this consists of a separation of 
emolument from chance1 or of the        
adoption of the maxim1 that no youth    
ought to be permitted to lay a wager1 or
 to reap advantage from any doubtful    
event by a previous agreement on a      
moneyed stake4 ,now if the reader be not
 disposed to go the length which the    
,quakers do1 by the abolition of such   
amusements1 he will at least have had   
the advantage of seeing that there may  

be evil in them1 and where it lies1 and 
the extent 7if he will only look at the 
historical instances cited7 to which it 
may proceed1 and its infallible         
prevention or its cure4  ,footnote #ef3 
,this argument is usually applied to    
grown up people1 but may be applicable  
to youth1 when we consider the ingenious
 inventions of modern times1 such as    
maps of dissected geography1 historical 
and other games1 which1 while they      
afford pleasure1 promote improvement4   
,the next subject which offers itself to
 our view1 is music1 and this comes     
before us in two forms1 either as it is 
instrumental or vocal4  ,with respect to
 instrumental1 it is no where insisted  
upon that its origin is evil1 or that it
 is not productive of a natural delight1
 or that it does not soothe and         
tranquilize the passions1 or that it may
 not be innocently used1 or that it may 
not be made1 under limitations1 a       
cheerful companion in solitude4 ,but it 
is urged against it1 that it does not   

tend1 like many other studies1 to the   
improvement of the mind2 that it affords
 no solid ground of comfort either in   
solitude or affliction2 that it is a    
sensual gratification2 and that sensual 
gratifications1 if indulged in leisure  
hours1 take up the time which should be 
devoted to those of a higher nature1    
that is1 intellectual and moral         
pursuits4 ,it is urged against it again1
 that1 if abused1 it is chargeable with 
a criminal waste of time1 and a criminal
 impairing of health2 that this abuse1  
in consequence of proficiency being     
insisted upon 7without which it ceases  
to be delightful7 is at the present day 
almost inseparable from its use2 and    
that where the abuse of a thing1 either 
in consequence of fashion1 or its own   
seductive nature1 or any other cause1 is
 either necessarily or very generally   
connected with the use of it1           
watchfulness to avoid it is as much a   
duty in ,christian morals1 as it is a   
duty against the common dangers of life4

  ,on vocal again we observe a proper   
distinction attempted4 ,we find1 that   
the singing is no more criminal than the
 reading of a song1 being but another   
mode of expressing it1 and that1 the    
morality of it therefore will depend    
upon the words and sentiments it        
contains4 ,if these are indelicate1 or  
unchaste1 or hold out false and         
corruptive ideas1 as has been shewn to  
be the case with a variety of songs1    
then singing may from an innocent become
 a vicious amusement4 ,but it has been  
observed1 that youth seldom make any    
discrimination or selection with respect
 to songs1 but that they pick up all    
that come in their way1 whatever may be 
the impropriety of the words or         
sentiments1 which they may contain4     
,now then1 whether we speak of          
instrumental or vocal music1 if the     
reader should not be willing totally to 
discard this science as the ,quakers do1
 he will at least have learnt some good 
from the observation which the work will

 have held out to him on this subject4  
,he will see that evil may              
unquestionably be produced by the       
cultivation of it4 ,he will see the     
absolute necessity of guarding his      
children against the learning of it to  
professional precision1 as it is now    
unfortunately taught1 to the detriment  
of their health1 and of the acquisition 
of more important knowledge4 ,he will   
see also the necessity of great         
vigilance with respect to the purity of 
the words and sentiments which may be   
connected with it4  ,the important      
subject1 which is brought next before   
us1 is that of the theatre4 ,here we are
 taught1 that1 though dramatic pieces   
had no censurable origin1 the best of   
the ancient moralists condemned them4   
,we are taught1 that1 even in the most  
favourable light in which we can view   
them1 they have been thought            
objectionable1 that is1 that where they 
have pretended to teach morality1 they  
have inculcated rather the refined      

