,bibliothque nationale de ,france       
7,bn,f_/,gallica7 at                    
http3_/_/gallica4bnf4fr        ,,the    
,,works  ,,of  ,,the ,,right            
,,honourable  ,,edmund ,,burke   ,,in   
,,twelve ,,volumes  ,,volume ,,the      
,,second   ,illustration3 ,burke ,coat  
of ,arms4   ,,london ,,john ,c4 ,,nimmo 
#ad1 ,,king ,,william ,,street1         
,,strand1 ,w4,c4 ,,mdccclxxxvii         
,,contents ,,of ,,vol4 ,,ii4   ,,speech 
,,on ,,american ,,taxation1 ,april #ai1 
#aggd                            #a     
,,speeches ,,on ,,arrival ,,at ,,bristol
 ,,and ,,at ,,the ,,conclusion ,,of     
,,the ,,poll1   ,october #ac and        
,november #c1 #aggd                     
#ha  ,,speech ,,on ,,moving             
,,resolutions ,,for ,,conciliation      
,,with ,,america1   ,march #bb1 #agge   
#ii  ,,letter ,,to ,,the ,,sheriffs ,,of
 ,,bristol1 ,,on ,,the ,,affairs ,,of   
,,america1   ,april #c1 #aggg           
#ahg  ,,two ,,letters ,,to ,,gentlemen  
,,of ,,bristol1 ,,on ,,the ,,bills      

,,depending ,,in   ,,parliament         
,,relative ,,to ,,the ,,trade ,,of      
,,ireland1 ,april #bc and   ,may #b1    
#aggh                                   
#bdg  ,,speech ,,on ,,presenting ,,to   
,,the ,,house ,,of ,,commons ,a ,,plan  
,,for ,,the ,,better   ,,security ,,of  
,,the ,,independence ,,of ,,parliament1 
,,and ,,the ,,economical   ,,reformation
 ,,of ,,the ,,civil ,,and ,,other       
,,establishments1   ,february #aa1 #aghj
                                        
#bfe  ,,speech ,,at ,,bristol ,,previous
 ,,to ,,the ,,election1 ,september #f1  
#aghj        #cfe  ,,speech ,,at        
,,bristol ,,on ,,declining ,,the ,,poll1
 ,september #i1 #aghj           #dbe    
,,speech ,,on ,,mr4 ,,fox',s ,,east     
,,india ,,bill1 ,december #a1 #aghc     
#dca  ,a ,,representation ,,to ,,his    
,,majesty1 ,,moved ,,in ,,the ,,house   
,,of ,,commons1   ,june #ad1 #aghd      
#ecg     ,,speech  ,,on  ,,american     
,,taxation4   ,,april #ai1 #aggd4       
,,preface4   ,the following speech has  

been much the subject of conversation1  
and the desire of having it printed was 
last summer very general4 ,the means of 
gratifying the public curiosity were    
obligingly furnished from the notes of  
some gentlemen1 members of the last     
,parliament4  ,this piece has been for  
some months ready for the press4 ,but a 
delicacy1 possibly over-scrupulous1 has 
delayed the publication to this time4   
,the friends of administration have been
 used to attribute a great deal of the  
opposition to their measures in ,america
 to the writings published in ,england4 
,the editor of this speech kept it back1
 until all the measures of government   
have had their full operation1 and can  
be no longer affected1 if ever they     
could have been affected1 by any        
publication4  ,most readers will        
recollect the uncommon pains taken at   
the beginning of the last session of the
 last ,parliament1 and indeed during the
 whole course of it1 to asperse the     
characters and decry the measures of    

those who were supposed to be friends to
 ,america1 in order to weaken the effect
 of their opposition to the acts of     
rigor then preparing against the        
colonies4 ,the speech contains a full   
refutation of the charges against that  
party with which ,mr4 ,burke has all    
along acted4 ,in doing this1 he has     
taken a review of the effects of all the
 schemes which have been successively   
adopted in the government of the        
plantations4 ,the subject is            
interesting2 the matters of information 
various and important2 and the          
publication at this time1 the editor    
hopes1 will not be thought unseasonable4
     ,,speech4        ,during the last  
session of the last ,parliament1 on the 
#aith of      ,april1 #aggd1 ,mr4 ,rose 
,fuller1 member for ,rye1 made the      
following      motion3--       ,that an 
act made in the seventh year of the     
reign of his present      ,majesty1     
intituled1 ',an act for granting certain
 duties in the      ,british colonies   

and plantations in ,america2 for        
allowing a      drawback of the duties  
of customs upon the exportation from    
this      kingdom of coffee and         
cocoa-nuts1 of the produce of the said  
colonies or plantations2 for            
discontinuing the drawbacks payable on  
china earthenware exported to ,america2 
and for more effectually      preventing
 the clandestine running of goods in the
 said colonies      and plantations1    
might be read4       ,and the same being
 read accordingly1 he moved1--          
,that this ,house will1 upon this day   
sevennight1 resolve itself      into a  
committee of the whole ,house1 to take  
into consideration the      duty of     
three-pence per pound weight upon tea1  
payable in all his      ,majesty's      
dominions in ,america1 imposed by the   
said act2 and also      the             
appropriation of the said duty4         
,on this latter motion a warm and       
interesting debate arose1 in which      
,mr4 ,burke spoke as follows4  ,sir1--,i

 agree with the honorable gentleman#a   
who spoke last1 that this subject is not
 new in this ,house4 ,very disagreeably 
to this ,house1 very unfortunately to   
this nation1 and to the peace and       
prosperity of this whole empire1 no     
topic has been more familiar to us4 ,for
 nine long years1 session after session1
 we have been lashed round and round    
this miserable circle of occasional     
arguments and temporary expedients4 ,i  
am sure our heads must turn and our     
stomachs nauseate with them4 ,we have   
had them in every shape2 we have looked 
at them in every point of view4         
,invention is exhausted2 reason is      
fatigued2 experience has given judgment2
 but obstinacy is not yet conquered4    
,the honorable gentleman has made one   
endeavor more to diversify the form of  
this disgusting argument4 ,he has thrown
 out a speech composed almost entirely  
of challenges4 ,challenges are serious  
things2 and as he is a man of prudence  
as well as resolution1 ,i dare say he   

has very well weighed those challenges  
before he delivered them4 ,i had long   
the happiness to sit at the same side of
 the ,house1 and to agree with the      
honorable gentleman on all the ,american
 questions4 ,my sentiments1 ,i am sure1 
are well known to him2 and ,i thought ,i
 had been perfectly acquainted with his4
 ,though ,i find myself mistaken1 he    
will still permit me to use the         
privilege of an old friendship2 he will 
permit me to apply myself to the ,house 
under the sanction of his authority1    
and1 on the various grounds he has      
measured out1 to submit to you the poor 
opinions which ,i have formed upon a    
matter of importance enough to demand   
the fullest consideration ,i could      
bestow upon it4  ,he has stated to the  
,house two grounds of deliberation3 one 
narrow and simple1 and merely confined  
to the question on your paper2 the other
 more large and more                    
complicated1--comprehending the whole   
series of the ,parliamentary proceedings

 with regard to ,america1 their causes1 
and their consequences4 ,with regard to 
the latter ground1 he states it as      
useless1 and thinks it may be even      
dangerous1 to enter into so extensive a 
field of inquiry4 ,yet1 to my surprise1 
he had hardly laid down this restrictive
 proposition1 to which his authority    
would have given so much weight1 when   
directly1 and with the same authority1  
he condemns it1 and declares it         
absolutely necessary to enter into the  
most ample historical detail4 ,his zeal 
has thrown him a little out of his usual
 accuracy4 ,in this perplexity1 what    
shall we do1 ,sir1 who are willing to   
submit to the law he gives us8 ,he has  
reprobated in one part of his speech the
 rule he had laid down for debate in the
 other1 and1 after narrowing the ground 
for all those who are to speak after    
him1 he takes an excursion1 himself1 as 
unbounded as the subject and the extent 
of his great abilities4  ,sir1 when ,i  
cannot obey all his laws1 ,i will do the

 best ,i can4 ,i will endeavor to obey  
such of them as have the sanction of his
 example1 and to stick to that rule     
which1 though not consistent with the   
other1 is the most rational4 ,he was    
certainly in the right1 when he took the
 matter largely4 ,i cannot prevail on   
myself to agree with him in his censure 
of his own conduct4 ,it is not1 he will 
give me leave to say1 either useless or 
dangerous4 ,he asserts1 that retrospect 
is not wise2 and the proper1 the only   
proper subject of inquiry1 is not how we
 got into this difficulty1 but how we   
are to get out of it4 ,in other words1  
we are1 according to him1 to consult our
 invention1 and to reject our           
experience4 ,the mode of deliberation he
 recommends is diametrically opposite to
 every rule of reason and every         
principle of good sense established     
amongst mankind4 ,for that sense and    
that reason ,i have always understood   
absolutely to prescribe1 whenever we are
 involved in difficulties from the      

measures we have pursued1 that we should
 take a strict review of those measures1
 in order to correct our errors1 if they
 should be corrigible1--or at least to  
avoid a dull uniformity in mischief1 and
 the unpitied calamity of being         
repeatedly caught in the same snare4    
,sir1 ,i will freely follow the         
honorable gentleman in his historical   
discussion1 without the least management
 for men or measures1 further than as   
they shall seem to me to deserve it4    
,but before ,i go into that large       
consideration1 because ,i would omit    
nothing that can give the ,house        
satisfaction1 ,i wish to tread the      
narrow ground to which alone the        
honorable gentleman1 in one part of his 
speech1 has so strictly confined us4    
,he desires to know1 whether1 if we were
 to repeal this tax1 agreeably to the   
proposition of the honorable gentleman  
who made the motion1 the ,americans     
would not take post on this concession1 
in order to make a new attack on the    

next body of taxes2 and whether they    
would not call for a repeal of the duty 
on wine as loudly as they do now for the
 repeal of the duty on tea4 ,sir1 ,i can
 give no security on this subject4 ,but 
,i will do all that ,i can1 and all that
 can be fairly demanded4 ,to the        
experience which the honorable gentleman
 reprobates in one instant and reverts  
to in the next1 to that experience1     
without the least wavering or hesitation
 on my part1 ,i steadily appeal3 and    
would to ,god there was no other arbiter
 to decide on the vote with which the   
,house is to conclude this day6  ,when  
,parliament repealed the ,stamp ,act in 
the year #agff1 ,i affirm1 first1 that  
the ,americans did not in consequence of
 this measure call upon you to give up  
the former ,parliamentary revenue which 
subsisted in that country1 or even any  
one of the articles which compose it4 ,i
 affirm also1 that1 when1 departing from
 the maxims of that repeal1 you revived 
the scheme of taxation1 and thereby     

filled the minds of the colonists with  
new jealousy and all sorts of           
apprehensions1 then it was that they    
quarrelled with the old taxes as well as
 the new2 then it was1 and not till     
then1 that they questioned all the parts
 of your legislative power1 and by the  
battery of such questions have shaken   
the solid structure of this empire to   
its deepest foundations4  ,of those two 
propositions ,i shall1 before ,i have   
done1 give such convincing1 such damning
 proof1 that1 however the contrary may  
be whispered in circles or bawled in    
newspapers1 they never more will dare to
 raise their voices in this ,house4 ,i  
speak with great confidence4 ,i have    
reason for it4 ,the ministers are with  
me4 ,they at least are convinced that   
the repeal of the ,stamp ,act had not1  
and that no repeal can have1 the        
consequences which the honorable        
gentleman who defends their measures is 
so much alarmed at4 ,to their conduct ,i
 refer him for a conclusive answer to   

his objection4 ,i carry my proof        
irresistibly into the very body of both 
,ministry and ,parliament3 not on any   
general reasoning growing out of        
collateral matter1 but on the conduct of
 the honorable gentleman's ministerial  
friends on the new revenue itself4  ,the
 act of #agfg1 which grants this        
tea-duty1 sets forth in its preamble1   
that it was expedient to raise a revenue
 in ,america for the support of the     
civil government there1 as well as for  
purposes still more extensive4 ,to this 
support the act assigns six branches of 
duties4 ,about two years after this act 
passed1 the ministry1 ,i mean the       
present ministry1 thought it expedient  
to repeal five of the duties1 and to    
leave 7for reasons best known to        
themselves7 only the sixth standing4    
,suppose any person1 at the time of that
 repeal1 had thus addressed the         
minister3#b ,condemning1 as you do1 the 
repeal of the ,stamp ,act1 why do you   
venture to repeal the duties upon glass1

 paper1 and painters' colors8 ,let your 
pretence for the repeal be what it will1
 are you not thoroughly convinced that  
your concessions will produce1 not      
satisfaction1 but insolence in the      
,americans1 and that the giving up these
 taxes will necessitate the giving up of
 all the rest8 ,this objection was as   
palpable then as it is now2 and it was  
as good for preserving the five duties  
as for retaining the sixth4 ,besides1   
the minister will recollect that the    
repeal of the ,stamp ,act had but just  
preceded his repeal2 and the ill policy 
of that measure1 7had it been so        
impolitic as it has been represented17  
and the mischiefs it produced1 were     
quite recent4 ,upon the principles1     
therefore1 of the honorable gentleman1  
upon the principles of the minister     
himself1 the minister has nothing at all
 to answer4 ,he stands condemned by     
himself1 and by all his associates old  
and new1 as a destroyer1 in the first   
trust of finance1 of the revenues1--and 

in the first rank of honor1 as a        
betrayer of the dignity of his country4 
,most men1 especially great men1 do not 
always know their well-wishers4 ,i come 
to rescue that noble lord out of the    
hands of those he calls his friends1 and
 even out of his own4 ,i will do him the
 justice he is denied at home4 ,he has  
not been this wicked or imprudent man4  
,he knew that a repeal had no tendency  
to produce the mischiefs which give so  
much alarm to his honorable friend4 ,his
 work was not bad in its principle1 but 
imperfect in its execution2 and the     
motion on your paper presses him only to
 complete a proper plan1 which1 by some 
unfortunate and unaccountable error1 he 
had left unfinished4  ,i hope1 ,sir1 the
 honorable gentleman who spoke last is  
thoroughly satisfied1 and satisfied out 
of the proceedings of ministry on their 
own favorite act1 that his fears from a 
repeal are groundless4 ,if he is not1 ,i
 leave him1 and the noble lord who sits 
by him1 to settle the matter as well as 

they can together2 for1 if the repeal of
 ,american taxes destroys all our       
government in ,america1--he is the      
man6--and he is the worst of all the    
repealers1 because he is the last4  ,but
 ,i hear it rung continually in my ears1
 now and formerly1--,the preamble6 what 
will become of the preamble1 if you     
repeal this tax8--,i am sorry to be     
compelled so often to expose the        
calamities and disgraces of ,parliament4
 ,the preamble of this law1 standing as 
it now stands1 has the lie direct given 
to it by the provisionary part of the   
act3 if that can be called provisionary 
which makes no provision4 ,i should be  
afraid to express myself in this manner1
 especially in the face of such a       
formidable array of ability as is now   
drawn up before me1 composed of the     
ancient household troops of that side of
 the ,house and the new recruits from   
this1 if the matter were not clear and  
indisputable4 ,nothing but truth could  
give me this firmness2 but plain truth  

and clear evidence can be beat down by  
no ability4 ,the clerk will be so good  
as to turn to the act1 and to read this 
favorite preamble4  ,whereas it is      
expedient that a revenue should be      
raised in your ,majesty's dominions in  
,america1 for making a more certain and 
adequate provision for defraying the    
charge of the administration of justice 
and support of civil government in such 
provinces where it shall be found       
necessary1 and towards further defraying
 the expenses of defending1 protecting1 
and securing the said dominions4  ,you  
have heard this pompous performance4    
,now where is the revenue which is to do
 all these mighty things8 ,five sixths  
repealed1--abandoned1--sunk1--gone1--los
t forever4 ,does the poor solitary      
tea-duty support the purposes of this   
preamble8 ,is not the supply there      
stated as effectually abandoned as if   
the tea-duty had perished in the general
 wreck8 ,here1 ,mr4 ,speaker1 is a      
precious mockery3--a preamble without an

 act1--taxes granted in order to be     
repealed1--and the reasons of the grant 
still carefully kept up6 ,this is       
raising a revenue in ,america6 ,this is 
preserving dignity in ,england6 ,if you 
repeal this tax1 in compliance with the 
motion1 ,i readily admit that you lose  
this fair preamble4 ,estimate your loss 
in it4 ,the object of the act is gone   
already2 and all you suffer is the      
purging the statute-book of the         
opprobrium of an empty1 absurd1 and     
false recital4  ,it has been said again 
and again1 that the five taxes were     
repealed on commercial principles4 ,it  
is so said in the paper in my hand3#c a 
paper which ,i constantly carry about2  
which ,i have often used1 and shall     
often use again4 ,what is got by this   
paltry pretence of commercial principles
 ,i know not2 for1 if your government in
 ,america is destroyed by the repeal of 
taxes1 it is of no consequence upon what
 ideas the repeal is grounded4 ,repeal  
this tax1 too1 upon commercial          

principles1 if you please4 ,these       
principles will serve as well now as    
they did formerly4 ,but you know that   
either your objection to a repeal from  
these supposed consequences has no      
validity1 or that this pretence never   
could remove it4 ,this commercial motive
 never was believed by any man1 either  
in ,america1 which this letter is meant 
to soothe1 or in ,england1 which it is  
meant to deceive4 ,it was impossible it 
should3 because every man1 in the least 
acquainted with the detail of commerce1 
must know that several of the articles  
on which the tax was repealed were      
fitter objects of duties than almost any
 other articles that could possibly be  
chosen1--without comparison more so than
 the tea that was left taxed1 as        
infinitely less liable to be eluded by  
contraband4 ,the tax upon red and white 
lead was of this nature4 ,you have in   
this kingdom an advantage in lead that  
amounts to a monopoly4 ,when you find   
yourself in this situation of advantage1

 you sometimes venture to tax even your 
own export4 ,you did so soon after the  
last war1 when1 upon this principle1 you
 ventured to impose a duty on coals4 ,in
 all the articles of ,american          
contraband trade1 who ever heard of the 
smuggling of red lead and white lead8   
,you might1 therefore1 well enough1     
without danger of contraband1 and       
without injury to commerce1 7if this    
were the whole consideration17 have     
taxed these commodities4 ,the same may  
be said of glass4 ,besides1 some of the 
things taxed were so trivial1 that the  
loss of the objects themselves1 and     
their utter annihilation out of         
,american commerce1 would have been     
comparatively as nothing4 ,but is the   
article of tea such an object in the    
trade of ,england1 as not to be felt1 or
 felt but slightly1 like white lead1 and
 red lead1 and painters' colors8 ,tea is
 an object of far other importance4 ,tea
 is perhaps the most important object1  
taking it with its necessary            

connections1 of any in the mighty circle
 of our commerce4 ,if commercial        
principles had been the true motives to 
the repeal1 or had they been at all     
attended to1 tea would have been the    
last article we should have left taxed  
for a subject of controversy4  ,sir1 it 
is not a pleasant consideration1 but    
nothing in the world can read so awful  
and so instructive a lesson as the      
conduct of ministry in this business1   
upon the mischief of not having large   
and liberal ideas in the management of  
great affairs4 ,never have the servants 
of the state looked at the whole of your
 complicated interests in one connected 
view4 ,they have taken things by bits   
and scraps1 some at one time and one    
pretence1 and some at another1 just as  
they pressed1 without any sort of regard
 to their relations or dependencies4    
,they never had any kind of system1     
right or wrong2 but only invented       
occasionally some miserable tale for the
 day1 in order meanly to sneak out of   

difficulties into which they had proudly
 strutted4 ,and they were put to all    
these shifts and devices1 full of       
meanness and full of mischief1 in order 
to pilfer piecemeal a repeal of an act  
which they had not the generous courage1
 when they found and felt their error1  
honorably and fairly to disclaim4 ,by   
such management1 by the irresistible    
operation of feeble councils1 so paltry 
a sum as three-pence in the eyes of a   
financier1 so insignificant an article  
as tea in the eyes of a philosopher1    
have shaken the pillars of a commercial 
empire that circled the whole globe4    
,do you forget that in the very last    
year you stood on the precipice of      
general bankruptcy8 ,your danger was    
indeed great4 ,you were distressed in   
the affairs of the ,east ,india         
,company2 and you well know what sort of
 things are involved in the             
comprehensive energy of that significant
 appellation4 ,i am not called upon to  
enlarge to you on that danger1 which you

 thought proper yourselves to aggravate1
 and to display to the world with all   
the parade of indiscreet declamation4   
,the monopoly of the most lucrative     
trades and the possession of imperial   
revenues had brought you to the verge of
 beggary and ruin4 ,such was your       
representation2 such1 in some measure1  
was your case4 ,the vent of ten millions
 of pounds of this commodity1 now locked
 up by the operation of an injudicious  
tax1 and rotting in the warehouses of   
the ,company1 would have prevented all  
this distress1 and all that series of   
desperate measures which you thought    
yourselves obliged to take in           
consequence of it4 ,america would have  
furnished that vent1 which no other part
 of the world can furnish but ,america1 
where tea is next to a necessary of     
life1 and where the demand grows upon   
the supply4 ,i hope our dear-bought     
,east ,india ,committees have done us at
 least so much good1 as to let us know1 
that1 without a more extensive sale of  

that article1 our ,east ,india revenues 
and acquisitions can have no certain    
connection with this country4 ,it is    
through the ,american trade of tea that 
your ,east ,india conquests are to be   
prevented from crushing you with their  
burden4 ,they are ponderous indeed2 and 
they must have that great country to    
lean upon1 or they tumble upon your     
head4 ,it is the same folly that has    
lost you at once the benefit of the     
,west and of the ,east4 ,this folly has 
thrown open folding-doors to contraband1
 and will be the means of giving the    
profits of the trade of your colonies to
 every nation but yourselves4 ,never did
 a people suffer so much for the empty  
words of a preamble4 ,it must be given  
up4 ,for on what principle does it      
stand8 ,this famous revenue stands1 at  
this hour1 on all the debate1 as a      
description of revenue not as yet known 
in all the comprehensive 7but too       
comprehensive67 vocabulary of           
finance1--a preambulary tax4 ,it is1    

indeed1 a tax of sophistry1 a tax of    
pedantry1 a tax of disputation1 a tax of
 war and rebellion1 a tax for anything  
but benefit to the imposers or          
satisfaction to the subject4  ,well6 but
 whatever it is1 gentlemen will force   
the colonists to take the teas4 ,you    
will force them8 ,has seven years'      
struggle been yet able to force them8   
,oh1 but it seems we are in the right4  
,the tax is trifling1--in effect it is  
rather an exoneration than an           
imposition2 three fourths of the duty   
formerly payable on teas exported to    
,america is taken off1--the place of    
collection is only shifted2 instead of  
the retention of a shilling from the    
drawback here1 it is three-pence custom 
paid in ,america4 ,all this1 ,sir1 is   
very true4 ,but this is the very folly  
and mischief of the act4 ,incredible as 
it may seem1 you know that you have     
deliberately thrown away a large duty1  
which you held secure and quiet in your 
hands1 for the vain hope of getting one 

three fourths less1 through every       
hazard1 through certain litigation1 and 
possibly through war4  ,the manner of   
proceeding in the duties on paper and   
glass1 imposed by the same act1 was     
exactly in the same spirit4 ,there are  
heavy excises on those articles1 when   
used in ,england4 ,on export1 these     
excises are drawn back4 ,but instead of 
withholding the drawback1 which might   
have been done1 with ease1 without      
charge1 without possibility of          
smuggling1 and instead of applying the  
money 7money already in your hands7     
according to your pleasure1 you began   
your operations in finance by flinging  
away your revenue2 you allowed the whole
 drawback on export1 and then you       
charged the duty1 7which you had before 
discharged17 payable in the colonies1   
where it was certain the collection     
would devour it to the bone1--if any    
revenue were ever suffered to be        
collected at all4 ,one spirit pervades  
and animates the whole mass4  ,could    

anything be a subject of more just alarm
 to ,america than to see you go out of  
the plain highroad of finance1 and give 
up your most certain revenues and your  
clearest interest1 merely for the sake  
of insulting your colonies8 ,no man ever
 doubted that the commodity of tea could
 bear an imposition of three-pence4 ,but
 no commodity will bear three-pence1 or 
will bear a penny1 when the general     
feelings of men are irritated1 and two  
millions of people are resolved not to  
pay4 ,the feelings of the colonies were 
formerly the feelings of ,great         
,britain4 ,theirs were formerly the     
feelings of ,mr4 ,hampden1 when called  
upon for the payment of twenty          
shillings4 ,would twenty shillings have 
ruined ,mr4 ,hampden's fortune8 ,no6 but
 the payment of half twenty shillings1  
on the principle it was demanded1 would 
have made him a slave4 ,it is the weight
 of that preamble1 of which you are so  
fond1 and not the weight of the duty1   
that the ,americans are unable and      

unwilling to bear4  ,it is1 then1 ,sir1 
upon the principle of this measure1 and 
nothing else1 that we are at issue4 ,it 
is a principle of political expediency4 
,your act of #agfg asserts that it is   
expedient to raise a revenue in         
,america2 your act of #agfi1 which takes
 away that revenue1 contradicts the act 
of #agfg1 and1 by something much        
stronger than words1 asserts that it is 
not expedient4 ,it is a reflection upon 
your wisdom to persist in a solemn      
,parliamentary declaration of the       
expediency of any object1 for which1 at 
the same time1 you make no sort of      
provision4 ,and pray1 ,sir1 let not this
 circumstance escape you1--it is very   
material1--that the preamble of this act
 which we wish to repeal is not         
declaratory of a right1 as some         
gentlemen seem to argue it3 it is only a
 recital of the expediency of a certain 
exercise of a right supposed already to 
have been asserted2 an exercise you are 
now contending for by ways and means    

which you confess1 though they were     
obeyed1 to be utterly insufficient for  
their purpose4 ,you are therefore at    
this moment in the awkward situation of 
fighting for a phantom1--a quiddity1--a 
thing that wants1 not only a substance1 
but even a name1--for a thing which is  
neither abstract right nor profitable   
enjoyment4  ,they tell you1 ,sir1 that  
your dignity is tied to it4 ,i know not 
how it happens1 but this dignify of     
yours is a terrible incumbrance to you2 
for it has of late been ever at war with
 your interest1 your equity1 and every  
idea of your policy4 ,show the thing you
 contend for to be reason1 show it to be
 common sense1 show it to be the means  
of attaining some useful end1 and then  
,i am content to allow it what dignity  
you please4 ,but what dignity is derived
 from the perseverance in absurdity is  
more than ever ,i could discern4 ,the   
honorable gentleman has said            
well1--indeed1 in most of his general   
observations ,i agree with him1--he     

says1 that this subject does not stand  
as it did formerly4 ,oh1 certainly not6 
,every hour you continue on this        
ill-chosen ground1 your difficulties    
thicken on you2 and therefore my        
conclusion is1 remove from a bad        
position as quickly as you can4 ,the    
disgrace1 and the necessity of yielding1
 both of them1 grow upon you every hour 
of your delay4  ,but will you repeal the
 act1 says the honorable gentleman1 at  
this instant1 when ,america is in open  
resistance to your authority1 and that  
you have just revived your system of    
taxation8 ,he thinks he has driven us   
into a corner4 ,but thus pent up1 ,i am 
content to meet him2 because ,i enter   
the lists supported by my old authority1
 his new friends1 the ministers         
themselves4 ,the honorable gentleman    
remembers that about five years ago as  
great disturbances as the present       
prevailed in ,america on account of the 
new taxes4 ,the ministers represented   
these disturbances as treasonable2 and  

this ,house thought proper1 on that     
representation1 to make a famous address
 for a revival and for a new application
 of a statute of ,henry the ,eighth4 ,we
 besought the king1 in that             
well-considered address1 to inquire into
 treasons1 and to bring the supposed    
traitors from ,america to ,great        
,britain for trial4 ,his ,majesty was   
pleased graciously to promise a         
compliance with our request4 ,all the   
attempts from this side of the ,house to
 resist these violences1 and to bring   
about a repeal1 were treated with the   
utmost scorn4 ,an apprehension of the   
very consequences now stated by the     
honorable gentleman was then given as a 
reason for shutting the door against all
 hope of such an alteration4 ,and so    
strong was the spirit for supporting the
 new taxes1 that the session concluded  
with the following remarkable           
declaration4 ,after stating the vigorous
 measures which had been pursued1 the   
speech from the throne proceeds3--  ,you

 have assured me of your firm support in
 the prosecution of them4 ,nothing1 in  
my opinion1 could be more likely to     
enable the well-disposed among my       
subjects in that part of the world      
effectually to discourage and defeat the
 designs of the factious and seditious  
than the hearty concurrence of every    
branch of the legislature in the        
resolution of maintaining the execution 
of the laws in every part of my         
dominions4  ,after this no man dreamt   
that a repeal under this ministry could 
possibly take place4 ,the honorable     
gentleman knows as well as ,i1 that the 
idea was utterly exploded by those who  
sway the ,house4 ,this speech was made  
on the ninth day of ,may1 #agfi4 ,five  
days after this speech1 that is1 on the 
thirteenth of the same month1 the public
 circular letter1 a part of which ,i am 
going to read to you1 was written by    
,lord ,hillsborough1 ,secretary of      
,state for the ,colonies4 ,after        
reciting the substance of the king's    

speech1 he goes on thus3--  ,i can take 
upon me to assure you1 notwithstanding  
insinuations to the contrary from men   
with factious and seditious views1 that 
his ,majesty's present administration   
have at no time entertained a design to 
propose to ,parliament to lay any       
further taxes upon ,america1 for the    
purpose of ,,raising ,a ,,revenue2 and  
that it is at present their intention to
 propose1 the next session of           
,parliament1 to take off the duties upon
 glass1 paper1 and colors1 upon         
consideration of such duties having been
 laid contrary to the true principles of
 commerce4  ,these have always been1 and
 still are1 the sentiments of his       
,majesty's present servants1 and by     
which their conduct in respect to       
,america has been governed4 ,and his    
,majesty relies upon your prudence and  
fidelity for such an explanation of his 
measures as may tend to remove the      
prejudices which have been excited by   
the misrepresentations of those who are 

enemies to the peace and prosperity of  
,great ,britain and her colonies1 and to
 restablish that mutual confidence and  
affection upon which the glory and      
safety of the ,british empire depend4   
,here1 ,sir1 is a canonical boot of     
ministerial scripture3 the general      
epistle to the ,americans4 ,what does   
the gentleman say to it8 ,here a repeal 
is promised1--promised without          
condition1--and while your authority was
 actually resisted4 ,i pass by the      
public promise of a peer relative to the
 repeal of taxes by this ,house4 ,i pass
 by the use of the king's name in a     
matter of supply1 that sacred and       
reserved right of the ,commons4 ,i      
conceal the ridiculous figure of        
,parliament hurling its thunders at the 
gigantic rebellion of ,america1 and     
then1 five days after1 prostrate at the 
feet of those assemblies we affected to 
despise1--begging them1 by the          
intervention of our ministerial         
sureties1 to receive our submission1 and

 heartily promising amendment4 ,these   
might have been serious matters         
formerly2 but we are grown wiser than   
our fathers4 ,passing1 therefore1 from  
the ,constitutional consideration to the
 mere policy1 does not this letter imply
 that the idea of taxing ,america for   
the purpose of revenue is an abominable 
project1 when the ministry suppose none 
but factious men1 and with seditious    
views1 could charge them with it8 does  
not this letter adopt and sanctify the  
,american distinction of taxing for a   
revenue8 does it not formally reject all
 future taxation on that principle8 does
 it not state the ministerial rejection 
of such principle of taxation1 not as   
the occasional1 but the constant opinion
 of the king's servants8 does it not    
say1 7,i care not how consistently17 but
 does it not say1 that their conduct    
with regard to ,america has been always 
governed by this policy8 ,it goes a     
great deal further4 ,these excellent and
 trusty servants of the king1 justly    

fearful lest they themselves should have
 lost all credit with the world1 bring  
out the image of their gracious         
sovereign from the inmost and most      
sacred shrine1 and they pawn him as a   
security for their promises3--,his      
,majesty relies on your prudence and    
fidelity for such an explanation of his 
measures4 ,these sentiments of the      
minister and these measures of his      
,majesty can only relate to the         
principle and practice of taxing for a  
revenue2 and accordingly ,lord          
,botetourt1 stating it as such1 did1    
with great propriety1 and in the exact  
spirit of his instructions1 endeavor to 
remove the fears of the ,virginian      
assembly lest the sentiments which it   
seems 7unknown to the world7 had always 
been those of the ministers1 and by     
which their conduct in respect to       
,america had been governed1 should by   
some possible revolution1 favorable to  
wicked ,american taxers1 be hereafter   
counteracted4 ,he addresses them in this

 manner3--  ,it may possibly be         
objected1 that1 as his ,majesty's       
present administration are not immortal1
 their successors may be inclined to    
attempt to undo what the present        
ministers shall have attempted to       
perform2 and to that objection ,i can   
give but this answer3 that it is my firm
 opinion1 that the plan ,i have stated  
to you will certainly take place1 and   
that it will never be departed from2 and
 so determined am ,i forever to abide by
 it1 that ,i will be content to be      
declared infamous1 if ,i do not1 to the 
last hour of my life1 at all times1 in  
all places1 and upon all occasions1     
exert every power with which ,i either  
am or ever shall be legally invested1 in
 order to obtain and maintain for the   
continent of ,america that satisfaction 
which ,i have been authorized to promise
 this day by the confidential servants  
of our gracious sovereign1 who to my    
certain knowledge rates his honor so    
high that he would rather part with his 

crown than preserve it by deceit4#d  ,a 
glorious and true character6 which      
7since we suffer his ministers with     
impunity to answer for his ideas of     
taxation7 we ought to make it our       
business to enable his ,majesty to      
preserve in all its lustre4 ,let him    
have character1 since ours is no more6  
,let some part of government be kept in 
respect6  ,this epistle was not the     
letter of ,lord ,hillsborough solely1   
though he held the official pen4 ,it was
 the letter of the noble lord upon the  
floor1#e and of all the king's then     
ministers1 who 7with1 ,i think1 the     
exception of two only7 are his ministers
 at this hour4 ,the very first news that
 a ,british ,parliament heard of what it
 was to do with the duties which it had 
given and granted to the king was by the
 publication of the votes of ,american  
assemblies4 ,it was in ,america that    
your resolutions were pre-declared4 ,it 
was from thence that we knew to a       
certainty how much exactly1 and not a   

scruple more nor less1 we were to       
repeal4 ,we were unworthy to be let into
 the secret of our own conduct4 ,the    
assemblies had confidential             
communications from his ,majesty's      
confidential servants4 ,we were nothing 
but instruments4 ,do you1 after this1   
wonder that you have no weight and no   
respect in the colonies8 ,after this are
 you surprised that ,parliament is every
 day and everywhere losing 7,i feel it  
with sorrow1 ,i utter it with           
reluctance7 that reverential affection  
which so endearing a name of authority  
ought ever to carry with it8 that you   
are obeyed solely from respect to the   
bayonet8 and that this ,house1 the      
ground and pillar of freedom1 is itself 
held up only by the treacherous         
underpinning and clumsy buttresses of   
arbitrary power8  ,if this dignity1     
which is to stand in the place of just  
policy and common sense1 had been       
consulted1 there was a time for         
preserving it1 and for reconciling it   

with any concession4 ,if in the session 
of #agfh1 that session of idle terror   
and empty menaces1 you had1 as you were 
often pressed to do1 repealed these     
taxes1 then your strong operations would
 have come justified and enforced1 in   
case your concessions had been returned 
by outrages4 ,but1 preposterously1 you  
began with violence2 and before terrors 
could have any effect1 either good or   
bad1 your ministers immediately begged  
pardon1 and promised that repeal to the 
obstinate ,americans which they had     
refused in an easy1 good-natured1       
complying ,british ,parliament4 ,the    
assemblies1 which had been publicly and 
avowedly dissolved for their contumacy1 
are called together to receive your     
submission4 ,your ministerial directors 
blustered like tragic tyrants here2 and 
then went mumping with a sore leg in    
,america1 canting1 and whining1 and     
complaining of faction1 which           
represented them as friends to a revenue
 from the colonies4 ,i hope nobody in   

this ,house will hereafter have the     
impudence to defend ,american taxes in  
the name of ministry4 ,the moment they  
do1 with this letter of attorney in my  
hand1 ,i will tell them1 in the         
authorized terms1 they are wretches with
 factious and seditious views1 enemies  
to the peace and prosperity of the      
mother country and the colonies1 and    
subverters of the mutual affection and  
confidence on which the glory and safety
 of the ,british empire depend4  ,after 
this letter1 the question is no more on 
propriety or dignity4 ,they are gone    
already4 ,the faith of your sovereign is
 pledged for the political principle4   
,the general declaration in the letter  
goes to the whole of it4 ,you must      
therefore either abandon the scheme of  
taxing1 or you must send the ministers  
tarred and feathered to ,america1 who   
dared to hold out the royal faith for a 
renunciation of all taxes for revenue4  
,them you must punish1 or this faith you
 must preserve4 ,the preservation of    

this faith is of more consequence than  
the duties on red lead1 or white lead1  
or on broken glass1 or atlas-ordinary1  
or demy-fine1 or blue-royal1 or bastard1
 or fools cap1 which you have given up1 
or the three-pence on tea which you     
retained4 ,the letter went stamped with 
the public authority of this kingdom4   
,the instructions for the colony        
government go under no other sanction2  
and ,america cannot believe1 and will   
not obey you1 if you do not preserve    
this channel of communication sacred4   
,you are now punishing the colonies for 
acting on distinctions held out by that 
very ministry which is here shining in  
riches1 in favor1 and in power1 and     
urging the punishment of the very       
offence to which they had themselves    
been the tempters4  ,sir1 if reasons    
respecting simply your own commerce1    
which is your own convenience1 were the 
sole grounds of the repeal of the five  
duties1 why does ,lord ,hillsborough1 in
 disclaiming in the name of the king and

 ministry their ever having had an      
intent to tax for revenue1 mention it as
 the means of restablishing the         
confidence and affection of the         
colonies8 ,is it a way of soothing      
others1 to assure them that you will    
take good care of yourself8 ,the medium1
 the only medium1 for regaining their   
affection and confidence is that you    
will take off something oppressive to   
their minds4 ,sir1 the letter strongly  
enforces that idea3 for though the      
repeal of the taxes is promised on      
commercial principles1 yet the means of 
counteracting the insinuations of men   
with factious and seditious views is by 
a disclaimer of the intention of taxing 
for revenue1 as a constant1 invariable  
sentiment and rule of conduct in the    
government of ,america4  ,i remember    
that the noble lord on the floor1 not in
 a former debate to be sure1 7it would  
be disorderly to refer to it1 ,i suppose
 ,i read it somewhere17 but the noble   
lord was pleased to say1 that he did not

 conceive how it could enter into the   
head of man to impose such taxes as     
those of #agfg3 ,i mean those taxes     
which he voted for imposing1 and voted  
for repealing1--as being taxes1 contrary
 to all the principles of commerce1 laid
 on ,british manufactures4  ,i dare say 
the noble lord is perfectly well read1  
because the duty of his particular      
office requires he should be so1 in all 
our revenue laws1 and in the policy     
which is to be collected out of them4   
,now1 ,sir1 when he had read this act of
 ,american revenue1 and a little        
recovered from his astonishment1 ,i     
suppose he made one step retrograde 7it 
is but one7 and looked at the act which 
stands just before in the statute-book4 
,the ,american revenue act is the       
forty-fifth chapter2 the other to which 
,i refer is the forty-fourth of the same
 session4 ,these two acts are both to   
the same purpose3 both revenue acts2    
both taxing out of the kingdom2 and both
 taxing ,british manufactures exported4 

,as the forty-fifth is an act for       
raising a revenue in ,america1 the      
forty-fourth is an act for raising a    
revenue in the ,isle of ,man4 ,the two  
acts perfectly agree in all respects1   
except one4 ,in the act for taxing the  
,isle of ,man the noble lord will find1 
not1 as in the ,american act1 four or   
fire articles1 but almost the whole body
 of ,british manufactures1 taxed from   
two and a half to fifteen per cent1 and 
some articles1 such as that of spirits1 
a great deal higher4 ,you did not think 
it uncommercial to tax the whole mass of
 your manufactures1 and1 let me add1    
your agriculture too2 for1 ,i now       
recollect1 ,british corn is there also  
taxed up to ten per cent1 and this too  
in the very head-quarters1 the very     
citadel of smuggling1 the ,isle of ,man4
 ,now will the noble lord condescend to 
tell me why he repealed the taxes on    
your manufactures sent out to ,america1 
and not the taxes on the manufactures   
exported to the ,isle of ,man8 ,the     

principle was exactly the same1 the     
objects charged infinitely more         
extensive1 the duties without comparison
 higher4 ,why8 ,why1 notwithstanding all
 his childish pretexts1 because the     
taxes were quietly submitted to in the  
,isle of ,man1 and because they raised a
 flame in ,america4 ,your reasons were  
political1 not commercial4 ,the repeal  
was made1 as ,lord ,hillsborough's      
letter well expresses it1 to regain the 
confidence and affection of the         
colonies1 on which the glory and safety 
of the ,british empire depend4 ,a wise  
and just motive1 surely1 if ever there  
was such4 ,but the mischief and dishonor
 is1 that you have not done what you had
 given the colonies just cause to       
expect1 when your ministers disclaimed  
the idea of taxes for a revenue4 ,there 
is nothing simple1 nothing manly1       
nothing ingenuous1 open1 decisive1 or   
steady1 in the proceeding1 with regard  
either to the continuance or the repeal 
of the taxes4 ,the whole has an air of  

littleness and fraud4 ,the article of   
tea is slurred over in the circular     
letter1 as it were by accident3 nothing 
is said of a resolution either to keep  
that tax or to give it up4 ,there is no 
fair dealing in any part of the         
transaction4  ,if you mean to follow    
your true motive and your public faith1 
give up your tax on tea for raising a   
revenue1 the principle of which has1 in 
effect1 been disclaimed in your name1   
and which produces you no               
advantage1--no1 not a penny4 ,or1 if you
 choose to go on with a poor pretence   
instead of a solid reason1 and will     
still adhere to your cant of commerce1  
you have ten thousand times more strong 
commercial reasons for giving up this   
duty on tea than for abandoning the five
 others that you have already renounced4
  ,the ,american consumption of teas is 
annually1 ,i believe1 worth #cjj1jjjl4  
at the least farthing4 ,if you urge the 
,american violence as a justification of
 your perseverance in enforcing this    

tax1 you know that you can never answer 
this plain question1--,why did you      
repeal the others given in the same act1
 whilst the very same violence          
subsisted8--,but you did not find the   
violence cease upon that                
concession4--,no6 because the concession
 was far short of satisfying the        
principle which ,lord ,hillsborough had 
abjured1 or even the pretence on which  
the repeal of the other taxes was       
announced2 and because1 by enabling the 
,east ,india ,company to open a shop for
 defeating the ,american resolution not 
to pay that specific tax1 you manifestly
 showed a hankering after the principle 
of the act which you formerly had       
renounced4 ,whatever road you take leads
 to a compliance with this motion4 ,it  
opens to you at the end of every visto4 
,your commerce1 your policy1 your       
promises1 your reasons1 your pretences1 
your consistency1 your                  
inconsistency1--all jointly oblige you  
to this repeal4  ,but still it sticks in

 our throats1 if we go so far1 the      
,americans will go farther4--,we do not 
know that4 ,we ought1 from experience1  
rather to presume the contrary4 ,do we  
not know for certain1 that the          
,americans are going on as fast as      
possible1 whilst we refuse to gratify   
them8 ,can they do more1 or can they do 
worse1 if we yield this point8 ,i think 
this concession will rather fix a       
turnpike to prevent their further       
progress4 ,it is impossible to answer   
for bodies of men4 ,but ,i am sure the  
natural effect of fidelity1 clemency1   
kindness in governors is peace1         
good-will1 order1 and esteem1 on the    
part of the governed4 ,i would          
certainly1 at least1 give these fair    
principles a fair trial2 which1 since   
the making of this act to this hour1    
they never have had4  ,sir1 the         
honorable gentleman having spoken what  
he thought necessary upon the narrow    
part of the subject1 ,i have given him1 
,i hope1 a satisfactory answer4 ,he next

 presses me1 by a variety of direct     
challenges and oblique reflections1 to  
say something on the historical part4 ,i
 shall therefore1 ,sir1 open myself     
fully on that important and delicate    
subject3 not for the sake of telling you
 a long story1 7which1 ,i know1 ,mr4    
,speaker1 you are not particularly fond 
of17 but for the sake of the weighty    
instruction that1 ,i flatter myself1    
will necessarily result from it4 ,it    
shall not be longer1 if ,i can help it1 
than so serious a matter requires4      
,permit me then1 ,sir1 to lead your     
attention very far back1--back to the   
,act of ,navigation1 the cornerstone of 
the policy of this country with regard  
to its colonies4 ,sir1 that policy was1 
from the beginning1 purely commercial2  
and the commercial system was wholly    
restrictive4 ,it was the system of a    
monopoly4 ,no trade was let loose from  
that constraint1 but merely to enable   
the colonists to dispose of what1 in the
 course of your trade1 you could not    

take1--or to enable them to dispose of  
such articles as we forced upon them1   
and for which1 without some degree of   
liberty1 they could not pay4 ,hence all 
your specific and detailed enumerations2
 hence the innumerable checks and       
counterchecks2 hence that infinite      
variety of paper chains by which you    
bind together this complicated system of
 the colonies4 ,this principle of       
commercial monopoly runs through no less
 than twenty-nine acts of ,parliament1  
from the year #affj to the unfortunate  
period of #agfd4  ,in all those acts the
 system of commerce is established as   
that from whence alone you proposed to  
make the colonies contribute 7,i mean   
directly and by the operation of your   
superintending legislative power7 to the
 strength of the empire4 ,i venture to  
say1 that1 during that whole period1 a  
,parliamentary revenue from thence was  
never once in contemplation4            
,accordingly1 in all the number of laws 
passed with regard to the plantations1  

the words which distinguish revenue laws
 specifically as such were1 ,i think1   
premeditately avoided4 ,i do not say1   
,sir1 that a form of words alters the   
nature of the law1 or abridges the power
 of the lawgiver4 ,it certainly does    
not4 ,how ever1 titles and formal       
preambles are not always idle words2 and
 the lawyers frequently argue from them4
 ,i state these facts to show1 not what 
was your right1 but what has been your  
settled policy4 ,our revenue laws have  
usually a title1 purporting their being 
grants2 and the words give and grant    
usually precede the enacting parts4     
,although duties were imposed on        
,america in acts of ,king ,charles the  
,second1 and in acts of ,king ,william1 
no one title of giving an aid to his    
,majesty1 or any other of the usual     
titles to revenue acts1 was to be found 
in any of them till #agfd2 nor were the 
words give and grant in any preamble    
until the sixth of ,george the ,second4 
,however1 the title of this act of      