virtue of heathenism1 than the strict   
though mild morality of the ,gospel2 and
 where they have attempted to extirpate 
vice1 they have done it rather by making
 it appear ridiculous1 than by teaching 
men to avoid it as evil1 or for the love
 of virtue4 ,we are taught1 that1 as it 
is our duty to love our neighbour1 and  
to be solicitous for his spiritual      
welfare1 we ought not1 under a system   
which requires simplicity and truth1 to 
encourage him to be what he is not1 or  
to personate a character which is not   
his own4 ,we are taught that it is the  
general tendency of the diversions of   
the stage1 by holding out false morals  
and prospects1 to weaken the sinews of  
morality2 by disqualifying for domestic 
enjoyments1 to wean from a love of home2
 by accustoming to light thoughts and   
violent excitement of the passions1 to  
unfit for the pleasures of religion4 ,we
 are taught that diversions of this     
nature particularly fascinate1 and that1
 if they fascinate1 they suggest        

repetitions4 ,and finally we are taught1
 that the early ,christians on their    
conversion1 though before this time they
 had followed them as among the         
desirable pleasures of their lives1     
relinquished them on the principles now 
explained4  ,the next subject1 which    
comes to us in order1 is dancing4 ,this 
is handed down to us1 under two         
appearances1 either as it is simple1 or 
as it is connected with preparations and
 accompaniments4  ,in viewing it in its 
simple state1 it is no where contended1 
if it be encouraged on the principle of 
promoting such an harmonious carriage of
 the body1 or use of the limbs1 as maybe
 more promotive of health1 that it is   
objectionable1 though it is supposed    
that it is not necessary for such       
purposes1 and that1 without music and   
its other usual accompaniments1 it would
 not be pleasant4 ,neither is it        
contended that a simple dance upon the  
green1 if it were to arise suddenly and 
without its usual preparations1 may not 

be innocent1 or that if may not be      
classed with an innocent game at play1  
or with innocent exercise in the fields1
 though it is considered1 that it would 
hardly be worthy of those of riper      
years1 because they who are acknowledged
 to have come to the stature of men1 are
 expected to abandon amusements for     
pursuits of usefulness1 and particularly
 where they make any profession of the  
,christian name4  ,in viewing it with   
its preparations1 and with its          
subsequent accompaniments1 as usually   
displayed in the ball-room1 we see it in
 a less favourable light4 ,we see it    
productive1 where it is habitually      
resorted to1 of a frivolous levity1 of  
vanity and pride1 and of a littleness of
 mind and character4 ,we see it also    
frequently becoming the occasion of the 
excitement of the malevolent passions1  
such as anger1 envy1 hatred1 jealousy1  
malice1 and revenge4 ,we find it also   
frequently leading to#eg indisposition4 
,we find lastly1 that1 in consequence of

 the vexation of mind1 which may arise  
from a variety of causes1 but more      
particularly from disappointment and the
 ascendency of some of the passions that
 have been mentioned1 more pleasure is  
generally perceived in the anticipation 
of these amusements1 than in the actual 
taste or use of them4  ,footnote #eg3   
,not only colds1 head-aches1 and a      
general lassitude1 ore the result ,of   
dancing in ball-rooms1 but occasionally 
serious indisposition4 ,i have known the
 death of two young persons attributed  
to it by the physicians who attended    
them in their illness4  ,the subject of 
novels is presented next to our view4   
,and here it has appeared1 that no      
objection can be truly adduced against  
these on account of the fictitious      
nature of their contents4 ,novels also  
are not all of them promiscuously       
condemned4 ,it is contended1 however1   
from a variety of causes which were     
shewn1 that they are very generally     
censurable4 ,we are taught again1 that  

the direct tendency of those which are  
censurable is to produce conceit and    
affectation1 a romantic spirit1 and a   
perverted morality among youth4 ,we are 
taught again1 that1 on account of the   
peculiar construction of these1 inasmuch
 as they have plot and character like   
dramatic compositions1 they fascinate1  
and this to such a degree1 that youth   
wait for no selection1 but devour       
promiscuously all that come in their    
way4 ,hence the conclusion is1 that the 
effects1 alleged against novels1 cannot 
but be generally produced4 ,we are      
presented also with this fact1 that1 on 
account of the high seasoning and gross 
stimulants they contain1 all other      
writings1 however useful1 become        
insipid4 ,hence the novel reader1 by    
becoming indisposed to the perusal of   
more valuable books1 excludes himself   
from the opportunity of moral           
improvement1 and1 if immoral sentiments 
are contracted1 from the chance of any  
artificial corrective or cure4  ,the    

diversions of the field offer themselves
 next to our notice4 ,we are taught1 on 
the discussion which has arisen on this 
subject1 that we are not permitted to   
take away the lives of animals wantonly 
but only as they may be useful for food1
 or as they may be dangerous to         
ourselves and to the other animals which
 may belong to us1 and that a condition 
is annexed to the original grant or     
charter1 by which permission was given  
to kill1 which is never to be dispensed 
with1 or1 in other words1 that we are to
 take away their lives as speedily as we
 can4 ,hence rights have sprung up on   
the part of animals1 and duties on the  
part of men1 any breach of which is the 
violation of a moral law4 ,hence the    
diversions of the field become often    
objectionable1 because life is not thus 
taken away as speedily as it might      
otherwise have been1 and because food or
 noxiousness is not often the object of 
the destruction of animals1 but mere    
pleasure or sport4 ,we are taught also  

to consider animals1 not as mere        
machines1 but as the creatures of ,god4 
,we are taught also1 that as they were  
designed to have their proper share of  
happiness during the time of their      
existence1 any wanton interruption of   
this is an innovation of their rights as
 living beings4 ,and we are taught      
finally1 that the organic nature of men 
and animals being the same1 as far as a 
feeling of pain is concerned1 the       
sympathy which belongs to our nature1   
and the divine law of doing as we would 
be done by1 which will hold as far as we
 can enter into the perceptions either  
of man or brutes1 impose upon us the    
duty of anticipating their feelings1 and
 of treating them in a corresponding or 
tender manner4  ,if we take a view of   
other customs1 into which the ,quakers  
have thought it right to introduce      
regulations with a view of keeping their
 members pure and innocent1 we learn    
other lessons of usefulness4 ,thus1 for 
example1 the reader1 if he does not     

choose to adopt their dress1 may obtain 
desirable knowledge upon this subject4  
,he will see that the two great objects 
of dress are decency and comfort4 ,he   
will see1 though ,christianity          
prescribes neither colour nor shape for 
the clothing1 that it is not indifferent
 about it4 ,it enjoins simplicity and   
plainness1 because1 where men pay an    
undue attention to the exterior1 they   
are in danger of injuring the dignity of
 their minds4 ,it discards ornaments    
from the use of apparel1 because these1 
by puffing up the creature1 may be      
productive of vanity and pride4 ,it     
forbids all unreasonable changes on the 
plea of conformity with fashion1 because
 the following of fashion begets a      
worldly spirit1 and because1 in         
proportion as men indulge this spirit1  
they are found to follow the loose and  
changeable morality of the world1       
instead of the strict and steady        
morality of the ,gospel4  ,on the       
subject of language1 though the reader  

may be unwilling to adopt all the       
singularities of the ,quakers1 he may   
collect a lesson that may be useful to  
him in life4 ,he may discover the       
necessity of abstaining from all        
expressions of flattery1 because the use
 of these may be morally injurious to   
himself by abridging the independence of
 his mind1 and by promoting             
superstition2 while it may be injurious 
to others1 by occasioning them to think 
more highly of themselves than they     
ought1 and more degradingly of their    
fellow-creatures4 ,he may discover also 
the necessity of adhering to the truth  
in all expressions1 whether in his      
conversation or in his letters2 that    
there is always a consistency in truth1 
and an inconsistency in falsehood2 that 
as expressions accord with the essences1
 qualities1 properties and characters of
 things1 they are more or less proper2  
and that an attempt to adhere to the    
truth is productive of moral good1 while
 a departure from it may lead into      

error1 independently of its injury as a 
moral evil4  ,with respect to the       
address1 or the complimentary gestures  
or ceremonies of the world1 if he be not
 inclined to reject them totally as the 
,quakers do1 he may find that there may 
be unquestionably evil in them1 if they 
are to be adjudged by the purity of the 
,christian system4 ,he may perceive1    
that there may be as much flattery and  
as great a violation of truth through   
the medium of the body1 as through the  
medium of the tongue1 and that the same 
mental degradation1 or toss of dignified
 independence of mind1 may insensibly   
follow4  ,on the subject of conversation
 and manners1 he may learn the propriety
 of caution as to the use of idle words2
 of abstaining from scandal and         
detraction2 of withholding his assent to
 customs when started1 however          
fashionable1 if immoral2 of making      
himself useful by the dignity of the    
topic he introduces1 and by the decorum 
with which he handles it2 of never      