,george the ,second1 notwithstanding the
 words of donation1 considers it merely 
as a regulation of trade2 ,an act for   
the better securing of the trade of his 
,majesty's sugar colonies in ,america4  
,this act was made on a compromise of   
all1 and at the express desire of a     
part1 of the colonies themselves4 ,it   
was therefore in some measure with their
 consent2 and having a title directly   
purporting only a commercial regulation1
 and being in truth nothing more1 the   
words were passed by1 at a time when no 
jealousy was entertained1 and things    
were little scrutinized4 ,even ,governor
 ,bernard1 in his second printed letter1
 dated in #agfc1 gives it as his        
opinion1 that it was an act of          
prohibition1 not of revenue4 ,this is   
certainly true1 that no act avowedly for
 the purpose of revenue1 and with the   
ordinary title and recital taken        
together1 is found in the statute-book  
until the year ,i have mentioned3 that  
is1 the year #agfd4 ,all before this    

period stood on commercial regulation   
and restraint4 ,the scheme of a colony  
revenue by ,british authority appeared1 
therefore1 to the ,americans in the     
light of a great innovation4 ,the words 
of ,governor ,bernard's ninth letter1   
written in ,november1 #agfe1 state this 
idea very strongly4 ,it must1 says he1  
have been supposed such an innovation as
 a ,parliamentary taxation would cause a
 great alarm1 and meet with much        
opposition in most parts of ,america2 it
 was quite new to the people1 and had no
 visible bounds set to it4 ,after       
stating the weakness of government      
there1 he says1 ,was this a time to     
introduce so great a novelty as a       
,parliamentary inland taxation in       
,america8 ,whatever the right might have
 been1 this mode of using it was        
absolutely new in policy and practice4  
,sir1 they who are friends to the       
schemes of ,american revenue say1 that  
the commercial restraint is full as hard
 a law for ,america to live under4 ,i   

think so1 too4 ,i think it1 if          
uncompensated1 to be a condition of as  
rigorous servitude as men can be subject
 to4 ,but ,america bore it from the     
fundamental ,act of ,navigation until   
#agfd4 ,why8 ,because men do bear the   
inevitable constitution of their        
original nature with all its            
infirmities4 ,the ,act of ,navigation   
attended the colonies from their        
infancy1 grow with their growth1 and    
strengthened with their strength ,they  
were confirmed in obedience to it even  
more by usage than by law4 ,they        
scarcely had remembered a time when they
 were not subject to such restraint4    
,besides1 they were indemnified for it  
by a pecuniary compensation4 ,their     
monopolist happened to be one of the    
richest men in the world4 ,by his       
immense capital 7primarily employed1 not
 for their benefit1 but his own7 they   
were enabled to proceed with their      
fisheries1 their agriculture1 their     
shipbuilding1 7and their trade1 too1    

within the limits17 in such a manner as 
got far the start of the slow1 languid  
operations of unassisted ,nature4 ,this 
capital was a hot-bed to them4 ,nothing 
in the history of mankind is like their 
progress4 ,for my part1 ,i never cast an
 eye on their flourishing commerce1 and 
their cultivated and commodious life1   
but they seem to me rather ancient      
nations grown to perfection through a   
long series of fortunate events1 and a  
train of successful industry1           
accumulating wealth in many centuries1  
than the colonies of yesterday1--than a 
set of miserable outcasts a few years   
ago1 not so much sent as thrown out on  
the bleak and barren shore of a desolate
 wilderness three thousand miles from   
all civilized intercourse4  ,all this   
was done by ,england whilst ,england    
pursued trade and forgot revenue4 ,you  
not only acquired commerce1 but you     
actually created the very objects of    
trade in ,america2 and by that creation 
you raised the trade of this kingdom at 

least fourfold4 ,america had the        
compensation of your capital1 which made
 her bear her servitude4 ,she had       
another compensation1 which you are now 
going to take away from her4 ,she had1  
except the commercial restraint1 every  
characteristic mark of a free people in 
all her internal concerns4 ,she had the 
image of the ,british ,constitution4    
,she had the substance4 ,she was taxed  
by her own representatives4 ,she chose  
most of her own magistrates4 ,she paid  
them all4 ,she had in effect the sole   
disposal of her own internal government4
 ,this whole state of commercial        
servitude and civil liberty1 taken      
together1 is certainly not perfect      
freedom2 but comparing it with the      
ordinary circumstances of human nature1 
it was an happy and a liberal condition4
  ,i know1 ,sir1 that great and not     
unsuccessful pains have been taken to   
inflame our minds by an outcry1 in this 
,house1 and out of it1 that in ,america 
the ,act of ,navigation neither is or   

never was obeyed4 ,but if you take the  
colonies through1 ,i affirm that its    
authority never was disputed1--that it  
was nowhere disputed for any length of  
time1--and1 on the whole1 that it was   
well observed4 ,wherever the act pressed
 hard1 many individuals1 indeed1 evaded 
it4 ,this is nothing4 ,these scattered  
individuals never denied the law1 and   
never obeyed it4 ,just as it happens1   
whenever the laws of trade1 whenever the
 laws of revenue1 press hard upon the   
people in ,england3 in that case all    
your shores are full of contraband4     
,your right to give a monopoly to the   
,east ,india ,company1 your right to lay
 immense duties on ,french brandy1 are  
not disputed in ,england4 ,you do not   
make this charge on any man4 ,but you   
know that there is not a creek from     
,pentland ,frith to the ,isle of ,wight 
in which they do not smuggle immense    
quantities of teas1 ,east ,india goods1 
and brandies4 ,i take it for granted    
that the authority of ,governor ,bernard

 in this point is indisputable4         
,speaking of these laws1 as they        
regarded that part of ,america now in so
 unhappy a condition1 he says1 ,i       
believe they are nowhere better         
supported than in this province3 ,i do  
not pretend that it is entirely free    
from a breach of these laws1 but that   
such a breach1 if discovered1 is justly 
punished4 ,what more can you say of the 
obedience to any laws in any country8   
,an obedience to these laws formed the  
acknowledgment1 instituted by           
yourselves1 for your superiority1 and   
was the payment you originally imposed  
for your protection4  ,whether you were 
right or wrong in establishing the      
colonies on the principles of commercial
 monopoly1 rather than on that of       
revenue1 is at this day a problem of    
mere speculation4 ,you cannot have both 
by the same authority4 ,to join together
 the restraints of an universal internal
 and external monopoly with an universal
 internal and external taxation is an   

unnatural union1--perfect1 uncompensated
 slavery4 ,you have long since decided  
for yourself and them2 and you and they 
have prospered exceedingly under that   
decision4  ,this nation1 ,sir1 never    
thought of departing from that choice   
until the period immediately on the     
close of the last war4 ,then a scheme of
 government1 new in many things1 seemed 
to have been adopted4 ,i saw1 or thought
 ,i saw1 several symptoms of a great    
change1 whilst ,i sat in your gallery1 a
 good while before ,i had the honor of a
 seat in this ,house4 ,at that period   
the necessity was established of keeping
 up no less than twenty new regiments1  
with twenty colonels capable of seats in
 this ,house4 ,this scheme was adopted  
with very general applause from all     
sides1 at the very time that1 by your   
conquests in ,america1 your danger from 
foreign attempts in that part of the    
world was much lessened1 or indeed      
rather quite over4 ,when this huge      
increase of military establishment was  

resolved on1 a revenue was to be found  
to support so great a burden4 ,country  
gentlemen1 the great patrons of economy1
 and the great resisters of a standing  
armed force1 would not have entered with
 much alacrity into the vote for so     
large and so expensive an army1 if they 
had been very sure that they were to    
continue to pay for it4 ,but hopes of   
another kind were held out to them2 and 
in particular1 ,i well remember that    
,mr4 ,townshend1 in a brilliant harangue
 on this subject1 did dazzle them by    
playing before their eyes the image of a
 revenue to be raised in ,america4      
,here began to dawn the first           
glimmerings of this new colony system4  
,it appeared more distinctly afterwards1
 when it was devolved upon a person to  
whom1 on other accounts1 this country   
owes very great obligations4 ,i do      
believe that he had a very serious      
desire to benefit the public4 ,but with 
no small study of the detail1 he did not
 seem to have his view1 at least        

equally1 carried to the total circuit of
 our affairs4 ,he generally considered  
his objects in lights that were rather  
too detached4 ,whether the business of  
an ,american revenue was imposed upon   
him altogether1--whether it was entirely
 the result of his own speculation1 or1 
what is more probable1 that his own     
ideas rather coincided with the         
instructions he had received1--certain  
it is1 that1 with the best intentions in
 the world1 he first brought this fatal 
scheme into form1 and established it by 
,act of ,parliament4  ,no man can       
believe1 that1 at this time of day1 ,i  
mean to lean on the venerable memory of 
a great man1 whose loss we deplore in   
common4 ,our little party differences   
have been long ago composed2 and ,i have
 acted more with him1 and certainly with
 more pleasure with him1 than ever ,i   
acted against him4 ,undoubtedly ,mr4    
,grenville was a first-rate figure in   
this country4 ,with a masculine         
understanding1 and a stout and resolute 

heart1 he had an application            
undissipated and unwearied4 ,he took    
public business1 not as a duty which he 
was to fulfil1 but as a pleasure he was 
to enjoy2 and he seemed to have no      
delight out of this ,house1 except in   
such things as some way related to the  
business that was to be done within it4 
,if he was ambitious1 ,i will say this  
for him1 his ambition was of a noble and
 generous strain4 ,it was to raise      
himself1 not by the low1 pimping        
politics of a court1 but to win his way 
to power through the laborious          
gradations of public service1 and to    
secure himself a well-earned rank in    
,parliament by a thorough knowledge of  
its constitution and a perfect practice 
in all its business4  ,sir1 if such a   
man fell into errors1 it must be from   
defects not intrinsical2 they must be   
rather sought in the particular habits  
of his life1 which1 though they do not  
alter the groundwork of character1 yet  
tinge it with their own hue4 ,he was    

bred in a profession4 ,he was bred to   
the law1 which is1 in my opinion1 one of
 the first and noblest of human         
sciences1--a science which does more to 
quicken and invigorate the understanding
 than all the other kinds of learning   
put together2 but it is not apt1 except 
in persons very happily born1 to open   
and to liberalize the mind exactly in   
the same proportion4 ,passing from that 
study1 he did not go very largely into  
the world1 but plunged into             
business1--,i mean into the business of 
office1 and the limited and fixed       
methods and forms established there4    
,much knowledge is to be had1           
undoubtedly1 in that line2 and there is 
no knowledge which is not valuable4 ,but
 it may be truly said1 that men too much
 conversant in office are rarely minds  
of remarkable enlargement4 ,their habits
 of office are apt to give them a turn  
to think the substance of business not  
to be much more important than the forms
 in which it is conducted4 ,these forms 

are adapted to ordinary occasions2 and  
therefore persons who are nurtured in   
office do admirably well as long as     
things go on in their common order2 but 
when the high-roads are broken up1 and  
the waters out1 when a new and troubled 
scene is opened1 and the file affords no
 precedent1 then it is that a greater   
knowledge of mankind1 and a far more    
extensive comprehension of things is    
requisite1 than ever office gave1 or    
than office can ever give4 ,mr4         
,grenville thought better of the wisdom 
and power of human legislation than in  
truth it deserves4 ,he conceived1 and   
many conceived along with him1 that the 
flourishing trade of this country was   
greatly owing to law and institution1   
and not quite so much to liberty2 for   
but too many are apt to believe         
regulation to be commerce1 and taxes to 
be revenue4 ,among regulations1 that    
which stood first in reputation was his 
idol3 ,i mean the ,act of ,navigation4  
,he has often professed it to be so4    

,the policy of that act is1 ,i readily  
admit1 in many respects well understood4
 ,but ,i do say1 that1 if the act be    
suffered to run the full length of its  
principle1 and is not changed and       
modified according to the change of     
times and the fluctuation of            
circumstances1 it must do great         
mischief1 and frequently even defeat its
 own purpose4  ,after the war1 and in   
the last years of it1 the trade of      
,america had increased far beyond the   
speculations of the most sanguine       
imaginations4 ,it swelled out on every  
side4 ,it filled all its proper channels
 to the brim4 ,it overflowed with a rich
 redundance1 and breaking its banks on  
the right and on the left1 it spread out
 upon some places where it was indeed   
improper1 upon others where it was only 
irregular4 ,it is the nature of all     
greatness not to be exact2 and great    
trade will always be attended with      
considerable abuses4 ,the contraband    
will always keep pace in some measure   

with the fair trade4 ,it should stand as
 a fundamental maxim1 that no vulgar    
precaution ought to be employed in the  
cure of evils which are closely         
connected with the cause of our         
prosperity4 ,perhaps this great person  
turned his eyes somewhat less than was  
just towards the incredible increase of 
the fair trade1 and looked with         
something of too exquisite a jealousy   
towards the contraband4 ,he certainly   
felt a singular degree of anxiety on the
 subject1 and even began to act from    
that passion earlier than is commonly   
imagined4 ,for whilst he was ,first     
,lord of the ,admiralty1 though not     
strictly called upon in his official    
line1 he presented a very strong        
memorial to the ,lords of the ,treasury1
 7my ,lord ,bute was then at the head of
 the board17 heavily complaining of the 
growth of the illicit commerce in       
,america4 ,some mischief happened even  
at that time from this over-earnest     
zeal4 ,much greater happened afterwards1

 when it operated with greater power in 
the highest department of the finances4 
,the bonds of the ,act of ,navigation   
were straitened so much that ,america   
was on the point of having no trade1    
either contraband or legitimate4 ,they  
found1 under the construction and       
execution then used1 the act no longer  
tying1 but actually strangling them4    
,all this coming with new enumerations  
of commodities1 with regulations which  
in a manner put a stop to the mutual    
coasting intercourse of the colonies1   
with the appointment of courts of       
admiralty under various improper        
circumstances1 with a sudden extinction 
of the paper currencies1 with a         
compulsory provision for the quartering 
of soldiers1--the people of ,america    
thought themselves proceeded against as 
delinquents1 or1 at best1 as people     
under suspicion of delinquency1 and in  
such a manner as they imagined their    
recent services in the war did not at   
all merit4 ,any of these innumerable    

regulations1 perhaps1 would not have    
alarmed alone2 some might be thought    
reasonable2 the multitude struck them   
with terror4  ,but the grand manoeuvre  
in that business of new regulating the  
colonies was the fifteenth act of the   
fourth of ,george the ,third1 which1    
besides containing several of the       
matters to which ,i have just alluded1  
opened a new principle4 ,and here       
properly began the second period of the 
policy of this country with regard to   
the colonies1 by which the scheme of a  
regular plantation ,parliamentary       
revenue was adopted in theory and       
settled in practice3 a revenue not      
substituted in the place of1 but        
superadded to1 a monopoly2 which        
monopoly was enforced at the same time  
with additional strictness1 and the     
execution put into military hands4      
,this act1 ,sir1 had for the first time 
the title of granting duties in the     
colonies and plantations of ,america1   
and for the first time it was asserted  

in the preamble that it was just and    
necessary that a revenue should be      
raised there2 then came the technical   
words of giving and granting4 ,and thus 
a complete ,american revenue act was    
made in all the forms1 and with a full  
avowal of the right1 equity1 policy1 and
 even necessity1 of taxing the colonies1
 without any formal consent of theirs4  
,there are contained also in the        
preamble to that act these very         
remarkable words1--the ,commons1 c41    
being desirous to make some provision in
 the present session of ,parliament     
towards raising the said revenue4 ,by   
these words it appeared to the colonies 
that this act was but a beginning of    
sorrows1--that every session was to     
produce something of the same           
kind1--that we were to go on1 from day  
to day1 in charging them with such taxes
 as we pleased1 for such a military     
force as we should think proper4 ,had   
this plan been pursued1 it was evident  
that the provincial assemblies1 in which

 the ,americans felt all their portion  
of importance1 and beheld their sole    
image of freedom1 were ipso facto       
annihilated4 ,this ill prospect before  
them seemed to be boundless in extent   
and endless in duration4 ,sir1 they were
 not mistaken4 ,the ministry valued     
themselves when this act passed1 and    
when they gave notice of the ,stamp     
,act1 that both of the duties came very 
short of their ideas of ,american       
taxation4 ,great was the applause of    
this measure here4 ,in ,england we cried
 out for new taxes on ,america1 whilst  
they cried out that they were nearly    
crushed with those which the war and    
their own grants had brought upon them4 
,sir1 it has been said in the debate1   
that1 when the first ,american revenue  
act 7the act in #agfd1 imposing the     
port-duties7 passed1 the ,americans did 
not object to the principle4 ,it is true
 they touched it but very tenderly4 ,it 
was not a direct attack4 ,they were1 it 
is true1 as yet novices1--as yet        

unaccustomed to direct attacks upon any 
of the rights of ,parliament4 ,the      
duties were port-duties1 like those they
 had been accustomed to bear1--with this
 difference1 that the title was not the 
same1 the preamble not the same1 and the
 spirit altogether unlike4 ,but of what 
service is this observation to the cause
 of those that make it8 ,it is a full   
refutation of the pretence for their    
present cruelty to ,america2 for it     
shows1 out of their own mouths1 that our
 colonies were backward to enter into   
the present vexatious and ruinous       
controversy4  ,there is also another    
circulation abroad1 7spread with a      
malignant intention1 which ,i cannot    
attribute to those who say the same     
thing in this ,house17 that ,mr4        
,grenville gave the colony agents an    
option for their assemblies to tax      
themselves1 which they had refused4 ,i  
find that much stress is laid on this1  
as a fact4 ,however1 it happens neither 
to be true nor possible4 ,i will        

observe1 first1 that ,mr4 ,grenville    
never thought fit to make this apology  
for himself in the innumerable debates  
that were had upon the subject4 ,he     
might have proposed to the colony       
agents1 that they should agree in some  
mode of taxation as the ground of an act
 of ,parliament4 ,but he never could    
have proposed that they should tax      
themselves on requisition1 which is1 the
 assertion of the day4 ,indeed1 ,mr4    
,grenville well knew that the colony    
agents could have no general powers to  
consent to it2 and they had no time to  
consult their assemblies for particular 
powers1 before he passed his first      
revenue act4 ,if you compare dates1 you 
will find it impossible4 ,burdened as   
the agents knew the colonies were at    
that time1 they could not give the least
 hope of such grants4 ,his own favorite 
governor was of opinion that the        
,americans were not then taxable        
objects4  ,nor was the time less        
favorable to the equity of such a       

taxation4 ,i don't mean to dispute the  
reasonableness of ,america contributing 
to the charges of ,great ,britain1 when 
she is able2 nor1 ,i believe1 would the 
,americans themselves have disputed it  
at a proper time and season4 ,but it    
should be considered1 that the ,american
 governments themselves have1 in the    
prosecution of the late war1 contracted 
very large debts1 which it will take    
some years to pay off1 and in the mean  
time occasion very burdensome taxes for 
that purpose only4 ,for instance1 this  
government1 which is as much beforehand 
as any1 raises every year #cg1ejjl4     
sterling for sinking their debt1 and    
must continue it for four years longer  
at least before it will be clear4       
,these are the words of ,governor       
,bernard's letter to a member of the old
 ministry1 and which he has since       
printed4  ,mr4 ,grenville could not have
 made this proposition to the agents for
 another reason4 ,he was of opinion1    
which he has declared in this ,house an 

hundred times1 that the colonies could  
not legally grant any revenue to the    
crown1 and that infinite mischiefs would
 be the consequence of such a power4    
,when ,mr4 ,grenville had passed the    
first revenue act1 and in the same      
session had made this ,house come to a  
resolution for laying a stamp-duty on   
,america1 between that time and the     
passing the ,stamp ,act into a law he   
told a considerable and most respectable
 merchant1 a member of this ,house1 whom
 ,i am truly sorry ,i do not now see in 
his place1 when he represented against  
this proceeding1 that1 if the stamp-duty
 was disliked1 he was willing to        
exchange it for any other equally       
productive1--but that1 if he objected to
 the ,americans being taxed by          
,parliament1 he might save himself the  
trouble of the discussion1 as he was    
determined on the measure4 ,this is the 
fact1 and1 if you please1 ,i will       
mention a very unquestionable authority 
for it4  ,thus1 ,sir1 ,i have disposed  

of this falsehood4 ,but falsehood has a 
perennial spring4 ,it is said that no   
conjecture could be made of the dislike 
of the colonies to the principle4 ,this 
is as untrue as the other4 ,after the   
resolution of the ,house1 and before the
 passing of the ,stamp ,act1 the        
colonies of ,massachusetts ,bay and ,new
 ,york did send remonstrances objecting 
to this mode of ,parliamentary taxation4
 ,what was the consequence8 ,they were  
suppressed1 they were put under the     
table1 notwithstanding an order of      
,council to the contrary1 by the        
ministry which composed the very        
,council that had made the order2 and   
thus the ,house proceeded to its        
business of taxing without the least    
regular knowledge of the objections     
which were made to it4 ,but to give that
 ,house its due1 it was not             
over-desirous to receive information or 
to hear remonstrance4 ,on the #aeth of  
,february1 #agfe1 whilst the ,stamp ,act
 was under deliberation1 they refused   

with scorn even so much as to receive   
four petitions presented from so        
respectable colonies as ,connecticut1   
,rhode ,island1 ,virginia1 and          
,carolina1 besides one from the traders 
of ,jamaica4 ,as to the colonies1 they  
had no alternative left to them but to  
disobey1 or to pay the taxes imposed by 
that ,parliament1 which was not         
suffered1 or did not suffer itself1 even
 to hear them remonstrate upon the      
subject4  ,this was the state of the    
colonies before his ,majesty thought fit
 to change his ministers4 ,it stands    
upon no authority of mine4 ,it is proved
 by uncontrovertible records4 ,the      
honorable gentleman has desired some of 
us to lay our hands upon our hearts and 
answer to his queries upon the          
historical part of this consideration1  
and by his manner 7as well as my eyes   
could discern it7 he seemed to address  
himself to me4  ,sir1 ,i will answer him
 as clearly as ,i am able1 and with     
great openness3 ,i have nothing to      

conceal4 ,in the year sixty-five1 being 
in a very private station1 far enough   
from any line of business1 and not      
having the honor of a seat in this      
,house1 it was my fortune1 unknowing and
 unknown to the then ministry1 by the   
intervention of a common friend1 to     
become connected with a very noble      
person1 and at the head of the ,treasury
 ,department4 ,it was1 indeed1 in a     
situation of little rank and no         
consequence1 suitable to the mediocrity 
of my talents and pretensions1--but a   
situation near enough to enable me to   
see1 as well as others1 what was going  
on2 and ,i did see in that noble person 
such sound principles1 such an          
enlargement of mind1 such clear and     
sagacious sense1 and such unshaken      
fortitude1 as have bound me1 as well as 
others much better than me1 by an       
inviolable attachment to him from that  
time forward4 ,sir1 ,lord ,rockingham   
very early in that summer received a    
strong representation from many weighty 

,english merchants and manufacturers1   
from governors of provinces and         
commanders of men-of-war1 against almost
 the whole of the ,american commercial  
regulations1--and particularly with     
regard to the total ruin which was      
threatened to the ,spanish trade4 ,i    
believe1 ,sir1 the noble lord soon saw  
his way in this business4 ,but he did   
not rashly determine against acts which 
it might be supposed were the result of 
much deliberation4 ,however1 ,sir1 he   
scarcely began to open the ground1 when 
the whole veteran body of office took   
the alarm4 ,a violent outcry of all     
7except those who knew and felt the     
mischief7 was raised against any        
alteration4 ,on one hand1 his attempt   
was a direct violation of treaties and  
public law2 on the other1 the ,act of   
,navigation and all the corps of        
trade-laws were drawn up in array       
against it4  ,the first step the noble  
lord took was1 to have the opinion of   
his excellent1 learned1 and             

ever-lamented friend1 the late ,mr4     
,yorke1 then ,attorney-,general1 on the 
point of law4 ,when he knew that        
formally and officially which in        
substance he had known before1 he       
immediately dispatched orders to redress
 the grievance4 ,but ,i will say it for 
the then minister1 he is of that        
constitution of mind1 that ,i know he   
would have issued1 on the same critical 
occasion1 the very same orders1 if the  
acts of trade had been1 as they were    
not1 directly against him1 and would    
have cheerfully submitted to the equity 
of ,parliament for his indemnity4  ,on  
the conclusion of this business of the  
,spanish trade1 the news of the troubles
 on account of the ,stamp ,act arrived  
in ,england4 ,it was not until the end  
of ,october that these accounts were    
received4 ,no sooner had the sound of   
that mighty tempest reached us in       
,england1 than the whole of the then    
opposition1 instead of feeling humbled  
by the unhappy issue of their measures1 

seemed to be infinitely elated1 and     
cried out1 that the ministry1 from envy 
to the glory of their predecessors1 were
 prepared to repeal the ,stamp ,act4    
,near nine years after1 the honorable   
gentleman takes quite opposite ground1  
and now challenges me to put my hand to 
my heart and say whether the ministry   
had resolved on the repeal till a       
considerable time after the meeting of  
,parliament4 ,though ,i do not very well
 know what the honorable gentleman      
wishes to infer from the admission or   
from the denial of this fact on which he
 so earnestly adjures me1 ,i do put my  
hand on my heart and assure him that    
they did not come to a resolution       
directly to repeal4 ,they weighed this  
matter as its difficulty and importance 
required4 ,they considered maturely     
among themselves4 ,they consulted with  
all who could give advice or            
information4 ,it was not determined     
until a little before the meeting of    
,parliament2 but it was determined1 and 

the main lines of their own plan marked 
out1 before that meeting4 ,two questions
 arose4 7,i hope ,i am not going into a 
narrative troublesome to the ,house47   
,a cry of ,go on1 go on6  ,the first of 
the two considerations was1 whether the 
repeal should be total1 or whether only 
partial1--taking out everything         
burdensome and productive1 and reserving
 only an empty acknowledgment1 such as a
 stamp on cards or dice4 ,the other     
question was1 on what principle the act 
should be repealed4 ,on this head also  
two principles were started4 ,one1 that 
the legislative rights of this country  
with regard to ,america were not entire1
 but had certain restrictions and       
limitations4 ,the other principle was1  
that taxes of this kind were contrary to
 the fundamental principles of commerce 
on which the colonies were founded1 and 
contrary to every idea of political     
equity1--by which equity we are bound as
 much as possible to extend the spirit  
and benefit of the ,british             

,constitution to every part of the      
,british dominions4 ,the option1 both of
 the measure and of the principle of    
repeal1 was made before the session2 and
 ,i wonder how any one can read the     
king's speech at the opening of that    
session1 without seeing in that speech  
both the repeal and the ,declaratory    
,act very sufficiently crayoned out4    
,those who cannot see this can see      
nothing4  ,surely the honorable         
gentleman will not think that a great   
deal less time than was then employed   
ought to have been spent in             
deliberation1 when he considers that the
 news of the troubles did not arrive    
till towards the end of ,october4 ,the  
,parliament sat to fill the vacancies on
 the #adth day of ,december1 and on     
business the #adth of the following     
,january4  ,sir1 a partial repeal1 or1  
as the bon-ton of the court then was1 a 
modification1 would have satisfied a    
timid1 unsystematic1 procrastinating    
ministry1 as such a measure has since   

done such a ministry4 ,a modification is
 the constant resource of weak1         
undeciding minds4 ,to repeal by a denial
 of our right to tax in the preamble    
7and this1 too1 did not want advisers7  
would have cut1 in the heroic style1 the
 ,gordian knot with a sword4 ,either    
measure would have cost no more than a  
day's debate4 ,but when the total repeal
 was adopted1 and adopted on principles 
of policy1 of equity1 and of commerce1  
this plan made it necessary to enter    
into many and difficult measures4 ,it   
became necessary to open a very largo   
field of evidence commensurate to these 
extensive views4 ,but then this labor   
did knights' service4 ,it opened the    
eyes of several to the true state of the
 ,american affairs2 it enlarged their   
ideas2 it removed prejudices2 and it    
conciliated the opinions and affections 
of men4 ,the noble lord who then took   
the lead in administration1 my honorable
 friend#f under me1 and a right         
honorable gentleman#g 7if he will not   

reject his share1 and it was a large    
one1 of this business7 exerted the most 
laudable industry in bringing before you
 the fullest1 most impartial1 and least 
garbled body of evidence that ever was  
produced to this ,house4 ,i think the   
inquiry lasted in the committee for six 
weeks2 and at its conclusion1 this      
,house1 by an independent1 noble1       
spirited1 and unexpected majority1 by a 
majority that will redeem all the acts  
ever done by majorities in ,parliament1 
in the teeth of all the old mercenary   
,swiss of state1 in despite of all the  
speculators and augurs of political     
events1 in defiance of the whole        
embattled legion of veteran pensioners  
and practised instruments of a court1   
gave a total repeal to the ,stamp ,act1 
and 7if it had been so permitted7 a     
lasting peace to this whole empire4  ,i 
state1 ,sir1 these particulars1 because 
this act of spirit and fortitude has    
lately been1 in the circulation of the  
season1 and in some hazarded            

declamations in this ,house1 attributed 
to timidity4 ,if1 ,sir1 the conduct of  
ministry1 in proposing the repeal1 had  
arisen from timidity with regard to     
themselves1 it would have been greatly  
to be condemned4 ,interested timidity   
disgraces as much in the cabinet as     
personal timidity does in the field4    
,but timidity with regard to the        
well-being of our country is heroic     
virtue4 ,the noble lord who then        
conducted affairs1 and his worthy       
colleagues1 whilst they trembled at the 
prospect of such distresses as you have 
since brought upon yourselves1 were not 
afraid steadily to look in the face that
 glaring and dazzling influence at which
 the eyes of eagles have blenched4 ,he  
looked in the face one of the ablest1   
and1 let me say1 not the most scrupulous
 oppositions1 that perhaps ever was in  
this ,house2 and withstood it1 unaided  
by even one of the usual supports of    
administration4 ,he did this1 when he   
repealed the ,stamp ,act4 ,he looked in 

the face a person he had long respected 
and regarded1 and whose aid was then    
particularly wanting3 ,i mean ,lord     
,chatham4 ,he did this when he passed   
the ,declaratory ,act4  ,it is now given
 out1 for the usual purposes1 by the    
usual emissaries1 that ,lord ,rockingham
 did not consent to the repeal of this  
act until he was bullied into it by     
,lord ,chatham2 and the reporters have  
gone so far as publicly to assert1 in an
 hundred companies1 that the honorable  
gentleman under the gallery1#h who      
proposed the repeal in the ,american    
committee1 had another set of           
resolutions in his pocket1 directly the 
reverse of those he moved4 ,these       
artifices of a desperate cause are at   
this time spread abroad1 with incredible
 care1 in every part of the town1 from  
the highest to the lowest companies2 as 
if the industry of the circulation were 
to make amends for the absurdity of the 
report4  ,sir1 whether the noble lord is
 of a complexion to be bullied by ,lord 

,chatham1 or by any man1 ,i must submit 
to those who know him4 ,i confess1 when 
,i look back to that time1 ,i consider  
him as placed in one of the most trying 
situations in which1 perhaps1 any man   
ever stood4 ,in the ,house of ,peers    
there were very few of the ministry1 out
 of the noble lord's own particular     
connection1 7except ,lord ,egmont1 who  
acted1 as far as ,i could discern1 an   
honorable and manly part17 that did not 
look to some other future arrangement1  
which warped his politics4 ,there were  
in both ,houses new and menacing        
appearances1 that might very naturally  
drive any other than a most resolute    
minister from his measure or from his   
station4 ,the household troops openly   
revolted4 ,the allies of ministry       
7those1 ,i mean1 who supported some of  
their measures1 but refused             
responsibility for any7 endeavored to   
undermine their credit1 and to take     
ground that must be fatal to the success
 of the very cause which they would be  

thought to countenance4 ,the question of
 the repeal was brought on by ministry  
in the committee of this ,house in the  
very instant when it was known that more
 than one court negotiation was carrying
 on with the heads of the opposition4   
,everything1 upon every side1 was full  
of traps and mines4 ,earth below shook2 
heaven above menaced2 all the elements  
of ministerial safety were dissolved4   
,it was in the midst of this chaos of   
plots and counterplots1 it was in the   
midst of this complicated warfare       
against public opposition and private   
treachery1 that the firmness of that    
noble person was put to the proof4 ,he  
never stirred from his ground3 no1 not  
an inch4 ,he remained fixed and         
determined1 in principle1 in measure1   
and in conduct4 ,he practised no        
managements4 ,he secured no retreat4 ,he
 sought no apology4  ,i will likewise do
 justice--,i ought to do it--to the     
honorable gentleman who led us in this  
,house4#i ,far from the duplicity       

wickedly charged on him1 he acted his   
part with alacrity and resolution4 ,we  
all felt inspired by the example he gave
 us1 down even to myself1 the weakest in
 that phalanx4 ,i declare for one1 ,i   
knew well enough 7it could not be       
concealed from anybody7 the true state  
of things2 but1 in my life1 ,i never    
came with so much spirits into this     
,house4 ,it was a time for a man to act 
in4 ,we had powerful enemies2 but we had
 faithful and determined friends1 and a 
glorious cause4 ,we had a great battle  
to fight2 but we had the means of       
fighting3 not as now1 when our arms are 
tied behind us4 ,we did fight that day1 
and conquer4  ,i remember1 ,sir1 with a 
melancholy pleasure1 the situation of   
the honorable gentleman#aj who made the 
motion for the repeal3 in that crisis1  
when the whole trading interest of this 
empire1 crammed into your lobbies1 with 
a trembling and anxious expectation1    
waited1 almost to a winter's return of  
light1 their fate from your resolutions4

 ,when at length you had determined in  
their favor1 and your doors thrown open 
showed them the figure of their         
deliverer in the well-earned triumph of 
his important victory1 from the whole of
 that grave multitude there arose an    
involuntary burst of gratitude and      
transport4 ,they jumped upon him like   
children on a long absent father4 ,they 
clung about him as captives about their 
redeemer4 ,all ,england1 all ,america1  
joined in his applause4 ,nor did he seem
 insensible to the best of all earthly  
rewards1 the love and admiration of his 
fellow-citizens4 ,hope elevated and joy 
brightened his crest4 ,i stood near him2
 and his face1 to use the expression of 
the ,scripture of the first martyr1 his 
face was as if it had been the face of  
an angel4 ,i do not know how others     
feel2 but if ,i had stood in that       
situation1 ,i never would have exchanged
 it for all that kings in their         
profusion could bestow4 ,i did hope that
 that day's danger and honor would have 

been a bond to hold us all together     
forever4 ,but1 alas6 that1 with other   
pleasing visions1 is long since         
vanished4  ,sir1 this act of supreme    
magnanimity has been represented as if  
it had been a measure of an             
administration that1 having no scheme of
 their own1 took a middle line1 pilfered
 a bit from one side and a bit from the 
other4 ,sir1 they took no middle lines4 
,they differed fundamentally from the   
schemes of both parties2 but they       
preserved the objects of both4 ,they    
preserved the authority of ,great       
,britain2 they preserved the equity of  
,great ,britain4 ,they made the         
,declaratory ,act2 they repealed the    
,stamp ,act4 ,they did both fully3      
because the ,declaratory ,act was       
without qualification2 and the repeal of
 the ,stamp ,act total4 ,this they did  
in the situation ,i have described4     
,now1 ,sir1 what will the adversary say 
to both these acts8 ,if the principle of
 the ,declaratory ,act was not good1 the

 principle we are contending for this   
day is monstrous4 ,if the principle of  
the repeal was not good1 why are we not 
at war for a real1 substantial1         
effective revenue8 ,if both were bad1   
why has this ministry incurred all the  
inconveniences of both and of all       
schemes8 why have they enacted1         
repealed1 enforced1 yielded1 and now    
attempt to enforce again8  ,sir1 ,i     
think ,i may as well now as at any other
 time speak to a certain matter of fact 
not wholly unrelated to the question    
under your consideration4 ,we1 who would
 persuade you to revert to the ancient  
policy of this kingdom1 labor under the 
effect of this short current phrase1    
which the court leaders have given out  
to all their corps1 in order to take    
away the credit of those who would      
prevent you from that frantic war you   
are going to wage upon your colonies4   
,their cant is this3 ,all the           
disturbances in ,america have been      
created by the repeal of the ,stamp     

,act4 ,i suppress for a moment my       
indignation at the falsehood1 baseness1 
and absurdity of this most audacious    
assertion4 ,instead of remarking on the 
motives and character of those who have 
issued it for circulation1 ,i will      
clearly lay before you the state of     
,america1 antecedently to that repeal1  
after the repeal1 and since the renewal 
of the schemes of ,american taxation4   
,it is said1 that the disturbances1 if  
there were any before the repeal1 were  
slight1 and without difficulty or       
inconvenience might have been           
suppressed4 ,for an answer to this      
assertion ,i will send you to the great 
author and patron of the ,stamp ,act1   
who1 certainly meaning well to the      
authority of this country1 and fully    
apprised of the state of that1 made1    
before a repeal was so much as agitated 
in this ,house1 the motion which is on  
your journals1 and which1 to save the   
clerk the trouble of turning to it1 ,i  
will now read to you4 ,it was for an    

amendment to the address of the #agth of
 ,december1 #agfe4  ,to express our just
 resentment and indignation at the      
outrageous tumults and insurrections    
which have been excited and carried on  
in ,north ,america1 and at the          
resistance given1 by open and rebellious
 force1 to the execution of the laws in 
that part of his ,majesty's dominions2  
to assure his ,majesty1 that his        
faithful ,commons1 animated with the    
warmest duty and attachment to his royal
 person and government1 444 will firmly 
and effectually support his ,majesty in 
all such measures as shall be necessary 
for preserving and securing the legal   
dependence of the colonies upon this    
their mother country1 c41 c4  ,here was 
certainly a disturbance preceding the   
repeal1--such a disturbance as ,mr4     
,grenville thought necessary to qualify 
by the name of an insurrection1 and the 
epithet of a rebellious force3 terms    
much stronger than any by which those   
who then supported his motion have ever 

since thought proper to distinguish the 
subsequent disturbances in ,america4    
,they were disturbances which seemed to 
him and his friends to justify as strong
 a promise of support as hath been usual
 to give in the beginning of a war with 
the most powerful and declared enemies4 
,when the accounts of the ,american     
governors came before the ,house1 they  
appeared stronger even than the warmth  
of public imagination had painted them3 
so much stronger1 that the papers on    
your table bear me out in saying that   
all the late disturbances1 which have   
been at one time the minister's motives 
for the repeal of five out of six of the
 new court taxes1 and are now his       
pretences for refusing to repeal that   
sixth1 did not amount--why do ,i compare
 them8--no1 not to a tenth part of the  
tumults and violence which prevailed    
long before the repeal of that act4     
,ministry cannot refuse the authority of
 the commander-in-chief1 ,general ,gage1
 who1 in his letter of the #dth of      