allowing his sprightliness to border    
upon folly1 or his wit upon lewdness1   
but to clothe all his remarks in an     
innocent and a simple manner4  ,from the
 subject of customs connected with      
meals1 such as that1 for example1 of    
saying grace1 he may team that this is a
 devotional act2 that it is not to be   
said as a mere ceremony1 by thanking the
 ,supreme ,being in so many words while 
the thoughts are roving on other        
subjects1 but that it should be said    
with seriousness and feeling1 and that  
it should never come as an oblation from
 the tongue1 except it come also an     
oblation from the heart4 ,and on that   
which relates to the drinking of toasts1
 he may see the moral necessity of an   
immediate extirpation of it4 ,he may see
 that this custom has not one useful or 
laudable end in view2 that it is a      
direct imitation of ,pagans in the worst
 way in which we can follow them--their 
enjoyment of sensual pleasures2 that it 
leads directly and almost inevitably to 

drunkenness1 and of course to the       
degradation of the rational and moral   
character4  ,a second advantage1 which  
they who compose the world may derive on
 this occasion1 will be seen from a     
recapitulation of some of the principles
 which the work contains4 ,the advantage
 in question will chiefly consist in    
this1 that1 whatever these principles   
may be1 they may be said to be such as  
have been adopted by a moral people1 and
 this after serious deliberation1 and   
solely on a religious ground4 ,it is of 
great importance from whence principles 
come recommended to our notice4 ,if they
 come from the inconsiderate and        
worthless1 they lose their value4 ,if   
from the sober and religious1 we receive
 them under the impression1 that they   
may be promotive of our good4 ,i shall  
give therefore a summary of these1 as   
they may be collected from the work4    
,god has imparted to men a portion of   
his own ,spirit1 though he has given it 
to them indifferent degrees4 ,without   

this ,spirit it would be impossible for 
them to discern spiritual things4       
,without this it would be impossible for
 them to know spiritually1 even that the
 ,scriptures were of divine authority1  
or spiritually to understand them4 ,this
 ,spirit performs its office of a       
teacher by internal monitions1 and1 if  
encouraged1 even by the external objects
 of creation4 ,it is also a primary and 
infallible guide4 ,it is given to all   
without exception4 ,it is given to all  
sufficiently4 ,they who resist it1      
quench it1 and this to their own        
condemnation4 ,they who encourage it    
receive it more abundantly1 and are in  
the way of salvation and redemption4    
,this ,spirit therefore becomes a       
,redeemer also4 ,redemption may he      
considered in two points of view1 as it 
is either by outward or inward means1 or
 as it relates to past sins or to sins  
to come4 ,jesus ,christ effected        
redemption of the first kind1 or that   
from past sins1 while he was personally 

upon earth1 by the sacrifice of himself4
 ,but it is this ,spirit1 or ,christ    
within1 as the ,quakers call it1 which  
effects the latter1 or which preserves  
from future transgressions4 ,it is this 
,spirit which leads1 by means of its    
inward workings1 to a new birth1 and    
finally to the highest perfection of    
which our nature is capable4 ,in this   
office of an inward ,redeemer1 it visits
 all1 so that all may be saved1 if they 
will attend to its saving operations1   
,god being not willing that any should  
perish1 but that all should inherit     
eternal life4  ,this ,spirit also       
qualifies men for the ministry4 ,it     
qualifies women also for this office as 
well as men4 ,it dictates the true      
season for silence1 and the true season 
for utterance1 both in public and       
private worship4  ,jesus ,christ was man
 because he took flesh1 and inhabited   
the body which had been prepared for    
him2 but he was ,divinity1 because he   
was the ,word4  ,a resurrection will be 

effected1 but not of the body as it is4 
,rewards and punishments will follow1   
but guilt will not be imputed to men    
till they have actually committed sin4  
,baptism and the ,lord's ,supper are    
essentials of the ,christian religion4  
,they are not1 however1 essentials as   
outward ordinances1 but only as they are
 administered by the ,holy ,spirit4     
,civil government is for the protection 
of virtue and for the removal of vice4  
,obedience should be paid to all its    
laws1 where the conscience is not       
violated in doing it4 ,to defraud it in 
any manner of its revenues1 or to take  
up arms on any consideration against it1
 is unlawful4 ,but if men cannot        
conscientiously submit to any one or    
more of its ordinances1 they are not to 
temporize1 but to obey ,jesus ,christ   
rather than their own governors in this 
particular case4 ,they are1 however1 to 
be willing to submit to all the         
penalties which the latter may inflict  
upon them for so doing4 ,and as no      

,christian ought to temporize in the    
case of any laws enjoined him by the    
government under which he lives1 so     
neither ought he to do it in the case of
 any of the customs or fashions1 which  
may be enjoined him by the world4  ,all 
civil oaths are forbidden in            
,christianity4 ,the word of every       
,christian should be equivalent to his  
oath4  ,it is not lawful to return evil 
for evil1 nor to shed the blood of man4 
,all wars are forbidden4  ,it is more   
honourable1 and more consistent with the
 genius and spirit of ,christianity1 and
 the practice of ,jesus ,christ and of  
his ,apostles1 and of the primitive     
,christians1 that men should preach the 
,gospel freely1 than that they should   
live by it1 as by a profession or by a  
trade4  ,all men are brethren by        
creation4 ,christianity makes no        
difference in this respect between ,jew 
and ,gentile1 ,greek and ,barbarian1    
bond and free4 ,no geographical         
boundaries1 nor colour of the skin or   

person1 nor difference of religious     
sentiment1 can dissolve this            
relationship between them4  ,all men are
 born equal with respect to privileges4 
,but as they fall into different        
situations and ranks of life1 they      
become distinguished4 ,in ,christianity1
 however1 there is no respect of        
persons1 or no distinction of them1 but 
by their virtue4 ,nobility and riches   
can never confer worth1 nor can poverty 
screen from a just appropriation of     
disgrace4  ,man is a temple in which the
 ,divinity may reside4 ,he is therefore 
to be looked upon and treated with due  
respect4 ,no ,christian ought to lower  
his dignity1 or to suffer him1 if he can
 help it1 to become the instrument of   
his own degradation4  ,man is a being1  
for whose spiritual welfare every       
,christian should be solicitous1 and a  
creature therefore worthy of all the    
pains that can be bestowed upon him for 
the preservation of his moral character4
  ,the first object in the education of 

man should be the proper subjugation of 
his will4  ,no man ought to be          
persecuted or evil spoken of for a      
difference in religious opinion4 ,nor is
 detraction or slander allowable in any 
case4  ,every religious community should
 consider the poor belonging to it as   
members of the same family1 for whose   
wants and comforts it is a duty to      
provide4 ,the education also of the     
children of these should be provided    
for4  ,it is enjoined us to live in     
peace with all men4 ,all quarrels       
therefore are to be avoided between man 
and man4 ,but if differences arise1 they
 are to be adjusted by arbitration1 and 
not1 except it be otherwise impossible1 
by going to law1 and never by violence4 
,if men offend against the laws1 they   
should be prevented from doing injuries 
in future1 but never by the punishment  
of the loss of life4 ,the reformation of
 a criminal1 which includes a prevention
 of a repetition of such injuries1 is   
the great object to be regarded in the  

jurisprudence of ,christians4  ,in      
political matters there is no safe      
reasoning but upon principle4 ,no man is
 to do evil that good may come4 ,the    
policy of the ,gospel is never to be    
deserted1 whatever may be the policy of 
the world4  ,trade is an employment1 by 
means of which we are permitted to gain 
a livelihood4 ,but all trades are not   
lawful4 ,men are responsible1 as        
,christians1 for engaging in those which
 are immoral1 or far continuing in those
 which they may carry on either to the  
moral detriment of themselves or of     
others4 ,abstinence from hazardous      
enterprises by the failure of which     
innocent persons might be injured1 and  
honesty in dealing1 and punctuality to  
words and engagements1 are essentials in
 the prosecution of trade4  ,having made
 observations on the customs1 and       
brought to the view of the reader some  
of the prominent principles of the      
,quakers1 a third advantage will arise  
from knowing the kind of character1     