,november1 from ,new ,york1 thus        
represents the state of things3--  ,it  
is difficult to say1 from the highest to
 the lowest1 who has not been accessory 
to this insurrection1 either by writing1
 or mutual agreements to oppose the act1
 by what they are pleased to term all   
legal opposition to it4 ,nothing        
effectual has been proposed1 either to  
prevent or quell the tumult4 ,the rest  
of the provinces are in the same        
situation1 as to a positive refusal to  
take the stamps1 and threatening those  
who shall take them to plunder and      
murder them2 and this affair stands in  
all the provinces1 that1 unless the act 
from its own nature enforce itself1     
nothing but a very considerable military
 force can do it4  ,it is remarkable1   
,sir1 that the persons who formerly     
trumpeted forth the most loudly the     
violent resolutions of assemblies1 the  
universal insurrections1 the seizing and
 burning the stamped papers1 the forcing
 stamp officers to resign their         

commissions under the gallows1 the      
rifling and pulling down of the houses  
of magistrates1 and the expulsion from  
their country of all who dared to write 
or speak a single word in defence of the
 powers of ,parliament1--these very     
trumpeters are now the men that         
represent the whole as a mere trifle1   
and choose to date all the disturbances 
from the repeal of the ,stamp ,act1     
which put an end to them4 ,hear your    
officers abroad1 and let them refute    
this shameless falsehood1 who1 in all   
their correspondence1 state the         
disturbances as owing to their true     
causes1 the discontent of the people    
from the taxes4 ,you have this evidence 
in your own archives2 and it will give  
you complete satisfaction1 if you are   
not so far lost to all ,parliamentary   
ideas of information as rather to credit
 the lie of the day than the records of 
your own ,house4  ,sir1 this vermin of  
court reporters1 when they are forced   
into day upon one point1 are sure to    

burrow in another3 but they shall have  
no refuge2 ,i will make them bolt out of
 all their holes4 ,conscious that they  
must be baffled1 when they attribute a  
precedent disturbance to a subsequent   
measure1 they take other ground1 almost 
as absurd1 but very common in modern    
practice1 and very wicked2 which is1 to 
attribute the ill effect of ill-judged  
conduct to the arguments which had been 
used to dissuade us from it4 ,they say1 
that the opposition made in ,parliament 
to the ,stamp ,act1 at the time of its  
passing1 encouraged the ,americans to   
their resistance4 ,this has even        
formally appeared in print in a regular 
volume from an advocate of that         
faction1--a ,dr4 ,tucker4 ,this ,dr4    
,tucker is already a dean1 and his      
earnest labors in this vineyard will1 ,i
 suppose1 raise him to a bishopric4 ,but
 this assertion1 too1 just like the     
rest1 is false4 ,in all the papers which
 have loaded your table1 in all the vast
 crowd of verbal witnesses that appeared

 at your bar1 witnesses which were      
indiscriminately produced from both     
sides of the ,house1 not the least hint 
of such a cause of disturbance has ever 
appeared4 ,as to the fact of a strenuous
 opposition to the ,stamp ,act1 ,i sat  
as a stranger in your gallery when the  
act was under consideration4 ,far from  
anything inflammatory1 ,i never heard a 
more languid debate in this ,house4 ,no 
more than two or three gentlemen1 as ,i 
remember1 spoke against the act1 and    
that with great reserve and remarkable  
temper4 ,there was but one division in  
the whole progress of the bill2 and the 
minority did not reach to more than #ci 
or #dj4 ,in the ,house of ,lords ,i do  
not recollect that there was any debate 
or division at all4 ,i am sure there was
 no protest4 ,in fact1 the affair passed
 with so very1 very little noise1 that  
in town they scarcely knew the nature of
 what you were doing4 ,the opposition to
 the bill in ,england never could have  
done this mischief1 because there       

scarcely ever was less of opposition to 
a bill of consequence4  ,sir1 the agents
 and distributors of falsehoods have1   
with their usual industry1 circulated   
another lie1 of the same nature with the
 former4 ,it is this3 that the          
disturbances arose from the account     
which had been received in ,america of  
the change in the ministry4 ,no longer  
awed1 it seems1 with the spirit of the  
former rulers1 they thought themselves a
 match for what our calumniators choose 
to qualify by the name of so feeble a   
ministry as succeeded4 ,feeble in one   
sense these men certainly may be called3
 for1 with all their efforts1 and they  
have made many1 they have not been able 
to resist the distempered vigor and     
insane alacrity with which you are      
rushing to your ruin4 ,but it does so   
happen1 that the falsity of this        
circulation is 7like the rest7          
demonstrated by indisputable dates and  
records4  ,so little was the change     
known in ,america1 that the letters of  

your governors1 giving an account of    
these disturbances long after they had  
arrived at their highest pitch1 were all
 directed to the old ministry1 and      
particularly to the ,earl of ,halifax1  
the ,secretary of ,state corresponding  
with the colonies1 without once in the  
smallest degree intimating the slightest
 suspicion of any ministerial revolution
 whatsoever4 ,the ministry was not      
changed in ,england until the #ajth day 
of ,july1 #agfe4 ,on the #adth of the   
preceding ,june1 ,governor ,fauquier1   
from ,virginia1 writes thus1--and writes
 thus to the ,earl of                   
,halifax3--,government is set at        
defiance1 not having strength enough in 
her hands to enforce obedience to the   
laws of the community4--,the private    
distress1 which every man feels1        
increases the general dissatisfaction at
 the duties laid by the ,stamp ,act1    
which breaks out and shows itself upon  
every trifling occasion4 ,the general   
dissatisfaction had produced some time  

before1 that is1 on the #bith of ,may1  
several strong public resolves against  
the ,stamp ,act2 and those resolves are 
assigned by ,governor ,bernard as the   
cause of the insurrections in           
,massachusetts ,bay1 in his letter of   
the #aeth of ,august1 still addressed to
 the ,earl of ,halifax2 and he continued
 to address such accounts to that       
minister quite to the #gth of ,september
 of the same year4 ,similar accounts1   
and of as late a date1 were sent from   
other governors1 and all directed to    
,lord ,halifax4 ,not one of these       
letters indicates the slightest idea of 
a change1 either known or even          
apprehended4  ,thus are blown away the  
insect race of courtly falsehoods6 ,thus
 perish the miserable inventions of the 
wretched runners for a wretched cause1  
which they have fly-blown into every    
weak and rotten part of the country1 in 
vain hopes1 that1 when their maggots had
 taken wing1 their importunate buzzing  
might sound something like the public   

voice6  ,sir1 ,i have troubled you      
sufficiently with the state of ,america 
before the repeal4 ,now ,i turn to the  
honorable gentleman who so stoutly      
challenges us to tell whether1 after the
 repeal1 the provinces were quiet4 ,this
 is coming home to the point4 ,here ,i  
meet him directly1 and answer most      
readily1 ,they were quiet4 ,and ,i1 in  
my turn1 challenge him to prove when1   
and where1 and by whom1 and in what     
numbers1 and with what violence1 the    
other laws of trade1 as gentlemen       
assert1 were violated in consequence of 
your concession1 or that even your other
 revenue laws were attacked4 ,but ,i    
quit the vantage-ground on which ,i     
stand1 and where ,i might leave the     
burden of the proof upon him3 ,i walk   
down upon the open plain1 and undertake 
to show that they were not only quiet1  
but showed many unequivocal marks of    
acknowledgment and gratitude4 ,and to   
give him every advantage1 ,i select the 
obnoxious colony of ,massachusetts ,bay1

 which at this time 7but without hearing
 her7 is so heavily a culprit before    
,parliament3 ,i will select their       
proceedings even under circumstances of 
no small irritation4 ,for1 a little     
imprudently1 ,i must say1 ,governor     
,bernard mixed in the administration of 
the lenitive of the repeal no small     
acrimony arising from matters of a      
separate nature4 ,yet see1 ,sir1 the    
effect of that lenitive1 though mixed   
with these bitter ingredients1--and how 
this rugged people can express          
themselves on a measure of concession4  
,if it is not now in our power1 7say    
they1 in their address to ,governor     
,bernard17 in so full a manner as will  
be expected1 to show our respectful     
gratitude to the mother country1 or to  
make a dutiful1 affectionate return to  
the indulgence of the ,king and         
,parliament1 it shall be no fault of    
ours2 for this we intend1 and hope shall
 be able fully to effect4  ,would to    
,god that this temper had been          

cultivated1 managed1 and set in action6 
,other effects than those which we have 
since felt would have resulted from it4 
,on the requisition for compensation to 
those who had suffered from the violence
 of the populace1 in the same address   
they say1--,the recommendation enjoined 
by ,mr4 ,secretary ,conway's letter1 and
 in consequence thereof made to us1 we  
shall embrace the first convenient      
opportunity to consider and act upon4   
,they did consider2 they did act upon   
it4 ,they obeyed the requisition4 ,i    
know the mode has been chicaned upon2   
but it was substantially obeyed1 and    
much better obeyed than ,i fear the     
,parliamentary requisition of this      
session will be1 though enforced by all 
your rigor and backed with all your     
power4 ,in a word1 the damages of       
popular fury were compensated by        
legislative gravity4 ,almost every other
 part of ,america in various ways       
demonstrated their gratitude4 ,i am bold
 to say1 that so sudden a calm recovered

 after so violent a storm is without    
parallel in history4 ,to say that no    
other disturbance should happen from any
 other cause is folly4 ,but as far as   
appearances went1 by the judicious      
sacrifice of one law you procured an    
acquiescence in all that remained4      
,after this experience1 nobody shall    
persuade me1 when an whole people are   
concerned1 that acts of lenity are not  
means of conciliation4  ,i hope the     
honorable gentleman has received a fair 
and full answer to his question4  ,i    
have done with the third period of your 
policy1--that of your repeal1 and the   
return of your ancient system1 and your 
ancient tranquillity and concord4 ,sir1 
this period was not as long as it was   
happy4 ,another scene was opened1 and   
other actors appeared on the stage4 ,the
 state1 in the condition ,i have        
described it1 was delivered into the    
hands of ,lord ,chatham1 a great and    
celebrated name1--a name that keeps the 
name of this country respectable in     

every other on the globe4 ,it may be    
truly called              ,clarum et    
venerabile nomen     ,gentibus1 et      
multum nostr quod proderat urbi4   ,sir1
 the venerable age of this great man1   
his merited rank1 his superior          
eloquence1 his splendid qualities1 his  
eminent services1 the vast space he     
fills in the eye of mankind1 and1 more  
than all the rest1 his fall from power1 
which1 like death1 canonizes and        
sanctifies a great character1 will not  
suffer me to censure any part of his    
conduct4 ,i am afraid to flatter him2 ,i
 am sure ,i am not disposed to blame    
him4 ,let those who have betrayed him by
 their adulation insult him with their  
malevolence4 ,but what ,i do not presume
 to censure ,i may have leave to lament4
 ,for a wise man1 he seemed to me at    
that time to be governed too much by    
general maxims4 ,i speak with the       
freedom of history1 and ,i hope without 
offence4 ,one or two of these maxims1   
flowing from an opinion not the most    

indulgent to our unhappy species1 and   
surely a little too general1 led him    
into measures that were greatly         
mischievous to himself1 and for that    
reason1 among others1 perhaps fatal to  
his country1--measures1 the effects of  
which1 ,i am afraid1 are forever        
incurable4 ,he made an administration so
 checkered and speckled1 he put together
 a piece of joinery so crossly indented 
and whimsically dovetailed1 a cabinet so
 variously inlaid1 such a piece of      
diversified mosaic1 such a tessellated  
pavement without cement1--here a bit of 
black stone and there a bit of white1   
patriots and courtiers1 king's friends  
and republicans1 ,whigs and ,tories1    
treacherous friends and open            
enemies1--that it was1 indeed1 a very   
curious show1 but utterly unsafe to     
touch and unsure to stand on4 ,the      
colleagues whom he had assorted at the  
same boards stared at each other1 and   
were obliged to ask1--,sir1 your        
name8--,sir1 you have the advantage of  

me4--,mr4 ,such-a-one4--,i beg a        
thousand pardons4--,i venture to say1 it
 did so happen that persons had a single
 office divided between them1 who had   
never spoke to each other in their      
lives1 until they found themselves1 they
 knew not how1 pigging together1 heads  
and points1 in the same truckle-bed4#aa 
,sir1 in consequence of this            
arrangement1 having put so much the     
larger part of his enemies and opposers 
into power1 the confusion was such that 
his own principles could not possibly   
have any effect or influence in the     
conduct of affairs4 ,if over he fell    
into a fit of the gout1 or if any other 
cause withdrew him from public cares1   
principles directly the contrary were   
sure to predominate4 ,when he had       
executed his plan1 he had not an inch of
 ground to stand upon4 ,when he had     
accomplished his scheme of              
administration1 he was no longer a      
minister4  ,when his face was hid but   
for a moment1 his whole system was on a 

wide sea without chart or compass4 ,the 
gentlemen1 his particular friends1 who1 
with the names of various departments of
 ministry1 were admitted to seem as if  
they acted a part under him1 with a     
modesty that becomes all men1 and with a
 confidence in him which was justified  
even in its extravagance by his superior
 abilities1 had never in any instance   
presumed upon any opinion of their own4 
,deprived of his guiding influence1 they
 were whirled about1 the sport of every 
gust1 and easily driven into any port2  
and as those who joined with them in    
manning the vessel were the most        
directly opposite to his opinions1      
measures1 and character1 and far the    
most artful and most powerful of the    
set1 they easily prevailed1 so as to    
seize upon the vacant1 unoccupied1 and  
derelict minds of his friends1 and      
instantly they turned the vessel wholly 
out of the course of his policy4 ,as if 
it were to insult as well as to betray  
him1 even long before the close of the  

first session of his administration1    
when everything was publicly transacted1
 and with great parade1 in his name1    
they made an act declaring it highly    
just and expedient to raise a revenue in
 ,america4 ,for even then1 ,sir1 even   
before this splendid orb was entirely   
set1 and while the western horizon was  
in a blaze with his descending glory1 on
 the opposite quarter of the heavens    
arose another luminary1 and for his hour
 became lord of the ascendant4  ,this   
light1 too1 is passed and set forever4  
,you understand1 to be sure1 that ,i    
speak of ,charles ,townshend1 officially
 the reproducer of this fatal scheme1   
whom ,i cannot even now remember without
 some degree of sensibility4 ,in truth1 
,sir1 he was the delight and ornament of
 this ,house1 and the charm of every    
private society which he honored with   
his presence4 ,perhaps there never arose
 in this country1 nor in any country1 a 
man of a more pointed and finished wit1 
and 7where his passions were not        

concerned7 of a more refined1 exquisite1
 and penetrating judgment4 ,if he had   
not so great a stock as some have had1  
who flourished formerly1 of knowledge   
long treasured up1 he knew1 better by   
far than any man ,i ever was acquainted 
with1 how to bring together within a    
short time all that was necessary to    
establish1 to illustrate1 and to        
decorate that side of the question he   
supported4 ,he stated his matter        
skilfully and powerfully4 ,he           
particularly excelled in a most luminous
 explanation and display of his subject4
 ,his style of argument was neither     
trite and vulgar1 nor subtle and        
abstruse4 ,he hit the ,house just       
between wind and water4 ,and not being  
troubled with too anxious a zeal for any
 matter in question1 he was never more  
tedious or more earnest than the        
preconceived opinions and present temper
 of his hearers required1 to whom he was
 always in perfect unison4 ,he conformed
 exactly to the temper of the ,house2   

and he seemed to guide1 because he was  
always sure to follow it4  ,i beg       
pardon1 ,sir1 if1 when ,i speak of this 
and of other great men1 ,i appear to    
digress in saying something of their    
characters4 ,in this eventful history of
 the revolutions of ,america1 the       
characters of such men are of much      
importance4 ,great men are the          
guideposts and landmarks in the state4  
,the credit of such men at court or in  
the nation is the sole cause of all the 
public measures4 ,it would be an        
invidious thing 7most foreign1 ,i trust1
 to what you think my disposition7 to   
remark the errors into which the        
authority of great names has brought the
 nation1 without doing justice at the   
same time to the great qualities whence 
that authority arose4 ,the subject is   
instructive to those who wish to form   
themselves on whatever of excellence has
 gone before them4 ,there are many young
 members in the ,house 7such of late has
 been the rapid succession of public    

men7 who never saw that prodigy1        
,charles ,townshend1 nor of course know 
what a ferment he was able to excite in 
everything by the violent ebullition of 
his mixed virtues and failings4 ,for    
failings he had undoubtedly1--many of us
 remember them2 we are this day         
considering the effect of them4 ,but he 
had no failings which were not owing to 
a noble cause1--to an ardent1 generous1 
perhaps an immoderate passion for fame3 
a passion which is the instinct of all  
great souls4 ,he worshipped that        
goddess1 wheresoever she appeared2 but  
he paid his particular devotions to her 
in her favorite habitation1 in her      
chosen temple1 the ,house of ,commons4  
,besides the characters of the          
individuals that compose our body1 it is
 impossible1 ,mr4 ,speaker1 not to      
observe that this ,house has a          
collective character of its own4 ,that  
character1 too1 however imperfect1 is   
not unamiable4 ,like all great public   
collections of men1 you possess a marked

 love of virtue and an abhorrence of    
vice4 ,but among vices there is none    
which the ,house abhors in the same     
degree with obstinacy4 ,obstinacy1 ,sir1
 is certainly a great vice2 and in the  
changeful state of political affairs it 
is frequently the cause of great        
mischief4 ,it happens1 however1 very    
unfortunately1 that almost the whole    
line of the great and masculine virtues1
 constancy1 gravity1 magnanimity1       
fortitude1 fidelity1 and firmness1 are  
closely allied to this disagreeable     
quality1 of which you have so just an   
abhorrence2 and1 in their excess1 all   
these virtues very easily fall into it4 
,he who paid such a punctilious         
attention to all your feelings certainly
 took care not to shock them by that    
vice which is the most disgustful to    
you4  ,that fear of displeasing those   
who ought most to be pleased betrayed   
him sometimes into the other extreme4   
,he had voted1 and1 in the year #agfe1  
had been an advocate for the ,stamp     

,act4 ,things and the disposition of    
men's minds were changed4 ,in short1 the
 ,stamp ,act began to be no favorite in 
this ,house4 ,he therefore attended at  
the private meeting in which the        
resolutions moved by a right honorable  
gentleman were settled3 resolutions     
leading to the repeal4 ,the next day he 
voted for that repeal2 and he would have
 spoken for it1 too1 if an illness 7not1
 as was then given out1 a political1    
but1 to my knowledge1 a very real       
illness7 had not prevented it4  ,the    
very next session1 as the fashion of    
this world passeth away1 the repeal     
began to be in as bad an odor in this   
,house as the ,stamp ,act had been in   
the session before4 ,to conform to the  
temper which began to prevail1 and to   
prevail mostly amongst those most in    
power1 he declared1 very early in the   
winter1 that a revenue must be had out  
of ,america4 ,instantly he was tied down
 to his engagements by some1 who had no 
objection to such experiments1 when made

 at the cost of persons for whom they   
had no particular regard4 ,the whole    
body of courtiers drove him onward4     
,they always talked as if the king stood
 in a sort of humiliated state1 until   
something of the kind should be done4   
,here this extraordinary man1 then      
,chancellor of the ,exchequer1 found    
himself in great straits4 ,to please    
universally was the object of his life2 
but to tax and to please1 no more than  
to love and to be wise1 is not given to 
men4 ,however1 he attempted it4 ,to     
render the tax palatable to the         
partisans of ,american revenue1 he made 
a preamble stating the necessity of such
 a revenue4 ,to close with the ,american
 distinction1 this revenue was external 
or port-duty2 but again1 to soften it to
 the other party1 it was a duty of      
supply4 ,to gratify the colonists1 it   
was laid on ,british manufactures2 to   
satisfy the merchants of ,britain1 the  
duty was trivial1 and 7except that on   
tea1 which touched only the devoted     

,east ,india ,company7 on none of the   
grand objects of commerce4 ,to          
counterwork the ,american contraband1   
the duty on tea was reduced from a      
shilling to three-pence2 but to secure  
the favor of those who would tax        
,america1 the scene of collection was   
changed1 and1 with the rest1 it was     
levied in the colonies4 ,what need ,i   
say more8 ,this fine-spun scheme had the
 usual fate of all exquisite policy4    
,but the original plan of the duties1   
and the mode of executing that plan1    
both arose singly and solely from a love
 of our applause4 ,he was truly the     
child of the ,house4 ,he never thought1 
did1 or said anything1 but with a view  
to you4 ,he every day adapted himself to
 your disposition1 and adjusted himself 
before it as at a looking-glass4  ,he   
had observed 7indeed1 it could not      
escape him7 that several persons1       
infinitely his inferiors in all         
respects1 had formerly rendered         
themselves considerable in this ,house  

by one method alone4 ,they were a race  
of men 7,i hope in ,god the species is  
extinct7 who1 when they rose in their   
place1 no man living could divine1 from 
any known adherence to parties1 to      
opinions1 or to principles1 from any    
order or system in their politics1 or   
from any sequel or connection in their  
ideas1 what part they were going to take
 in any debate4 ,it is astonishing how  
much this uncertainty1 especially at    
critical times1 called the attention of 
all parties on such men4 ,all eyes were 
fixed on them1 all ears open to hear    
them2 each party gaped1 and looked      
alternately for their vote1 almost to   
the end of their speeches4 ,while the   
,house hung in this uncertainty1 now the
 hear-hims rose from this side1 now they
 rebellowed from the other2 and that    
party to whom they fell at length from  
their tremulous and dancing balance     
always received them in a tempest of    
applause4 ,the fortune of such men was a
 temptation too great to be resisted by 

one to whom a single whiff of incense   
withheld gave much greater pain than he 
received delight in the clouds of it    
which daily rose about him from the     
prodigal superstition of innumerable    
admirers4 ,he was a candidate for       
contradictory honors2 and his great aim 
was1 to make those agree in admiration  
of him who never agreed in anything     
else4  ,hence arose this unfortunate    
act1 the subject of this day's debate3  
from a disposition which1 after making  
an ,american revenue to please one1     
repealed it to please others1 and again 
revived it in hopes of pleasing a third1
 and of catching something in the ideas 
of all4  ,this revenue act of #agfg     
formed the fourth period of ,american   
policy4 ,how we have fared since then3  
what woful variety of schemes have been 
adopted2 what enforcing1 and what       
repealing2 what bullying1 and what      
submitting2 what doing1 and undoing2    
what straining1 and what relaxing2 what 
assemblies dissolved for not obeying1   

and called again without obedience2 what
 troops sent out to quell resistance1   
and1 on meeting that resistance1        
recalled2 what shiftings1 and changes1  
and jumblings of all kinds of men at    
home1 which left no possibility of      
order1 consistency1 vigor1 or even so   
much as a decent unity of color1 in     
anyone public measure--,it is a tedious1
 irksome task4 ,my duty may call me to  
open it out some other time2 on a former
 occasion#ab ,i tried your temper on a  
part of it2 for the present ,i shall    
forbear4  ,after all these changes and  
agitations1 your immediate situation    
upon the question on your paper is at   
length brought to this4 ,you have an act
 of ,parliament stating that it is      
expedient to raise a revenue in         
,america4 ,by a partial repeal you      
annihilated the greatest part of that   
revenue which this preamble declares to 
be so expedient4 ,you have substituted  
no other in the place of it4 ,a         
,secretary of ,state has disclaimed1 in 

the king's name1 all thoughts of such a 
substitution in future4 ,the principle  
of this disclaimer goes to what has been
 left1 as well as what has been         
repealed4 ,the tax which lingers after  
its companions 7under a preamble        
declaring an ,american revenue          
expedient1 and for the sole purpose of  
supporting the theory of that preamble7 
militates with the assurance            
authentically conveyed to the colonies1 
and is an exhaustless source of jealousy
 and animosity4 ,on this state1 which ,i
 take to be a fair one1--not being able 
to discern any grounds of honor1        
advantage1 peace1 or power1 for         
adhering1 either to the act or to the   
preamble1 ,i shall vote for the question
 which leads to the repeal of both4  ,if
 you do not fall in with this motion1   
then secure something to fight for1     
consistent in theory and valuable in    
practice4 ,if you must employ your      
strength1 employ it to uphold you in    
some honorable right or some profitable 

wrong4 ,if you are apprehensive that the
 concession recommended to you1 though  
proper1 should be a means of drawing on 
you further1 but unreasonable           
claims1--why1 then employ your force in 
supporting that reasonable concession   
against those unreasonable demands4 ,you
 will employ it with more grace1 with   
better effect1 and with great probable  
concurrence of all the quiet and        
rational people in the provinces1 who   
are now united with and hurried away by 
the violent1--having1 indeed1 different 
dispositions1 but a common interest4 ,if
 you apprehend that on a concession you 
shall be pushed by metaphysical process 
to the extreme lines1 and argued out of 
your whole authority1 my advice is this3
 when you have recovered your old1 your 
strong1 your tenable position1 then face
 about1--stop short1--do nothing        
more1--reason not at all1--oppose the   
ancient policy and practice of the      
empire as a rampart against the         
speculations of innovators on both sides

 of the question1--and you will stand on
 great1 manly1 and sure ground4 ,on this
 solid basis fix your machines1 and they
 will draw worlds towards you4  ,tour   
ministers1 in their own and his         
,majesty's name1 have already adopted   
the ,american distinction of internal   
and external duties4 ,it is a           
distinction1 whatever merit it may have1
 that was originally moved by the       
,americans themselves2 and ,i think they
 will acquiesce in it1 if they are not  
pushed with too much logic and too      
little sense1 in all the consequences3  
that is1 if external taxation be        
understood1 as they and you understand  
it1 when you please1 to be not a        
distinction of geography1 but of policy2
 that it is a power for regulating      
trade1 and not for supporting           
establishments4 ,the distinction1 which 
is as nothing with regard to right1 is  
of most weighty consideration in        
practice4 ,recover your old ground1 and 
your old tranquillity2 try it2 ,i am    

persuaded the ,americans will compromise
 with you4 ,when confidence is once     
restored1 the odious and suspicious     
summum jus will perish of course4 ,the  
spirit of practicability1 of moderation1
 and mutual convenience will never call 
in geometrical exactness as the         
arbitrator of an amicable settlement4   
,consult and follow your experience4    
,let not the long story with which ,i   
have exercised your patience prove      
fruitless to your interests4  ,for my   
part1 ,i should choose 7if ,i could have
 my wish7 that the proposition of the   
honorable gentleman#ac for the repeal   
could go to ,america without the        
attendance of the penal bills4 ,alone ,i
 could almost answer for its success4 ,i
 cannot be certain of its reception in  
the bad company it may keep4 ,in such   
heterogeneous assortments1 the most     
innocent person will lose the effect of 
his innocency4 ,though you should send  
out this angel of peace1 yet you are    
sending out a destroying angel too2 and 

what would be the effect of the conflict
 of these two adverse spirits1 or which 
would predominate in the end1 is what ,i
 dare not say3 whether the lenient      
measures would cause ,american passion  
to subside1 or the severe would increase
 its fury1--all this is in the hand of  
,providence4 ,yet now1 even now1 ,i     
should confide in the prevailing virtue 
and efficacious operation of lenity1    
though working in darkness and in chaos1
 in the midst of all this unnatural and 
turbid combination3 ,i should hope it   
might produce order and beauty in the   
end4  ,let us1 ,sir1 embrace some system
 or other before we end this session4   
,do you mean to tax ,america1 and to    
draw a productive revenue from thence8  
,if you do1 speak out3 name1 fix1       
ascertain this revenue2 settle its      
quantity2 define its objects2 provide   
for its collection2 and then fight1 when
 you have something to fight for4 ,if   
you murder1 rob2 if you kill1 take      
possession2 and do not appear in the    

character of madmen as well as          
assassins1 violent1 vindictive1 bloody1 
and tyrannical1 without an object4 ,but 
may better counsels guide you6  ,again1 
and again1 revert to your old           
principles1--seek peace and ensue       
it1--leave ,america1 if she has taxable 
matter in her1 to tax herself4 ,i am not
 here going into the distinctions of    
rights1 nor attempting to mark their    
boundaries4 ,i do not enter into these  
metaphysical distinctions2 ,i hate the  
very sound of them4 ,leave the          
,americans as they anciently stood1 and 
these distinctions1 born of our unhappy 
contest1 will die along with it4 ,they  
and we1 and their and our ancestors1    
have been happy under that system4 ,let 
the memory of all actions in            
contradiction to that good old mode1 on 
both sides1 be extinguished forever4 ,be
 content to bind ,america by laws of    
trade3 you have always done it4 ,let    
this be your reason for binding their   
trade4 ,do not burden them by taxes3 you

 were not used to do so from the        
beginning4 ,let this be your reason for 
not taxing4 ,these are the arguments of 
states and kingdoms4 ,leave the rest to 
the schools2 for there only they may be 
discussed with safety4 ,but if1         
intemperately1 unwisely1 fatally1 you   
sophisticate and poison the very source 
of government1 by urging subtle         
deductions1 and consequences odious to  
those you govern1 from the unlimited and
 illimitable nature of supreme          
sovereignty1 you will teach them by     
these means to call that sovereignty    
itself in question4 ,when you drive him 
hard1 the boar will surely turn upon the
 hunters4 ,if that sovereignty and their
 freedom cannot be reconciled1 which    
will they take8 ,they will cast your    
sovereignty in your face4 ,nobody will  
be argued into slavery4 ,sir1 let the   
gentlemen on the other side call forth  
all their ability2 let the best of them 
get up and tell me what one character of
 liberty the ,americans have1 and what  

one brand of slavery they are free from1
 if they are bound in their property and
 industry by all the restraints you can 
imagine on commerce1 and at the same    
time are made pack-horses of every tax  
you choose to impose1 without the least 
share in granting them4 ,when they bear 
the burdens of unlimited monopoly1 will 
you bring them to bear the burdens of   
unlimited revenue too8 ,the ,englishman 
in ,america will feel that this is      
slavery3 that it is legal slavery will  
be no compensation either to his        
feelings or his understanding4  ,a noble
 lord1#ad who spoke some time ago1 is   
full of the fire of ingenuous youth2 and
 when he has modelled the ideas of a    
lively imagination by further           
experience1 he will be an ornament to   
his country in either ,house4 ,he has   
said that the ,americans are our        
children1 and how can they revolt       
against their parent8 ,he says1 that1 if
 they are not free in their present     
state1 ,england is not free2 because    

,manchester1 and other considerable     
places1 are not represented4 ,so1 then1 
because some towns in ,england are not  
represented1 ,america is to have no     
representative at all4 ,they are our    
children2 but when children ask for     
bread1 we are not to give a stone4 ,is  
it because the natural resistance of    
things1 and the various mutations of    
time1 hinders our government1 or any    
scheme of government1 from being any    
more than a sort of approximation to the
 right1 is it therefore that the        
colonies are to recede from it          
infinitely8 ,when this child of ours    
wishes to assimilate to its parent1 and 
to reflect with a true filial           
resemblance the beauteous countenance of
 ,british liberty1 are we to turn to    
them the shameful parts of our          
constitution8 are we to give them our   
weakness for their strength1 our        
opprobrium for their glory1 and the     
slough of slavery1 which we are not able
 to work off1 to serve them for their   

freedom8  ,if this be the case1 ask     
yourselves this question3 ,will they be 
content in such a state of slavery8 ,if 
not1 look to the consequences4 ,reflect 
how you are to govern a people who think
 they ought to be free1 and think they  
are not4 ,your scheme yields no revenue2
 it yields nothing but discontent1      
disorder1 disobedience3 and such is the 
state of ,america1 that1 after wading up
 to your eyes in blood1 you could only  
end just where you begun1--that is1 to  
tax where no revenue is to be found1 to 
---- ,my voice fails me3 my inclination1
 indeed1 carries me no further2 all is  
confusion beyond it4  ,well1 ,sir1 ,i   
have recovered a little1 and before ,i  
sit down ,i must say something to       
another point with which gentlemen urge 
us4 ,what is to become of the           
,declaratory ,act1 asserting the        
entireness of ,british legislative      
authority1 if we abandon the practice of
 taxation8  ,for my part1 ,i look upon  
the rights stated in that act exactly in

 the manner in which ,i viewed them on  
its very first proposition1 and which ,i
 have often taken the liberty1 with     
great humility1 to lay before you4 ,i   
look1 ,i say1 on the imperial rights of 
,great ,britain1 and the privileges     
which the colonists ought to enjoy under
 these rights1 to be just the most      
reconcilable things in the world4 ,the  
,parliament of ,great ,britain sits at  
the head of her extensive empire in two 
capacities4 ,one as the local           
legislature of this island1 providing   
for all things at home1 immediately1 and
 by no other instrument than the        
executive power4 ,the other1 and ,i     
think her nobler capacity1 is what ,i   
call her imperial character2 in which1  
as from the throne of heaven1 she       
superintends all the several inferior   
legislatures1 and guides and controls   
them all without annihilating any4 ,as  
all these provincial legislatures are   
only cordinate to each other1 they ought
 all to be subordinate to her2 else they

 can neither preserve mutual peace1 nor 
hope for mutual justice1 nor effectually
 afford mutual assistance4 ,it is       
necessary to coerce the negligent1 to   
restrain the violent1 and to aid the    
weak and deficient1 by the overruling   
plenitude of her power4 ,she is never to
 intrude into the place of the others1  
whilst they are equal to the common ends
 of their institution4 ,but in order to 
enable ,parliament to answer all these  
ends of provident and beneficent        
superintendence1 her powers must be     
boundless4 ,the gentlemen who think the 
powers of ,parliament limited may please
 themselves to talk of requisitions4    
,but suppose the requisitions are not   
obeyed8 ,what6 shall there be no        
reserved power in the empire1 to supply 
a deficiency which may weaken1 divide1  
and dissipate the whole8 ,we are engaged
 in war1--the ,secretary of ,state calls
 upon the colonies to contribute1--some 
would do it1 ,i think most would        
cheerfully furnish whatever is          

demanded1--one or two1 suppose1 hang    
back1 and1 easing themselves1 let the   
stress of the draft lie on the          
others1--surely it is proper that some  
authority might legally say1 ,tax       
yourselves for the common ,supply1 or   
,parliament will do it for you4 ,this   
backwardness was1 as ,i am told1        
actually the case of ,pennsylvania for  
some short time towards the beginning of
 the last war1 owing to some internal   
dissensions in that colony4 ,but whether
 the fact were so or otherwise1 the case
 is equally to be provided for by a     
competent sovereign power4 ,but then    
this ought to be no ordinary power1 nor 
ever used in the first instance4 ,this  
is what ,i meant1 when ,i have said1 at 
various times1 that ,i consider the     
power of taxing in ,parliament as an    
instrument of empire1 and not as a means
 of supply4  ,such1 ,sir1 is my idea of 
the ,constitution of the ,british       
,empire1 as distinguished from the      
,constitution of ,britain2 and on these 

grounds ,i think subordination and      
liberty may be sufficiently reconciled  
through the whole1--whether to serve a  
refining speculatist or a factious      
demagogue ,i know not1 but enough surely
 for the ease and happiness of man4     
,sir1 whilst we hold this happy course1 
we drew more from the colonies than all 
the impotent violence of despotism ever 
could extort from them4 ,we did this    
abundantly in the last war2 it has never
 been once denied2 and what reason have 
we to imagine that the colonies would   
not have proceeded in supplying         
government as liberally1 if you had not 
stepped in and hindered them from       
contributing1 by interrupting the       
channel in which their liberality flowed
 with so strong a course1--by attempting
 to take1 instead of being satisfied to 
receive8 ,sir ,william ,temple says1    
that ,holland has loaded itself with ten
 times the impositions which it revolted
 from ,spain rather than submit to4 ,he 
says true4 ,tyranny is a poor provider4 

,it knows neither how to accumulate nor 
how to extract4  ,i charge1 therefore1  
to this new and unfortunate system the  
loss not only of peace1 of union1 and of
 commerce1 but even of revenue1 which   
its friends are contending for4 ,it is  
morally certain that we have lost at    
least a million of free grants since the
 peace4 ,i think we have lost a great   
deal more2 and that those who look for a
 revenue from the provinces never could 
have pursued1 even in that light1 a     
course more directly repugnant to their 
purposes4  ,now1 ,sir1 ,i trust ,i have 
shown1 first on that narrow ground which
 the honorable gentleman measured1 that 
you are like to lose nothing by         
complying with the motion1 except what  
you have lost already4 ,i have shown    
afterwards1 that in time of peace you   
flourished in commerce1 and1 when war   
required it1 had sufficient aid from the
 colonies1 while you pursued your       
ancient policy2 that you threw          
everything into confusion1 when you made

 the ,stamp ,act2 and that you restored 
everything to peace and order1 when you 
repealed it4 ,i have shown that the     
revival of the system of taxation has   
produced the very worst effects2 and    
that the partial repeal has produced1   
not partial good1 but universal evil4   
,let these considerations1 founded on   
facts1 not one of which can be denied1  
bring us back to our reason by the road 
of our experience4  ,i cannot1 as ,i    
have said1 answer for mixed measures3   
but surely this mixture of lenity would 
give the whole a better chance of       
success4 ,when you once regain          
confidence1 the way will be clear before
 you4 ,then you may enforce the ,act of 
,navigation1 when it ought to be        
enforced4 ,you will yourselves open it1 
where it ought still further to be      
opened4 ,proceed in what you do1        
whatever you do1 from policy1 and not   
from rancor4 ,let us act like men1 let  
us act like statesmen4 ,let us hold some
 sort of consistent conduct4 ,it is     

agreed that a revenue is not to be had  
in ,america4 ,if we lose the profit1 let
 us get rid of the odium4  ,on this     
business of ,america1 ,i confess ,i am  
serious1 even to sadness4 ,i have had   
but one opinion concerning it1 since ,i 
sat1 and before ,i sat in ,parliament4  
,the noble lord#ae will1 as usual1      
probably1 attribute the part taken by me
 and my friends in this business to a   
desire of getting his places4 ,let him  
enjoy this happy and original idea4 ,if 
,i deprived him of it1 ,i should take   
away most of his wit1 and all his       
argument4 ,but ,i had rather bear the   
brunt of all his wit1 and indeed blows  
much heavier1 than stand answerable to  
,god for embracing a system that tends  
to the destruction of some of the very  
best and fairest of ,his works4 ,but ,i 
know the map of ,england as well as the 
noble lord1 or as any other person2 and 
,i know that the way ,i take is not the 
road to preferment4 ,my excellent and   
honorable friend under me on the        

floor#af has trod that road with great  
toil for upwards of twenty years        
together4 ,he is not yet arrived at the 
noble lord's destination4 ,however1 the 
tracks of my worthy friend are those ,i 
have ever wished to follow2 because ,i  
know they lead to honor4 ,long may we   
tread the same road together1 whoever   
may accompany us1 or whoever may laugh  
at us on our journey6 ,i honestly and   
solemnly declare1 ,i have in all seasons
 adhered to the system of #agff for no  
other reason than1 that ,i think it laid
 deep in your truest interests1--and    
that1 by limiting the exercise1 it fixes
 on the firmest foundations a real1     
consistent1 well-grounded authority in  
,parliament4 ,until you come back to    
that system1 there will be no peace for 
,england4   ,,footnotes3  #a ,charles   
,wolfran ,cornwall1 ,esq41 lately       
appointed one of the ,lords of the      
,treasury4  #b ,lord ,north1 then       
,chancellor of the ,exchequer4  #c ,lord
 ,hillsborough's ,circular ,letter to   

the ,governors of the ,colonies1        
concerning the repeal of some of the    
duties laid in the ,act of #agfg4  #d ,a
 material point is omitted by ,mr4      
,burke in this speech1 viz4 the manner  
in which the continent received this    
royal assurance4 ,the assembly of       
,virginia1 in their address in answer to
 ,lord ,botetourt's speech1 express     
themselves thus3--,we will not suffer   
our present hopes1 arising from the     
pleasing prospect your ,lordship hath so
 kindly opened and displayed to us1 to  
be lashed by the bitter reflection that 
any future administration will entertain
 a wish to depart from that plan which  
affords the surest and most permanent   
foundation of public tranquillity and   
happiness4 ,no1 my ,lord1 we are sure   
our most gracious sovereign1 under      
whatever changes may happen in his      
confidential servants1 will remain      
immutable in the ways of truth and      
justice1 and that he is incapable of    
deceiving his faithful subjects2 and we 

esteem your ,lordship's information not 
only as warranted1 but even sanctified  
by the royal word4  #e ,lord ,north4  #f
 ,mr4 ,dowdeswell4  #g ,general ,conway4
  #h ,general ,conway4  #i ,general     
,conway4  #aj ,general ,conway4  #aa    
,supposed to allude to the ,right       
,honorable ,lord ,north1 and ,george    
,cooke1 ,esq41 who were made joint      
paymasters in the summer of #agff1 on   
the removal of the ,rockingham          
administration4  #ab ,resolutions in    
,may1 #aggj4  #ac ,mr4 ,fuller4  #ad    
,lord ,carmarthen4  #ae ,lord ,north4   
#af ,mr4 ,dowdeswell     ,,speeches     
,,at  ,,his ,,arrival ,,at ,,bristol1   
,,and ,,at ,,the  ,,conclusion ,,of     
,,the ,,poll4   #aggd ,,editor',s       
,,advertisement4   ,we believe there is 
no need of an apology to the public for 
offering to them any genuine speeches of
 ,mr4 ,burke3 the two contained in this 
publication undoubtedly are so4 ,the    
general approbation they met with 7as we
 hear7 from all parties at ,bristol     

persuades us that a good edition of them
 will not be unacceptable in ,london2   
which we own to be the inducement1 and  
we hope is a justification1 of our      
offering it4  ,we do not presume to     
descant on the merit of these speeches2 
but as it is no less new than honorable 
to find a popular candidate1 at a       
popular election1 daring to avow his    
dissent to certain points that have been
 considered as very popular objects1 and
 maintaining himself on the manly       
confidence of his own opinion1 so we    
must say that it does great credit to   
the people of ,england1 as it proves to 
the world1 that1 to insure their        
confidence1 it is not necessary to      
flatter them1 or to affect a            
subserviency to their passions or their 
prejudices4  ,it may be necessary to    
promise1 that at the opening of the poll
 the candidates were ,lord ,clare1 ,mr4 
,brickdale1 the two last members1 and   
,mr4 ,cruger1 a considerable merchant at
 ,bristol4 ,on the second day of the    

poll1 ,lord ,clare declined2 and a      
considerable body of gentlemen1 who had 
wished that the city of ,bristol should1
 at this critical season1 be represented
 by some gentleman of tried abilities   
and known commercial knowledge1         
immediately put ,mr4 ,burke in          
nomination4 ,some of them set off       
express for ,london to apprise that     
gentleman of this event2 but he was gone
 to ,malton1 in ,yorkshire4 ,the spirit 
and active zeal of these gentlemen      
followed him to ,malton4 ,they arrived  
there just after ,mr4 ,burke's election 
for that place1 and invited him to      
,bristol4  ,mr4 ,burke1 as he tells us  
in his first speech1 acquainted his     
constituents with the honorable offer   
that was made him1 and1 with their      
consent1 he immediately set off for     
,bristol1 on the ,tuesday1 at six in the
 evening2 he arrived at ,bristol at half
 past two in the afternoon1 on          
,thursday1 the #acth of ,october1 being 
the sixth day of the poll4  ,he drove   

directly to the mayor's house1 who not  
being at home1 he proceeded to the      
,guildhall1 where he ascended the       
hustings1 and having saluted the        
electors1 the sheriffs1 and the two     
candidates1 he reposed himself for a few
 minutes1 and then addressed the        
electors in a speech which was received 
with great and universal applause and   
approbation4     ,,speech  ,,at  ,,his  
,,arrival ,,at ,,bristol4               
,gentlemen1--,i am come hither to       
solicit in person that favor which my   
friends have hitherto endeavored to     
procure for me1 by the most obliging1   
and to me the most honorable exertions4 
,i have so high an opinion of the great 
trust which you have to confer on this  
occasion1 and1 by long experience1 so   
just a diffidence in my abilities to    
fill it in a manner adequate even to my 
own ideas1 that ,i should never have    
ventured of myself to intrude into that 
awful situation4 ,but since ,i am called
 upon by the desire of several          

respectable fellow subjects1 as ,i have 
done at other times1 ,i give up my fears
 to their wishes4 ,whatever my other    
deficiencies may be1 ,i do not know what
 it is to be wanting to my friends4  ,i 
am not fond of attempting to raise      
public expectations by great promises4  
,at this time1 there is much cause to   
consider1 and very little to presume4   
,we seem to be approaching to a great   
crisis in our affairs1 which calls for  
the whole wisdom of the wisest among us1
 without being able to assure ourselves 
that any wisdom can preserve us from    
many and great inconveniences4 ,you know
 ,i speak of our unhappy contest with   
,america4 ,i confess1 it is a matter on 
which ,i look down as from a precipice4 
,it is difficult in itself1 and it is   
rendered more intricate by a great      
variety of plans of conduct4 ,i do not  
mean to enter into them4 ,i will not    
suspect a want of good intention in     
framing them4 ,but however pure the     
intentions of their authors may have    

been1 we all know that the event has    
been unfortunate4 ,the means of         
recovering our affairs are not obvious4 
,so many great questions of commerce1 of
 finance1 of constitution1 and of policy
 are involved in this ,american         
deliberation1 that ,i dare engage for   
nothing1 but that ,i shall give it1     
without any predilection to former      
opinions1 or any sinister bias          
whatsoever1 the most honest and         
impartial consideration of which ,i am  
capable4 ,the public has a full right to
 it2 and this great city1 a main pillar 
in the commercial interest of ,great    
,britain1 must totter on its base by the
 slightest mistake with regard to our   
,american measures4  ,thus much1        
however1 ,i think it not amiss to lay   
before you1--that ,i am not1 ,i hope1   
apt to take up or lay down my opinions  
lightly4 ,i have held1 and ever shall   
maintain1 to the best of my power1      
unimpaired and undiminished1 the just1  
wise1 and necessary constitutional      

superiority of ,great ,britain4 ,this is
 necessary for ,america as well as for  
us4 ,i never mean to depart from it4    
,whatever may be lost by it1 ,i avow it4
 ,the forfeiture even of your favor1 if 
by such a declaration ,i could forfeit  
it1 though the first object of my       
ambition1 never will make me disguise my
 sentiments on this subject4  ,but--,i  
have ever had a clear opinion1 and have 
ever held a constant correspondent      
conduct1 that this superiority is       
consistent with all the liberties a     
sober and spirited ,american ought to   
desire4 ,i never mean to put any        
colonist1 or any human creature1 in a   
situation not becoming a free man4 ,to  
reconcile ,british superiority with     
,american liberty shall be my great     
object1 as far as my little faculties   
extend4 ,i am far from thinking that    
both1 even yet1 may not be preserved4   
,when ,i first devoted myself to the    
public service1 ,i considered how ,i    
should render myself fit for it2 and    

this ,i did by endeavoring to discover  
what it was that gave this country the  
rank it holds in the world4 ,i found    
that our prosperity and dignity arose   
principally1 if not solely1 from two    
sources3 our ,constitution1 and         
commerce4 ,both these ,i have spared no 
study to understand1 and no endeavor to 
support4  ,the distinguishing part of   
our ,constitution is its liberty4 ,to   
preserve that liberty inviolate seems   
the particular duty and proper trust of 
a member of the ,house of ,commons4 ,but
 the liberty1 the only liberty1 ,i mean 
is a liberty connected with order3 that 
not only exists along with order and    
virtue1 but which cannot exist at all   
without them4 ,it inheres in good and   
steady government1 as in its substance  
and vital principle4  ,the other source 
of our power is commerce1 of which you  
are so large a part1 and which cannot   
exist1 no more than your liberty1       
without a connection with many virtues4 
,it has ever been a very particular and 

a very favorite object of my study1 in  
its principles1 and in its details4 ,i  
think many here are acquainted with the 
truth of what ,i say4 ,this ,i          
know1--that ,i have ever had my house   
open1 and my poor services ready1 for   
traders and manufacturers of every      
denomination4 ,my favorite ambition is1 
to have those services acknowledged4 ,i 
now appear before you to make trial1    
whether my earnest endeavors have been  
so wholly oppressed by the weakness of  
my abilities as to be rendered          
insignificant in the eyes of a great    
trading city2 or whether you choose to  
give a weight to humble abilities1 for  
the sake of the honest exertions with   
which they are accompanied4 ,this is my 
trial to-day4 ,my industry is not on    
trial4 ,of my industry ,i am sure1 as   
far as my constitution of mind and body 
admitted4  ,when ,i was invited by many 
respectable merchants1 freeholders1 and 
freemen of this city to offer them my   
services1 ,i had just received the honor

 of an election at another place1 at a  
very great distance from this4 ,i       
immediately opened the matter to those  
of my worthy constituents who were with 
me1 and they unanimously advised me not 
to decline it4 ,they told me that they  
had elected me with a view to the public
 service2 and as great questions        
relative to our commerce and colonies   
were imminent that in such matters ,i   
might derive authority and support from 
the representation of this great        
commercial city3 they desired me1       
therefore1 to set off without delay1    
very well persuaded that ,i never could 
forget my obligations to them or to my  
friends1 for the choice they had made of
 me4 ,from that time to this instant ,i 
have not slept2 and if ,i should have   
the honor of being freely chosen by you1
 ,i hope ,i shall be as far from        
slumbering or sleeping1 when your       
service requires me to be awake1 as ,i  
have been in coming to offer myself a   
candidate for your favor4     ,,speech  