which these in conjunction will produce4
  ,on this subject we might be permitted
 our conjectures4 ,we might insist upon 
the nature and immediate tendencies of  
these customs and principles1 and we    
might draw our conclusions from thence1 
or we might state how they were likely  
to operate1 so as probably not to be far
 from the truth4 ,but we are spared both
 the trouble of such a task1 and are    
relieved from the fear of having the    
accuracy of our conclusions doubted4    
,the ,quaker character has been made up 
from the acknowledgments of others4 ,it 
has been shewn that they are a moral    
people2 that they are sober1 and        
inoffensive1 and quiet2 that they are   
benevolent to man in his religious and  
temporal capacity2 that they are kind or
 tender-hearted to animals2 that they do
 not make sacrifices of their           
consciences to others2 that in political
 affairs they reason upon principle2    
that they are punctual to their words   
and engagements2 and that they have     

independence of mind1 and courage4      
,their character1 as it is defective1   
has been explained also4 ,it has been   
probed1 and tried by a proper           
touchstone4 ,appearances have been      
separated from realities4 ,the result   
has been1 that a deficiency in          
literature and science1 and that        
superstition1 and that an undue         
eagerness after money1 has been fixed   
upon a portion of them4 ,the two former1
 however1 it is to be recollected1 are  
only intellectually defective traits1   
and maybe remedied by knowledge4 ,the   
latter1 it is to be presumed1 belongs   
rather to individuals than to the       
society at large4 ,but whatever         
drawbacks may be made from the perfect  
by the imperfect qualities that have    
been stated1 there is a great           
preponderancy on the side of virtue4    
,and where1 when we consider the evil   
propensities of our nature1 and the     
difficulty of keeping these in due      
order1 are we to took for a fairer      

character8 ,that men1 as individuals1   
may be more perfect1 both in and out of 
the society1 is not to be denied4 ,but  
where shall we find them purer as a     
body8 and where shall we find a faulty  
character1 where the remedy is more     
easily at hand8  ,the next advantage    
will be in seeing the manner of the     
operation of these customs and          
principles1 or how they act4 ,to go over
 the whole character of the ,quakers    
with this view would be both tedious and
 unnecessary4 ,i shall therefore only   
select one or two parts of it for my    
purpose4 ,and first1 how do these       
customs and principles produce          
benevolence8 ,i reply thus3 ,the        
,quakers1 in consequence of their       
prohibitions against all public         
amusements1 have never seen man in the  
capacity of a hired buffoon or mimic1 or
 as a purchasable plaything4 ,hence they
 have never viewed him in a low and     
degrading light4 ,in consequence of     
their tenet on war1 they have never     

viewed him as an enemy4 ,in consequence 
of their disciplinary principles1 they  
have viewed him as an equal4 ,hence it  
appears1 that they have no prejudices   
against him from causes which often     
weigh with others1 either on account of 
rank1 or station1 or many of the customs
 of the world4 ,now ,i conceive1 that   
the dereliction of prejudice against man
 is as necessary1 as a first measure1 to
 the production of benevolence towards  
him1 as the dereliction of vice towards 
the production of virtue4 ,we see then  
their minds free from bias on this      
subject4 ,but what is there on the other
 side to operate actively towards the   
promotion of this trait8 ,they view man1
 in the first place1 as the temple in   
which the ,divinity may reside4 ,this   
procures him respect4 ,secondly1 as a   
being for whose spiritual welfare they  
ought to be solicitous4 ,this produces a
 concern for him4 ,and thirdly1 as a    
brother4 ,this produces relationship4   
,we see then the ground cleared4 ,we see

 all noxious weeds extirpated4 ,we see  
good seed sown in their places2 that is1
 we see prejudices removed from the     
heart1 and we see the ideas of respect1 
concern1 and relationship implanted in  
it4 ,now it is impossible that these    
ideas1 under these circumstances1 should
 not as naturally and immediately       
produce a general benevolence to man1 as
 common seeds1 when all obstructive     
weeds are removed1 should produce their 
corresponding saplings or flowers4  ,how
 again are these customs and principles 
of the ,quakers promotive of            
independence of mind8 ,i answer thus3   
,there is a natural independence of mind
 in man1 but it is often broken and     
weakened4 ,some men injure it by the    
solicitation and acceptance of honours1 
and pensions1 and places2 others by     
flattery and falsehood2 others by       
customs of obeisance2 others by their   
obedience to fashion4 ,but the          
independence of mind of the ,quakers is 
not stunted in its growth by the chiding