,,to ,,the  ,,electors ,,of ,,bristol1  
,,on ,,his ,,being ,,declared ,,by ,,the
 ,,sheriffs ,,duly ,,elected ,,one ,,of 
,,the ,,representatives ,,in            
,,parliament ,,for ,,that ,,city1  ,,on 
,,thursday1 ,,the #c;,d ,,of ,,november1
 #aggd4   ,gentlemen1--,i cannot avoid  
sympathizing strongly with the feelings 
of the gentleman who has received the   
same honor that you have conferred on   
me4 ,if he1 who was bred and passed his 
whole life amongst you1--if he1 who1    
through the easy gradations of          
acquaintance1 friendship1 and esteem1   
has obtained the honor which seems of   
itself1 naturally and almost insensibly1
 to meet with those who1 by the even    
tenor of pleasing manners and social    
virtues1 slide into the love and        
confidence of their fellow-citizens1--if
 he cannot speak but with great emotion 
on this subject1 surrounded as he is on 
all sides with his old friends1--you    
will have the goodness to excuse me1 if 
my real1 unaffected embarrassment       

prevents me from expressing my gratitude
 to you as ,i ought4  ,i was brought    
hither under the disadvantage of being  
unknown1 even by sight1 to any of you4  
,no previous canvass was made for me4 ,i
 was put in nomination after the poll   
was opened4 ,i did not appear until it  
was far advanced4 ,if1 under all these  
accumulated disadvantages1 your good    
opinion has carried me to this happy    
point of success1 you will pardon me1 if
 ,i can only say to you collectively1 as
 ,i said to you individually1 simply and
 plainly1 ,i thank you1--,i am obliged  
to you1--,i am not insensible of your   
kindness4  ,this is all that ,i am able 
to say for the inestimable favor you    
have conferred upon me4 ,but ,i cannot  
be satisfied without saying a little    
more in defence of the right you have to
 confer such a favor4 ,the person that  
appeared here as counsel for the        
candidate who so long and so earnestly  
solicited your votes thinks proper to   
deny that a very great part of you have 

any votes to give4 ,he fixes a standard 
period of time in his own imagination1  
7not what the law defines1 but merely   
what the convenience of his client      
suggests17 by which he would cut off at 
one stroke all those freedoms which are 
the dearest privileges of your          
corporation1--which the ,common ,law    
authorizes1--which your magistrates are 
compelled to grant1--which come duly    
authenticated into this court1--and are 
saved in the clearest words1 and with   
the most religious care and tenderness1 
in that very act of ,parliament which   
was made to regulate the elections by   
freemen1 and to prevent all possible    
abuses in making them4  ,i do not intend
 to argue the matter here4 ,my learned  
counsel has supported your cause with   
his usual ability2 the worthy sheriffs  
have acted with their usual equity2 and 
,i have no doubt that the same equity   
which dictates the return will guide the
 final determination4 ,i had the honor1 
in conjunction with many far wiser men1 

to contribute a very small assistance1  
but1 however1 some assistance1 to the   
forming the judicature which is to try  
such questions4 ,it would be unnatural  
in me to doubt the justice of that      
court1 in the trial of my own cause1 to 
which ,i have been so active to give    
jurisdiction over every other4  ,i      
assure the worthy freemen1 and this     
corporation1 that1 if the gentleman     
perseveres in the intentions which his  
present warmth dictates to him1 ,i will 
attend their cause with diligence1 and  
,i hope with effect4 ,for1 if ,i know   
anything of myself1 it is not my own    
interest in it1 but my full conviction1 
that induces me to tell you1 ,i think   
there is not a shadow of doubt in the   
case4  ,i do not imagine that you find  
me rash in declaring myself1 or very    
forward in troubling you4 ,from the     
beginning to the end of the election1 ,i
 have kept silence in all matters of    
discussion4 ,i have never asked a       
question of a voter on the other side1  

or supported a doubtful vote on my own4 
,i respected the abilities of my        
managers2 ,i relied on the candor of the
 court4 ,i think the worthy sheriffs    
will bear me witness that ,i have never 
once made an attempt to impose upon     
their reason1 to surprise their justice1
 or to ruffle their temper4 ,i stood on 
the hustings 7except when ,i gave my    
thanks to those who favored me with     
their votes7 less like a candidate than 
an unconcerned spectator of a public    
proceeding4 ,but here the face of things
 is altered4 ,here is an attempt for a  
general massacre of suffrages1--an      
attempt1 by a promiscuous carnage of    
friends and foes1 to exterminate above  
two thousand votes1 including seven     
hundred polled for the gentleman himself
 who now complains1 and who would       
destroy the friends whom he has         
obtained1 only because he cannot obtain 
as many of them as he wishes4  ,how he  
will be permitted1 in another place1 to 
stultify and disable himself1 and to    

plead against his own acts1 is another  
question4 ,the law will decide it4 ,i   
shall only speak of it as it concerns   
the propriety of public conduct in this 
city4 ,i do not pretend to lay down     
rules of decorum for other gentlemen4   
,they are best judges of the mode of    
proceeding that will recommend them to  
the favor of their fellow-citizens4 ,but
 ,i confess ,i should look rather       
awkward1 if ,i had been the very first  
to produce the new copies of            
freedom1--if ,i had persisted in        
producing them to the last1--if ,i had  
ransacked1 with the most unremitting    
industry and the most penetrating       
research1 the remotest corners of the   
kingdom to discover them1--if ,i were   
then1 all at once1 to turn short1 and   
declare that ,i had been sporting all   
this while with the right of election1  
and that ,i had been drawing out a poll1
 upon no sort of rational grounds1 which
 disturbed the peace of my              
fellow-citizens for a month             

together2--,i really1 for my part1      
should appear awkward under such        
circumstances4  ,it would be still more 
awkward in me1 if ,i were gravely to    
look the sheriffs in the face1 and to   
tell them they were not to determine my 
cause on my own principles1 nor to make 
the return upon those votes upon which  
,i had rested my election4 ,such would  
be my appearance to the court and       
magistrates4  ,but how should ,i appear 
to the voters themselves8 ,if ,i had    
gone round to the citizens entitled to  
freedom1 and squeezed them by the       
hand1--,sir1 ,i humbly beg your         
vote1--,i shall be eternally            
thankful1--may ,i hope for the honor of 
your support8--,well6--come1--we shall  
see you at the ,council-,house4--,if ,i 
were then to deliver them to my         
managers1 pack them into tallies1 vote  
them off in court1 and when ,i heard    
from the bar1--,such a one only6 and    
such a one forever6--he's my            
man6--,thank you1 good ,sir1--,hah6 my  

worthy friend6 thank you kindly1--that's
 an honest fellow1--how is your good    
family8--,whilst these words were hardly
 out of my mouth1 if ,i should have     
wheeled round at once1 and told         
them1--,get you gone1 you pack of       
worthless fellows6 you have no          
votes1--you are usurpers6 you are       
intruders on the rights of real freemen6
 ,i will have nothing to do with you6   
you ought never to have been produced at
 this election1 and the sheriffs ought  
not to have admitted you to poll6--     
,gentlemen1 ,i should make a strange    
figure1 if my conduct had been of this  
sort4 ,i am not so old an acquaintance  
of yours as the worthy gentleman4       
,indeed1 ,i could not have ventured on  
such kind of freedoms with you4 ,but ,i 
am bound1 and ,i will endeavor1 to have 
justice done to the rights of           
freemen1--even though ,i should at the  
same time be obliged to vindicate the   
former#ag part of my antagonist's       
conduct against his own present         

inclinations4  ,i owe myself1 in all    
things1 to all the freemen of this city4
 ,my particular friends have a demand on
 mo that ,i should not deceive their    
expectations4 ,never was cause or man   
supported with more constancy1 more     
activity1 more spirit4 ,i have been     
supported with a zeal1 indeed1 and      
heartiness in my friends1 which 7if     
their object had been at all            
proportioned to their endeavors7 could  
never be sufficiently commended4 ,they  
supported me upon the most liberal      
principles4 ,they wished that the       
members for ,bristol should be chosen   
for the city1 and for their country at  
large1 and not for themselves4  ,so far 
they are not disappointed4 ,if ,i       
possess nothing else1 ,i am sure ,i     
possess the temper that is fit for your 
service4 ,i know nothing of ,bristol1   
but by the favors ,i have received1 and 
the virtues ,i have seen exerted in it4 
,i shall ever retain1 what ,i now feel1 
the most perfect and grateful attachment

 to my friends1--and ,i have no         
enmities1 no resentments4 ,i never can  
consider fidelity to engagements and    
constancy in friendships but with the   
highest approbation1 even when those    
noble qualities are employed against my 
own pretensions4 ,the gentleman who is  
not so fortunate as ,i have been in this
 contest enjoys1 in this respect1 a     
consolation full of honor both to       
himself and to his friends4 ,they have  
certainly left nothing undone for his   
service4  ,as for the trifling petulance
 which the rage of party stirs up in    
little minds1 though it should show     
itself even in this court1 it has not   
made the slightest impression on me4    
,the highest flight of such clamorous   
birds is winged in an inferior region of
 the air4 ,we hear them1 and we look    
upon them1 just as you1 ,gentlemen1 when
 you enjoy the serene air on your lofty 
rocks1 look down upon the gulls that    
skim the mud of your river1 when it is  
exhausted of its tide4  ,i am sorry ,i  

cannot conclude without saying a word on
 a topic touched upon by my worthy      
colleague4 ,i wish that topic had been  
passed by at a time when ,i have so     
little leisure to discuss it4 ,but since
 he has thought proper to throw it out1 
,i owe you a clear explanation of my    
poor sentiments on that subject4  ,he   
tells you that the topic of instructions
 has occasioned much altercation and    
uneasiness in this city2 and he         
expresses himself 7if ,i understand him 
rightly7 in favor of the coercive       
authority of such instructions4         
,certainly1 ,gentlemen1 it ought to be  
the happiness and glory of a            
representative to live in the strictest 
union1 the closest correspondence1 and  
the most unreserved communication with  
his constituents4 ,their wishes ought to
 have great weight with him2 their      
opinions high respect2 their business   
unremitted attention4 ,it is his duty to
 sacrifice his repose1 his pleasure1 his
 satisfactions1 to theirs1--and above   

all1 ever1 and in all cases1 to prefer  
their interest to his own4  ,but his    
unbiased opinion1 his mature judgment1  
his enlightened conscience1 he ought not
 to sacrifice to you1 to any man1 or to 
any set of men living4 ,these he does   
not derive from your pleasure1--no1 nor 
from the law and the ,constitution4     
,they are a trust from ,providence1 for 
the abuse of which he is deeply         
answerable4 ,your representative owes   
you1 not his industry only1 but his     
judgment2 and he betrays1 instead of    
serving you1 if he sacrifices it to your
 opinion4  ,my worthy colleague says1   
his will ought to be subservient to     
yours4 ,if that be all1 the thing is    
innocent4 ,if government were a matter  
of will upon any side1 yours1 without   
question1 ought to be superior4 ,but    
government and legislation are matters  
of reason and judgment1 and not of      
inclination2 and what sort of reason is 
that in which the determination precedes
 the discussion1 in which one set of men

 deliberate and another decide1 and     
where those who form the conclusion are 
perhaps three hundred miles distant from
 those who hear the arguments8  ,to     
deliver an opinion is the right of all  
men2 that of constituents is a weighty  
and respectable opinion1 which a        
representative ought always to rejoice  
to hear1 and which he ought always most 
seriously to consider4 ,but             
authoritative instructions1 mandates    
issued1 which the member is bound       
blindly and implicitly to obey1 to vote1
 and to argue for1 though contrary to   
the clearest conviction of his judgment 
and conscience1--these are things       
utterly unknown to the laws of this     
land1 and which arise from a fundamental
 mistake of the whole order and tenor of
 our ,constitution4  ,parliament is not 
a congress of ambassadors from different
 and hostile interests1 which interests 
each must maintain1 as an agent and     
advocate1 against other agents and      
advocates2 but ,parliament is a         

deliberative assembly of one nation1    
with one interest1 that of the          
whole--where not local purposes1 not    
local prejudices1 ought to guide1 but   
the general good1 resulting from the    
general reason of the whole4 ,you choose
 a member1 indeed2 but when you have    
chosen him1 he is not member of         
,bristol1 but he is a member of         
,parliament4 ,if the local constituent  
should have an interest or should form  
an hasty opinion evidently opposite to  
the real good of the rest of the        
community1 the member for that place    
ought to be as far as any other from any
 endeavor to give it effect4 ,i beg     
pardon for saying so much on this       
subject2 ,i have been unwillingly drawn 
into it2 but ,i shall ever use a        
respectful frankness of communication   
with you4 ,your faithful friend1 your   
devoted servant1 ,i shall be to the end 
of my life3 a flatterer you do not wish 
for4 ,on this point of instructions1    
however1 ,i think it scarcely possible  

we ever can have any sort of difference4
 ,perhaps ,i may give you too much1     
rather than too little trouble4  ,from  
the first hour ,i was encouraged to     
court your favor1 to this happy day of  
obtaining it1 ,i have never promised you
 anything but humble and persevering    
endeavors to do my duty4 ,the weight of 
that duty1 ,i confess1 makes me tremble2
 and whoever well considers what it is1 
of all things in the world1 will fly    
from what has the least likeness to a   
positive and precipitate engagement4 ,to
 be a good member of ,parliament is1 let
 me tell you1 no easy task1--especially 
at this time1 when there is so strong a 
disposition to run into the perilous    
extremes of servile compliance or wild  
popularity4 ,to unite circumspection    
with vigor is absolutely necessary1 but 
it is extremely difficult4 ,we are now  
members for a rich commercial city2 this
 city1 however1 is but a part of a rich 
commercial nation1 the interests of     
which are various1 multiform1 and       

intricate4 ,we are members for that     
great nation1 which1 however1 is itself 
but part of a great empire1 extended by 
our virtue and our fortune to the       
farthest limits of the ,east and of the 
,west4 ,all these wide-spread interests 
must be considered1--must be            
compared1--must be reconciled1 if       
possible4 ,we are members for a free    
country2 and surely we all know that the
 machine of a free constitution is no   
simple thing1 but as intricate and as   
delicate as it is valuable4 ,we are     
members in a great and ancient monarchy2
 and we must preserve religiously the   
true1 legal rights of the sovereign1    
which form the keystone that binds      
together the noble and well-constructed 
arch of our empire and our              
,constitution4 ,a constitution made up  
of balanced powers must ever be a       
critical thing4 ,as such ,i mean to     
touch that part of it which comes within
 my reach4 ,i know my inability1 and ,i 
wish for support from every quarter4 ,in

 particular ,i shall aim at the         
friendship1 and shall cultivate the best
 correspondence1 of the worthy colleague
 you have given me4  ,i trouble you no  
farther than once more to thank you all3
 you1 ,gentlemen1 for your favors2 the  
candidates1 for their temperate and     
polite behavior2 and the sheriffs1 for a
 conduct which may give a model for all 
who are in public stations4             
,,footnotes3  #ag ,mr4 ,brickdale opened
 his poll1 it seems1 with a tally of    
those very kind of freemen1 and voted   
many hundreds of them4     ,,speech     
,,on  ,,moving ,,his ,,resolutions ,,for
 ,,conciliation ,,with ,,the ,,colonies4
  ,,march #bb1 #agge4     ,i hope1 ,sir1
 that1 notwithstanding the austerity of 
the ,chair1 your good-nature will       
incline you to some degree of indulgence
 towards human frailty4 ,you will not   
think it unnatural1 that those who have 
an object depending1 which strongly     
engages their hopes and fears1 should be
 somewhat inclined to superstition4 ,as 

,i came into the ,house1 full of anxiety
 about the event of my motion1 ,i found1
 to my infinite surprise1 that the grand
 penal bill by which we had passed      
sentence on the trade and sustenance of 
,america is to be returned to us from   
the other ,house4#ah ,i do confess1 ,i  
could not help looking on this event as 
a fortunate omen4 ,i look upon it as a  
sort of ,providential favor1 by which we
 are put once more in possession of our 
deliberative capacity1 upon a business  
so very questionable in its nature1 so  
very uncertain in its issue4 ,by the    
return of this bill1 which seemed to    
have taken its flight forever1 we are at
 this very instant nearly as free to    
choose a plan for our ,american         
government as we were on the first day  
of the session4 ,if1 ,sir1 we incline to
 the side of conciliation1 we are not at
 all embarrassed 7unless we please to   
make ourselves so7 by any incongruous   
mixture of coercion and restraint4 ,we  
are therefore called upon1 as it were by

 a superior warning voice1 again to     
attend to ,america1--to attend to the   
whole of it together1--and to review the
 subject with an unusual degree of care 
and calmness4  ,surely it is an awful   
subject1--or there is none so on this   
side of the grave4 ,when ,i first had   
the honor of a seat in this ,house1 the 
affairs of that continent pressed       
themselves upon us as the most important
 and most delicate object of            
,parliamentary attention4 ,my little    
share in this great deliberation        
oppressed me4 ,i found myself a partaker
 in a very high trust2 and having no    
sort of reason to rely on the strength  
of my natural abilities for the proper  
execution of that trust1 ,i was obliged 
to take more than common pains to       
instruct myself in everything which     
relates to our colonies4 ,i was not less
 under the necessity of forming some    
fixed ideas concerning the general      
policy of the ,british empire4          
,something of this sort seemed to be    

indispensable1 in order1 amidst so vast 
a fluctuation of passions and opinions1 
to concentre my thoughts1 to ballast my 
conduct1 to preserve me from being blown
 about by every wind of fashionable     
doctrine4 ,i really did not think it    
safe or manly to have fresh principles  
to seek upon every fresh mail which     
should arrive from ,america4  ,at that  
period ,i had the fortune to find myself
 in perfect concurrence with a large    
majority in this ,house4 ,bowing under  
that high authority1 and penetrated with
 the sharpness and strength of that     
early impression1 ,i have continued ever
 since1 without the least deviation1 in 
my original sentiments4 ,whether this be
 owing to an obstinate perseverance in  
error1 or to a religious adherence to   
what appears to me truth and reason1 it 
is in your equity to judge4  ,sir1      
,parliament1 having an enlarged view of 
objects1 made1 during this interval1    
more frequent changes in their          
sentiments and their conduct than could 

be justified in a particular person upon
 the contracted scale of private        
information4 ,but though ,i do not      
hazard anything approaching to a censure
 on the motives of former ,parliaments  
to all those alterations1 one fact is   
undoubted1--that under them the state of
 ,america has been kept in continual    
agitation4 ,everything administered as  
remedy to the public complaint1 if it   
did not produce1 was at least followed  
by1 an heightening of the distemper1    
until1 by a variety of experiments1 that
 important country has been brought into
 her present situation1--a situation    
which ,i will not miscall1 which ,i dare
 not name1 which ,i scarcely know how to
 comprehend in the terms of any         
description4  ,in this posture1 ,sir1   
things stood at the beginning of the    
session4 ,about that time1 a worthy     
member1#ai of great ,parliamentary      
experience1 who in the year #agff filled
 the chair of the ,american ,committee  
with much ability1 took me aside1 and1  

lamenting the present aspect of our     
politics1 told me1 things were come to  
such a pass that our former methods of  
proceeding in the ,house would be no    
longer tolerated1--that the public      
tribunal 7never too indulgent to a long 
and unsuccessful opposition7 would now  
scrutinize our conduct with unusual     
severity1--that the very vicissitudes   
and shiftings of ministerial measures1  
instead of convicting their authors of  
inconstancy and want of system1 would be
 taken as an occasion of charging us    
with a predetermined discontent which   
nothing could satisfy1 whilst we accused
 every measure of vigor as cruel and    
every proposal of lenity as weak and    
irresolute4 ,the public1 he said1 would 
not have patience to see us play the    
game out with our adversaries2 we must  
produce our hand3 it would be expected  
that those who for many years had been  
active in such affairs should show that 
they had formed some clear and decided  
idea of the principles of colony        

government1 and were capable of drawing 
out something like a platform of the    
ground which might be laid for future   
and permanent tranquillity4  ,i felt the
 truth of what my honorable friend      
represented2 but ,i felt my situation1  
too4 ,his application might have been   
made with far greater propriety to many 
other gentlemen4 ,no man was1 indeed1   
ever better disposed1 or worse          
qualified1 for such an undertaking1 than
 myself4 ,though ,i gave so far into his
 opinion1 that ,i immediately threw my  
thoughts into a sort of ,parliamentary  
form1 ,i was by no means equally ready  
to produce them4 ,it generally argues   
some degree of natural impotence of     
mind1 or some want of knowledge of the  
world1 to hazard plans of government1   
except from a seat of authority4        
,propositions are made1 not only        
ineffectually1 but somewhat             
disreputably1 when the minds of men are 
not properly disposed for their         
reception2 and for my part1 ,i am not   

ambitious of ridicule1 not absolutely a 
candidate for disgrace4  ,besides1 ,sir1
 to speak the plain truth1 ,i have in   
general no very exalted opinion of the  
virtue of paper government1 nor of any  
polities in which the plan is to be     
wholly separated from the execution4    
,but when ,i saw that anger and violence
 prevailed every day more and more1 and 
that things were hastening towards an   
incurable alienation of our colonies1 ,i
 confess my caution gave way4 ,i felt   
this as one of those few moments in     
which decorum yields to an higher duty4 
,public calamity is a mighty leveller2  
and there are occasions when any1 even  
the slightest1 chance of doing good must
 be laid hold on1 even by the most      
inconsiderable person4  ,to restore     
order and repose to an empire so great  
and so distracted as ours is1 merely in 
the attempt1 an undertaking that would  
ennoble the flights of the highest      
genius1 and obtain pardon for the       
efforts of the meanest understanding4   

,struggling a good while with these     
thoughts1 by degrees ,i felt myself more
 firm4 ,i derived1 at length1 some      
confidence from what in other           
circumstances usually produces timidity4
 ,i grew less anxious1 even from the    
idea of my own insignificance4 ,for1    
judging of what you are by what you     
ought to be1 ,i persuaded myself that   
you would not reject a reasonable       
proposition because it had nothing but  
its reason to recommend it4 ,on the     
other hand1 being totally destitute of  
all shadow of influence1 natural or     
adventitious1 ,i was very sure1 that1 if
 my proposition were futile or          
dangerous1 if it were weakly conceived  
or improperly timed1 there was nothing  
exterior to it of power to awe1 dazzle1 
or delude you4 ,you will see it just as 
it is1 and you will treat it just as it 
deserves4  ,the proposition is peace4   
,not peace through the medium of war2   
not peace to be hunted through the      
labyrinth of intricate and endless      

negotiations2 not peace to arise out of 
universal discord1 fomented from        
principle1 in all parts of the empire2  
not peace to depend on the juridical    
determination of perplexing questions1  
or the precise marking the shadowy      
boundaries of a complex government4 ,it 
is simple peace1 sought in its natural  
course and in its ordinary haunts4 ,it  
is peace sought in the spirit of peace1 
and laid in principles purely pacific4  
,i propose1 by removing the ground of   
the difference1 and by restoring the    
former unsuspecting confidence of the   
colonies in the mother country1 to give 
permanent satisfaction to your          
people1--and 7far from a scheme of      
ruling by discord7 to reconcile them to 
each other in the same act and by the   
bond of the very same interest which    
reconciles them to ,british government4 
,my idea is nothing more4 ,refined      
policy ever has been the parent of      
confusion1--and ever will be so1 as long
 as the world endures4 ,plain good      

intention1 which is as easily discovered
 at the first view as fraud is surely   
detected at last1 is1 let me say1 of no 
mean force in the government of mankind4
 ,genuine simplicity of heart is an     
healing and cementing principle4 ,my    
plan1 therefore1 being formed upon the  
most simple grounds imaginable1 may     
disappoint some people1 when they hear  
it4 ,it has nothing to recommend it to  
the pruriency of curious ears4 ,there is
 nothing at all new and captivating in  
it4 ,it has nothing of the splendor of  
the project which has been lately laid  
upon your table by the noble lord in the
 blue riband4#bj ,it does not propose to
 fill your lobby with squabbling colony 
agents1 who will require the            
interposition of your mace at every     
instant to keep the peace amongst them4 
,it does not institute a magnificent    
auction of finance1 where captivated    
provinces come to general ransom by     
bidding against each other1 until you   
knock down the hammer1 and determine a  

proportion of payments beyond all the   
powers of algebra to equalize and       
settle4  ,the plan which ,i shall       
presume to suggest derives1 however1 one
 great advantage from the proposition   
and registry of that noble lord's       
project4 ,the idea of conciliation is   
admissible4 ,first1 the ,house1 in      
accepting the resolution moved by the   
noble lord1 has admitted1               
notwithstanding the menacing front of   
our address1 notwithstanding our heavy  
bill of pains and penalties1 that we do 
not think ourselves precluded from all  
ideas of free grace and bounty4  ,the   
,house has gone farther3 it has declared
 conciliation admissible previous to any
 submission on the part of ,america4 ,it
 has even shot a good deal beyond that  
mark1 and has admitted that the         
complaints of our former mode of        
exerting the right of taxation were not 
wholly unfounded4 ,that right thus      
exerted is allowed to have had something
 reprehensible in it1--something unwise1

 or something grievous2 since1 in the   
midst of our heat and resentment1 we1 of
 ourselves1 have proposed a capital     
alteration1 and1 in order to get rid of 
what seemed so very exceptionable1 have 
instituted a mode that is altogether    
new1--one that is1 indeed1 wholly alien 
from all the ancient methods and forms  
of ,parliament4  ,the principle of this 
proceeding is large enough for my       
purpose4 ,the means proposed by the     
noble lord for carrying his ideas into  
execution1 ,i think1 indeed1 are very   
indifferently suited to the end2 and    
this ,i shall endeavor to show you      
before ,i sit down4 ,but1 for the       
present1 ,i take my ground on the       
admitted principle4 ,i mean to give     
peace4 ,peace implies reconciliation2   
and where there has been a material     
dispute1 reconciliation does in a manner
 always imply concession on the one part
 or on the other4 ,in this state of     
things ,i make no difficulty in         
affirming that the proposal ought to    

originate from us4 ,great and           
acknowledged force is not impaired1     
either in effect or in opinion1 by an   
unwillingness to exert itself4 ,the     
superior power may offer peace with     
honor and with safety4 ,such an offer   
from such a power will be attributed to 
magnanimity4 ,but the concessions of the
 weak are the concessions of fear4 ,when
 such a one is disarmed1 he is wholly at
 the mercy of his superior2 and he loses
 forever that time and those chances    
which1 as they happen to all men1 are   
the strength and resources of all       
inferior power4  ,the capital leading   
questions on which you must this day    
decide are these two3 ,first1 whether   
you ought to concede2 and secondly1 what
 your concession ought to be4 ,on the   
first of these questions we have gained 
7as ,i have just taken the liberty of   
observing to you7 some ground4 ,but ,i  
am sensible that a good deal more is    
still to be done4 ,indeed1 ,sir1 to     
enable us to determine both on the one  

and the other of these great questions  
with a firm and precise judgment1 ,i    
think it may be necessary to consider   
distinctly the true nature and the      
peculiar circumstances of the object    
which we have before us3 because1 after 
all our struggle1 whether we will or    
not1 we must govern ,america according  
to that nature and to those             
circumstances1 and not according to our 
own imaginations1 not according to      
abstract ideas of right1 by no means    
according to mere general theories of   
government1 the resort to which appears 
to me1 in our present situation1 no     
better than arrant trifling4 ,i shall   
therefore endeavor1 with your leave1 to 
lay before you some of the most material
 of these circumstances in as full and  
as clear a manner as ,i am able to state
 them4  ,the first thing that we have to
 consider with regard to the nature of  
the object is the number of people in   
the colonies4 ,i have taken for some    
years a good deal of pains on that      

point4 ,i can by no calculation justify 
myself in placing the number below two  
millions of inhabitants of our own      
,european blood and color1--besides at  
least #ejj1jjj others1 who form no      
inconsiderable part of the strength and 
opulence of the whole4 ,this1 ,sir1 is1 
,i believe1 about the true number4      
,there is no occasion to exaggerate1    
where plain truth is of so much weight  
and importance4 ,but whether ,i put the 
present numbers too high or too low is a
 matter of little moment4 ,such is the  
strength with which population shoots in
 that part of the world1 that1 state the
 numbers as high as we will1 whilst the 
dispute continues1 the exaggeration     
ends4 ,whilst we are discussing any     
given magnitude1 they are grown to it4  
,whilst we spend our time in            
deliberating on the mode of governing   
two millions1 we shall find we have     
millions more to manage4 ,your children 
do not grow faster from infancy to      
manhood than they spread from families  

to communities1 and from villages to    
nations4  ,i put this consideration of  
the present and the growing numbers in  
the front of our deliberation1 because1 
,sir1 this consideration will make it   
evident to a blunter discernment than   
yours1 that no partial1 narrow1         
contracted1 pinched1 occasional system  
will be at all suitable to such an      
object4 ,it will show you that it is not
 to be considered as one of those minima
 which are out of the eye and           
consideration of the law1--not a paltry 
excrescence of the state1--not a mean   
dependant1 who may be neglected with    
little damage and provoked with little  
danger4 ,it will prove that some degree 
of care and caution is required in the  
handling such an object2 it will show   
that you ought not1 in reason1 to trifle
 with so large a mass of the interests  
and feelings of the human race4 ,you    
could at no time do so without guilt2   
and be assured you will not be able to  
do it long with impunity4  ,but the     

population of this country1 the great   
and growing population1 though a very   
important consideration1 will lose much 
of its weight1 if not combined with     
other circumstances4 ,the commerce of   
your colonies is out of all proportion  
beyond the numbers of the people4 ,this 
ground of their commerce1 indeed1 has   
been trod some days ago1 and with great 
ability1 by a distinguished person1#ba  
at your bar4 ,this gentleman1 after     
thirty-five years1--it is so long since 
he first appeared at the same place to  
plead for the commerce of ,great        
,britain1--has come again before you to 
plead the same cause1 without any other 
effect of time than that to the fire of 
imagination and extent of erudition1    
which even then marked him as one of the
 first literary characters of his age1  
he has added a consummate knowledge in  
the commercial interest of his country1 
formed by a long course of enlightened  
and discriminating experience4  ,sir1 ,i
 should be inexcusable in coming after  

such a person with any detail1 if a     
great part of the members who now fill  
the ,house had not the misfortune to be 
absent when he appeared at your bar4    
,besides1 ,sir1 ,i propose to take the  
matter at periods of time somewhat      
different from his4 ,there is1 if ,i    
mistake not1 a point of view from       
whence1 if you will look at this        
subject1 it is impossible that it should
 not make an impression upon you4  ,i   
have in my hand two accounts3 one a     
comparative state of the export trade of
 ,england to its colonies1 as it stood  
in the year #agjd1 and as it stood in   
the year #aggb2 the other a state of the
 export trade of this country to its    
colonies alone1 as it stood in #aggb1   
compared with the whole trade of        
,england to all parts of the world 7the 
colonies included7 in the year #agjd4   
,they are from good vouchers3 the latter
 period from the accounts on your table2
 the earlier from an original manuscript
 of ,davenant1 who first established the

 ,inspector-,general's office1 which has
 been ever since his time so abundant a 
source of ,parliamentary information4   
,the export trade to the colonies       
consists of three great branches3 the   
,african1 which1 terminating almost     
wholly in the colonies1 must be put to  
the account of their commerce2 the ,west
 ,indian2 and the ,north ,american4 ,all
 these are so interwoven1 that the      
attempt to separate them would tear to  
pieces the contexture of the whole1 and1
 if not entirely destroy1 would very    
much depreciate1 the value of all the   
parts4 ,i therefore consider these three
 denominations to be1 what in effect    
they are1 one trade4  ,the trade to the 
colonies1 taken on the export side1 at  
the beginning of this century1 that is1 
in the year #agjd1 stood thus3--        
,exports to ,north ,america and the     
,west ,indies                           
#dhc1bfe ,to ,africa                    
#hf1ffe                                 
---------                               

#efi1icj  ,in the year #aggb1 which ,i  
take as a middle year between the       
highest and lowest of those lately laid 
on your table1 the account was as       
follows3--  ,to ,north ,america and the 
,west ,indies   #d1gia1gcd ,to ,africa  
#hff1cih ,to which if you add the export
 trade from ,scotland1 which had in     
#agjd no existence                      
#cfd1jjj                                
----------                              
#f1jbd1aga  ,from five hundred and odd  
thousand1 it has grown to six millions4 
,it has increased no less than          
twelve-fold4 ,this is the state of the  
colony trade1 as compared with itself at
 these two periods1 within this         
century2--and this is matter for        
meditation4 ,but this is not all4       
,examine my second account4 ,see how the
 export trade to the colonies alone in  
#aggb stood in the other point of view1 
that is1 as compared to the whole trade 
of ,england in #agjd4  ,the whole export
 trade of ,england1 including that to   

the colonies1 in #agjd                  
#f1eji1jjj ,export to the colonies      
alone1 in #aggb          #f1jbd1jjj     
---------                               
,difference        #dhe1jjj  ,the trade 
with ,america alone is now within less  
than #ejj1jjjl4 of being equal to what  
this great commercial nation1 ,england1 
carried on at the beginning of this     
century with the whole world6 ,if ,i had
 taken the largest year of those on your
 table1 it would rather have exceeded4  
,but1 it will be said1 is not this      
,american trade an unnatural            
protuberance1 that has drawn the juices 
from the rest of the body8 ,the reverse4
 ,it is the very food that has nourished
 every other part into its present      
magnitude4 ,our general trade has been  
greatly augmented1 and augmented more or
 less in almost every part to which it  
ever extended1 but with this material   
difference3 that of the six millions    
which in the beginning of the century   
constituted the whole mass of our export

 commerce the colony trade was but one  
twelfth part2 it is now 7as a part of   
sixteen millions7 considerably more than
 a third of the whole4 ,this is the     
relative proportion of the importance of
 the colonies at these two periods3 and 
all reasoning concerning our mode of    
treating them must have this proportion 
as its basis1 or it is a reasoning weak1
 rotten1 and sophistical4  ,mr4         
,speaker1 ,i cannot prevail on myself to
 hurry over this great consideration4   
,it is good for us to be here4 ,we stand
 where we have an immense view of what  
is1 and what is past4 ,clouds indeed1   
and darkness1 rest upon the future4 ,let
 us1 however1 before we descend from    
this noble eminence1 reflect that this  
growth of our national prosperity has   
happened within the short period of the 
life of man4 ,it has happened within    
sixty-eight years4 ,there are those     
alive whose memory might touch the two  
extremities4 ,for instance1 my ,lord    
,bathurst might remember all the stages 

of the progress4 ,he was in #agjd of an 
age at least to be made to comprehend   
such things4 ,he was then old enough    
acta parentum jam legere1 et qu sit     
poterit cognoscere virtus4 ,suppose1    
,sir1 that the angel of this auspicious 
youth1 foreseeing the many virtues which
 made him one of the most amiable1 as he
 is one of the most fortunate men of his
 age1 had opened to him in vision1 that1
 when1 in the fourth generation1 the    
third prince of the ,house of ,brunswick
 had sat twelve years on the throne of  
that nation which 7by the happy issue of
 moderate and healing councils7 was to  
be made ,great ,britain1 he should see  
his son1 ,lord ,chancellor of ,england1 
turn back the current of hereditary     
dignity to its fountain1 and raise him  
to an higher rank of peerage1 whilst he 
enriched the family with a new one1--if1
 amidst these bright and happy scenes of
 domestic honor and prosperity1 that    
angel should have drawn up the curtain1 
and unfolded the rising glories of his  

country1 and whilst he was gazing with  
admiration on the then commercial       
grandeur of ,england1 the genius should 
point out to him a little speck1 scarce 
visible in the mass of the national     
interest1 a small seminal principle     
rather than a formed body1 and should   
tell him1--,young man1 there is         
,america1--which at this day serves for 
little more than to amuse you with      
stories of savage men and uncouth       
manners1 yet shall1 before you taste of 
death1 show itself equal to the whole of
 that commerce which now attracts the   
envy of the world4 ,whatever ,england   
has been growing to by a progressive    
increase of improvement1 brought in by  
varieties of people1 by succession of   
civilizing conquests and civilizing     
settlements in a series of seventeen    
hundred years1 you shall see as much    
added to her by ,america in the course  
of a single life6 ,if this state of his 
country had been foretold to him1 would 
it not require all the sanguine         

credulity of youth1 and all the fervid  
glow of enthusiasm1 to make him believe 
it8 ,fortunate man1 he has lived to see 
it6 ,fortunate indeed1 if he lives to   
see nothing that shall vary the         
prospect1 and cloud the setting of his  
day6  ,excuse me1 ,sir1 if1 turning from
 such thoughts1 ,i resume this          
comparative view once more4 ,you have   
seen it on a large scale2 look at it on 
a small one4 ,i will point out to your  
attention a particular instance of it in
 the single province of ,pennsylvania4  
,in the year #agjd1 that province called
 for #aa1deil4 in value of your         
commodities1 native and foreign4 ,this  
was the whole4 ,what did it demand in   
#aggb6 ,why1 nearly fifty times as much2
 for in that year the export to         
,pennsylvania was #ejg1ijil41 nearly    
equal to the export to all the colonies 
together in the first period4  ,i       
choose1 ,sir1 to enter into these minute
 and particular details2 because        
generalities1 which in all other cases  

are apt to heighten and raise the       
subject1 have here a tendency to sink   
it4 ,when we speak of the commerce with 
our colonies1 fiction lags after truth1 
invention is unfruitful1 and imagination
 cold and barren4  ,so far1 ,sir1 as to 
the importance of the object in the view
 of its commerce1 as concerned in the   
exports from ,england4 ,if ,i were to   
detail the imports1 ,i could show how   
many enjoyments they procure which      
deceive the burden of life1 how many    
materials which invigorate the springs  
of national industry and extend and     
animate every part of our foreign and   
domestic commerce4 ,this would be a     
curious subject indeed1--but ,i must    
prescribe bounds to myself in a matter  
so vast and various4  ,i pass1          
therefore1 to the colonies in another   
point of view1--their agriculture4 ,this
 they have prosecuted with such a       
spirit1 that1 besides feeding           
plentifully their own growing multitude1
 their annual export of grain1          

comprehending rice1 has some years ago  
exceeded a million in value4 ,of their  
last harvest1 ,i am persuaded1 they will
 export much more4 ,at the beginning of 
the century some of these colonies      
imported corn from the mother country4  
,for some time past the ,old ,world has 
been fed from the ,new4 ,the scarcity   
which you have felt would have been a   
desolating famine1 if this child of your
 old age1 with a true filial piety1 with
 a ,roman charity1 had not put the full 
breast of its youthful exuberance to the
 mouth of its exhausted parent4  ,as to 
the wealth which the colonies have drawn
 from the sea by their fisheries1 you   
had all that matter fully opened at your
 bar4 ,you surely thought those         
acquisitions of value1 for they seemed  
even to excite your envy2 and yet the   
spirit by which that enterprising       
employment has been exercised ought     
rather1 in my opinion1 to have raised   
your esteem and admiration4 ,and pray1  
,sir1 what in the world is equal to it8 

,pass by the other parts1 and look at   
the manner in which the people of ,new  
,england have of late carried on the    
whale-fishery4 ,whilst we follow them   
among the tumbling mountains of ice1 and
 behold them penetrating into the       
deepest frozen recesses of ,hudson's    
,bay and ,davis's ,straits1 whilst we   
are looking for them beneath the arctic 
circle1 we hear that they have pierced  
into the opposite region of polar cold1 
that they are at the antipodes1 and     
engaged under the frozen serpent of the 
,south4 ,falkland ,island1 which seemed 
too remote and romantic an object for   
the grasp of national ambition1 is but a
 stage and resting-place in the progress
 of their victorious industry4 ,nor is  
the equinoctial heat more discouraging  
to them than the accumulated winter of  
both the poles4 ,we know1 that1 whilst  
some of them draw the line and strike   
the harpoon on the coast of ,africa1    
others run the longitude1 and pursue    
their gigantic game along the coast of  