 blasts of such circumstances and       
habits4 ,it is invigorated1 on the other
 hand1 by their own laws4 ,no servility 
is allowed either in word or gesture4   
,neither that which is written1 nor that
 which is uttered1 is to please the     
vanity of the persons addressed1 or to  
imply services never intended to be     
performed4 ,the knee is not to be bent  
to any one4 ,it is strengthened again   
and made to shoot by their own maxims4  
,is it possible to be in the habit of   
viewing all men as equal in privileges1 
and no one as superior to another but by
 his virtue1 and not to feel a          
disposition that must support it8 ,can  
the maxim of never doing evil that good 
may come1 when called into exercise1 do 
otherwise than cherish it8 ,and can     
reasoning upon principle have any other 
effect than that of being promotive of  
its growth8  ,these then are the ways in
 which these customs and principles     
operate4 ,now the advantage to be       
derived from seeing this manner of their

 operation1 consists in this3 ,first1   
that we know to a certainty1 that they  
act towards the production of virtue4   
,knowing again what these customs and   
principles are1 we know those which we  
are bound to cherish4 ,we find also1    
that there are various springs which act
 upon the moral constitution for the    
formation of character4 ,we find some of
 these great and powerful1 and others   
inferior4 ,this consideration should    
teach us not to despise even those which
 are the least1 if they have but a      
tendency to promote our purity4 ,for if 
the effect of any of them be only small1
 a number of effects of little causes or
 springs1 when added together1 may be as
 considerable as a large one4 ,of these 
again we observe1 that some are to be   
round where many would hardly have      
expected them4 ,this consideration      
should make us careful to look into all 
our customs and principles1 that we may 
not overlook any one which we may retain
 for our moral good4 ,and as we learn   

the lesson of becoming vigilant to      
discover every good spring1 and not to  
neglect the least of these1 however     
subtle its operation1 so we learn the   
necessity of vigilance to detect every  
spring or cause1 and this even the      
least1 whether in our customs or our    
principles1 if it should in its tendency
 be promotive of vice4  ,and in the same
 manner we may argue with respect to    
other productions of these customs and  
principles of the ,quakers4 ,as we have 
seen the latter lead to character1 so we
 have seen them lead to happiness4 ,the 
manner of their operation to this end   
has been also equally discernible4 ,as  
we value them because they produce the  
one1 so we should value them because    
they produce the other4 ,we have seen   
also which of them to value4 ,and we    
should be studious to cherish the very  
least of these1 as we should be careful 
to discard the least of those which are 
productive of real and merited          
unhappiness to the mind4  ,and now1     

having expended my observations on the  
tendencies of the customs and principles
 of the ,quakers1 ,i shall conclude by  
expressing a wish1 that the work which  
,i have written may be useful4 ,i have a
 wish1 that it may be useful to those   
who may be called the world1 by giving  
them an insight into many excellent     
institutions1 of which they were before 
ignorant1 but which may be worthy of    
their support and their patronage4 ,i   
have a wish also1 that it may be useful 
to the ,quakers themselves1 first1 by   
letting them see how their own character
 may be yet improved2 and secondly1 by  
preserving them1 in some measure1 both  
from unbecoming remarks1 and from harsh 
usage1 on the part of their             
fellow-citizens of a different          
denomination from themselves4 ,for      
surely when it is known1 as ,i hope it  
is by this time1 that they have moral   
and religious grounds for their         
particularities1 we shall no longer hear
 their scruples branded with the name of

 follies and obstinacies1 or see        
magistrates treating them with a        
needless severity1 but giving#eh them1  
on the other hand1 all the indulgences  
they can1 consistently with the         
execution of the laws4 ,in proportion as
 this utility is produced1 my design    
will be answered in the production of   
the work1 and ,i shall receive pleasure 
in having written it4 ,and this pleasure
 will be subject only to one drawback1  
which will unavoidably arise in the     
present case2 for ,i cannot but regret  
that ,i have not had more time to bestow
 upon it1 or that some other person has 
not appeared1 who possessing an equal   
knowledge of the ,quakers with myself1  
but better qualified in other respects1 
might have employed his talents more to 
the advantage of the subjects upon which
 ,i have treated in these volumes4      
,footnote #eh3 ,some magistrates1 much  
to their honour1 treat them with        
tenderness2 and no people are more      
forward than the ,quakers in            

acknowledging any attention that may be 
shewn them1 but particularly where their
 religious scruples may be concerned4   
,,end ,,of ,,the ,,third ,,volume