,brazil4 ,no sea but what is vexed by   
their fisheries4 ,no climate that is not
 witness to their toils4 ,neither the   
perseverance of ,holland1 nor the       
activity of ,france1 nor the dexterous  
and firm sagacity of ,english           
enterprise1 ever carried this most      
perilous mode of hardy industry to the  
extent to which it has been pushed by   
this recent people1--a people who are   
still1 as it were1 but in the gristle1  
and not yet hardened into the bone of   
manhood4 ,when ,i contemplate these     
things1--when ,i know that the colonies 
in general owe little or nothing to any 
care of ours1 and that they are not     
squeezed into this happy form by the    
constraints of watchful and suspicious  
government1 but that1 through a wise and
 salutary neglect1 a generous nature has
 been suffered to take her own way to   
perfection1--when ,i reflect upon these 
effects1 when ,i see how profitable they
 have been to us1 ,i feel all the pride 
of power sink1 and all presumption in   

the wisdom of human contrivances melt   
and die away within me1--my rigor       
relents1--,i pardon something to the    
spirit of liberty4  ,i am sensible1     
,sir1 that all which ,i have asserted in
 my detail is admitted in the gross1 but
 that quite a different conclusion is   
drawn from it4 ,america1 gentlemen say1 
is a noble object1--it is an object well
 worth fighting for4 ,certainly it is1  
if fighting a people be the best way of 
gaining them4 ,gentlemen in this respect
 will be led to their choice of means by
 their complexions and their habits4    
,those who understand the military art  
will of course have some predilection   
for it4 ,those who wield the thunder of 
the state may have more confidence in   
the efficacy of arms4 ,but ,i confess1  
possibly for want of this knowledge1 my 
opinion is much more in favor of prudent
 management than of force1--considering 
force not as an odious1 but a feeble    
instrument1 for preserving a people so  
numerous1 so active1 so growing1 so     

spirited as this1 in a profitable and   
subordinate connection with us4  ,first1
 ,sir1 permit me to observe1 that the   
use of force alone is but temporary4 ,it
 may subdue for a moment2 but it does   
not remove the necessity of subduing    
again3 and a nation is not governed     
which is perpetually to be conquered4   
,my next objection is its uncertainty4  
,terror is not always the effect of     
force1 and an armament is not a victory4
 ,if you do not succeed1 you are without
 resource3 for1 conciliation failing1   
force remains2 but1 force failing1 no   
further hope of reconciliation is left4 
,power and authority are sometimes      
bought by kindness2 but they can never  
be begged as alms by an impoverished and
 defeated violence4  ,a further         
objection to force is1 that you impair  
the object by your very endeavors to    
preserve it4 ,the thing you fought for  
is not the thing which you recover1 but 
depreciated1 sunk1 wasted1 and consumed 
in the contest4 ,nothing less will      

content me than whole ,america4 ,i do   
not choose to consume its strength along
 with our own2 because in all parts it  
is the ,british strength that ,i        
consume4 ,i do not choose to be caught  
by a foreign enemy at the end of this   
exhausting conflict1 and still less in  
the midst of it4 ,i may escape1 but ,i  
can make no insurance against such an   
event4 ,let me add1 that ,i do not      
choose wholly to break the ,american    
spirit2 because it is the spirit that   
has made the country4  ,lastly1 we have 
no sort of experience in favor of force 
as an instrument in the rule of our     
colonies4 ,their growth and their       
utility has been owing to methods       
altogether different4 ,our ancient      
indulgence has been said to be pursued  
to a fault4 ,it may be so2 but we know1 
if feeling is evidence1 that our fault  
was more tolerable than our attempt to  
mend it1 and our sin far more salutary  
than our penitence4  ,these1 ,sir1 are  
my reasons for not entertaining that    

high opinion of untried force by which  
many gentlemen1 for whose sentiments in 
other particulars ,i have great respect1
 seem to be so greatly captivated4 ,but 
there is still behind a third           
consideration concerning this object1   
which serves to determine my opinion on 
the sort of policy which ought to be    
pursued in the management of ,america1  
even more than its population and its   
commerce3 ,i mean its temper and        
character4  ,in this character of the   
,americans a love of freedom is the     
predominating feature which marks and   
distinguishes the whole3 and as an      
ardent is always a jealous affection1   
your colonies become suspicious1        
restive1 and untractable1 whenever they 
see the least attempt to wrest from them
 by force1 or shuffle from them by      
chicane1 what they think the only       
advantage worth living for4 ,this fierce
 spirit of liberty is stronger in the   
,english colonies1 probably1 than in any
 other people of the earth1 and this    

from a great variety of powerful causes2
 which1 to understand the true temper of
 their minds1 and the direction which   
this spirit takes1 it will not be amiss 
to lay open somewhat more largely4      
,first1 the people of the colonies are  
descendants of ,englishmen4 ,england1   
,sir1 is a nation which still1 ,i hope1 
respects1 and formerly adored1 her      
freedom4 ,the colonists emigrated from  
you when this part of your character was
 most predominant2 and they took this   
bias and direction the moment they      
parted from your hands4 ,they are       
therefore not only devoted to liberty1  
but to liberty according to ,english    
ideas and on ,english principles4       
,abstract liberty1 like other mere      
abstractions1 is not to be found4       
,liberty inheres in some sensible       
object2 and every nation has formed to  
itself some favorite point1 which by way
 of eminence becomes the criterion of   
their happiness4 ,it happened1 you know1
 ,sir1 that the great contests for      

freedom in this country were from the   
earliest times chiefly upon the question
 of taxing4 ,most of the contests in the
 ancient commonwealths turned primarily 
on the right of election of magistrates1
 or on the balance among the several    
orders of the state4 ,the question of   
money was not with them so immediate4   
,but in ,england it was otherwise4 ,on  
this point of taxes the ablest pens and 
most eloquent tongues have been         
exercised1 the greatest spirits have    
acted and suffered4 ,in order to give   
the fullest satisfaction concerning the 
importance of this point1 it was not    
only necessary for those who in argument
 defended the excellence of the ,english
 ,constitution to insist on this        
privilege of granting money as a dry    
point of fact1 and to prove that the    
right had been acknowledged in ancient  
parchments and blind usages to reside in
 a certain body called an ,house of     
,commons3 they went much further3 they  
attempted to prove1 and they succeeded1 

that in theory it ought to be so1 from  
the particular nature of a ,house of    
,commons1 as an immediate representative
 of the people1 whether the old records 
had delivered this oracle or not4 ,they 
took infinite pains to inculcate1 as a  
fundamental principle1 that in all      
monarchies the people must in effect    
themselves1 mediately or immediately1   
possess the power of granting their own 
money1 or no shadow of liberty could    
subsist4 ,the colonies draw from you1 as
 with their life-blood1 these ideas and 
principles4 ,their love of liberty1 as  
with you1 fixed and attached on this    
specific point of taxing4 ,liberty might
 be safe or might be endangered in      
twenty other particulars without their  
being much pleased or alarmed4 ,here    
they felt its pulse2 and as they found  
that beat1 they thought themselves sick 
or sound4 ,i do not say whether they    
were right or wrong in applying your    
general arguments to their own case4 ,it
 is not easy1 indeed1 to make a monopoly

 of theorems and corollaries4 ,the fact 
is1 that they did thus apply those      
general arguments2 and your mode of     
governing them1 whether through lenity  
or indolence1 through wisdom or mistake1
 confirmed them in the imagination1 that
 they1 as well as you1 had an interest  
in these common principles4  ,they were 
further confirmed in this pleasing error
 by the form of their provincial        
legislative assemblies4 ,their          
governments are popular in an high      
degree3 some are merely popular2 in all1
 the popular representative is the most 
weighty2 and this share of the people in
 their ordinary government never fails  
to inspire them with lofty sentiments1  
and with a strong aversion from whatever
 tends to deprive them of their chief   
importance4  ,if anything were wanting  
to this necessary operation of the form 
of government1 religion would have given
 it a complete effect4 ,religion1 always
 a principle of energy1 in this new     
people is no way worn out or impaired2  

and their mode of professing it is also 
one main cause of this free spirit4 ,the
 people are ,protestants1 and of that   
kind which is the most adverse to all   
implicit submission of mind and opinion4
 ,this is a persuasion not only         
favorable to liberty1 but built upon it4
 ,i do not think1 ,sir1 that the reason 
of this averseness in the dissenting    
churches from all that looks like       
absolute government is so much to be    
sought in their religious tenets as in  
their history4 ,every one knows that the
 ,roman ,catholic religion is at least  
coeval with most of the governments     
where it prevails1 that it has generally
 gone hand in hand with them1 and       
received great favor and every kind of  
support from authority4 ,the ,church of 
,england1 too1 was formed from her      
cradle under the nursing care of regular
 government4 ,but the dissenting        
interests have sprung up in direct      
opposition to all the ordinary powers of
 the world1 and could justify that      

opposition only on a strong claim to    
natural liberty4 ,their very existence  
depended on the powerful and unremitted 
assertion of that claim4 ,all           
,protestantism1 even the most cold and  
passive1 is a sort of dissent4 ,but the 
religion most prevalent in our northern 
colonies is a refinement on the         
principle of resistance3 it is the      
dissidence of dissent1 and the          
protestantism of the ,protestant        
religion4 ,this religion1 under a       
variety of denominations agreeing in    
nothing but in the communion of the     
spirit of liberty1 is predominant in    
most of the northern provinces1 where   
the ,church of ,england1 notwithstanding
 its legal rights1 is in reality no more
 than a sort of private sect1 not       
composing1 most probably1 the tenth of  
the people4 ,the colonists left ,england
 when this spirit was high1 and in the  
emigrants was the highest of all2 and   
even that stream of foreigners which has
 been constantly flowing into these     

colonies has1 for the greatest part1    
been composed of dissenters from the    
establishments of their several         
countries1 and have brought with them a 
temper and character far from alien to  
that of the people with whom they mixed4
  ,sir1 ,i can perceive1 by their       
manner1 that some gentlemen object to   
the latitude of this description1       
because in the southern colonies the    
,church of ,england forms a large body1 
and has a regular establishment4 ,it is 
certainly true4 ,there is1 however1 a   
circumstance attending these colonies1  
which1 in my opinion1 fully             
counterbalances this difference1 and    
makes the spirit of liberty still more  
high and haughty than in those to the   
northward4 ,it is1 that in ,virginia and
 the ,carolinas they have a vast        
multitude of slaves4 ,where this is the 
case in any part of the world1 those who
 are free are by far the most proud and 
jealous of their freedom4 ,freedom is to
 them not only an enjoyment1 but a kind 

of rank and privilege4 ,not seeing      
there1 that freedom1 as in countries    
where it is a common blessing1 and as   
broad and general as the air1 may be    
united with much abject toil1 with great
 misery1 with all the exterior of       
servitude1 liberty looks1 amongst them1 
like something that is more noble and   
liberal4 ,i do not mean1 ,sir1 to       
commend the superior morality of this   
sentiment1 which has at least as much   
pride as virtue in it2 but ,i cannot    
alter the nature of man4 ,the fact is   
so2 and these people of the southern    
colonies are much more strongly1 and    
with an higher and more stubborn spirit1
 attached to liberty1 than those to the 
northward4 ,such were all the ancient   
commonwealths2 such were our ,gothic    
ancestors2 such in our days were the    
,poles2 and such will be all masters of 
slaves1 who are not slaves themselves4  
,in such a people1 the haughtiness of   
domination combines with the spirit of  
freedom1 fortifies it1 and renders it   

invincible4  ,permit me1 ,sir1 to add   
another circumstance in our colonies1   
which contributes no mean part towards  
the growth and effect of this           
untractable spirit3 ,i mean their       
education4 ,in no country1 perhaps1 in  
the world is the law so general a study4
 ,the profession itself is numerous and 
powerful1 and in most provinces it takes
 the lead4 ,the greater number of the   
deputies sent to the ,congress were     
lawyers4 ,but all who read1 and most do 
read1 endeavor to obtain some smattering
 in that science4 ,i have been told by  
an eminent bookseller1 that in no branch
 of his business1 after tracts of       
popular devotion1 were so many books as 
those on the law exported to the        
plantations4 ,the colonists have now    
fallen into the way of printing them for
 their own use4 ,i hear that they have  
sold nearly as many of ,blackstone's    
,commentaries in ,america as in         
,england4 ,general ,gage marks out this 
disposition very particularly in a      

letter on your table4 ,he states1 that  
all the people in his government are    
lawyers1 or smatterers in law1--and that
 in ,boston they have been enabled1 by  
successful chicane1 wholly to evade many
 parts of one of your capital penal     
constitutions4 ,the smartness of debate 
will say1 that this knowledge ought to  
teach them more clearly the rights of   
legislature1 their obligations to       
obedience1 and the penalties of         
rebellion4 ,all this is mighty well4    
,but my honorable and learned friend#bb 
on the floor1 who condescends to mark   
what ,i say for animadversion1 will     
disdain that ground4 ,he has heard1 as  
well as ,i1 that1 when great honors and 
great emoluments do not win over this   
knowledge to the service of the state1  
it is a formidable adversary to         
government4 ,if the spirit be not tamed 
and broken by these happy methods1 it is
 stubborn and litigious4 ,abeunt studia 
in mores4 ,this study renders men acute1
 inquisitive1 dexterous1 prompt in      

attack1 ready in defence1 full of       
resources4 ,in other countries1 the     
people1 more simple1 and of a less      
mercurial cast1 judge of an ill         
principle in government only by an      
actual grievance2 here they anticipate  
the evil1 and judge of the pressure of  
the grievance by the badness of the     
principle4 ,they augur misgovernment at 
a distance1 and snuff the approach of   
tyranny in every tainted breeze4  ,the  
last cause of this disobedient spirit in
 the colonies is hardly less powerful   
than the rest1 as it is not merely      
moral1 but laid deep in the natural     
constitution of things4 ,three thousand 
miles of ocean lie between you and them4
 ,no contrivance can prevent the effect 
of this distance in weakening           
government4 ,seas roll1 and months pass1
 between the order and the execution2   
and the want of a speedy explanation of 
a single point is enough to defeat an   
whole system4 ,you have1 indeed1 winged 
ministers of vengeance1 who carry your  

bolts in their pounces to the remotest  
verge of the sea3 but there a power     
steps in1 that limits the arrogance of  
raging passions and furious elements1   
and says1 ,so far shalt thou go1 and no 
farther4 ,who are you1 that should fret 
and rage1 and bite the chains of        
,nature8 ,nothing worse happens to you  
than does to all nations who have       
extensive empire2 and it happens in all 
the forms into which empire can be      
thrown4 ,in large bodies1 the           
circulation of power must be less       
vigorous at the extremities4 ,nature has
 said it4 ,the ,turk cannot govern      
,egypt1 and ,arabia1 and ,kurdistan1 as 
he governs ,thrace2 nor has he the same 
dominion in ,crimea and ,algiers which  
he has at ,brusa and ,smyrna4 ,despotism
 itself is obliged to truck and         
huckster4 ,the ,sultan gets such        
obedience as he can4 ,he governs with a 
loose rein1 that he may govern at all2  
and the whole of the force and vigor of 
his authority in his centre is derived  

from a prudent relaxation in all his    
borders4 ,spain1 in her provinces1 is   
perhaps not so well obeyed as you are in
 yours4 ,she complies1 too2 she submits2
 she watches times4 ,this is the        
immutable condition1 the eternal law1 of
 extensive and detached empire4  ,then1 
,sir1 from these six capital sources1 of
 descent1 of form of government1 of     
religion in the northern provinces1 of  
manners in the southern1 of education1  
of the remoteness of situation from the 
first mover of government1--from all    
these causes a fierce spirit of liberty 
has grown up4 ,it has grown with the    
growth of the people in your colonies1  
and increased with the increase of their
 wealth3 a spirit1 that1 unhappily      
meeting with an exercise of power in    
,england1 which1 however lawful1 is not 
reconcilable to any ideas of liberty1   
much less with theirs1 has kindled this 
flame that is ready to consume us4  ,i  
do not mean to commend either the spirit
 in this excess1 or the moral causes    

which produce it4 ,perhaps a more smooth
 and accommodating spirit of freedom in 
them would be more acceptable to us4    
,perhaps ideas of liberty might be      
desired more reconcilable with an       
arbitrary and boundless authority4      
,perhaps we might wish the colonists to 
be persuaded that their liberty is more 
secure when held in trust for them by us
 7as their guardians during a perpetual 
minority7 than with any part of it in   
their own hands4 ,but the question is   
not1 whether their spirit deserves      
praise or blame1--what1 in the name of  
,god1 shall we do with it8 ,you have    
before you the object1 such as it       
is1--with all its glories1 with all its 
imperfections on its head4 ,you see the 
magnitude1 the importance1 the temper1  
the habits1 the disorders4 ,by all these
 considerations we are strongly urged to
 determine something concerning it4 ,we 
are called upon to fix some rule and    
line for our future conduct1 which may  
give a little stability to our politics1

 and prevent the return of such unhappy 
deliberations as the present4 ,every    
such return will bring the matter before
 us in a still more untractable form4   
,for what astonishing and incredible    
things have we not seen already6 ,what  
monsters have not been generated from   
this unnatural contention6 ,whilst every
 principle of authority and resistance  
has been pushed1 upon both sides1 as far
 as it would go1 there is nothing so    
solid and certain1 either in reasoning  
or in practice1 that has not been       
shaken4 ,until very lately1 all         
authority in ,america seemed to be      
nothing but an emanation from yours4    
,even the popular part of the colony    
constitution derived all its activity1  
and its first vital movement1 from the  
pleasure of the crown4 ,we thought1     
,sir1 that the utmost which the         
discontented colonists could do was to  
disturb authority2 we never dreamt they 
could of themselves supply it1 knowing  
in general what an operose business it  

is to establish a government absolutely 
new4 ,but having1 for our purposes in   
this contention1 resolved that none but 
an obedient assembly should sit1 the    
humors of the people there1 finding all 
passage through the legal channel       
stopped1 with great violence broke out  
another way4 ,some provinces have tried 
their experiment1 as we have tried ours2
 and theirs has succeeded4 ,they have   
formed a government sufficient for its  
purposes1 without the bustle of a       
revolution1 or the troublesome formality
 of an election4 ,evident necessity and 
tacit consent have done the business in 
an instant4 ,so well they have done it1 
that ,lord ,dunmore 7the account is     
among the fragments on your table7 tells
 you that the new institution is        
infinitely better obeyed than the       
ancient government ever was in its most 
fortunate periods4 ,obedience is what   
makes government1 and not the names by  
which it is called3 not the name of     
,governor1 as formerly1 or ,committee1  

as at present4 ,this new government has 
originated directly from the people1 and
 was not transmitted through any of the 
ordinary artificial media of a positive 
constitution4 ,it was not a manufacture 
ready formed1 and transmitted to them in
 that condition from ,england4 ,the evil
 arising from hence is this3 that the   
colonists having once found the         
possibility of enjoying the advantages  
of order in the midst of a struggle for 
liberty1 such struggles will not        
henceforward seem so terrible to the    
settled and sober part of mankind as    
they had appeared before the trial4     
,pursuing the same plan of punishing by 
the denial of the exercise of government
 to still greater lengths1 we wholly    
abrogated the ancient government of     
,massachusetts4 ,we were confident that 
the first feeling1 if not the very      
prospect of anarchy1 would instantly    
enforce a complete submission4 ,the     
experiment was tried4 ,a new1 strange1  
unexpected face of things appeared4     

,anarchy is found tolerable4 ,a vast    
province has now subsisted1 and         
subsisted in a considerable degree of   
health and vigor1 for near a            
twelvemonth1 without governor1 without  
public council1 without judges1 without 
executive magistrates4 ,how long it will
 continue in this state1 or what may    
arise out of this unheard-of situation1 
how can the wisest of us conjecture8    
,our late experience has taught us that 
many of those fundamental principles    
formerly believed infallible are either 
not of the importance they were imagined
 to be1 or that we have not at all      
adverted to some other far more         
important and far more powerful         
principles which entirely overrule those
 we had considered as omnipotent4 ,i am 
much against any further experiments    
which tend to put to the proof any more 
of these allowed opinions which         
contribute so much to the public        
tranquillity4 ,in effect1 we suffer as  
much at home by this loosening of all   

ties1 and this concussion of all        
established opinions1 as we do abroad4  
,for1 in order to prove that the        
,americans have no right to their       
liberties1 we are every day endeavoring 
to subvert the maxims which preserve the
 whole spirit of our own4 ,to prove that
 the ,americans ought not to be free1 we
 are obliged to depreciate the value of 
freedom itself2 and we never seem to    
gain a paltry advantage over them in    
debate1 without attacking some of those 
principles1 or deriding some of those   
feelings1 for which our ancestors have  
shed their blood4  ,but1 ,sir1 in       
wishing to put an end to pernicious     
experiments1 ,i do not mean to preclude 
the fullest inquiry4 ,far from it4 ,far 
from deciding on a sudden or partial    
view1 ,i would patiently go round and   
round the subject1 and survey it        
minutely in every possible aspect4 ,sir1
 if ,i were capable of engaging you to  
an equal attention1 ,i would state1     
that1 as far as ,i am capable of        

discerning1 there are but three ways of 
proceeding relative to this stubborn    
spirit which prevails in your colonies  
and disturbs your government4 ,these    
are1--to change that spirit1 as         
inconvenient1 by removing the           
causes1--to prosecute it1 as            
criminal1--or to comply with it1 as     
necessary4 ,i would not be guilty of an 
imperfect enumeration2 ,i can think of  
but these three4 ,another has1 indeed1  
been started1--that of giving up the    
colonies2 but it met so slight a        
reception that ,i do not think myself   
obliged to dwell a great while upon it4 
,it is nothing but a little sally of    
anger1 like the frowardness of peevish  
children1 who1 when they cannot get all 
they would have1 are resolved to take   
nothing4  ,the first of these plans--to 
change the spirit1 as inconvenient1 by  
removing the causes--,i think is the    
most like a systematic proceeding4 ,it  
is radical in its principle2 but it is  
attended with great difficulties3 some  

of them little short1 as ,i conceive1 of
 impossibilities4 ,this will appear by  
examining into the plans which have been
 proposed4  ,as the growing population  
of the colonies is evidently one cause  
of their resistance1 it was last session
 mentioned in both ,houses1 by men of   
weight1 and received not without        
applause1 that1 in order to check this  
evil1 it would be proper for the crown  
to make no further grants of land4 ,but 
to this scheme there are two objections4
 ,the first1 that there is already so   
much unsettled land in private hands as 
to afford room for an immense future    
population1 although the crown not only 
withheld its grants1 but annihilated its
 soil4 ,if this be the case1 then the   
only effect of this avarice of          
desolation1 this hoarding of a royal    
wilderness1 would be to raise the value 
of the possessions in the hands of the  
great private monopolists1 without any  
adequate check to the growing and       
alarming mischief of population4  ,but  

if you stopped your grants1 what would  
be the consequence8 ,the people would   
occupy without grants4 ,they have       
already so occupied in many places4 ,you
 cannot station garrisons in every part 
of these deserts4 ,if you drive the     
people from one place1 they will carry  
on their annual tillage1 and remove with
 their flocks and herds to another4     
,many of the people in the back         
settlements are already little attached 
to particular situations4 ,already they 
have topped the ,appalachian mountains4 
,from thence they behold before them an 
immense plain1 one vast1 rich1 level    
meadow3 a square of five hundred miles4 
,over this they would wander without a  
possibility of restraint2 they would    
change their manners with the habits of 
their life2 would soon forget a         
government by which they were disowned2 
would become hordes of ,english         
,tartars1 and1 pouring down upon your   
unfortified frontiers a fierce and      
irresistible cavalry1 become masters of 

your governors and your counsellors1    
your collectors and comptrollers1 and of
 all the slaves that adhered to them4   
,such would1 and1 in no long time1 must 
be1 the effect of attempting to forbid  
as a crime1 and to suppress as an evil1 
the command and blessing of ,providence1
 ,increase and multiply4 ,such would be 
the happy result of an endeavor to keep 
as a lair of wild beasts that earth     
which ,god by an express charter has    
given to the children of men4 ,far      
different1 and surely much wiser1 has   
been our policy hitherto4 ,hitherto we  
have invited our people1 by every kind  
of bounty1 to fixed establishments4 ,we 
have invited the husbandman to look to  
authority for his title4 ,we have taught
 him piously to believe in the          
mysterious virtue of wax and parchment4 
,we have thrown each tract of land1 as  
it was peopled1 into districts1 that the
 ruling power should never be wholly out
 of sight4 ,we have settled all we      
could2 and we have carefully attended   

every settlement with government4       
,adhering1 ,sir1 as ,i do1 to this      
policy1 as well as for the reasons ,i   
have just given1 ,i think this new      
project of hedging in population to be  
neither prudent nor practicable4  ,to   
impoverish the colonies in general1 and 
in particular to arrest the noble course
 of their marine enterprises1 would be a
 more easy task4 ,i freely confess it4  
,we have shown a disposition to a system
 of this kind1--a disposition even to   
continue the restraint after the        
offence1--looking on ourselves as rivals
 to our colonies1 and persuaded that of 
course we must gain all that they shall 
lose4 ,much mischief we may certainly   
do4 ,the power inadequate to all other  
things is often more than sufficient for
 this4 ,i do not look on the direct and 
immediate power of the colonies to      
resist our violence as very formidable4 
,in this1 however1 ,i may be mistaken4  
,but when ,i consider that we have      
colonies for no purpose but to be       

serviceable to us1 it seems to my poor  
understanding a little preposterous to  
make them unserviceable1 in order to    
keep them obedient4 ,it is1 in truth1   
nothing more than the old1 and1 as ,i   
thought1 exploded problem of tyranny1   
which proposes to beggar its subjects   
into submission4 ,but remember1 when you
 have completed your system of          
impoverishment1 that ,nature still      
proceeds in her ordinary course2 that   
discontent will increase with misery2   
and that there are critical moments in  
the fortune of all states1 when they who
 are too weak to contribute to your     
prosperity may be strong enough to      
complete your ruin4 ,spoliatis arma     
supersunt4  ,the temper and character   
which prevail in our colonies are1 ,i am
 afraid1 unalterable by any human art4  
,we cannot1 ,i fear1 falsify the        
pedigree of this fierce people1 and     
persuade them that they are not sprung  
from a nation in whose veins the blood  
of freedom circulates4 ,the language in 

which they would hear you tell them this
 tale would detect the imposition2 your 
speech would betray you4 ,an ,englishman
 is the unfittest person on earth to    
argue another ,englishman into slavery4 
,i think it is nearly as little in our  
power to change their republican        
religion as their free descent1 or to   
substitute the ,roman ,catholic as a    
penalty1 or the ,church of ,england as  
an improvement4 ,the mode of inquisition
 and dragooning is going out of fashion 
in the ,old ,world1 and ,i should not   
confide much to their efficacy in the   
,new4 ,the education of the ,americans  
is also on the same unalterable bottom  
with their religion4 ,you cannot        
persuade them to burn their books of    
curious science1 to banish their lawyers
 from their courts of law1 or to quench 
the lights of their assemblies by       
refusing to choose those persons who are
 best read in their privileges4 ,it     
would be no less impracticable to think 
of wholly annihilating the popular      

assemblies in which these lawyers sit4  
,the army1 by which we must govern in   
their place1 would be far more          
chargeable to us1 not quite so          
effectual1 and perhaps1 in the end1 full
 as difficult to be kept in obedience4  
,with regard to the high aristocratic   
spirit of ,virginia and the southern    
colonies1 it has been proposed1 ,i know1
 to reduce it by declaring a general    
enfranchisement of their slaves4 ,this  
project has had its advocates and       
panegyrists2 yet ,i never could argue   
myself into any opinion of it4 ,slaves  
are often much attached to their        
masters4 ,a general wild offer of       
liberty would not always be accepted4   
,history furnishes few instances of it4 
,it is sometimes as hard to persuade    
slaves to be free as it is to compel    
freemen to be slaves2 and in this       
auspicious scheme we should have both   
these pleasing tasks on our hands at    
once4 ,but when we talk of              
enfranchisement1 do we not perceive that

 the ,american master may enfranchise1  
too1 and arm servile hands in defence of
 freedom8--a measure to which other     
people have had recourse more than once1
 and not without success1 in a desperate
 situation of their affairs4  ,slaves as
 these unfortunate black people are1 and
 dull as all men are from slavery1 must 
they not a little suspect the offer of  
freedom from that very nation which has 
sold them to their present              
masters1--from that nation1 one of whose
 causes of quarrel with those masters is
 their refusal to deal any more in that 
inhuman traffic8 ,an offer of freedom   
from ,england would come rather oddly1  
shipped to them in an ,african vessel1  
which is refused an entry into the ports
 of ,virginia or ,carolina1 with a cargo
 of three hundred ,angola negroes4 ,it  
would be curious to see the ,guinea     
captain attempting at the same instant  
to publish his proclamation of liberty  
and to advertise his sale of slaves4    
,but let us suppose all these moral     

difficulties got over4 ,the ocean       
remains4 ,you cannot pump this dry2 and 
as long as it continues in its present  
bed1 so long all the causes which weaken
 authority by distance will continue4   
,ye ,gods6 annihilate but space and     
time1      ,and make two lovers happy1  
was a pious and passionate prayer1--but 
just as reasonable as many of the       
serious wishes of very grave and solemn 
politicians4  ,if1 then1 ,sir1 it seems 
almost desperate to think of any        
alterative course for changing the moral
 causes 7and not quite easy to remove   
the natural7 which produce prejudices   
irreconcilable to the late exercise of  
our authority1 but that the spirit      
infallibly will continue1 and1          
continuing1 will produce such effects as
 now embarrass us1--the second mode     
under consideration is1 to prosecute    
that spirit in its overt acts1 as       
criminal4  ,at this proposition ,i must 
pause a moment4 ,the thing seems a great
 deal too big for my ideas of           

jurisprudence4 ,it should seem1 to my   
way of conceiving such matters1 that    
there is a very wide difference1 in     
reason and policy1 between the mode of  
proceeding on the irregular conduct of  
scattered individuals1 or even of bands 
of men1 who disturb order within the    
state1 and the civil dissensions which  
may1 from time to time1 on great        
questions1 agitate the several          
communities which compose a great       
empire4 ,it looks to me to be narrow and
 pedantic to apply the ordinary ideas of
 criminal justice to this great public  
contest4 ,i do not know the method of   
drawing up an indictment against an     
whole people4 ,i cannot insult and      
ridicule the feelings of millions of my 
fellow-creatures as ,sir ,edward ,coke  
insulted one excellent individual 7,sir 
,walter ,raleigh7 at the bar4 ,i am not 
ripe to pass sentence on the gravest    
public bodies1 intrusted with           
magistracies of great authority and     
dignity1 and charged with the safety of 

their fellow-citizens1 upon the very    
same title that ,i am4 ,i really think  
that for wise men this is not judicious1
 for sober men not decent1 for minds    
tinctured with humanity not mild and    
merciful4  ,perhaps1 ,sir1 ,i am        
mistaken in my idea of an empire1 as    
distinguished from a single state or    
kingdom4 ,but my idea of it is this3    
that an empire is the aggregate of many 
states under one common head1 whether   
this head be a monarch or a presiding   
republic4 ,it does1 in such             
constitutions1 frequently happen 7and   
nothing but the dismal1 cold1 dead      
uniformity of servitude can prevent its 
happening7 that the subordinate parts   
have many local privileges and          
immunities4 ,between these privileges   
and the supreme common authority the    
line may be extremely nice4 ,of course  
disputes1 often1 too1 very bitter       
disputes1 and much ill blood1 will      
arise4 ,but though every privilege is an
 exemption 7in the case7 from the       

ordinary exercise of the supreme        
authority1 it is no denial of it4 ,the  
claim of a privilege seems rather1 ex vi
 termini1 to imply a superior power3 for
 to talk of the privileges of a state or
 of a person who has no superior is     
hardly any better than speaking         
nonsense4 ,now in such unfortunate      
quarrels among the component parts of a 
great political union of communities1 ,i
 can scarcely conceive anything more    
completely imprudent than for the head  
of the empire to insist1 that if any    
privilege is pleaded against his will or
 his acts1 that his whole authority is  
denied1--instantly to proclaim          
rebellion1 to beat to arms1 and to put  
the offending provinces under the ban4  
,will not this1 ,sir1 very soon teach   
the provinces to make no distinctions on
 their part8 ,will it not teach them    
that the government against which a     
claim of liberty is tantamount to high  
treason is a government to which        
submission is equivalent to slavery8 ,it

 may not always be quite convenient to  
impress dependent communities with such 
an idea4  ,we are1 indeed1 in all       
disputes with the colonies1 by the      
necessity of things1 the judge4 ,it is  
true1 ,sir4 ,but ,i confess that the    
character of judge in my own cause is a 
thing that frightens me4 ,instead of    
filling me with pride1 ,i am exceedingly
 humbled by it4 ,i cannot proceed with a
 stern1 assured judicial confidence1    
until ,i find myself in something more  
like a judicial character4 ,i must have 
these hesitations as long as ,i am      
compelled to recollect1 that1 in my     
little reading upon such contests as    
these1 the sense of mankind has at least
 as often decided against the superior  
as the subordinate power4 ,sir1 let me  
add1 too1 that the opinion of my having 
some abstract right in my favor would   
not put me much at my ease in passing   
sentence1 unless ,i could be sure that  
there were no rights which1 in their    
exercise under certain circumstances1   

were not the most odious of all wrongs  
and the most vexatious of all injustice4
 ,sir1 these considerations have great  
weight with me1 when ,i find things so  
circumstanced that ,i see the same party
 at once a civil litigant against me in 
a point of right and a culprit before   
me1 while ,i sit as criminal judge on   
acts of his whose moral quality is to be
 decided upon the merits of that very   
litigation4 ,men are every now and then 
put1 by the complexity of human affairs1
 into strange situations2 but justice is
 the same1 let the judge be in what     
situation he will4  ,there is1 ,sir1    
also a circumstance which convinces me  
that this mode of criminal proceeding is
 not 7at least in the present stage of  
our contest7 altogether                 
expedient1--which is nothing less than  
the conduct of those very persons who   
have seemed to adopt that mode1 by      
lately declaring a rebellion in         
,massachusetts ,bay1 as they had        
formerly addressed to have traitors     

brought hither1 under an act of ,henry  
the ,eighth1 for trial4 ,for1 though    
rebellion is declared1 it is not        
proceeded against as such2 nor have any 
steps been taken towards the            
apprehension or conviction of any       
individual offender1 either on our late 
or our former address2 but modes of     
public coercion have been adopted1 and  
such as have much more resemblance to a 
sort of qualified hostility towards an  
independent power than the punishment of
 rebellious subjects4 ,all this seems   
rather inconsistent2 but it shows how   
difficult it is to apply these juridical
 ideas to our present case4  ,in this   
situation1 let us seriously and coolly  
ponder4 ,what is it we have got by all  
our menaces1 which have been many and   
ferocious8 ,what advantage have we      
derived from the penal laws we have     
passed1 and which1 for the time1 have   
been severe and numerous8 ,what advances
 have we made towards our object1 by the
 sending of a force1 which1 by land and 

sea1 is no contemptible strength8 ,has  
the disorder abated8 ,nothing           
less4--,when ,i see things in this      
situation1 after such confident hopes1  
bold promises1 and active exertions1 ,i 
cannot1 for my life1 avoid a suspicion  
that the plan itself is not correctly   
right4  ,if1 then1 the removal of the   
causes of this spirit of ,american      
liberty be1 for the greater part1 or    
rather entirely1 impracticable1--if the 
ideas of criminal process be            
inapplicable1 or1 if applicable1 are in 
the highest degree inexpedient1 what way
 yet remains8 ,no way is open1 but the  
third and last1--to comply with the     
,american spirit as necessary1 or1 if   
you please1 to submit1 to it as a       
necessary evil4  ,if we adopt this mode1
 if we mean to conciliate and concede1  
let us see of what nature the concession
 ought to be4 ,to ascertain the nature  
of our concession1 we must look at their
 complaint4 ,the colonies complain that 
they have not the characteristic mark   

and seal of ,british freedom4 ,they     
complain that they are taxed in a       
,parliament in which they are not       
represented4 ,if you mean to satisfy    
them at all1 you must satisfy them with 
regard to this complaint4 ,if you mean  
to please any people1 you must give them
 the boon which they ask1--not what you 
may think better for them1 but of a kind
 totally different4 ,such an act may be 
a wise regulation1 but it is no         
concession2 whereas our present theme is
 the mode of giving satisfaction4  ,sir1
 ,i think you must perceive that ,i am  
resolved this day to have nothing at all
 to do with the question of the right of
 taxation4 ,some gentlemen startle1--but
 it is true3 ,i put it totally out of   
the question4 ,it is less than nothing  
in my consideration4 ,i do not indeed   
wonder1 nor will you1 ,sir1 that        
gentlemen of profound learning are fond 
of displaying it on this profound       
subject4 ,but my consideration is       
narrow1 confined1 and wholly limited to 

the policy of the question4 ,i do not   
examine whether the giving away a man's 
money be a power excepted and reserved  
out of the general trust of government1 
and how far all mankind1 in all forms of
 polity1 are entitled to an exercise of 
that right by the charter of            
,nature1--or whether1 on the contrary1 a
 right of taxation is necessarily       
involved in the general principle of    
legislation1 and inseparable from the   
ordinary supreme power4 ,these are deep 
questions1 where great names militate   
against each other1 where reason is     
perplexed1 and an appeal to authorities 
only thickens the confusion3 for high   
and reverend authorities lift up their  
heads on both sides1 and there is no    
sure footing in the middle4 ,this point 
is the great ,serbonian bog1 betwixt    
,damiata and ,mount ,casius old1 where  
armies whole have sunk4 ,i do not intend
 to be overwhelmed in that bog1 though  
in such respectable company4 ,the       
question with me is1 not whether you    

have a right to render your people      
miserable1 but whether it is not your   
interest to make them happy4 ,it is not 
what a lawyer tells me ,i may do1 but   
what humanity1 reason1 and justice tell 
me ,i ought to do4 ,is a politic act the
 worse for being a generous one8 ,is no 
concession proper1 but that which is    
made from your want of right to keep    
what you grant8 ,or does it lessen the  
grace or dignity of relaxing in the     
exercise of an odious claim1 because you
 have your evidence-room full of titles1
 and your magazines stuffed with arms to
 enforce them8 ,what signify all those  
titles and all those arms8 ,of what     
avail are they1 when the reason of the  
thing tells me that the assertion of my 
title is the loss of my suit1 and that  
,i could do nothing but wound myself by 
the use of my own weapons8  ,such is    
steadfastly my opinion of the absolute  
necessity of keeping up the concord of  
this empire by a unity of spirit1 though
 in a diversity of operations1 that1 if 

,i were sure the colonists had1 at their
 leaving this country1 sealed a regular 
compact of servitude1 that they had     
solemnly abjured all the rights of      
citizens1 that they had made a vow to   
renounce all ideas of liberty for them  
and their posterity to all generations1 
yet ,i should hold myself obliged to    
conform to the temper ,i found          
universally prevalent in my own day1 and
 to govern two million of men1 impatient
 of servitude1 on the principles of     
freedom4 ,i am not determining a point  
of law2 ,i am restoring tranquillity3   
and the general character and situation 
of a people must determine what sort of 
government is fitted for them4 ,that    
point nothing else can or ought to      
determine4  ,my idea1 therefore1 without
 considering whether we yield as matter 
of right or grant as matter of favor1   
is1 to admit the people of our colonies 
into an interest in the ,constitution1  
and1 by recording that admission in the 
journals of ,parliament1 to give them as

 strong an assurance as the nature of   
the thing will admit that we mean       
forever to adhere to that solemn        
declaration of systematic indulgence4   
,some years ago1 the repeal of a revenue
 act1 upon its understood principle1    
might have served to show that we       
intended an unconditional abatement of  
the exercise of a taxing power4 ,such a 
measure was then sufficient to remove   
all suspicion and to give perfect       
content4 ,but unfortunate events since  
that time may make something further    
necessary1--and not more necessary for  
the satisfaction of the colonies than   
for the dignity and consistency of our  
own future proceedings4  ,i have taken a
 very incorrect measure of the          
disposition of the ,house1 if this      
proposal in itself would be received    
with dislike4 ,i think1 ,sir1 we have   
few ,american financiers4 ,but our      
misfortune is1 we are too acute1 we are 
too exquisite in our conjectures of the 
future1 for men oppressed with such     

great and present evils4 ,the more      
moderate among the opposers of          
,parliamentary concession freely confess
 that they hope no good from taxation2  
but they apprehend the colonists have   
further views1 and if this point were   
conceded1 they would instantly attack   
the trade laws4 ,these gentlemen are    
convinced that this was the intention   
from the beginning1 and the quarrel of  
the ,americans with taxation was no more
 than a cloak and cover to this design4 
,such has been the language even of a   
gentleman#bc of real moderation1 and of 
a natural temper well adjusted to fair  
and equal government4 ,i am1 however1   
,sir1 not a little surprised at this    
kind of discourse1 whenever ,i hear it2 
and ,i am the more surprised on account 
of the arguments which ,i constantly    
find in company with it1 and which are  
often urged from the same mouths and on 
the same day4  ,for instance1 when we   
allege that it is against reason to tax 
a people under so many restraints in    

trade as the ,americans1 the noble      
lord#bd in the blue riband shall tell   
you that the restraints on trade are    
futile and useless1 of no advantage to  
us1 and of no burden to those on whom   
they are imposed1--that the trade to    
,america is not secured by the ,acts of 
,navigation1 but by the natural and     
irresistible advantage of a commercial  
preference4  ,such is the merit of the  
trade laws in this posture of the       
debate4 ,but when strong internal       
circumstances are urged against the     
taxes1--when the scheme is              
dissected1--when experience and the     
nature of things are brought to prove1  
and do prove1 the utter impossibility of
 obtaining an effective revenue from the
 colonies1--when these things are       
pressed1 or rather press themselves1 so 
as to drive the advocates of colony     
taxes to a clear admission of the       
futility of the scheme1--then1 ,sir1 the
 sleeping trade laws revive from their  
trance1 and this useless taxation is to 

be kept sacred1 not for its own sake1   
but as a counter-guard and security of  
the laws of trade4  ,then1 ,sir1 you    
keep up revenue laws which are          
mischievous in order to preserve trade  
laws that are useless4 ,such is the     
wisdom of our plan in both its members4 
,they are separately given up as of no  
value2 and yet one is always to be      
defended for the sake of the other4 ,but
 ,i cannot agree with the noble lord1   
nor with the pamphlet from whence he    
seems to have borrowed these ideas      
concerning the inutility of the trade   
laws4 ,for1 without idolizing them1 ,i  
am sure they are still1 in many ways1 of
 great use to us2 and in former times   
they have been of the greatest4 ,they do
 confine1 and they do greatly narrow1   
the market for the ,americans4 ,but my  
perfect conviction of this does not help
 me in the least to discern how the     
revenue laws form any security          
whatsoever to the commercial            
regulations1--or that these commercial  

regulations are the true ground of the  
quarrel1--or that the giving way1 in any
 one instance1 of authority is to lose  
all that may remain unconceded4  ,one   
fact is clear and indisputable3 the     
public and avowed origin of this quarrel
 was on taxation4 ,this quarrel has1    
indeed1 brought on new disputes on new  
questions1 but certainly the least      
bitter1 and the fewest of all1 on the   
trade laws4 ,to judge which of the two  
be the real1 radical cause of quarrel1  
we have to see whether the commercial   
dispute did1 in order of time1 precede  
the dispute on taxation4 ,there is not a
 shadow of evidence for it4 ,next1 to   
enable us to judge whether at this      
moment a dislike to the trade laws be   
the real cause of quarrel1 it is        
absolutely necessary to put the taxes   
out of the question by a repeal4 ,see   
how the ,americans act in this position1
 and then you will be able to discern   
correctly what is the true object of the
 controversy1 or whether any controversy

 at all will remain4 ,unless you consent
 to remove this cause of difference1 it 
is impossible1 with decency1 to assert  
that the dispute is not upon what it is 
avowed to be4 ,and ,i would1 ,sir1      
recommend to your serious consideration1
 whether it be prudent to form a rule   
for punishing people1 not on their own  
acts1 but on your conjectures4 ,surely  
it is preposterous1 at the very best4   
,it is not justifying your anger by     
their misconduct1 but it is converting  
your ill-will into their delinquency4   
,but the colonies will go               
further4--,alas6 alas6 when will this   
speculating against fact and reason end8
 ,what will quiet these panic fears     
which we entertain of the hostile effect
 of a conciliatory conduct8 ,is it true 
that no case can exist in which it is   
proper for the sovereign to accede to   
the desires of his discontented         
subjects8 ,is there anything peculiar in
 this case1 to make a rule for itself8  
,is all authority of course lost1 when  

it is not pushed to the extreme8 ,is it 
a certain maxim1 that1 the fewer causes 
of dissatisfaction are left by          
government1 the more the subject will be
 inclined to resist and rebel8  ,all    
these objections being in fact no more  
than suspicions1 conjectures1           
divinations1 formed in defiance of fact 
and experience1 they did not1 ,sir1     
discourage me from entertaining the idea
 of a conciliatory concession1 founded  
on the principles which ,i have just    
stated4  ,in forming a plan for this    
purpose1 ,i endeavored to put myself in 
that frame of mind which was the most   
natural and the most reasonable1 and    
which was certainly the most probable   
means of securing me from all error4 ,i 
set out with a perfect distrust of my   
own abilities1 a total renunciation of  
every speculation of my own1 and with a 
profound reverence for the wisdom of our
 ancestors1 who have left us the        
inheritance of so happy a ,constitution 
and so flourishing an empire1 and1 what 

is a thousand times more valuable1 the  
treasury of the maxims and principles   
which formed the one and obtained the   
other4  ,during the reigns of the kings 
of ,spain of the ,austrian family1      
whenever they were at a loss in the     
,spanish councils1 it was common for    
their statesmen to say that they ought  
to consult the genius of ,philip the    
,second4 ,the genius of ,philip the     
,second might mislead them2 and the     
issue of their affairs showed that they 
had not chosen the most perfect         
standard4 ,but1 ,sir1 ,i am sure that ,i
 shall not be misled1 when1 in a case of
 constitutional difficulty1 ,i consult  
the genius of the ,english              
,constitution4 ,consulting at that      
oracle1 7it was with all due humility   
and piety17 ,i found four capital       
examples in a similar case before me3   
those of ,ireland1 ,wales1 ,chester1 and
 ,durham4  ,ireland1 before the ,english
 conquest1 though never governed by a   
despotic power1 had no ,parliament4 ,how

 far the ,english ,parliament itself was
 at that time modelled according to the 
present form is disputed among          
antiquarians4 ,but we have all the      
reason in the world to be assured1 that 
a form of ,parliament1 such as ,england 
then enjoyed1 she instantly communicated
 to ,ireland2 and we are equally sure   
that almost every successive improvement
 in constitutional liberty1 as fast as  
it was made here1 was transmitted       
thither4 ,the feudal baronage1 and the  
feudal knighthood1 the roots of our     
primitive ,constitution1 were early     
transplanted into that soil1 and grew   
and flourished there4 ,magna ,charta1 if
 it did not give us originally the      
,house of ,commons1 gave us at least an 
,house of ,commons of weight and        
consequence4 ,but your ancestors did not
 churlishly sit down alone to the feast 
of ,magna ,charta4 ,ireland was made    
immediately a partaker4 ,this benefit of
 ,english laws and liberties1 ,i        
confess1 was not at first extended to   

all ,ireland4 ,mark the consequence4    
,english authority and ,english liberty 
had exactly the same boundaries4 ,your  
standard could never be advanced an inch
 before your privileges4 ,sir ,john     
,davies shows beyond a doubt1 that the  
refusal of a general communication of   
these rights was the true cause why     
,ireland was five hundred years in      
subduing2 and after the vain projects of
 a military government1 attempted in the
 reign of ,queen ,elizabeth1 it was soon
 discovered that nothing could make that
 country ,english1 in civility and      
allegiance1 but your laws and your forms
 of legislature4 ,it was not ,english   
arms1 but the ,english ,constitution1   
that conquered ,ireland4 ,from that     
time1 ,ireland has ever had a general   
,parliament1 as she had before a partial
 ,parliament4 ,you changed the people1  
you altered the religion1 but you never 
touched the form or the vital substance 
of free government in that kingdom4 ,you
 deposed kings2 you restored them2 you  

altered the succession to theirs1 as    
well as to your own crown2 but you never
 altered their ,constitution1 the       
principle of which was respected by     
usurpation1 restored with the           
restoration of monarchy1 and            
established1 ,i trust1 forever by the   
glorious ,revolution4 ,this has made    
,ireland the great and flourishing      
kingdom that it is1 and1 from a disgrace
 and a burden intolerable to this       
nation1 has rendered her a principal    
part of our strength and ornament4 ,this
 country cannot be said to have ever    
formally taxed her4 ,the irregular      
things done in the confusion of mighty  
troubles1 and on the hinge of great     
revolutions1 even if all were done that 
is said to have been done1 form no      
example4 ,if they have any effect in    
argument1 they make an exception to     
prove the rule4 ,none of your own       
liberties could stand a moment1 if the  
casual deviations from them1 at such    
times1 were suffered to be used as      

proofs of their nullity4 ,by the        
lucrative amount of such casual breaches
 in the ,constitution1 judge what the   
stated and fixed rule of supply has been
 in that kingdom4 ,your ,irish          
pensioners would starve1 if they had no 
other fund to live on than taxes granted
 by ,english authority4 ,turn your eyes 
to those popular grants from whence all 
your great supplies are come1 and learn 
to respect that only source of public   
wealth in the ,british empire4  ,my next
 example is ,wales4 ,this country was   
said to be reduced by ,henry the ,third4
 ,it was said more truly to be so by    
,edward the ,first4 ,but though then    
conquered1 it was not looked upon as any
 part of the realm of ,england4 ,its old
 ,constitution1 whatever that might have
 been1 was destroyed2 and no good one   
was substituted in its place4 ,the care 
of that tract was put into the hands of 
,lords ,marchers3 a form of government  
of a very singular kind2 a strange1     
heterogeneous monster1 something between

 hostility and government3 perhaps it   
has a sort of resemblance1 according to 
the modes of those times1 to that of    
commander-in-chief at present1 to whom  
all civil power is granted as secondary4
 ,the manners of the ,welsh nation      
followed the genius of the government3  
the people were ferocious1 restive1     
savage1 and uncultivated2 sometimes     
composed1 never pacified4 ,wales1 within
 itself1 was in perpetual disorder2 and 
it kept the frontier of ,england in     
perpetual alarm4 ,benefits from it to   
the state there were none4 ,wales was   
only known to ,england by incursion and 
invasion4  ,sir1 during that state of   
things1 ,parliament was not idle4 ,they 
attempted to subdue the fierce spirit of
 the ,welsh by all sorts of rigorous    
laws4 ,they prohibited by statute the   
sending all sorts of arms into ,wales1  
as you prohibit by proclamation 7with   
something more of doubt on the legality7
 the sending arms to ,america4 ,they    
disarmed the ,welsh by statute1 as you  

attempted 7but still with more question 
on the legality7 to disarm ,new ,england
 by an instruction4 ,they made an act to
 drag offenders from ,wales into        
,england for trial1 as you have done    
7but with more hardship7 with regard to 
,america4 ,by another act1 where one of 
the parties was an ,englishman1 they    
ordained that his trial should be always
 by ,english4 ,they made acts to        
restrain trade1 as you do2 and they     
prevented the ,welsh from the use of    
fairs and markets1 as you do the        
,americans from fisheries and foreign   
ports4 ,in short1 when the statute-book 
was not quite so much swelled as it is  
now1 you find no less than fifteen acts 
of penal regulation on the subject of   
,wales4  ,here we rub our hands1--,a    
fine body of precedents for the         
authority of ,parliament and the use of 
it6--,i admit it fully2 and pray add    
likewise to these precedents1 that all  
the while ,wales rid this kingdom like  
an incubus2 that it was an unprofitable 

and oppressive burden2 and that an      
,englishman travelling in that country  
could not go six yards from the highroad
 without being murdered4  ,the march of 
the human mind is slow4 ,sir1 it was not
 until after two hundred years          
discovered1 that1 by an eternal law1    
,providence had decreed vexation to     
violence1 and poverty to rapine4 ,your  
ancestors did1 however1 at length open  
their eyes to the ill husbandry of      
injustice4 ,they found that the tyranny 
of a free people could of all tyrannies 
the least be endured1 and that laws made
 against an whole nation were not the   
most effectual methods for securing its 
obedience4 ,accordingly1 in the         
twenty-seventh year of ,henry the       
,eighth the course was entirely altered4
 ,with a preamble stating the entire and
 perfect rights of the crown of         
,england1 it gave to the ,welsh all the 
rights and privileges of ,english       
subjects4 ,a political order was        
established2 the military power gave way

 to the civil2 the marches were turned  
into counties4 ,but that a nation should
 have a right to ,english liberties1 and
 yet no share at all in the fundamental 
security of these liberties1--the grant 
of their own property1--seemed a thing  
so incongruous1 that eight years after1 
that is1 in the thirty-fifth of that    
reign1 a complete and not               
ill-proportioned representation by      
counties and boroughs was bestowed upon 
,wales by act of ,parliament4 ,from that
 moment1 as by a charm1 the tumults     
subsided2 obedience was restored2 peace1
 order1 and civilization followed in the
 train of liberty4 ,when the day-star of
 the ,english ,constitution had arisen  
in their hearts1 all was harmony within 
and without3--              ,simul alba 
nautis         ,stella refulsit1        
,defluit saxis agitatus humor1          
,concidunt venti1 fugiuntque nubes1     
,et minax 7quod sic voluere7 ponto      
,unda recumbit4   ,the very same year   
the ,county ,palatine of ,chester       

received the same relief from its       
oppressions1 and the same remedy to its 
disorders4 ,before this time ,chester   
was little less distempered than ,wales4
 ,the inhabitants1 without rights       
themselves1 were the fittest to destroy 
the rights of others2 and from thence   
,richard the ,second drew the standing  
army of archers with which for a time he
 oppressed ,england4 ,the people of     
,chester applied to ,parliament in a    
petition penned as ,i shall read to you4
  ,to the king our sovereign lord1 in   
most humble wise shown unto your most   
excellent ,majesty1 the inhabitants of  
your ,grace's ,county ,palatine of      
,chester3 ,that where the said ,county  
,palatine of ,chester is and hath been  
alway hitherto exempt1 excluded1 and    
separated out and from your high court  
of ,parliament1 to have any knights and 
burgesses within the said court2 by     
reason whereof the said inhabitants have
 hitherto sustained manifold            
disherisons1 losses1 and damages1 as    

well in their lands1 goods1 and bodies1 
as in the good1 civil1 and politic      
governance and maintenance of the common
 wealth of their said country3 ,and     
forasmuch as the said inhabitants have  
always hitherto been bound by the acts  
and statutes made and ordained by your  
said ,highness1 and your most noble     
progenitors1 by authority of the said   
court1 as far forth as other counties1  
cities1 and boroughs have been1 that    
have had their knights and burgesses    
within your said court of ,parliament1  
and yet have had neither knight no      
burgess there for the said ,county      
,palatine2 the said inhabitants1 for    
lack thereof1 have been oftentimes      
touched and grieved with acts and       
statutes made within the said court1 as 
well derogatory unto the most ancient   
jurisdictions1 liberties1 and privileges
 of your said ,county ,palatine1 as     
prejudicial unto the common wealth1     
quietness1 rest1 and peace of your      
,grace's most bounden subjects          

inhabiting within the same4  ,what did  
,parliament with this audacious         
address8--,reject it as a libel8 ,treat 
it as an affront to government8 ,spurn  
it as a derogation from the rights of   
legislature8 ,did they toss it over the 
table8 ,did they burn it by the hands of
 the common hangman8--,they took the    
petition of grievance1 all rugged as it 
was1 without softening or temperament1  
unpurged of the original bitterness and 
indignation of complaint2 they made it  
the very preamble to their act of       
redress1 and consecrated its principle  
to all ages in the sanctuary of         
legislation4  ,here is my third example4
 ,it was attended with the success of   
the two former4 ,chester1 civilized as  
well as ,wales1 has demonstrated that   
freedom1 and not servitude1 is the cure 
of anarchy2 as religion1 and not        
atheism1 is the true remedy for         
superstition4 ,sir1 this pattern of     
,chester was followed in the reign of   
,charles the ,second with regard to the 

,county ,palatine of ,durham1 which is  
my fourth example4 ,this county had long
 lain out of the pale of free           
legislation4 ,so scrupulously was the   
example of ,chester followed1 that the  
style of the preamble is nearly the came
 with that of the ,chester act2 and1    
without affecting the abstract extent of
 the authority of ,parliament1 it       
recognizes the equity of not suffering  
any considerable district1 in which the 
,british subjects may act as a body1 to 
be taxed without their own voice in the 
grant4  ,now if the doctrines of policy 
contained in these preambles1 and the   
force of these examples in the acts of  
,parliament1 avail anything1 what can be
 said against applying them with regard 
to ,america8 ,are not the people of     
,america as much ,englishmen as the     
,welsh8 ,the preamble of the act of     
,henry the ,eighth says1 the ,welsh     
speak a language no way resembling that 
of his ,majesty's ,english subjects4    
,are the ,americana not as numerous8 ,if

 we may trust the learned and accurate  
,judge ,barrington's account of ,north  
,wales1 and take that as a standard to  
measure the rest1 there is no           
comparison4 ,the people cannot amount to
 above #bjj1jjj3 not a tenth part of the
 number in the colonies4 ,is ,america in
 rebellion8 ,wales was hardly ever free 
from it4 ,have you attempted to govern  
,america by penal statutes8 ,you made   
fifteen for ,wales4 ,but your           
legislative authority is perfect with   
regard to ,america3 was it less perfect 
in ,wales1 ,chester1 and ,durham8 ,but  
,america is virtually represented4      
,what6 does the electric force of       
virtual representation more easily pass 
over the ,atlantic than pervade ,wales1 
which lies in your neighborhood8 or than
 ,chester and ,durham1 surrounded by    
abundance of representation that is     
actual and palpable8 ,but1 ,sir1 your   
ancestors thought this sort of virtual  
representation1 however ample1 to be    
totally insufficient for the freedom of 

the inhabitants of territories that are 
so near1 and comparatively so           
inconsiderable4 ,how1 then1 can ,i think
 it sufficient for those which are      
infinitely greater1 and infinitely more 
remote8  ,you will now1 ,sir1 perhaps   
imagine that ,i am on the point of      
proposing to you a scheme for a         
representation of the colonies in       
,parliament4 ,perhaps ,i might be       
inclined to entertain some such thought2
 but a great flood stops me in my       
course4 ,opposuit ,natura4 ,i cannot    
remove the eternal barriers of the      
creation4 ,the thing1 in that mode1 ,i  
do not know to be possible4 ,as ,i      
meddle with no theory1 ,i do not        
absolutely assert the impracticability  
of such a representation2 but ,i do not 
see my way to it2 and those who have    
been more confident have not been more  
successful4 ,however1 the arm of public 
benevolence is not shortened2 and there 
are often several means to the same end4
 ,what ,nature has disjoined in one way 

wisdom may unite in another4 ,when we   
cannot give the benefit as we would     
wish1 let us not refuse it altogether4  
,if we cannot give the principal1 let us
 find a substitute4 ,but how8 where8    
what substitute8  ,fortunately1 ,i am   
not obliged1 for the ways and means of  
this substitute1 to tax my own          
unproductive invention4 ,i am not even  
obliged to go to the rich treasury of   
the fertile framers of imaginary        
commonwealths3 not to the ,republic of  
,plato1 not to the ,utopia of ,more1 not
 to the ,oceana of ,harrington4 ,it is  
before me1--it is at my feet1--         
,and the rude swain     ,treads daily on
 it with his clouted shoon4  ,i only    
wish you to recognize1 for the theory1  
the ancient constitutional policy of    
this kingdom with regard to             
representation1 as that policy has been 
declared in acts of ,parliament1--and as
 to the practice1 to return to that mode
 which an uniform experience has marked 
out to you as best1 and in which you    

walked with security1 advantage1 and    
honor1 until the year #agfc4  ,my       
resolutions1 therefore1 mean to         
establish the equity and justice of a   
taxation of ,america by grant1 and not  
by imposition2 to mark the legal        
competency of the colony assemblies for 
the support of their government in      
peace1 and for public aids in time of   
war2 to acknowledge that this legal     
competency has had a dutiful and        
beneficial exercise1 and that experience
 has shown the benefit of their grants1 
and the futility of ,parliamentary      
taxation1 as a method of supply4  ,these
 solid truths compose six fundamental   
propositions4 ,there are three more     
resolutions corollary to these4 ,if you 
admit the first set1 you can hardly     
reject the others4 ,but if you admit the
 first1 ,i shall be far from solicitous 
whether you accept or refuse the last4  
,i think these six massive pillars will 
be of strength sufficient to support the
 temple of ,british concord4 ,i have no 

more doubt than ,i entertain of my      
existence1 that1 if you admitted these1 
you would command an immediate peace1   
and1 with but tolerable future          
management1 a lasting obedience in      
,america4 ,i am not arrogant in this    
confident assurance4 ,the propositions  
are all mere matters of fact2 and if    
they are such facts as draw irresistible
 conclusions even in the stating1 this  
is the power of truth1 and not any      
management of mine4  ,sir1 ,i shall open
 the whole plan to you together1 with   
such observations on the motions as may 
tend to illustrate them1 where they may 
want explanation4  ,the first is a      
resolution1--,that the colonies and     
plantations of ,great ,britain in ,north
 ,america1 consisting of fourteen       
separate governments1 and containing two
 millions and upwards of free           
inhabitants1 have not had the liberty   
and privilege of electing and sending   
any knights and burgesses1 or others1 to
 represent them in the high court of    

,parliament4  ,this is a plain matter of
 fact1 necessary to be laid down1 and   
7excepting the description7 it is laid  
down in the language of the             
,constitution2 it is taken nearly       
verbatim from acts of ,parliament4  ,the
 second is like unto the first1--,that  
the said colonies and plantations have  
been made liable to1 and bounden by1    
several subsidies1 payments1 rates1 and 
taxes1 given and granted by ,parliament1
 though the said colonies and           
plantations have not their knights and  
burgesses in the said high court of     
,parliament1 of their own election1 to  
represent the condition of their        
country2 by lack whereof they have been 
oftentimes touched and grieved by       
subsidies1 given1 granted1 and assented 
to1 in the said court1 in a manner      
prejudicial to the common wealth1       
quietness1 rest1 and peace of the       
subjects inhabiting within the same4    
,is this description too hot or too     
cold1 too strong or too weak8 ,does it  

arrogate too much to the supreme        
legislature8 ,does it lean too much to  
the claims of the people8 ,if it runs   
into any of these errors1 the fault is  
not mine4 ,it is the language of your   
own ancient acts of ,parliament4        
,non meus hic sermo1 sed qu prcepit     
,ofellus     ,rusticus1 abnormis        
sapiens4  ,it is the genuine produce of 
the ancient1 rustic1 manly1 home-bred   
sense of this country4 ,i did not dare  
to rub off a particle of the venerable  
rust that rather adorns and preserves   
than destroys the metal4 ,it would be a 
profanation to touch with a tool the    
stones which construct the sacred altar 
of peace4 ,i would not violate with     
modern polish the ingenuous and noble   
roughness of these truly constitutional 
materials4 ,above all things1 ,i was    
resolved not to be guilty of            
tampering1--the odious vice of restless 
and unstable minds4 ,i put my foot in   
the tracks of our forefathers1 where ,i 
can neither wander nor stumble4         

,determining to fix articles of peace1  
,i was resolved not to be wise beyond   
what was written2 ,i was resolved to use
 nothing else than the form of sound    
words1 to let others abound in their own
 sense1 and carefully to abstain from   
all expressions of my own4 ,what the law
 has said1 ,i say4 ,in all things else  
,i am silent4 ,i have no organ but for  
her words4 ,this1 if it be not          
ingenious1 ,i am sure is safe4  ,there  
are1 indeed1 words expressive of        
grievance in this second resolution1    
which those who are resolved always to  
be in the right will deny to contain    
matter of fact1 as applied to the       
present case2 although ,parliament      
thought them true with regard to the    
,counties of ,chester and ,durham4 ,they
 will deny that the ,americans were ever
 touched and grieved with the taxes4 ,if
 they consider nothing in taxes but     
their weight as pecuniary impositions1  
there might be some pretence for this   
denial4 ,but men may be sorely touched  

and deeply grieved in their privileges1 
as well as in their purses4 ,men may    
lose little in property by the act which
 takes away all their freedom4 ,when a  
man is robbed of a trifle on the        
highway1 it is not the twopence lost    
that constitutes the capital outrage4   
,this is not confined to privileges4    
,even ancient indulgences withdrawn1    
without offence on the part of those who
 enjoyed such favors1 operate as        
grievances4 ,but were the ,americans1   
then1 not touched and grieved by the    
taxes1 in some measure1 merely as taxes8
 ,if so1 why were they almost all either
 wholly repealed or exceedingly reduced8
 ,were they not touched and grieved even
 by the regulating duties of the sixth  
of ,george the ,second8 ,else why were  
the duties first reduced to one third in
 #agfd1 and afterwards to a third of    
that third in the year #agff8 ,were they
 not touched and grieved by the ,stamp  
,act8 ,i shall say they were1 until that
 tax is revived4 ,were they not touched 

and grieved by the duties of #agfg1     
which were likewise repealed1 and which 
,lord ,hillsborough tells you 7for the  
ministry7 were laid contrary to the true
 principle of commerce8 ,is not the     
assurance given by that noble person to 
the colonies of a resolution to lay no  
more taxes on them an admission that    
taxes would touch and grieve them8 ,is  
not the resolution of the noble lord in 
the blue riband1 now standing on your   
journals1 the strongest of all proofs   
that ,parliamentary subsidies really    
touched and grieved them8 ,else why all 
these changes1 modifications1 repeals1  
assurances1 and resolutions8  ,the next 
proposition is1--,that1 from the        
distance of the said colonies1 and from 
other circumstances1 no method hath     
hitherto been devised for procuring a   
representation in ,parliament for the   
said colonies4  ,this is an assertion of
 a fact4 ,i go no further on the paper2 
though1 in my private judgment1 an      
useful representation is impossible2 ,i 

am sure it is not desired by them1 nor  
ought it1 perhaps1 by us3 but ,i abstain
 from opinions4  ,the fourth resolution 
is1--,that each of the said colonies    
hath within itself a body1 chosen1 in   
part or in the whole1 by the freemen1   
freeholders1 or other free inhabitants  
thereof1 commonly called the ,general   
,assembly1 or ,general ,court1 with     
powers legally to raise1 levy1 and      
assess1 according to the several usages 
of such colonies1 duties and taxes      
towards defraying all sorts of public   
services4  ,this competence in the      
colony assemblies is certain4 ,it is    
proved by the whole tenor of their acts 
of supply in all the assemblies1 in     
which the constant style of granting is1
 ,an aid to his ,majesty2 and acts      
granting to the crown have regularly1   
for near a century1 passed the public   
offices without dispute4 ,those who have
 been pleased paradoxically to deny this
 right1 holding that none but the       
,british ,parliament can grant to the   

crown1 are wished to look to what is    
done1 not only in the colonies1 but in  
,ireland1 in one uniform1 unbroken      
tenor1 every session4 ,sir1 ,i am       
surprised that this doctrine should come
 from ,rome of the law servants of the  
crown4 ,i say1 that1 if the crown could 
be responsible1 his ,majesty1--but      
certainly the ministers1 and even these 
law officers themselves1 through whose  
hands the acts pass biennially in       
,ireland1 or annually in the colonies1  
are in an habitual course of committing 
impeachable offences4 ,what habitual    
offenders have been all ,presidents of  
the ,council1 all ,secretaries of       
,state1 all ,first ,lords of ,trade1 all
 ,attorneys and all ,solicitors         
,general6 ,however1 they are safe1 as no
 one impeaches them2 and there is no    
ground of charge against them1 except in
 their own unfounded theories4  ,the    
fifth resolution is also a resolution of
 fact1--,that the said general          
assemblies1 general courts1 or other    

bodies legally qualified as aforesaid1  
have at sundry times freely granted     
several large subsidies and public aids 
for his ,majesty's service1 according to
 their abilities1 when required thereto 
by letter from one of his ,majesty's    
principal ,secretaries of ,state2 and   
that their right to grant the same1 and 
their cheerfulness and sufficiency in   
the said grants1 have been at sundry    
times acknowledged by ,parliament4  ,to 
say nothing of their great expenses in  
the ,indian wars1 and not to take their 
exertion in foreign ones1 so high as the
 supplies in the year #afie1 not to go  
back to their public contributions in   
the year #agaj1 ,i shall begin to travel
 only where the journals give me        
light1--resolving to deal in nothing but
 fact authenticated by ,parliamentary   
record1 and to build myself wholly on   
that solid basis4  ,on the #dth of      
,april1 #agdh1be a committee of this    
,house came to the following            
resolution3--  ,resolved1 ,that it is   

the opinion of this committee1 that it  
is just and reasonable1 that the several
 provinces and colonies of              
,massachusetts ,bay1 ,new ,hampshire1   
,connecticut1 and ,rhode ,island be     
reimbursed the expenses they have been  
at in taking and securing to the crown  
of ,great ,britain the island of ,caps  
,breton and its dependencies4  ,these   
expenses were immense for such colonies4
 ,they were above #bjj1jjjl4 sterling3  
money first raised and advanced on their
 public credit4  ,on the #bhth of       
,january1 #agef1bf a message from the   
king came to us1 to this effect3--,his  
,majesty1 being sensible of the zeal and
 vigor with which his faithful subjects 
of certain colonies in ,north ,america  
have exerted themselves in defence of   
his ,majesty's just rights and          
possessions1 recommends it to this      
,house to take the same into their      
consideration1 and to enable his        
,majesty to give them such assistance as
 may be proper reward and encouragement4

  ,on the #c;d of ,february1 #agef1bg   
the ,house came to a suitable           
resolution1 expressed in words nearly   
the same as those of the message2 but   
with the further addition1 that the     
money then voted was as an encouragement
 to the colonies to exert themselves    
with vigor4 ,it will not be necessary to
 go through all the testimonies which   
your own records have given to the truth
 of my resolutions4 ,i will only refer  
you to the places in the journals3--    
,vol4 ,,xxvii--#afth and #aith ,may1    
#ageg4       ,vol4 ,,xxviii4--,june     
#ast1 #ageh1--;,april #bfth and #cjth1  
#agei1--,march      #bfth and #cast1 and
 ,april #bhth1 #agfj1--;,jan4 #ith and  
#bjth1 #agfa4       ,vol4 ,,xxix4--,jan4
 #bb;d and #bfth1 #agfb1--,march #adth  
and #agth1 #agfc4   ,sir1 here is the   
repeated acknowledgment of ,parliament1 
that the colonies not only gave1 but    
gave to satiety4 ,this nation has       
formally acknowledged two things3 first1
 that the colonies had gone beyond their

 abilities1 ,parliament having thought  
it necessary to reimburse them2         
secondly1 that they had acted legally   
and laudably in their grants of money1  
and their maintenance of troops1 since  
the compensation is expressly given as  
reward and encouragement4 ,reward is not
 bestowed for acts that are unlawful2   
and encouragement is not held out to    
things that deserve reprehension4 ,my   
resolution1 therefore1 does nothing more
 than collect into one proposition what 
is scattered through your journals4 ,i  
give you nothing but your own2 and you  
cannot refuse in the gross what you have
 so often acknowledged in detail4 ,the  
admission of this1 which will be so     
honorable to them and to you1 will1     
indeed1 be mortal to all the miserable  
stories by which the passions of the    
misguided people have been engaged in an
 unhappy system4 ,the people heard1     
indeed1 from the beginning of these     
disputes1 one thing continually dinned  
in their ears3 that reason and justice  

demanded1 that the ,americans1 who paid 
no taxes1 should be compelled to        
contribute4 ,how did that fact1 of their
 paying nothing1 stand1 when the taxing 
system began8 ,when ,mr4 ,grenville     
began to form his system of ,american   
revenue1 he stated in this ,house that  
the colonies were then in debt two      
million six hundred thousand pounds     
sterling money1 and was of opinion they 
would discharge that debt in four years4
 ,on this state1 those untaxed people   
were actually subject to the payment of 
taxes to the amount of six hundred and  
fifty thousand a year4 ,in fact1        
however1 ,mr4 ,grenville was mistaken4  
,the funds given for sinking the debt   
did not prove quite so ample as both the
 colonies and he expected4 ,the         
calculation was too sanguine3 the       
reduction was not completed till some   
years after1 and at different times in  
different colonies4 ,however1 the taxes 
after the war continued too great to    
bear any addition1 with prudence or     

propriety2 and when the burdens imposed 
in consequence of former requisitions   
were discharged1 our tone became too    
high to resort again to requisition4 ,no
 colony1 since that time1 ever has had  
any requisition whatsoever made to it4  
,we see the sense of the crown1 and the 
sense of ,parliament1 on the productive 
nature of a revenue by grant4 ,now      
search the same journals for the produce
 of the revenue by imposition4 ,where is
 it8--let us know the volume and the    
page4 ,what is the gross1 what is the   
net produce8 ,to what service is it     
applied8 ,how have you appropriated its 
surplus8--,what6 can none of the many   
skilful index-makers that we are now    
employing find any trace of it8--,well1 
let them and that rest together4--,but  
are the journals1 which say nothing of  
the revenue1 as silent on the           
discontent8--,oh1 no6 a child may find  
it4 ,it is the melancholy burden and    
blot of every page4  ,i think1 then1 ,i 
am1 from those journals1 justified in   

the sixth and last resolution1 which    
is1--,that it hath been found by        
experience1 that the manner of granting 
the said supplies and aids by the said  
general assemblies hath been more       
agreeable to the inhabitants of the said
 colonies1 and more beneficial and      
conducive to the public service1 than   
the mode of giving and granting aids and
 subsidies in ,parliament1 to be raised 
and paid in the said colonies4  ,this   
makes the whole of the fundamental part 
of the plan4 ,the conclusion is         
irresistible4 ,you cannot say that you  
were driven by any necessity to an      
exercise of the utmost rights of        
legislature4 ,you cannot assert that you
 took on yourselves the task of imposing
 colony taxes1 from the want of another 
legal body that is competent to the     
purpose of supplying the exigencies of  
the state without wounding the          
prejudices of the people4 ,neither is it
 true1 that the body so qualified1 and  
having that competence1 had neglected   

the duty4  ,the question now1 on all    
this accumulated matter1 is1--,whether  
you will choose to abide by a profitable
 experience or a mischievous theory8    
whether you choose to build on          
imagination or fact8 whether you prefer 
enjoyment or hope8 satisfaction in your 
subjects1 or discontent8  ,if these     
propositions are accepted1 everything   
which has been made to enforce a        
contrary system must1 ,i take it for    
granted1 fall along with it4 ,on that   
ground1 ,i have drawn the following     
resolution1 which1 when it comes to be  
moved1 will naturally be divided in a   
proper manner3--,that it may be proper  
to repeal an act1 made in the seventh   
year of the reign of his present        
,majesty1 intituled1 ',an act for       
granting certain duties in the ,british 
colonies and plantations in ,america2   
for allowing a drawback of the duties of
 customs1 upon the exportation from this
 kingdom1 of coffee and cocoa-nuts1 of  
the produce of the said colonies or     

plantations2 for discontinuing the      
drawbacks payable on ,china earthen ware
 exported to ,america2 and for more     
effectually preventing the clandestine  
running of goods in the said colonies   
and plantations4'--,and also1 that it   
may be proper to repeal an act1 made in 
the fourteenth year of the reign of his 
present ,majesty1 intituled1 ',an act to
 discontinue1 in such manner and for    
such time as are therein mentioned1 the 
landing and discharging1 lading or      
shipping1 of goods1 wares1 and          
merchandise1 at the town and within the 
harbor of ,boston1 in the province of   
,massachusetts ,bay1 in ,north          
,america4'--,and also1 that it may be   
proper to repeal an act1 made in the    
fourteenth year of the reign of his     
present ,majesty1 intituled1 ',an act   
for the impartial administration of     
justice1 in the cases of persons        
questioned for any acts done by them1 in
 the execution of the law1 or for the   
suppression of riots and tumults1 in the

 province of the ,massachusetts ,bay1 in
 ,new ,england4'--,and also1 that it may
 be proper to repeal an act1 made in the
 fourteenth year of the reign of his    
present ,majesty1 intituled1' ,an act   
for the better regulating the government
 of the province of the ,massachusetts  
,bay1 in ,new ,england4'--,and also1    
that it may be proper to explain and    
amend an act1 made in the thirty-fifth  
year of the reign of ,king ,henry the   
,eighth1 intituled1 ',an act for the    
trial of treasons committed out of the  
king's dominions4'  ,i wish1 ,sir1 to   
repeal the ,boston ,port ,bill1 because 
7independently of the dangerous         
precedent of suspending the rights of   
the subject during the king's pleasure7 
it was passed1 as ,i apprehend1 with    
less regularity1 and on more partial    
principles1 than it ought4 ,the         
corporation of ,boston was not heard    
before it was condemned4 ,other towns1  
full as guilty as she was1 have not had 
their ports blocked up4 ,even the       

,restraining ,bill of the present       
session does not go to the length of the
 ,boston ,port ,act4 ,the same ideas of 
prudence1 which induced you not to      
extend equal punishment to equal guilt1 
even when you were punishing1 induce me1
 who mean not to chastise1 but to       
reconcile1 to be satisfied with the     
punishment already partially inflicted4 
,ideas of prudence and accommodation to 
circumstances prevent you from taking   
away the charters of ,connecticut and   
,rhode ,island1 as you have taken away  
that of ,massachusetts ,colony1 though  
the crown has far less power in the two 
former provinces than it enjoyed in the 
latter1 and though the abuses have bean 
full as great and as flagrant in the    
exempted as in the punished4 ,the same  
reasons of prudence and accommodation   
have weight with me in restoring the    
charter of ,massachusetts ,bay4         
,besides1 ,sir1 the act which changes   
the charter of ,massachusetts is in many
 particulars so exceptionable1 that1 if 

,i did not wish absolutely to repeal1 ,i
 would by all means desire to alter it2 
as several of its provisions tend to the
 subversion of all public and private   
justice4 ,such1 among others1 is the    
power in the governor to change the     
sheriff at his pleasure1 and to make a  
new returning officer for every special 
cause4 ,it is shameful to behold such a 
regulation standing among ,english laws4
  ,the act for bringing persons accused 
of committing murder under the orders of
 government to ,england for trial is but
 temporary4 ,that act has calculated the
 probable duration of our quarrel with  
the colonies1 and is accommodated to    
that supposed duration4 ,i would hasten 
the happy moment of reconciliation1 and 
therefore must1 on my principle1 get rid
 of that most justly obnoxious act4     
,the act of ,henry the ,eighth for the  
trial of treasons ,i do not mean to take
 away1 but to confine it to its proper  
bounds and original intention3 to make  
it expressly for trial of treasons 7and 

the greatest treasons may be committed7 
in places where the jurisdiction of the 
crown does not extend4  ,having guarded 
the privileges of local legislature1 ,i 
would next secure to the colonies a fair
 and unbiased judicature2 for which     
purpose1 ,sir1 ,i propose the following 
resolution3--,that1 from the time when  
the general assembly1 or general court1 
of any colony or plantation in ,north   
,america shall have appointed1 by act of
 assembly duly confirmed1 a settled     
salary to the offices of the chief      
justice and other judges of the superior
 courts1 it may be proper that the said 
chief justice and other judges of the   
superior courts of such colony shall    
hold his and their office and offices   
during their good behavior1 and shall   
not be removed therefrom1 but when the  
said removal shall be adjudged by his   
,majesty in council1 upon a hearing on  
complaint from the general assembly1 or 
on a complaint from the governor1 or the
 council1 or the house of               

representatives1 severally1 of the      
colony in which the said chief justice  
and other judges have exercised the said
 offices4  ,the next resolution relates 
to the courts of admiralty4 ,it is      
this3--,that it may be proper to        
regulate the courts of admiralty or     
vice-admiralty1 authorized by the #aeth 
chapter of the #dth ,george the ,third1 
in such a manner as to make the same    
more commodious to those who sue or are 
sued in the said courts1 and to provide 
for the more decent maintenance of the  
judges of the same4  ,these courts ,i do
 not wish to take away3 they are in     
themselves proper establishments4 ,this 
court is one of the capital securities  
of the ,act of ,navigation4 ,the extent 
of its jurisdiction1 indeed1 has been   
increased2 but this is altogether as    
proper1 and is1 indeed1 on many         
accounts1 more eligible1 where new      
powers were wanted1 than a court        
absolutely new4 ,but courts             
incommodiously situated1 in effect1 deny

 justice2 and a court partaking in the  
fruits of its own condemnation is a     
robber4 ,the ,congress complain1 and    
complain justly1 of this grievance4#bh  
,these are the three consequential      
propositions4 ,i have thought of two or 
three more2 but they come rather too    
near detail1 and to the province of     
executive government1 which ,i wish     
,parliament always to superintend1 never
 to assume4 ,if the first six are       
granted1 congruity will carry the latter
 three4 ,if not1 the things that remain 
unrepealed will be1 ,i hope1 rather     
unseemly incumbrances on the building   
than very materially detrimental to its 
strength and stability4  ,here1 ,sir1 ,i
 should close1 but that ,i plainly      
perceive some objections remain1 which  
,i ought1 if possible1 to remove4 ,the  
first will be1 that1 in resorting to the
 doctrine of our ancestors1 as contained
 in the preamble to the ,chester act1 ,i
 prove too much3 that the grievance from
 a want of representation1 stated in    

that preamble1 goes to the whole of     
legislation as well as to taxation2 and 
that the colonies1 grounding themselves 
upon that doctrine1 will apply it to all
 parts of legislative authority4  ,to   
this objection1 with all possible       
deference and humility1 and wishing as  
little as any man living to impair the  
smallest particle of our supreme        
authority1 ,i answer1 that the words are
 the words of ,parliament1 and not mine2
 and that all false and inconclusive    
inferences drawn from them are not mine2
 for ,i heartily disclaim any such      
inference4 ,i have chosen the words of  
an act of ,parliament1 which ,mr4       
,grenville1 surely a tolerably zealous  
and very judicious advocate for the     
sovereignty of ,parliament1 formerly    
moved to have read at your table in     
confirmation of his tenets4 ,it is true 
that ,lord ,chatham considered these    
preambles as declaring strongly in favor
 of his opinions4 ,he was a no less     
powerful advocate for the privileges of 

the ,americans4 ,ought ,i not from hence
 to presume that these preambles are as 
favorable as possible to both1 when     
properly understood3 favorable both to  
the rights of ,parliament1 and to the   
privilege of the dependencies of this   
crown8 ,but1 ,sir1 the object of        
grievance in my resolution ,i have not  
taken from the ,chester1 but from the   
,durham act1 which confines the hardship
 of want of representation to the case  
of subsidies1 and which therefore falls 
in exactly with the case of the         
colonies4 ,but whether the unrepresented
 counties were de jure or de facto bound
 the preambles do not accurately        
distinguish2 nor1 indeed1 was it        
necessary3 for1 whether de jure or de   
facto1 the legislature thought the      
exercise of the power of taxing1 as of  
right1 or as of fact without right1     
equally a grievance1 and equally        
oppressive4  ,i do not know that the    
colonies have1 in any general way1 or in
 any cool hour1 gone much beyond the    

demand of immunity in relation to taxes4
 ,it is not fair to judge of the temper 
or dispositions of any man or any set of
 men1 when they are composed and at     
rest1 from their conduct or their       
expressions in a state of disturbance   
and irritation4 ,it is1 besides1 a very 
great mistake to imagine that mankind   
follow up practically any speculative   
principle1 either of government or of   
freedom1 as far as it will go in        
argument and logical illation4 ,we      
,englishmen stop very short of the      
principles upon which we support any    
given part of our ,constitution1 or even
 the whole of it together4 ,i could     
easily1 if ,i had not already tired you1
 give you very striking and convincing  
instances of it4 ,this is nothing but   
what is natural and proper4 ,all        
government1 indeed every human benefit  
and enjoyment1 every virtue and every   
prudent act1 is founded on compromise   
and barter4 ,we balance inconveniences2 
we give and take2 we remit some rights1 

that we may enjoy others2 and we choose 
rather to be happy citizens than subtle 
disputants4 ,as we must give away some  
natural liberty1 to enjoy civil         
advantages1 so we must sacrifice some   
civil liberties1 for the advantages to  
be derived from the communion and       
fellowship of a great empire4 ,but1 in  
all fair dealings1 the thing bought must
 bear some proportion to the purchase   
paid4 ,none will barter away the        
immediate jewel of his soul4 ,though a  
great house is apt to make slaves       
haughty1 yet it is purchasing a part of 
the artificial importance of a great    
empire too dear1 to pay for it all      
essential rights1 and all the intrinsic 
dignity of human nature4 ,none of us who
 would not risk his life rather than    
fall under a government purely          
arbitrary4 ,but although there are some 
amongst us who think our ,constitution  
wants many improvements to make it a    
complete system of liberty1 perhaps none
 who are of that opinion would think it 

right to aim at such improvement by     
disturbing his country and risking      
everything that is dear to him4 ,in     
every arduous enterprise1 we consider   
what we are to lose1 as well as what we 
are to gain2 and the more and better    
stake of liberty every people possess1  
the less they will hazard in a vain     
attempt to make it more4 ,these are the 
cords of man4 ,man acts from adequate   
motives relative to his interest1 and   
not on metaphysical speculations4       
,aristotle1 the great master of         
reasoning1 cautions us1 and with great  
weight and propriety1 against this      
species of delusive geometrical accuracy
 in moral arguments1 as the most        
fallacious of all sophistry4  ,the      
,americans will have no interest        
contrary to the grandeur and glory of   
,england1 when they are not oppressed by
 the weight of it2 and they will rather 
be inclined to respect the acts of a    
superintending legislature1 when they   
see them the acts of that power which is

 itself the security1 not the rival1 of 
their secondary importance4 ,in this    
assurance my mind most perfectly        
acquiesces1 and ,i confess ,i feel not  
the least alarm from the discontents    
which are to arise from putting people  
at their ease2 nor do ,i apprehend the  
destruction of this empire from giving1 
by an act of free grace and indulgence1 
to two millions of my fellow-citizens   
some share of those rights upon which ,i
 have always been taught to value       
myself4  ,it is said1 indeed1 that this 
power of granting1 vested in ,american  
assemblies1 would dissolve the unity of 
the empire1--which was preserved entire1
 although ,wales1 and ,chester1 and     
,durham were added to it4 ,truly1 ,mr4  
,speaker1 ,i do not know what this unity
 means2 nor has it ever been heard of1  
that ,i know1 in the constitutional     
policy of this country4 ,the very idea  
of subordination of parts excludes this 
notion of simple and undivided unity4   
,england is the head2 but she is not the

 head and the members too4 ,ireland has 
ever had from the beginning a separate1 
but not an independent legislature1     
which1 far from distracting1 promoted   
the union of the whole4 ,everything was 
sweetly and harmoniously disposed       
through both islands for the            
conservation of ,english dominion and   
the communication of ,english liberties4
 ,i do not see that the same principles 
might not be carried into twenty        
islands1 and with the same good effect4 
,this is my model with regard to        
,america1 as far as the internal        
circumstances of the two countries are  
the same4 ,i know no other unity of this
 empire than ,i can draw from its       
example during these periods1 when it   
seemed to my poor understanding more    
united than it is now1 or than it is    
likely to be by the present methods4    
,but since ,i speak of these methods1 ,i
 recollect1 ,mr4 ,speaker1 almost too   
late1 that ,i promised1 before ,i       
finished1 to say something of the       

proposition of the noble lord#bi on the 
floor1 which has been so lately         
received1 and stands on your journals4  
,i must be deeply concerned1 whenever it
 is my misfortune to continue a         
difference with the majority of this    
,house4 ,but as the reasons for that    
difference are my apology for thus      
troubling you1 suffer me to state them  
in a very few words4 ,i shall compress  
them into as small a body as ,i possibly
 can1 having already debated that matter
 at large1 when the question was before 
the committee4  ,first1 then1 ,i cannot 
admit that proposition of a ransom by   
auction1--because it is a mere project4 
,it is a thing new1 unheard of1         
supported by no experience1 justified by
 no analogy1 without example of our     
ancestors1 or root in the ,constitution4
 ,it is neither regular ,parliamentary  
taxation nor colony grant4 ,experimentum
 in corpore vili is a good rule1 which  
will ever make me adverse to any trial  
of experiments on what is certainly the 

most valuable of all subjects1 the peace
 of this empire4  ,secondly1 it is an   
experiment which must be fatal in the   
end to our ,constitution4 ,for what is  
it but a scheme for taxing the colonies 
in the antechamber of the noble lord and
 his successors8 ,to settle the quotas  
and proportions in this ,house is       
clearly impossible4 ,you1 ,sir1 may     
flatter yourself you shall sit a state  
auctioneer1 with your hammer in your    
hand1 and knock down to each colony as  
it bids4 ,but to settle 7on the plan    
laid down by the noble lord7 the true   
proportional payment for four or five   
and twenty governments1 according to the
 absolute and the relative wealth of    
each1 and according to the ,british     
proportion of wealth and burden1 is a   
wild and chimerical notion4 ,this new   
taxation must therefore come in by the  
back-door of the ,constitution4 ,each   
quota must be brought to this ,house    
ready formed4 ,you can neither add nor  
alter4 ,you must register it4 ,you can  

do nothing further4 ,for on what grounds
 can you deliberate either before or    
after the proposition8 ,you cannot hear 
the counsel for all these provinces1    
quarrelling each on its own quantity of 
payment1 and its proportion to others4  
,if you should attempt it1 the          
,committee of ,provincial ,ways and     
,means1 or by whatever other name it    
will delight to be called1 must swallow 
up all the time of ,parliament4         
,thirdly1 it does not give satisfaction 
to the complaint of the colonies4 ,they 
complain that they are taxed without    
their consent4 ,you answer1 that you    
will fix the sum at which they shall be 
taxed4 ,that is1 you give them the very 
grievance for the remedy4 ,you tell     
them1 indeed1 that you will leave the   
mode to themselves4 ,i really beg       
pardon2 it gives me pain to mention it2 
but you must be sensible that you will  
not perform this part of the compact4   
,for suppose the colonies were to lay   
the duties which furnished their        

contingent upon the importation of your 
manufactures2 you know you would never  
suffer such a tax to be laid4 ,you know1
 too1 that you would not suffer many    
other modes of taxation4 ,so that1 when 
you come to explain yourself1 it will be
 found that you will neither leave to   
themselves the quantum nor the mode1 nor
 indeed anything4 ,the whole is         
delusion1 from one end to the other4    
,fourthly1 this method of ransom by     
auction1 unless it be universally       
accepted1 will plunge you into great and
 inextricable difficulties4 ,in what    
year of our ,lord are the proportions of
 payments to be settled8 ,to say nothing
 of the impossibility that colony agents
 should have general powers of taxing   
the colonies at their discretion1       
consider1 ,i implore you1 that the      
communication by special messages and   
orders between these agents and their   
constituents on each variation of the   
case1 when the parties come to contend  
together1 and to dispute on their       

relative proportions1 will be a matter  
of delay1 perplexity1 and confusion1    
that never can have an end4  ,if all the
 colonies do not appear at the outcry1  
what is the condition of those          
assemblies who offer1 by themselves or  
their agents1 to tax themselves up to   
your ideas of their proportion8 ,the    
refractory colonies1 who refuse all     
composition1 will remain taxed only to  
your old impositions1 which1 however    
grievous in principle1 are trifling as  
to production4 ,the obedient colonies in
 this scheme are heavily taxed2 the     
refractory remain unburdened4 ,what will
 you do8 ,will you lay new and heavier  
taxes by ,parliament on the disobedient8
 ,pray consider in what way you can do  
it4 ,you are perfectly convinced1 that1 
in the way of taxing1 you can do nothing
 but at the ports4 ,now suppose it is   
,virginia that refuses to appear at your
 auction1 while ,maryland and ,north    
,carolina bid handsomely for their      
ransom1 and are taxed to your quota1 how

 will you put these colonies on a par8  
,will you tax the tobacco of ,virginia8 
,if you do1 you give its death-wound to 
your ,english revenue at home1 and to   
one of the very greatest articles of    
your own foreign trade4 ,if you tax the 
import of that rebellious colony1 what  
do you tax but your own manufactures1 or
 the goods of some other obedient and   
already well-taxed colony8 ,who has said
 one word on this labyrinth of detail1  
which bewilders you more and more as you
 enter into it8 ,who has presented1 who 
can present1 you with a clew to lead you
 out of it8 ,i think1 ,sir1 it is       
impossible that you should not recollect
 that the colony bounds are so          
implicated in one another 7you know it  
by your other experiments in the bill   
for prohibiting the ,new ,england       
fishery7 that you can lay no possible   
restraints on almost any of them which  
may not be presently eluded1 if you do  
not confound the innocent with the      
guilty1 and burden those whom upon every

 principle you ought to exonerate4 ,he  
must be grossly ignorant of ,america1   
who thinks1 that1 without falling into  
this confusion of all rules of equity   
and policy1 you can restrain any single 
colony1 especially ,virginia and        
,maryland1 the central1 and most        
important of them all4  ,let it also be 
considered1 that either in the present  
confusion you settle a permanent        
contingent1 which will and must be      
trifling1 and then you have no effectual
 revenue1--or you change the quota at   
every exigency1 and then on every new   
repartition you will have a new quarrel4
  ,reflect besides1 that1 when you have 
fixed a quota for every colony1 you have
 not provided for prompt and punctual   
payment4 ,suppose one1 two1 five1 ten   
years' arrears4 ,you cannot issue a     
,treasury extent against the failing    
colony4 ,you must make new ,boston port 
bills1 new restraining laws1 new acts   
for dragging men to ,england for trial4 
,you must send out new fleets1 new      

armies4 ,all is to begin again4 ,from   
this day forward the empire is never to 
know an hour's tranquillity4 ,an        
intestine fire will be kept alive in the
 bowels of the colonies1 which one time 
or other must consume this whole empire4
 ,i allow1 indeed1 that the ,empire of  
,germany raises her revenue and her     
troops by quotas and contingents2 but   
the revenue of the ,empire and the army 
of the ,empire is the worst revenue and 
the worst army in the world4  ,instead  
of a standing revenue1 you will         
therefore have a perpetual quarrel4     
,indeed1 the noble lord who proposed    
this project of a ransom by auction     
seemed himself to be of that opinion4   
,his project was rather designed for    
breaking the union of the colonies than 
for establishing a revenue4 ,he         
confessed he apprehended that his       
proposal would not be to their taste4 ,i
 say1 this scheme of disunion seems to  
be at the bottom of the project2 for ,i 
will not suspect that the noble lord    

meant nothing but merely to delude the  
nation by an airy phantom which he never
 intended to realize4 ,but whatever his 
views may be1 as ,i propose the peace   
and union of the colonies as the very   
foundation of my plan1 it cannot accord 
with one whose foundation is perpetual  
discord4  ,compare the two4 ,this ,i    
offer to give you is plain and simple3  
the other full of perplexed and         
intricate mazes4 ,this is mild3 that    
harsh4 ,this is found by experience     
effectual for its purposes3 the other is
 a new project4 ,this is universal3 the 
other calculated for certain colonies   
only4 ,this is immediate in its         
conciliatory operation3 the other       
remote1 contingent1 full of hazard4     
,mine is what becomes the dignity of a  
ruling people3 gratuitous1              
unconditional1 and not held out as      
matter of bargain and sale4 ,i have done
 my duty in proposing it to you4 ,i     
have1 indeed1 tired you by a long       
discourse2 but this is the misfortune of

 those to whose influence nothing will  
be conceded1 and who must win every inch
 of their ground by argument4 ,you have 
heard me with goodness4 ,may you decide 
with wisdom6 ,for my part1 ,i feel my   
mind greatly disburdened by what ,i have
 done to-day4 ,i have been the less     
fearful of trying your patience1 because
 on this subject ,i mean to spare it    
altogether in future4 ,i have this      
comfort1--that1 in every stage of the   
,american affairs1 ,i have steadily     
opposed the measures that have produced 
the confusion1 and may bring on the     
destruction1 of this empire4 ,i now go  
so far as to risk a proposal of my own4 
,if ,i cannot give peace to my country1 
,i give it to my conscience4  ,but what 
7says the financier7 is peace to us     
without money8 ,your plan gives us no   
revenue4--,no6 ,but it does3 for it     
secures to the subject the power of     
,,refusal1--the first of all revenues4  
,experience is a cheat1 and fact a liar1
 if this power in the subject1 of       

proportioning his grant1 or of not      
granting at all1 has not been found the 
richest mine of revenue ever discovered 
by the skill or by the fortune of man4  
,it does not1 indeed1 vote you #aeb1gej3
 #aa3 #b-c_/dths1 nor any other paltry  
limited sum2 but it gives the strong-box
 itself1 the fund1 the bank1 from whence
 only revenues can arise amongst a      
people sensible of freedom3 ,posita     
luditur arca4 ,cannot you in ,england1  
cannot you at this time of day1 cannot  
you1 an ,house of ,commons1 trust to the
 principle which has raised so mighty a 
revenue1 and accumulated a debt of near 
#adj millions in this country8 ,is this 
principle to be true in ,england and    
false everywhere else8 ,is it not true  
in ,ireland8 ,has it not hitherto been  
true in the colonies8 ,why should you   
presume1 that1 in any country1 a body   
duly constituted for any function will  
neglect to perform its duty1 and        
abdicate its trust8 ,such a presumption 
would go against all government in all  

modes4 ,but1 in truth1 this dread of    
penury of supply from a free assembly   
has no foundation in ,nature4 ,for      
first1 observe1 that1 besides the desire
 which all men have naturally of        
supporting the honor of their own       
government1 that sense of dignity1 and  
that security to property1 which ever   
attends freedom1 has a tendency to      
increase the stock of the free          
community4 ,most may be taken where most
 is accumulated4 ,and what is the soil  
or climate where experience has not     
uniformly proved that the voluntary flow
 of heaped-up plenty1 bursting from the 
weight of its own rich luxuriance1 has  
ever run with a more copious stream of  
revenue than could be squeezed from the 
dry husks of oppressed indigence by the 
straining of all the politic machinery  
in the world8  ,next1 we know that      
parties must ever exist in a free       
country4 ,we know1 too1 that the        
emulations of such parties1 their       
contradictions1 their reciprocal        

necessities1 their hopes1 and their     
fears1 must send them all in their turns
 to him that holds the balance of the   
state4 ,the parties are the gamesters2  
but government keeps the table1 and is  
sure to be the winner in the end4 ,when 
this game is played1 ,i really think it 
is more to be feared that the people    
will be exhausted than that government  
will not be supplied4 ,whereas whatever 
is got by acts of absolute power ill    
obeyed because odious1 or by contracts  
ill kept because constrained1 will be   
narrow1 feeble1 uncertain1 and          
precarious4                        ,ease
 would retract     ,vows made in pain1  
as violent and void4   ,i1 for one1     
protest against compounding our demands3
 ,i declare against compounding1 for a  
poor limited sum1 the immense1          
ever-growing1 eternal debt which is due 
to generous government from protected   
freedom4 ,and so may ,i speed in the    
great object ,i propose to you1 as ,i   
think it would not only be an act of    

injustice1 but would be the worst       
economy in the world1 to compel the     
colonies to a sum certain1 either in the
 way of ransom1 or in the way of        
compulsory compact4  ,but to clear up my
 ideas on this subject1--a revenue from 
,america transmitted hither4 ,do not    
delude yourselves3 you can never receive
 it1--no1 not a shilling4 ,we have      
experience that from remote countries it
 is not to be expected4 ,if1 when you   
attempted to extract revenue from       
,bengal1 you were obliged to return in  
loan what you had taken in imposition1  
what can you expect from ,north         
,america8 ,for1 certainly1 if ever there
 was a country qualified to produce     
wealth1 it is ,india2 or an institution 
fit for the transmission1 it is the     
,east ,india ,company4 ,america has none
 of these aptitudes4 ,if ,america gives 
you taxable objects on which you lay    
your duties here1 and gives you at the  
same time a surplus by a foreign sale of
 her commodities to pay the duties on   

these objects which you tax at home1 she
 has performed her part to the ,british 
revenue4 ,but with regard to her own    
internal establishments1 she may1 ,i    
doubt not she will1 contribute in       
moderation4 ,i say in moderation2 for   
she ought not to be permitted to exhaust
 herself4 ,she ought to be reserved to a
 war2 the weight of which1 with the     
enemies that we are most likely to have1
 must be considerable in her quarter of 
the globe4 ,there she may serve you1 and
 serve you essentially4  ,for that      
service1 for all service1 whether of    
revenue1 trade1 or empire1 my trust is  
in her interest in the ,british         
,constitution4 ,my hold of the colonies 
is in the close affection which grows   
from common names1 from kindred blood1  
from similar privileges1 and equal      
protection4 ,these are ties which1      
though light as air1 are as strong as   
links of iron4 ,let the colonies always 
keep the idea of their civil rights     
associated with your government1--they  

will cling and grapple to you1 and no   
force under heaven will be of power to  
tear them from their allegiance4 ,but   
let it be once understood that your     
government may be one thing and their   
privileges another1 that these two      
things may exist without any mutual     
relation1--the cement is gone1 the      
cohesion is loosened1 and everything    
hastens to decay and dissolution4 ,as   
long as you have the wisdom to keep the 
sovereign authority of this country as  
the sanctuary of liberty1 the sacred    
temple consecrated to our common faith1 
wherever the chosen race and sons of    
,england worship freedom1 they will turn
 their faces towards you4 ,the more they
 multiply1 the more friends you will    
have2 the more ardently they love       
liberty1 the more perfect will be their 
obedience4 ,slavery they can have       
anywhere4 ,it is a weed that grows in   
every soil4 ,they may have it from      
,spain1 they may have it from ,prussia4 
,but1 until you become lost to all      

feeling of your true interest and your  
natural dignity1 freedom they can have  
from none but you4 ,this is the         
commodity of price1 of which you have   
the monopoly4 ,this is the true ,act of 
,navigation1 which binds to you the     
commerce of the colonies1 and through   
them secures to you the wealth of the   
world4 ,deny them this participation of 
freedom1 and you break that sole bond   
which originally made1 and must still   
preserve1 the unity of the empire4 ,do  
not entertain so weak an imagination as 
that your registers and your bonds1 your
 affidavits and your sufferances1 your  
cockets and your clearances1 are what   
form the great securities of your       
commerce4 ,do not dream that your       
letters of office1 and your             
instructions1 and your suspending       
clauses are the things that hold        
together the great contexture of this   
mysterious whole4 ,these things do not  
make your government4 ,dead instruments1
 passive tools as they are1 it is the   

spirit of the ,english communion that   
gives all their life and efficacy to    
them4 ,it is the spirit of the ,english 
,constitution1 which1 infused through   
the mighty mass1 pervades1 feeds1       
unites1 invigorates1 vivifies every part
 of the empire1 even down to the        
minutest member4  ,is it not the same   
virtue which does everything for us here
 in ,england8 ,do you imagine1 then1    
that it is the ,land-,tax ,act which    
raises your revenue8 that it is the     
annual vote in the ,committee of ,supply
 which gives you your army8 or that it  
is the ,mutiny ,bill which inspires it  
with bravery and discipline8 ,no6       
surely1 no6 ,it is the love of the      
people2 it is their attachment to their 
government1 from the sense of the deep  
stake they have in such a glorious      
institution1 which gives you your army  
and your navy1 and infuses into both    
that liberal obedience without which    
your army would be a base rabble and    
your navy nothing but rotten timber4    

,all this1 ,i know well enough1 will    
sound wild and chimerical to the profane
 herd of those vulgar and mechanical    
politicians who have no place among us3 
a sort of people who think that nothing 
exists but what is gross and            
material1--and who1 therefore1 far from 
being qualified to be directors of the  
great movement of empire1 are not fit to
 turn a wheel in the machine4 ,but to   
men truly initiated and rightly taught1 
these ruling and master principles1     
which in the opinion of such men as ,i  
have mentioned have no substantial      
existence1 are in truth everything1 and 
all in all4 ,magnanimity in politics is 
not seldom the truest wisdom2 and a     
great empire and little minds go ill    
together4 ,if we are conscious of our   
situation1 and glow with zeal to fill   
our place as becomes our station and    
ourselves1 we ought to auspicate all our
 public proceedings on ,america with the
 old warning of the ,church1 ,sursum    
corda6 ,we ought to elevate our minds to

 the greatness of that trust to which   
the order of ,providence has called us4 
,by adverting to the dignity of this    
high calling our ancestors have turned a
 savage wilderness into a glorious      
empire1 and have made the most extensive
 and the only honorable conquests1 not  
by destroying1 but by promoting the     
wealth1 the number1 the happiness of the
 human race4 ,let us get an ,american   
revenue as we have got an ,american     
empire4 ,english privileges have made it
 all that it is2 ,english privileges    
alone will make it all it can be4  ,in  
full confidence of this unalterable     
truth1 ,i now 7quod felix faustumque    
sit67 lay the first stone of the ,temple
 of ,peace2 and ,i move you1--  ,that   
the colonies and plantations of ,great  
,britain in ,north ,america1 consisting 
of fourteen separate governments1 and   
containing two millions and upwards of  
free inhabitants1 have not had the      
liberty and privilege of electing and   
sending any knights and burgesses1 or   

others1 to represent them in the high   
court of ,parliament4  ,upon this       
resolution the previous question was put
 and carried3 for the previous question1
 #bgj2 against it1 #gh4         99      
99       99       99       99  ,as the  
propositions were opened separately in  
the body of the speech1 the reader      
perhaps may wish to see the whole of    
them together1 in the form in which they
 were moved for4  ,,moved1  ,that the   
colonies and plantations of ,great      
,britain in ,north ,america1 consisting 
of fourteen separate governments1 and   
containing two millions and upwards of  
free inhabitants1 have not had the      
liberty and privilege of electing and   
sending any knights and burgesses1 or   
others1 to represent them in the high   
court of ,parliament4  ,that the said   
colonies and plantations have been made 
liable to1 and bounden by1 several      
subsidies1 payments1 rates1 and taxes1  
given and granted by ,parliament1 though
 the said colonies and plantations have 

not their knights and burgesses in the  
said high court of ,parliament1 of their
 own election1 to represent the         
condition of their country2 by lack     
whereof they have been oftentimes       
touched and grieved by subsidies1 given1
 granted1 and amended to1 in the said1  
court1 in a manner prejudicial to the   
common wealth1 quietness1 rest1 and     
peace of the subjects inhabiting within 
the same4  ,that1 from the distance of  
the said colonies1 and from other       
circumstances1 no method hath hitherto  
been devised for procuring a            
representation in ,parliament for the   
said colonies4  ,that each of the said  
colonies hath within itself a body1     
chosen1 in part or in the whole1 by the 
freemen1 freeholders1 or other free     
inhabitants thereof1 commonly called the
 ,general ,assembly1 or ,general ,court1
 with powers legally to raise1 levy1 and
 assess1 according to the several usages
 of such colonies1 duties and taxes     
towards defraying all sorts of public   

services4#cj  ,that the said general    
assemblies1 general courts1 or other    
bodies legally qualified as aforesaid1  
have at sundry times freely granted     
several large subsidies and public aids 
for his ,majesty's service1 according to
 their abilities1 when required thereto 
by letter from one of his ,majesty's    
principal ,secretaries of ,state2 and   
that their right to grant the same1 and 
their cheerfulness and sufficiency in   
the said grants1 have been at sundry    
times acknowledged by ,parliament4      
,that it hath been found by experience1 
that the manner of granting the said    
supplies and aids by the said general   
assemblies hath been more agreeable to  
the inhabitants of the said colonies1   
and more beneficial and conducive to the
 public service1 than the mode of giving
 and granting aids and subsidies in     
,parliament1 to be raised and paid in   
the said colonies4  ,that it may be     
proper to repeal an act1 made in the    
seventh year of the reign of his present

 ,majesty1 intituled1 ',an act for      
granting certain duties in the ,british 
colonies and plantations in ,america2   
for allowing a drawback of the duties of
 customs1 upon the exportation from this
 kingdom1 of coffee and cocoa-nuts1 of  
the produce of the said colonies or     
plantations2 for discontinuing the      
drawbacks payable on ,china earthen ware
 exported to ,america2 and for more     
effectually preventing the clandestine  
running of goods in the said colonies   
and plantations4'  ,that it may be      
proper to repeal an act1 made in the    
fourteenth year of the reign of his     
present ,majesty1 intituled1 ',an act to
 discontinue1 in such manner and for    
such time as are therein mentioned1 the 
landing and discharging1 lading or      
chipping1 of goods1 wares1 and          
merchandise1 at the town and within the 
harbor of ,boston1 in the province of   
,massachusetts ,bay1 in ,north          
,america4'  ,that it may be proper to   
repeal an act1 made in the fourteenth   

year of the reign of his present        
,majesty1 intituled1 ',an act for the   
impartial administration of justice1 in 
the cases of persons questioned for any 
acts done by them1 in the execution of  
the law1 or for the suppression of riots
 and tumults1 in the province of the    
,massachusetts ,bay1 in ,new ,england4' 
,that it may be proper to repeal an act1
 made in the fourteenth year of the     
reign of his present ,majesty1          
intituled1 ',an act for the better      
regulating the government of the        
province of the ,massachusetts ,bay1 in 
,new ,england4'  ,that it may be proper 
to explain and amend an act1 made in the
 thirty-fifth year of the reign of ,king
 ,henry the ,eighth1 intituled1 ',an act
 for the trial of treasons committed out
 of the king's dominions4'  ,that1 from 
the time when the general assembly1 or  
general court1 of any colony or         
plantation in ,north ,america1 shall    
have appointed1 by act of assembly duly 
confirmed1 a settled salary to the      

offices of the chief justice and other  
judges of the superior courts1 it may be
 proper that the said chief justice and 
other judges of the superior courts of  
such colony shall hold his and their    
office and offices during their good    
behavior1 and shall not be removed      
therefrom1 but when the said removal    
shall be adjudged by his ,majesty in    
council1 upon a hearing on complaint    
from the general assembly1 or on a      
complaint from the governor1 or the     
council1 or the house of                
representatives1 severally1 of the      
colony in which the said chief justice  
and other judges have exercised the said
 offices4  ,that it may be proper to    
regulate the courts of admiralty or     
vice-admiralty1 authorized by the #aeth 
chapter of the #dth ,george the ,third1 
in such a manner as to make the same    
more commodious to those who sue or are 
sued in the said courts2 and to provide 
for the mere decent maintenance of the  
judges of the same4  ,,footnotes3  #ah  

,the act to restrain the trade and      
commerce of the provinces of            
,massachusetts ,bay and ,new ,hampshire1
 and colonies of ,connecticut and ,rhode
 ,island and ,providence ,plantation1 in
 ,north ,america1 to ,great ,britain1   
,ireland1 and the ,british ,islands in  
the ,west ,indies2 and to prohibit such 
provinces and colonies from carrying on 
any fishery on the banks of             
,newfoundland1 and other places therein 
mentioned1 under certain conditions and 
limitations4  #ai ,mr4 ,rose ,fuller4   
#bj ,that when the governor1 council1   
and assembly1 or general court1 of any  
of his ,majesty's provinces or colonies 
in ,america shall propose to make       
provision1 according to the condition1  
circumstances1 and situation of such    
province or colony1 for contributing    
their proportion to the common defence1 
7such proportion to be raised under the 
authority of the general court or       
general assembly of such province or    
colony1 and disposable by ,parliament17 

and shall engage to make provision1 also
 for the support of the civil government
 and the administration1 of justice in  
such province or colony1 it will be     
proper1 if such proposal shall be       
approved by his ,majesty and the two    
,houses of ,parliament1 and for so long 
as such provision shall be made         
accordingly1 to forbear1 in respect of  
such province or colony1 to levy any    
duty1 tax1 or assessment1 or to impose  
any farther duty1 tax1 or assessment1   
except only such duties as it may be    
expedient to continue to levy or to     
impose for the regulation of commerce3  
the net produce of the duties last      
mentioned to be carried to the account  
of such province or colony              
respectively4--,resolution moved by     
,lord ,north in the ,committee1 and     
agreed to by the ,house1 #bgth          
,february1 #agge4  #ba ,mr4 ,glover4    
#bb ,the ,attorney-,general4  #bc ,mr4  
,rice4  #bd ,lord ,north4  #be ,journals
 of the ,house1 ,vol4 ,,xxv4  #bf       

,journals of the ,house1 ,vol4 ,,xxvii4 
#bg ,ibid4  #bh ,the ,solicitor-,general
 informed ,mr4 ,b41 when the resolutions
 were separately moved1 that the        
grievance of the judges partaking of the
 profits of the seizure had been        
redressed by office2 accordingly the    
resolution was amended4  #bi ,lord      
,north4  #cj ,the first four motions and
 the last had the previous question put 
on them4 ,the others were negatived4    
,the words in ,italics were1 by an      
amendment that was carried1 left out of 
the motion2 which will appear in the    
journals1 though it is not the practice 
to insert such amendments in the votes4 
,a  ,,letter  ,,to  ,,john ,,farr ,,and 
,,john ,,harris1 ,,esqrs41  ,,sheriffs  
,,of ,,the ,,city ,,of ,,bristol1  ,,on 
,,the  ,,affairs ,,of ,,america4  #aggg4
     ,gentlemen1--,i have the honor of  
sending you the two last acts which have
 been passed with regard to the troubles
 in ,america4 ,these acts are similar to
 all the rest which have been made on   

the same subject4 ,they operate by the  
same principle1 and they are derived    
from the very same policy4 ,i think they
 complete the number of this sort of    
statutes to nine4 ,it affords no matter 
for very pleasing reflection to observe 
that our subjects diminish as our laws  
increase4  ,if ,i have the misfortune of
 differing with some of my              
fellow-citizens on this great and       
arduous subject1 it is no small         
consolation to me that ,i do not differ 
from you4 ,with you ,i am perfectly     
united4 ,we are heartily agreed in our  
detestation of a civil war4 ,we have    
ever expressed the most unqualified     
disapprobation of all the steps which   
have led to it1 and of all those which  
tend to prolong it4 ,and ,i have no     
doubt that we feel exactly the same     
emotions of grief and shame on all its  
miserable consequences1 whether they    
appear1 on the one side or the other1 in
 the shape of victories or defeats1 of  
captures made from the ,english on the  

continent or from the ,english in these 
islands1 of legislative regulations     
which subvert the liberties of our      
brethren or which undermine our own4    
,of the first of these statutes 7that   
for the letter of marque7 ,i shall say  
little4 ,exceptionable as it may be1 and
 as ,i think it is in some particulars1 
it seems the natural1 perhaps necessary1
 result of the measures we have taken   
and the situation we are in4 ,the other 
7for a partial suspension of the ,habeas
 ,corpus7 appears to me of a much deeper
 malignity4 ,during its progress through
 the ,house of ,commons1 it has been    
amended1 so as to express1 more         
distinctly than at first it did1 the    
avowed sentiments of those who framed   
it2 and the main ground of my exception 
to it is1 because it does express1 and  
does carry into execution1 purposes     
which appear to me so contradictory to  
all the principles1 not only of the     
constitutional policy of ,great         
,britain1 but even of that species of   

hostile justice which no asperity of war
 wholly extinguishes in the minds of a  
civilized people4  ,it seems to have in 
view two capital objects3 the first1 to 
enable administration to confine1 as    
long as it shall think proper1 those    
whom that act is pleased to qualify by  
the name of pirates4 ,those so qualified
 ,i understand to be the commanders and 
mariners of such privateers and ships of
 war belonging to the colonies as in the
 course of this unhappy contest may fall
 into the hands of the crown4 ,they are 
therefore to be detained in prison1     
under the criminal description of       
piracy1 to a future trial and           
ignominious punishment1 whenever        
circumstances shall make it convenient  
to execute vengeance on them1 under the 
color of that odious and infamous       
offence4  ,to this first purpose of the 
law ,i have no small dislike1 because   
the act does not 7as all laws and all   
equitable transactions ought to do7     
fairly describe its object4 ,the persons

 who make a naval war upon us1 in       
consequence of the present troubles1 may
 be rebels2 but to call and treat them  
as pirates is confounding not only the  
natural distinction of things1 but the  
order of crimes1--which1 whether by     
putting them from a higher part of the  
scale to the lower or from the lower to 
the higher1 is never done without       
dangerously disordering the whole frame 
of jurisprudence4 ,though piracy may be1
 in the eye of the law1 a less offence  
than treason1 yet1 as both are1 in      
effect1 punished with the same death1   
the same forfeiture1 and the same       
corruption of blood1 ,i never would take
 from any fellow-creature whatever any  
sort of advantage which he may derive to
 his safety from the pity of mankind1 or
 to his reputation from their general   
feelings1 by degrading his offence1 when
 ,i cannot soften his punishment4 ,the  
general sense of mankind tells me that  
those offences which may possibly arise 
from mistaken virtue are not in the     

class of infamous actions4 ,lord ,coke1 
the oracle of the ,english law1 conforms
 to that general sense1 where he says   
that those things which are of the      
highest criminality may be of the least 
disgrace4 ,the act prepares a sort of   
masked proceeding1 not honorable to the 
justice of the kingdom1 and by no means 
necessary for its safety4 ,i cannot     
enter into it4 ,if ,lord ,balmerino1 in 
the last rebellion1 had driven off the  
cattle of twenty clans1 ,i should have  
thought it would have been a scandalous 
and low juggle1 utterly unworthy of the 
manliness of an ,english judicature1 to 
have tried him for felony as a stealer  
of cows4  ,besides1 ,i must honestly    
tell you that ,i could not vote for1 or 
countenance in any way1 a statute which 
stigmatizes with the crime of piracy    
these men whom an act of ,parliament had
 previously put out of the protection of
 the law4 ,when the legislature of this 
kingdom had ordered all their ships and 
goods1 for the mere new-created offence 

of exercising trade1 to be divided as a 
spoil among the seamen1 of the navy1--to
 consider the necessary reprisal of an  
unhappy1 proscribed1 interdicted people1
 as the crime of piracy1 would have     
appeared1 in any other legislature than 
ours1 a strain of the most insulting and
 most unnatural cruelty and injustice4  
,i assure you ,i never remember to have 
heard of anything like it in any time or
 country4  ,the second professed purpose
 of the act is to detain in ,england for
 trial those who shall commit high      
treason in ,america4  ,that you may be  
enabled to enter into the true spirit of
 the present law1 it is necessary1      
,gentlemen1 to apprise you that there is
 an act1 made so long ago as in the     
reign of ,henry the ,eighth1 before the 
existence or thought of any ,english    
colonies in ,america1 for the trial in  
this kingdom of treasons committed out  
of the realm4 ,in the year #agfi        
,parliament thought proper to acquaint  
the crown with their construction of    

that act in a formal address1 wherein   
they entreated his ,majesty to cause    
persons charged with high treason in    
,america to be brought into this kingdom
 for trial4 ,by this act of ,henry the  
,eighth1 so construed and so applied1   
almost all that is substantial and      
beneficial in a trial by jury is taken  
away from the subject in the colonies4  
,this is1 however1 saying too little2   
for to try a man under that act is1 in  
effect1 to condemn him unheard4 ,a      
person is brought hither in the dungeon 
of a ship's hold2 thence he is vomited  
into a dungeon on land1 loaded with     
irons1 unfurnished with money1          
unsupported by friends1 three thousand  
miles from all means of calling upon or 
confronting evidence1 where no one local
 circumstance that tends to detect      
perjury can possibly be judged of2--such
 a person may be executed according to  
form1 but he can never be tried         
according to justice4  ,i therefore     
could never reconcile myself to the bill

 ,i send you1 which is expressly        
provided to remove all inconveniences   
from the establishment of a mode of     
trial which has ever appeared to me most
 unjust and most unconstitutional4 ,far 
from removing the difficulties which    
impede the execution of so mischievous a
 project1 ,i would heap new difficulties
 upon it1 if it were in my power4 ,all  
the ancient1 honest1 juridical          
principles and institutions of ,england 
are so many clogs to check and retard   
the headlong course of violence and     
oppression4 ,they were invented for this
 one good purpose1 that what was not    
just should not be convenient4          
,convinced of this1 ,i would leave      
things as ,i found them4 ,the old1      
cool-headed1 general law is as good as  
any deviation dictated by present heat4 
,i could see no fair1 justifiable       
expedience pleaded to favor this new    
suspension of the liberty of the        
subject4 ,if the ,english in the        
colonies can support the independency to

 which they have been unfortunately     
driven1 ,i suppose nobody has such a    
fanatical zeal for the criminal justice 
of ,henry the ,eighth that he will      
contend for executions which must be    
retaliated tenfold on his own friends1  
or who has conceived so strange an idea 
of ,english dignity as to think the     
defeats in ,america compensated by the  
triumphs at ,tyburn4 ,if1 on the        
contrary1 the colonies are reduced to   
the obedience of the crown1 there must  
be1 under that authority1 tribunals in  
the country itself fully competent to   
administer justice on all offenders4    
,but if there are not1 and that we must 
suppose a thing so humiliating to our   
government as that all this vast        
continent should unanimously concur in  
thinking that no ill fortune can convert
 resistance to the royal authority into 
a criminal act1 we may call the effect  
of our victory peace1 or obedience1 or  
what we will1 but the war is not ended2 
the hostile mind continues in full      

vigor1 and it continues under a worse   
form4 ,if your peace be nothing more    
than a sullen pause from arms1 if their 
quiet be nothing but the meditation of  
revenge1 where smitten pride smarting   
from its wounds festers into new rancor1
 neither the act of ,henry the ,eighth  
nor its handmaid of this reign will     
answer any wise end of policy or        
justice4 ,for1 if the bloody fields     
which they saw and felt are not         
sufficient to subdue the reason of      
,america1 7to use the expressive phrase 
of a great lord in office17 it is not   
the judicial slaughter which is made in 
another hemisphere against their        
universal sense of justice that will    
ever reconcile them to the ,british     
government4  ,i take it for granted1    
,gentlemen1 that we sympathize in a     
proper horror of all punishment further 
than as it serves for an example4 ,to   
whom1 then does the example of an       
execution in ,england for this ,american
 rebellion apply8 ,remember1 you are    

told every day1 that the present is a   
contest between the two countries1 and  
that we in ,england are at war for our  
own dignity against our rebellious      
children4 ,is this true8 ,if it be1 it  
is surely among such rebellious children
 that examples for disobedience should  
be made1 to be in any degree            
instructive3 for who ever thought of    
teaching parents their duty by an       
example from the punishment of an       
undutiful son8 ,as well might the       
execution of a fugitive negro in the    
plantations be considered as a lesson to
 teach masters humanity to their slaves4
 ,such executions may1 indeed1 satiate  
our revenge2 they may harden our hearts1
 and puff us up with pride and          
arrogance4 ,alas6 this is not           
instruction4  ,if anything can be drawn 
from such examples by a parity of the   
case1 it is to show how deep their crime
 and how heavy their punishment will be1
 who shall at any time dare to resist a 
distant power actually disposing of     

their property without their voice or   
consent to the disposition1 and         
overturning their franchises without    
charge or hearing4 ,god forbid that     
,england should ever read this lesson   
written in the blood of any of her      
offspring6  ,war is at present carried  
on between the king's natural and       
foreign troops1 on one side1 and the    
,english in ,america1 on the other1 upon
 the usual footing of other wars2 and   
accordingly an exchange of prisoners has
 been regularly made from the beginning4
 ,if1 notwithstanding this hitherto     
equal procedure1 upon some prospect of  
ending the war with success 7which1     
however1 may be delusive7 administration
 prepares to act against those as       
traitors who remain in their hands at   
the end of the troubles1 in my opinion  
we shall exhibit to the world as        
indecent a piece of injustice as ever   
civil fury has produced4 ,if the        
prisoners who have been exchanged have  
not by that exchange been virtually     

pardoned1 the cartel 7whether avowed or 
understood7 is a cruel fraud2 for you   
have received the life of a man1 and you
 ought to return a life for it1 or there
 is no parity or fairness in the        
transaction4  ,if1 on the other hand1 we
 admit that they who are actually       
exchanged are pardoned1 but contend that
 you may justly reserve for vengeance   
those who remain unexchanged1 then this 
unpleasant and unhandsome consequence   
will follow3 that you judge of the      
delinquency of men merely by the time of
 their guilt1 and not by the heinousness
 of it2 and you make fortune and        
accidents1 and not the moral qualities  
of human action1 the rule of your       
justice4  ,these strange incongruities  
must ever perplex those who confound the
 unhappiness of civil dissension with   
the crime of treason4 ,whenever a       
rebellion really and truly exists1 which
 is as easily known in fact as it is    
difficult to define in words1 government
 has not entered into such military     

conventions1 but has ever declined all  
intermediate treaty which should put    
rebels in possession of the law of      
nations with regard to war4 ,commanders 
would receive no benefits at their      
hands1 because they could make no return
 for them4 ,who has ever heard of       
capitulation1 and parole of honor1 and  
exchange of prisoners in the late       
rebellions in this kingdom8 ,the answer 
to all demands of that sort was1 ,we can
 engage for nothing2 you are at the     
king's pleasure4 ,we ought to remember1 
that1 if our present enemies be in      
reality and truth rebels1 the king's    
generals have no right to release them  
upon any conditions whatsoever2 and they
 are themselves answerable to the law1  
and as much in want of a pardon1 for    
doing so1 as the rebels whom they       
release4  ,lawyers1 ,i know1 cannot make
 the distinction for which ,i contend2  
because they have their strict rule to  
go by4 ,but legislators ought to do what
 lawyers cannot2 for they have no other 

rules to bind them but the great        
principles of reason and equity and the 
general sense of mankind4 ,these they   
are bound to obey and follow1 and rather
 to enlarge and enlighten law by the    
liberality of legislative reason than to
 fetter and bind their higher capacity  
by the narrow constructions of          
subordinate1 artificial justice4 ,if we 
had adverted to this1 we never could    
consider the convulsions of a great     
empire1 not disturbed by a little       
disseminated faction1 but divided by    
whole communities and provinces1 and    
entire legal representatives of a       
people1 as fit matter of discussion     
under a commission of ,oyer and         
,terminer4 ,it is as opposite to reason 
and prudence as it is to humanity and   
justice4  ,this act1 proceeding on these
 principles1 that is1 preparing to end  
the present troubles by a trial of one  
sort of hostility under the name of     
piracy1 and of another by the name of   
treason1 and executing the act of ,henry

 the ,eighth according to a new and     
unconstitutional interpretation1 ,i have
 thought evil and dangerous1 even though
 the instruments of effecting such      
purposes had been merely of a neutral   
quality4  ,but it really appears to me  
that the means which this act employs   
are at least as exceptionable as the    
end4 ,permit me to open myself a little 
upon this subject2 because it is of     
importance to me1 when ,i am obliged to 
submit to the power without acquiescing 
in the reason of an act of legislature1 
that ,i should justify my dissent by    
such arguments as may be supposed to    
have weight with a sober man4  ,the main
 operative regulation of the act is to  
suspend the ,common ,law and the statute
 ,habeas ,corpus 7the sole securities   
either for liberty or justice7 with     
regard to all those who have been out of
 the realm1 or on the high seas1 within 
a given time4 ,the rest of the people1  
as ,i understand1 are to continue as    
they stood before4  ,i confess1         

,gentlemen1 that this appears to me as  
bad in the principle1 and far worse in  
its consequence1 than an universal      
suspension of the ,habeas ,corpus ,act2 
and the limiting qualification1 instead 
of taking out the sting1 does in my     
humble opinion sharpen and envenom it to
 a greater degree4 ,liberty1 if ,i      
understand it at all1 is a general      
principle1 and the clear right of all   
the subjects within the realm1 or of    
none4 ,partial freedom seems to me a    
most invidious mode of slavery4 ,but1   
unfortunately1 it is the kind of slavery
 the most easily admitted in times of   
civil discord3 for parties are but too  
apt to forget their own future safety in
 their desire of sacrificing their      
enemies4 ,people without much difficulty
 admit the entrance of that injustice of
 which they are not to be the immediate 
victims4 ,in times of high proceeding it
 is never the faction of the predominant
 power that is in danger3 for no tyranny
 chastises its own instruments4 ,it is  

the obnoxious and the suspected who want
 the protection of law2 and there is    
nothing to bridle the partial violence  
of state factions but this1--that1      
whenever an act is made for a cessation 
of law and justice1 the whole people    
should be universally subjected to the  
same suspension of their franchises4    
,the alarm of such a proceeding would   
then be universal4 ,it would operate as 
a sort of call of the nation4 ,it would 
become every man's immediate and instant
 concern to be made very sensible of the
 absolute necessity of this total       
eclipse of liberty4 ,they would more    
carefully advert to every renewal1 and  
more powerfully resist it4 ,these great 
determined measures are not commonly so 
dangerous to freedom4 ,they are marked  
with too strong lines to slide into use4
 ,no plea1 nor pretence1 of             
inconvenience or evil example 7which    
must in their nature be daily and       
ordinary incidents7 can be admitted as a
 reason for such mighty operations4 ,but

 the true danger is when liberty is     
nibbled away1 for expedients1 and by    
parts4 ,the ,habeas ,corpus ,act        
supposes1 contrary to the genius of most
 other laws1 that the lawful magistrate 
may see particular men with a malignant 
eye1 and it provides for that identical 
case4 ,but when men1 in particular      
descriptions1 marked out by the         
magistrate himself1 are delivered over  
by ,parliament to this possible         
malignity1 it is not the ,habeas ,corpus
 that is occasionally suspended1 but its
 spirit that is mistaken1 and its       
principle that is subverted4 ,indeed1   
nothing is security to any individual   
but the common interest of all4  ,this  
act1 therefore1 has this distinguished  
evil in it1 that it is the first partial
 suspension of the ,habeas ,corpus that 
has been made4 ,the precedent1 which is 
always of very great importance1 is now 
established4 ,for the first time a      
distinction is made among the people    
within this realm4 ,before this act1    

every man putting his foot on ,english  
ground1 every stranger owing only a     
local and temporary allegiance1 even    
negro slaves who had been sold in the   
colonies and under an act of            
,parliament1 became as free as every    
other man who breathed the same air with
 them4 ,now a line is drawn1 which may  
be advanced further and further at      
pleasure1 on the same argument of mere  
expedience on which it was first        
described4 ,there is no equality among  
us2 we are not fellow-citizens1 if the  
mariner who lands on the quay does not  
rest on as firm legal ground as the     
merchant who sits in his counting-house4
 ,other laws may injure the community2  
this dissolves it4 ,as things now stand1
 every man in the ,west ,indies1 every  
one inhabitant of three unoffending     
provinces on the continent1 every person
 coming from the ,east ,indies1 every   
gentleman who has travelled for his     
health or education1 every mariner who  
has navigated the seas1 is1 for no other

 offence1 under a temporary             
proscription4 ,let any of these facts   
7now become presumptions of guilt7 be   
proved against him1 and the bare        
suspicion of the crown puts him out of  
the law4 ,it is even by no means clear  
to me whether the negative proof does   
not lie upon the person apprehended on  
suspicion1 to the subversion of all     
justice4  ,i have not debated against   
this bill in its progress through the   
,house2 because it would have been vain 
to oppose1 and impossible to correct it4
 ,it is some time since ,i have been    
clearly convinced1 that1 in the present 
state of things1 all opposition to any  
measures proposed by ministers1 where   
the name of ,america appears1 is vain   
and frivolous4 ,you may be sure that ,i 
do not speak of my opposition1 which in 
all circumstances must be so1 but that  
of men of the greatest wisdom and       
authority in the nation4 ,everything    
proposed against ,america is supposed of
 course to be in favor of ,great        

,britain4 ,good and ill success are     
equally admitted as reasons for         
persevering in the present methods4     
,several very prudent and very          
well-intentioned persons were of        
opinion1 that1 during the prevalence of 
such dispositions1 all struggle rather  
inflamed than lessened the distemper of 
the public counsels4 ,finding such      
resistance to be considered as factious 
by most within doors and by very many   
without1 ,i cannot conscientiously      
support what is against my opinion1 nor 
prudently contend with what ,i know is  
irresistible4 ,preserving my principles 
unshaken1 ,i reserve my activity for    
rational endeavors2 and ,i hope that my 
past conduct has given sufficient       
evidence1 that1 if ,i am a single day   
from my place1 it is not owing to       
indolence or love of dissipation4 ,the  
slightest hope of doing good is         
sufficient to recall me to what ,i      
quitted with regret ,in declining for   
some time my usual strict attendance1 ,i

 do not in the least condemn the spirit 
of those gentlemen who1 with a just     
confidence in their abilities1 7in which
 ,i claim a sort of share from my love  
and admiration of them17 were of opinion
 that their exertions in this desperate 
case might be of some service4 ,they    
thought that by contracting the sphere  
of its application they might lessen the
 malignity of an evil principle4        
,perhaps they were in the right4 ,but   
when my opinion was so very clearly to  
the contrary1 for the reasons ,i have   
just stated1 ,i am sure my attendance   
would have been ridiculous4  ,i must    
add1 in further explanation of my       
conduct1 that1 far from softening the   
features of such a principle1 and       
thereby removing any part of the popular
 odium or natural terrors attending it1 
,i should be sorry that anything framed 
in contradiction to the spirit of our   
,constitution did not instantly produce1
 in fact1 the grossest of the evils with
 which it was pregnant in its nature4   

,it is by lying dormant a long time1 or 
being at first very rarely exercised1   
that arbitrary power steals upon a      
people4 ,on the next unconstitutional   
act1 all the fashionable world will be  
ready to say1 ,your prophecies are      
ridiculous1 your fears are vain1 you see
 how little of the mischiefs which you  
formerly foreboded are come to pass4    
,thus1 by degrees1 that artful softening
 of all arbitrary power1 the alleged    
infrequency or narrow extent of its     
operation1 will be received as a sort of
 aphorism1--and ,mr4 ,hume will not be  
singular in telling us1 that the        
felicity of mankind is no more disturbed
 by it than by earthquakes or thunder1  
or the other more unusual accidents of  
,nature4  ,the act of which ,i speak is 
among the fruits of the ,american       
war1--a war in my humble opinion        
productive of many mischiefs1 of a kind 
which distinguish it from all others4   
,not only our policy is deranged1 and   
our empire distracted1 but our laws and 

our legislative spirit appear to have   
been totally perverted by it4 ,we have  
made war on our colonies1 not by arms   
only1 but by laws4 ,as hostility and law
 are not very concordant ideas1 every   
step we have taken in this business has 
been made by trampling on some maxim of 
justice or some capital principle of    
wise government4 ,what precedents were  
established1 and what principles        
overturned1 7,i will not say of ,english
 privilege1 but of general justice17 in 
the ,boston ,port1 the ,massachusetts   
,charter1 the ,military ,bill1 and all  
that long array of hostile acts of      
,parliament by which the war with       
,america has been begun and supported6  
,had the principles of any of these acts
 been first exerted on ,english ground1 
they would probably have expired as soon
 as they touched it4 ,but by being      
removed from our persons1 they have     
rooted in our laws1 and the latest      
posterity will taste the fruits of them4
  ,nor is it the worst effect of this   

unnatural contention1 that our laws are 
corrupted4 ,whilst manners remain       
entire1 they will correct the vices of  
law1 and soften it at length to their   
own temper4 ,but we have to lament that 
in most of the late proceedings we see  
very few traces of that generosity1     
humanity1 and dignity of mind1 which    
formerly characterized this nation4 ,war
 suspends the rules of moral obligation1
 and what is long suspended is in danger
 of being totally abrogated4 ,civil wars
 strike deepest of all into the manners 
of the people4 ,they vitiate their      
politics2 they corrupt their morals2    
they pervert even the natural taste and 
relish of equity and justice4 ,by       
teaching us to consider our             
fellow-citizens in an hostile light1 the
 whole body of our nation becomes       
gradually less dear to us4 ,the very    
names of affection and kindred1 which   
were the bond of charity whilst we      
agreed1 become new incentives to hatred 
and rage when the communion of our      

country is dissolved4 ,we may flatter   
ourselves that we shall not fall into   
this misfortune4 ,but we have no charter
 of exemption1 that ,i know of1 from the
 ordinary frailties of our nature4      
,what but that blindness of heart which 
arises from the frenzy of civil         
contention could have made any persons  
conceive the present situation of the   
,british affairs as an object of triumph
 to themselves or of congratulation to  
their sovereign8 ,nothing surely could  
be more lamentable to those who remember
 the flourishing days of this kingdom   
than to see the insane joy of several   
unhappy people1 amidst the sad spectacle
 which our affairs and conduct exhibit  
to the scorn of ,europe4 ,we behold 7and
 it seems some people rejoice in        
beholding7 our native land1 which used  
to sit the envied arbiter of all her    
neighbors1 reduced to a servile         
dependence on their mercy1--acquiescing 
in assurances of friendship which she   
does not trust1--complaining of         

hostilities which she dares not         
resent1--deficient to her allies1 lofty 
to her subjects1 and submissive to her  
enemies1--whilst the liberal government 
of this free nation is supported by the 
hireling sword of ,german boors and     
vassals1 and three millions of the      
subjects of ,great ,britain are seeking 
for protection to ,english privileges in
 the arms of ,france6  ,these           
circumstances appear to me more like    
shocking prodigies than natural changes 
in human affairs4 ,men of firmer minds  
may see them without staggering or      
astonishment4 ,some may think them      
matters of congratulation and           
complimentary addresses2 but ,i trust   
your candor will be so indulgent to my  
weakness as not to have the worse       
opinion of me for my declining to       
participate in this joy1 and my         
rejecting all share whatsoever in such a
 triumph4 ,i am too old1 too stiff in my
 inveterate partialities1 to be ready at
 all the fashionable evolutions of      

opinion4 ,i scarcely know how to adapt  
my mind to the feelings with which the  
,court ,gazettes mean to impress the    
people4 ,it is not instantly that ,i can
 be brought to rejoice1 when ,i hear of 
the slaughter and captivity of long     
lists of those names which have been    
familiar to my ears from my infancy1 and
 to rejoice that they have fallen under 
the sword of strangers1 whose barbarous 
appellations ,i scarcely know how to    
pronounce4 ,the glory acquired at the   
,white ,plains by ,colonel ,rahl has no 
charms for me1 and ,i fairly acknowledge
 that ,i have not yet learned to delight
 in finding ,fort ,kniphausen in the    
heart of the ,british dominions4  ,it   
might be some consolation for the loss  
of our old regards1 if our reason were  
enlightened in proportion as our honest 
prejudices are removed4 ,wanting        
feelings for the honor of our country1  
we might then in cold blood be brought  
to think a little of our interests as   
individual citizens and our private     

conscience as moral agents4  ,indeed1   
our affairs are in a bad condition4 ,i  
do assure those gentlemen who have      
prayed for war1 and obtained the        
blessing they have sought1 that they are
 at this instant in very great straits4 
,the abused wealth of this country      
continues a little longer to feed its   
distemper4 ,as yet they1 and their      
,german allies of twenty hireling       
states1 have contended only with the    
unprepared strength of our own infant   
colonies4 ,but ,america is not subdued4 
,not one unattacked village which was   
originally adverse throughout that vast 
continent has yet submitted from love or
 terror4 ,you have the ground you encamp
 on1 and you have no more4 ,the         
cantonments of your troops and your     
dominions are exactly of the same       
extent4 ,you spread devastation1 but you
 do not enlarge the sphere of authority4
  ,the events of this war are of so much
 greater magnitude than those who either
 wished or feared it ever looked for1   

that this alone ought to fill every     
considerate mind with anxiety and       
diffidence4 ,wise men often tremble at  
the very things which fill the          
thoughtless with security4 ,for many    
reasons ,i do not choose to expose to   
public view all the particulars of the  
state in which you stood with regard to 
foreign powers during the whole course  
of the last year4 ,whether you are yet  
wholly out of danger from them is more  
than ,i know1 or than your rulers can   
divine4 ,but even if ,i were certain of 
my safety1 ,i could not easily forgive  
those who had brought me into the most  
dreadful perils1 because by accidents1  
unforeseen by them or me1 ,i have       
escaped4  ,believe me1 ,gentlemen1 the  
way still before you is intricate1 dark1
 and full of perplexed and treacherous  
mazes4 ,those who think they have the   
clew may lead us out of this labyrinth4 
,we may trust them as amply as we think 
proper2 but as they have most certainly 
a call for all the reason which their   

stock can furnish1 why should we think  
it proper to disturb its operation by   
inflaming their passions8 ,i may be     
unable to lend an helping hand to those 
who direct the state2 but ,i should be  
ashamed to make myself one of a noisy   
multitude to halloo and hearten them    
into doubtful and dangerous courses4 ,a 
conscientious man would be cautious how 
he dealt in blood4 ,he would feel some  
apprehension at being called to a       
tremendous account for engaging in so   
deep a play without any sort of         
knowledge of the game4 ,it is no excuse 
for presumptuous ignorance1 that it is  
directed by insolent passion4 ,the      
poorest being that crawls on earth1     
contending to save itself from injustice
 and oppression1 is an object           
respectable in the eyes of ,god and man4
 ,but ,i cannot conceive any existence  
under heaven 7which in the depths of its
 wisdom tolerates all sorts of things7  
that is more truly odious and disgusting
 than an impotent1 helpless creature1   

without civil wisdom or military skill1 
without a consciousness of any other    
qualification for power but his         
servility to it1 bloated with pride and 
arrogance1 calling for battles which he 
is not to fight1 contending for a       
violent dominion which he can never     
exercise1 and satisfied to be himself   
mean and miserable1 in order to render  
others contemptible and wretched4  ,if  
you and ,i find our talents not of the  
great and ruling kind1 our conduct1 at  
least1 is conformable to our faculties4 
,no man's life pays the forfeit of our  
rashness4 ,no desolate widow weeps tears
 of blood over our ignorance4           
,scrupulous and sober in a well-grounded
 distrust of ourselves1 we would keep in
 the port of peace and security2 and    
perhaps in recommending to others       
something of the same diffidence1 we    
should show ourselves more charitable to
 their welfare than injurious to their  
abilities4  ,there are many             
circumstances in the zeal shown for     

civil war which seem to discover but    
little of real magnanimity4 ,the        
addressers offer their own persons1 and 
they are satisfied with hiring ,germans4
 ,they promise their private fortunes1  
and they mortgage their country4 ,they  
have all the merit of volunteers1       
without risk of person or charge of     
contribution2 and when the unfeeling arm
 of a foreign soldiery pours out their  
kindred blood like water1 they exult and
 triumph as if they themselves had      
performed some notable exploit4 ,i am   
really ashamed of the fashionable       
language which has been held for some   
time past1 which1 to say the best of it1
 is full of levity4 ,you know that ,i   
allude to the general cry against the   
cowardice of the ,americans1 as if we   
despised them for not making the king's 
soldiery purchase the advantage they    
have obtained at a dearer rate4 ,it is  
not1 ,gentlemen1 it is not to respect   
the dispensations of ,providence1 nor to
 provide any decent retreat in the      

mutability of human affairs4 ,it leaves 
no medium between insolent victory and  
infamous defeat4 ,it tends to alienate  
our minds further and further from our  
natural regards1 and to make an eternal 
rent and schism in the ,british nation4 
,those who do not wish for such a       
separation would not dissolve that      
cement of reciprocal esteem and regard  
which can alone bind together the parts 
of this great fabric4 ,it ought to be   
our wish1 as it is our duty1 not only to
 forbear this style of outrage          
ourselves1 but to make every one as     
sensible as we can of the impropriety   
and unworthiness of the tempers which   
give rise to it1 and which designing men
 are laboring with such malignant       
industry to diffuse amongst us4 ,it is  
our business to counteract them1 if     
possible1--if possible1 to awake our    
natural regards1 and to revive the old  
partiality to the ,english name4        
,without something of this kind ,i do   
not see how it is ever practicable      

really to reconcile with those whose    
affection1 after all1 must be the surest
 hold of our government1 and which is a 
thousand times more worth to us than the
 mercenary zeal of all the circles of   
,germany4  ,i can well conceive a       
country completely overrun1 and         
miserably wasted1 without approaching in
 the least to settlement4 ,in my        
apprehension1 as long as ,english       
government is attempted to be supported 
over ,englishmen by the sword alone1    
things will thus continue4 ,i anticipate
 in my mind the moment of the final     
triumph of foreign military force4 ,when
 that hour arrives1 7for it may arrive17
 then it is that all this mass of       
weakness and violence will appear in its
 full light4 ,if we should be expelled  
from ,america1 the delusion of the      
partisans of military government might  
still continue4 ,they might still feed  
their imaginations with the possible    
good consequences which might have      
attended success4 ,nobody could prove   

the contrary by facts4 ,but in case the 
sword should do all that the sword can  
do1 the success of their arms and the   
defeat of their policy will be one and  
the same thing4 ,you will never see any 
revenue from ,america4 ,some increase of
 the means of corruption1 without ease  
of the public burdens1 is the very best 
that can happen4 ,is it for this that we
 are at war1--and in such a war8  ,as to
 the difficulties of laying once more   
the foundations of that government      
which1 for the sake of conquering what  
was our own1 has been voluntarily and   
wantonly pulled down by a court faction 
here1 ,i tremble to look at them4 ,has  
any of these gentlemen who are so eager 
to govern all mankind shown himself     
possessed of the first qualification    
towards government1 some knowledge of   
the object1 and of the difficulties     
which occur in the task they have       
undertaken8  ,i assure you1 that1 on the
 most prosperous issue of your arms1 you
 will not be where you stood when you   

called in war to supply the defects of  
your political establishment4 ,nor would
 any disorder or disobedience to        
government which could arise from the   
most abject concession on our part ever 
equal those which will be felt after the
 most triumphant violence4 ,you have got
 all the intermediate evils of war into 
the bargain4  ,i think ,i know          
,america1--if ,i do not1 my ignorance is
 incurable1 for ,i have spared no pains 
to understand it1--and ,i do most       
solemnly assure those of my constituents
 who put any sort of confidence in my   
industry and integrity1 that everything 
that has been done there has arisen from
 a total misconception of the object3   
that our means of originally holding    
,america1 that our means of reconciling 
with it after quarrel1 of recovering it 
after separation1 of keeping it after   
victory1 did depend1 and must depend1 in
 their several stages and periods1 upon 
a total renunciation of that            
unconditional submission which has taken

 such possession of the minds of violent
 men4 ,the whole of those maxims upon   
which we have made and continued this   
war must be abandoned4 ,nothing1 indeed1
 7for ,i would not deceive you17 can    
place us in our former situation4 ,that 
hope must be laid aside4 ,but there is a
 difference between bad and the worst of
 all4 ,terms relative to the cause of   
the war ought to be offered by the      
authority of ,parliament4 ,an           
arrangement at home promising some      
security for them ought to be made4 ,by 
doing this1 without the least impairing 
of our strength1 we add to the credit of
 our moderation1 which1 in itself1 is   
always strength more or less4  ,i know  
many have been taught to think that     
moderation in a case like this is a sort
 of treason1--and that all arguments for
 it are sufficiently answered by railing
 at rebels and rebellion1 and by        
charging all the present or future      
miseries which we may suffer on the     
resistance of our brethren4 ,but ,i     

would wish them1 in this grave matter1  
and if peace is not wholly removed from 
their hearts1 to consider seriously1    
first1 that to criminate and recriminate
 never yet was the road to              
reconciliation1 in any difference       
amongst men4 ,in the next place1 it     
would be right to reflect that the      
,american ,english 7whom they may abuse1
 if they think it honorable to revile   
the absent7 can1 as things now stand1   
neither be provoked at our railing or   
bettered by our instruction4 ,all       
communication is cut off between us4    
,but this we know with certainty1 that1 
though we cannot reclaim them1 we may   
reform ourselves4 ,if measures of peace 
are necessary1 they must begin          
somewhere2 and a conciliatory temper    
must precede and prepare every plan of  
reconciliation4 ,nor do ,i conceive that
 we suffer anything by thus regulating  
our own minds4 ,we are not disarmed by  
being disencumbered of our passions4    
,declaiming on rebellion never added a  

bayonet or a charge of powder to your   
military force2 but ,i am afraid that it
 has been the means of taking up many   
muskets against you4  ,this outrageous  
language1 which has been encouraged and 
kept alive by every art1 has already    
done incredible mischief4 ,for a long   
time1 even amidst the desolations of    
war1 and the insults of hostile laws    
daily accumulated on one another1 the   
,american leaders seem to have had the  
greatest difficulty in bringing up their
 people to a declaration of total       
independence4 ,but the ,court ,gazette  
accomplished what the abettors of       
independence had attempted in vain4     
,when that disingenuous compilation and 
strange medley of railing and flattery  
was adduced as a proof of the united    
sentiments of the people of ,great      
,britain1 there was a great change      
throughout all ,america4 ,the tide of   
popular affection1 which had still set  
towards the parent country1 began       
immediately to turn1 and to flow with   

great rapidity in a contrary course4    
,par from concealing these wild         
declarations of enmity1 the author of   
the celebrated pamphlet which prepared  
the minds of the people for independence
 insists largely on the multitude and   
the spirit of these addresses2 and he   
draws an argument from them1 which1 if  
the fact were as he supposes1 must be   
irresistible4 ,for ,i never knew a      
writer on the theory of government so   
partial to authority as not to allow    
that the hostile mind of the rulers to  
their people did fully justify a change 
of government2 nor can any reason       
whatever be given why one people should 
voluntarily yield any degree of         
preminence to another but on a          
supposition of great affection and      
benevolence towards them4               
,unfortunately1 your rulers1 trusting to
 other things1 took no notice of this   
great principle of connection4 ,from the
 beginning of this affair1 they have    
done all they could to alienate your    

minds from your own kindred2 and if they
 could excite hatred enough in one of   
the parties towards the other1 they     
seemed to be of opinion that they had   
gone half the way towards reconciling   
the quarrel4  ,i know it is said1 that  
your kindness is only alienated on      
account of their resistance1 and        
therefore1 if the colonies surrender at 
discretion1 all sort of regard1 and even
 much indulgence1 is meant towards them 
in future4 ,but can those who are       
partisans for continuing a war to       
enforce such a surrender be responsible 
7after all that has passed7 for such a  
future use of a power that is bound by  
no compacts and restrained by no terror8
 ,will they tell us what they call      
indulgences8 ,do they not at this       
instant call the present war and all its
 horrors a lenient and merciful         
proceeding8  ,no conqueror that ,i ever 
heard of has professed to make a cruel1 
harsh1 and insolent use of his conquest4
 ,no6 ,the man of the most declared     

pride scarcely dares to trust his own   
heart with this dreadful secret of      
ambition4 ,but it will appear in its    
time2 and no man who professes to reduce
 another to the insolent mercy of a     
foreign arm ever had any sort of        
good-will towards him4 ,the profession  
of kindness1 with that sword in his     
hand1 and that demand of surrender1 is  
one of the most provoking acts of his   
hostility4 ,i shall be told that all    
this is lenient as against rebellious   
adversaries4 ,but are the leaders of    
their faction more lenient to those who 
submit8 ,lord ,howe and ,general ,howe  
have powers1 under an act of            
,parliament1 to restore to the king's   
peace and to free trade any men or      
district which shall submit4 ,is this   
done8 ,we have been over and over       
informed by the authorized gazette1 that
 the city of ,new ,york and the         
countries of ,staten and ,long ,island  
have submitted voluntarily and          
cheerfully1 and that many are very full 

of zeal to the cause of administration4 
,were they instantly restored to trade8 
,are they yet restored to it8 ,is not   
the benignity of two commissioners1     
naturally most humane and generous men1 
some way fettered by instructions1      
equally against their dispositions and  
the spirit of ,parliamentary faith1 when
 ,mr4 ,tryon1 vaunting of the fidelity  
of the city in which he is governor1 is 
obliged to apply to ministry for leave  
to protect the ,king's loyal subjects1  
and to grant to them1 not the disputed  
rights and privileges of freedom1 but   
the common rights of men1 by the name of
 graces8 ,why do not the commissioners  
restore them on the spot8 ,were they not
 named as commissioners for that express
 purpose8 ,but we see well enough to    
what the whole leads4 ,the trade of     
,america is to be dealt out in private  
indulgences and grants1--that is1 in    
jobs to recompense the incendiaries of  
war4 ,they will be informed of the      
proper time in which to send out their  

merchandise4 ,from a national1 the      
,american trade is to be turned into a  
personal monopoly1 and one set of       
merchants are to be rewarded for the    
pretended zeal of which another set are 
the dupes2 and thus1 between craft and  
credulity1 the voice of reason is       
stifled1 and all the misconduct1 all the
 calamities of the war are covered and  
continued4  ,if ,i had not lived long   
enough to be little surprised at        
anything1 ,i should have been in some   
degree astonished at the continued rage 
of several gentlemen1 who1 not satisfied
 with carrying fire and sword into      
,america1 are animated nearly with the  
same fury against those neighbors of    
theirs whose only crime it is1 that they
 have charitably and humanely wished    
them to entertain more reasonable       
sentiments1 and not always to sacrifice 
their interest to their passion4 ,all   
this rage against unresisting dissent   
convinces me1 that1 at bottom1 they are 
far from satisfied they are in the      

right4 ,for what is it they would have8 
,a war8 ,they certainly have at this    
moment the blessing of something that is
 very like one2 and if the war they     
enjoy at present be not sufficiently hot
 and extensive1 they may shortly have it
 as warm and as spreading as their      
hearts can desire4 ,is it the force of  
the kingdom they call for8 ,they have it
 already2 and if they choose to fight   
their battles in their own person1      
nobody prevents their setting sail to   
,america in the next transports4 ,do    
they think that the service is stinted  
for want of liberal supplies8 ,indeed   
they complain without reason4 ,the table
 of the ,house of ,commons will glut    
them1 let their appetite for expense be 
never so keen4 ,and ,i assure them      
further1 that those who think with them 
in the ,house of ,commons are full as   
easy in the control as they are liberal 
in the vote of these expenses4 ,if this 
be not supply or confidence sufficient1 
let them open their own private         

purse-strings1 and give1 from what is   
left to them1 as largely and with as    
little care as they think proper4       
,tolerated in their passions1 let them  
learn not to persecute the moderation of
 their fellow-citizens4 ,if all the     
world joined them in a full cry against 
rebellion1 and were as hotly inflamed   
against the whole theory and enjoyment  
of freedom as those who are the most    
factious for servitude1 it could not1 in
 my opinion1 answer any one end         
whatsoever in this contest4 ,the leaders
 of this war could not hire 7to gratify 
their friends7 one ,german more than    
they do1 or inspire him with less       
feeling for the persons or less value   
for the privileges of their revolted    
brethren4 ,if we all adopted their      
sentiments to a man1 their allies1 the  
savage ,indians1 could not be more      
ferocious than they are3 they could not 
murder one more helpless woman or child1
 or with more exquisite refinements of  
cruelty torment to death one more of    

their ,english flesh and blood1 than    
they do already4 ,the public money is   
given to purchase this alliance2--and   
they have their bargain4  ,they are     
continually boasting of unanimity1 or   
calling for it4 ,but before this        
unanimity can be matter either of wish  
or congratulation1 we ought to be pretty
 sure that we are engaged in a rational 
pursuit4 ,frenzy does not become a      
slighter distemper on account of the    
number of those who may be infected with
 it4 ,delusion and weakness produce not 
one mischief the less because they are  
universal4 ,i declare that ,i cannot    
discern the least advantage which could 
accrue to us1 if we were able to        
persuade our colonies that they had not 
a single friend in ,great ,britain4 ,on 
the contrary1 if the affections and     
opinions of mankind be not exploded as  
principles of connection1 ,i conceive it
 would be happy for us1 if they were    
taught to believe that there was even a 
formed ,american party in ,england1 to  

whom they could always look for support4
 ,happy would it be for us1 if1 in all  
tempers1 they might turn their eyes to  
the parent state1 so that their very    
turbulence and sedition should find vent
 in no other place than this6 ,i believe
 there is not a man 7except those who   
prefer the interest of some paltry      
faction to the very being of their      
country7 who would not wish that the    
,americans should from time to time     
carry many points1 and even some of them
 not quite reasonable1 by the aid of any
 denomination of men here1 rather than  
they should be driven to seek for       
protection against the fury of foreign  
mercenaries and the waste of savages in 
the arms of ,france4  ,when any         
community is subordinately connected    
with another1 the great danger of the   
connection is the extreme pride and     
self-complacency of the superior1 which 
in all matters of controversy will      
probably decide in its own favor4 ,it is
 a powerful corrective to such a very   

rational cause of fear1 if the inferior 
body can be made to believe that the    
party inclination or political views of 
several in the principal state will     
induce them in some degree to counteract
 this blind and tyrannical partiality4  
,there is no danger that any one        
acquiring consideration or power in the 
presiding state should carry this       
leaning to the inferior too far4 ,the   
fault of human nature is not of that    
sort4 ,power1 in whatever hands1 is     
rarely guilty of too strict limitations 
on itself4 ,but one great advantage to  
the support of authority attends such an
 amicable and protecting connection3    
that those who have conferred favors    
obtain influence1 and from the foresight
 of future events can persuade men who  
have received obligations sometimes to  
return them4 ,thus1 by the mediation of 
those healing principles1 7call them    
good or evil17 troublesome discussions  
are brought to some sort of adjustment1 
and every hot controversy is not a civil

 war4  ,but1 if the colonies 7to bring  
the general matter home to us7 could see
 that in ,great ,britain the mass of the
 people is melted into its government1  
and that every dispute with the ministry
 must of necessity be always a quarrel  
with the nation1 they can stand no      
longer in the equal and friendly        
relation of fellow-citizens to the      
subjects of this kingdom4 ,humble as    
this relation may appear to some1 when  
it is once broken1 a strong tie is      
dissolved4 ,other sort of connections   
will be sought4 ,for there are very few 
in the world who will not prefer an     
useful ally to an insolent master4      
,such discord has been the effect of the
 unanimity into which so many have of   
late been seduced or bullied1 or into   
the appearance of which they have sunk  
through mere despair4 ,they have been   
told that their dissent from violent    
measures is an encouragement to         
rebellion4 ,men of great presumption and
 little knowledge will hold a language  

which is contradicted by the whole      
course of history4 ,general rebellions  
and revolts of an whole people never    
were encouraged1 now or at any time4    
,they are always provoked4 ,but if this 
unheard-of doctrine of the encouragement
 of rebellion were true1 if it were true
 that an assurance of the friendship of 
numbers in this country towards the     
colonies could become an encouragement  
to them to break off all connection with
 it1 what is the inference8 ,does       
anybody seriously maintain1 that1       
charged with my share of the public     
councils1 ,i am obliged not to resist   
projects which ,i think mischievous1    
lest men who suffer should be encouraged
 to resist8 ,the very tendency of such  
projects to produce rebellion is one of 
the chief reasons against them4 ,shall  
that reason not be given8 ,is it1 then1 
a rule1 that no man in this nation shall
 open his mouth in favor of the         
colonies1 shall defend their rights1 or 
complain of their sufferings1--or when  

war finally breaks out1 no man shall    
express his desires of peace8 ,has this 
been the law of our past1 or is it to be
 the terms of our future connection8    
,even looking no further than ourselves1
 can it be true loyalty to any          
government1 or true patriotism towards  
any country1 to degrade their solemn    
councils into servile drawing-rooms1 to 
flatter their pride and passions rather 
than to enlighten their reason1 and to  
prevent them from being cautioned       
against violence lest others should be  
encouraged to resistance8 ,by such      
acquiescence great kings and mighty     
nations have been undone2 and if any are
 at this day in a perilous situation    
from rejecting truth and listening to   
flattery1 it would rather become them to
 reform the errors under which they     
suffer than to reproach those who       
forewarned them of their danger4  ,but  
the rebels looked for assistance from   
this country4--,they did so1 in the     
beginning of this controversy1 most     

certainly2 and they sought it by earnest
 supplications to government1 which     
dignity rejected1 and by a suspension of
 commerce1 which the wealth of this     
nation enabled you to despise4 ,when    
they found that neither prayers nor     
menaces had any sort of weight1 but that
 a firm resolution was taken to reduce  
them to unconditional obedience by a    
military force1 they came to the last   
extremity4 ,despairing of us1 they      
trusted in themselves4 ,not strong      
enough themselves1 they sought succor in
 ,france4 ,in proportion as all         
encouragement here lessened1 their      
distance from this country increased4   
,the encouragement is over2 the         
alienation is complete4  ,in order to   
produce this favorite unanimity in      
delusion1 and to prevent all possibility
 of a return to our ancient happy       
concord1 arguments for our continuance  
in this course are drawn from the       
wretched situation itself into which we 
have been betrayed4 ,it is said1 that1  

being at war with the colonies1 whatever
 our sentiments might have been before1 
all ties between us are now dissolved1  
and all the policy we have left is to   
strengthen the hands of government to   
reduce them4 ,on the principle of this  
argument1 the more mischiefs we suffer  
from any administration1 the more our   
trust in it is to be confirmed4 ,let    
them but once get us into a war1 and    
then their power is safe1 and an act of 
oblivion passed for all their           
misconduct4  ,but is it really true that
 government is always to be strengthened
 with the instruments of war1 but never 
furnished with the means of peace8 ,in  
former times1 ministers1 ,i allow1 have 
been sometimes driven by the popular    
voice to assert by arms the national    
honor against foreign powers4 ,but the  
wisdom of the nation has been far more  
clear1 when those ministers have been   
compelled to consult its interests by   
treaty4 ,we all know that the sense of  
the nation obliged the court of ,charles

 the ,second to abandon the ,dutch war3 
a war1 next to the present1 the most    
impolitic which we ever carried on4 ,the
 good people of ,england considered     
,holland as a sort of dependency on this
 kingdom2 they dreaded to drive it to   
the protection or subject it to the     
power of ,france by their own           
inconsiderate hostility4 ,they paid but 
little respect to the court jargon of   
that day2 nor were they inflamed by the 
pretended rivalship of the ,dutch in    
trade1--by the massacre at ,amboyna1    
acted on the stage to provoke the public
 vengeance1--nor by declamations against
 the ingratitude of the ,united         
,provinces for the benefits ,england had
 conferred upon them in their infant    
state4 ,they were not moved from their  
evident interest by all these arts2 nor 
was it enough to tell them1 they were at
 war1 that they must go through with it1
 and that the cause of the dispute was  
lost in the consequences4 ,the people of
 ,england were then1 as they are now1   

called upon to make government strong4  
,they thought it a great deal better to 
make it wise and honest4  ,when ,i was  
amongst my constituents at the last     
summer assizes1 ,i remember that men of 
all descriptions did then express a very
 strong desire for peace1 and no slight 
hopes of attaining it from the          
commission sent out by my ,lord ,howe4  
,and it is not a little remarkable1     
that1 in proportion as every person     
showed a zeal for the court measures1 he
 was then earnest in circulating an     
opinion of the extent of the supposed   
powers of that commission4 ,when ,i told
 them that ,lord ,howe had no powers to 
treat1 or to promise satisfaction on any
 point whatsoever of the controversy1 ,i
 was hardly credited1--so strong and    
general was the desire of terminating   
this war by the method of accommodation4
 ,as far as ,i could discover1 this was 
the temper then prevalent through the   
kingdom4 ,the king's forces1 it must be 
observed1 had at that time been obliged 

to evacuate ,boston4 ,the superiority of
 the former campaign rested wholly with 
the colonists4 ,if such powers of treaty
 were to be wished whilst success was   
very doubtful1 how came they to be less 
so1 since his ,majesty's arms have been 
crowned with many considerable          
advantages8 ,have these successes       
induced us to alter our mind1 as        
thinking the season of victory not the  
time for treating with honor or         
advantage8 ,whatever changes have       
happened in the national character1 it  
can scarcely be our wish that terms of  
accommodation never should be proposed  
to our enemy1 except when they must be  
attributed solely to our fears4 ,it has 
happened1 let me say unfortunately1 that
 we read of his ,majesty's commission   
for making peace1 and his troops        
evacuating his last town in the         
,thirteen ,colonies1 at the same hour   
and in the same gazette4 ,it was still  
more unfortunate that no commission went
 to ,america to settle the troubles     

there1 until several months after an act
 had been passed to put the colonies out
 of the protection of this government1  
and to divide their trading property1   
without a possibility of restitution1 as
 spoil among the seamen of the navy4    
,the most abject submission on the part 
of the colonies could not redeem them4  
,there was no man on that whole         
continent1 or within three thousand     
miles of it1 qualified by law to follow 
allegiance with protection or submission
 with pardon4 ,a proceeding of this kind
 has no example in history4             
,independency1 and independency with an 
enmity1 7which1 putting ourselves out of
 the question1 would be called natural  
and much provoked17 was the inevitable  
consequence4 ,how this came to pass the 
nation may be one day in an humor to    
inquire4  ,all the attempts made this   
session to give fuller powers of peace  
to the commanders in ,america were      
stifled by the fatal confidence of      
victory and the wild hopes of           

unconditional submission4 ,there was a  
moment favorable to the king's arms1    
when1 if any powers of concession had   
existed on the other side of the        
,atlantic1 even after all our errors1   
peace in all probability might have been
 restored4 ,but calamity is unhappily   
the usual season of reflection2 and the 
pride of men will not often suffer      
reason to have any scope1 until it can  
be no longer of service4  ,i have always
 wished1 that as the dispute had its    
apparent origin from things done in     
,parliament1 and as the acts passed     
there had provoked the war1 that the    
foundations of peace should be laid in  
,parliament also4 ,i have been          
astonished to find that those whose zeal
 for the dignity of our body was so hot 
as to light up the flames of civil war  
should even publicly declare that these 
delicate points ought to be wholly left 
to the crown4 ,poorly as ,i may be      
thought affected to the authority of    
,parliament1 ,i shall never admit that  

our constitutional rights can ever      
become a matter of ministerial          
negotiation4  ,i am charged with being  
an ,american4 ,if warm affection towards
 those over whom ,i claim any share of  
authority be a crime1 ,i am guilty of   
this charge4 ,but ,i do assure you1 7and
 they who know me publicly and privately
 will bear witness to me17 that1 if ever
 one man lived more zealous than another
 for the supremacy of ,parliament and   
the rights of this imperial crown1 it   
was myself4 ,many others1 indeed1 might 
be more knowing in the extent of the    
foundation of these rights4 ,i do not   
pretend to be an antiquary1 a lawyer1 or
 qualified for the chair of professor in
 metaphysics4 ,i never ventured to put  
your solid interests upon speculative   
grounds4 ,my having constantly declined 
to do so has been attributed to my      
incapacity for such disquisitions2 and  
,i am inclined to believe it is partly  
the cause4 ,i never shall be ashamed to 
confess1 that1 where ,i am ignorant1 ,i 

am diffident4 ,i am1 indeed1 not very   
solicitous to clear myself of this      
imputed incapacity2 because men even    
less conversant than ,i am in this kind 
of subtleties1 and placed in stations to
 which ,i ought not to aspire1 have1 by 
the mere force of civil discretion1     
often conducted the affairs of great    
nations with distinguished felicity and 
glory4  ,when ,i first came into a      
public trust1 ,i found your ,parliament 
in possession of an unlimited           
legislative power over the colonies4 ,i 
could not open the statute-book without 
seeing the actual exercise of it1 more  
or less1 in all cases whatsoever4 ,this 
possession passed with me for a title4  
,it does so in all human affairs4 ,no   
man examines into the defects of his    
title to his paternal estate or to his  
established government4 ,indeed1 common 
sense taught me that a legislative      
authority not actually limited by the   
express terms of its foundation1 or by  
its own subsequent acts1 cannot have its

 powers parcelled out by argumentative  
distinctions1 so as to enable us to say 
that here they can and there they cannot
 bind4 ,nobody was so obliging as to    
produce to me any record of such        
distinctions1 by compact or otherwise1  
either at the successive formation of   
the several colonies or during the      
existence of any of them4 ,if any       
gentlemen were able to see how one power
 could be given up 7merely on abstract  
reasoning7 without giving up the rest1  
,i can only say that they saw further   
than ,i could4 ,nor did ,i ever presume 
to condemn any one for being            
clear-sighted when ,i was blind4 ,i     
praise their penetration and learning1  
and hope that their practice has been   
correspondent to their theory4  ,i had1 
indeed1 very earnest wishes to keep the 
whole body of this authority perfect and
 entire as ,i found it1--and to keep it 
so1 not for our advantage solely1 but   
principally for the sake of those on    
whose account all just authority exists3

 ,i mean the people to be governed4 ,for
 ,i thought ,i saw that many cases might
 well happen in which the exercise of   
every power comprehended in the broadest
 idea of legislature might become1 in   
its time and circumstances1 not a little
 expedient for the peace and union of   
the colonies amongst themselves1 as well
 as for their perfect harmony with      
,great ,britain4 ,thinking so1 7perhaps 
erroneously1 but being honestly of that 
opinion17 ,i was at the same time very  
sure that the authority of which ,i was 
so jealous could not1 under the actual  
circumstances of our plantations1 be at 
all preserved in any of its members1 but
 by the greatest reserve in its         
application1 particularly in those      
delicate points in which the feelings of
 mankind are the most irritable4 ,they  
who thought otherwise have found a few  
more difficulties in their work than 7,i
 hope7 they were thoroughly aware of1   
when they undertook the present         
business4 ,i must beg leave to observe1 

that it is not only the invidious branch
 of taxation that will be resisted1 but 
that no other given part of legislative 
rights can be exercised1 without regard 
to the general opinion of those who are 
to be governed4 ,that general opinion is
 the vehicle and organ of legislative   
omnipotence4 ,without this1 it may be a 
theory to entertain the mind1 but it is 
nothing in the direction of affairs4    
,the completeness of the legislative    
authority of ,parliament over this      
kingdom is not questioned2 and yet many 
things indubitably included in the      
abstract idea of that power1 and which  
carry no absolute injustice in          
themselves1 yet being contrary to the   
opinions and feelings of the people1 can
 as little be exercised as if           
,parliament in that case had been       
possessed of no right at all4 ,i see no 
abstract reason1 which can be given1 why
 the same power which made and repealed 
the ,high ,commission ,court and the    
,star-,chamber might not revive them    

again2 and these courts1 warned by their
 former fate1 might possibly exercise   
their powers with some degree of        
justice4 ,but the madness would be as   
unquestionable as the competence of that
 ,parliament which should attempt such  
things4 ,if anything can be supposed out
 of the power of human legislature1 it  
is religion2 ,i admit1 however1 that the
 established religion of this country   
has been three or four times altered by 
act of ,parliament1 and therefore that a
 statute binds even in that case4 ,but  
we may very safely affirm1 that1        
notwithstanding this apparent           
omnipotence1 it would be now found as   
impossible for ,king and ,parliament to 
alter the established religion of this  
country as it was to ,king ,james alone1
 when he attempted to make such an      
alteration without a ,parliament4 ,in   
effect1 to follow1 not to force1 the    
public inclination1--to give a          
direction1 a form1 a technical dress1   
and a specific sanction1 to the general 

sense of the community1 is the true end 
of legislature4  ,it is so with regard  
to the exercise of all the powers which 
our ,constitution knows in any of its   
parts1 and indeed to the substantial    
existence of any of the parts           
themselves4 ,the king's negative to     
bills is one of the most indisputed of  
the royal prerogatives2 and it extends  
to all cases whatsoever4 ,i am far from 
certain1 that if several laws1 which ,i 
know1 had fallen under the stroke of    
that sceptre1 that the public would have
 had a very heavy loss4 ,but it is not  
the propriety of the exercise which is  
in question4 ,the exercise itself is    
wisely forborne4 ,its repose may be the 
preservation of its existence2 and its  
existence may be the means of saying the
 ,constitution itself1 on an occasion   
worthy of bringing it forth4  ,as the   
disputants whose accurate and logical   
reasonings have brought us into our     
present condition think it absurd that  
powers or members of any constitution   

should exist1 rarely1 if ever1 to be    
exercised1 ,i hope ,i shall be excused  
in mentioning another instance that is  
material4 ,we know that the ,convocation
 of the ,clergy had formerly been       
called1 and sat with nearly as much     
regularity to business as ,parliament   
itself4 ,it is now called for form only4
 ,it sits for the purpose of making some
 polite ecclesiastical compliments to   
the king1 and1 when that grace is said1 
retires and is heard of no more4 ,it is1
 however1 a part of the ,constitution1  
and may be called out into act and      
energy1 whenever there is occasion1 and 
whenever those who conjure up that      
spirit will choose to abide the         
consequences4 ,it is wise to permit its 
legal existence3 it is much wiser to    
continue it a legal existence only4 ,so 
truly has prudence 7constituted as the  
god of this lower world7 the entire     
dominion over every exercise of power   
committed into its hands6 ,and yet ,i   
have lived to see prudence and          

conformity to circumstances wholly set  
at nought in our late controversies1 and
 treated as if they were the most       
contemptible and irrational of all      
things4 ,i have heard it an hundred     
times very gravely alleged1 that1 in    
order to keep power in wind1 it was     
necessary1 by preference1 to exert it in
 those very points in which it was most 
likely to be resisted and the least     
likely to be productive of any          
advantage4  ,these were the             
considerations1 ,gentlemen1 which led me
 early to think1 that1 in the           
comprehensive dominion which the ,divine
 ,providence had put into our hands1    
instead of troubling our understandings 
with speculations concerning the unity  
of empire and the identity or           
distinction of legislative powers1 and  
inflaming our passions with the heat and
 pride of controversy1 it was our duty1 
in all soberness1 to conform our        
government to the character and         
circumstances of the several people who 

composed this mighty and strangely      
diversified mass4 ,i never was wild     
enough to conceive that one method would
 serve for the whole1 that the natives  
of ,hindostan and those of ,virginia    
could be ordered in the same manner1 or 
that the ,cutchery court and the grand  
jury of ,salem could be regulated on a  
similar plan4 ,i was persuaded that     
government was a practical thing1 made  
for the happiness of mankind1 and not to
 furnish out a spectacle of uniformity  
to gratify the schemes of visionary     
politicians4 ,our business was to rule1 
not to wrangle2 and it would have been a
 poor compensation that we had triumphed
 in a dispute1 whilst we lost an empire4
  ,if there be one fact in the world    
perfectly clear1 it is this1--that the  
disposition of the people of ,america is
 wholly averse to any other than a free 
government2 and this is indication      
enough to any honest statesman how he   
ought to adapt whatever power he finds  
in his hands to their case4 ,if any ask 

me what a free government is1 ,i answer1
 that1 for any practical purpose1 it is 
what the people think so1--and that     
they1 and not ,i1 are the natural1      
lawful1 and competent judges of this    
matter4 ,if they practically allow me a 
greater degree of authority over them   
than is consistent with any correct     
ideas of perfect freedom1 ,i ought to   
thank them for so great a trust1 and not
 to endeavor to prove from thence that  
they have reasoned amiss1 and that1     
having gone so far1 by analogy they must
 hereafter have no enjoyment but by my  
pleasure4  ,if we had seen this done by 
any others1 we should have concluded    
them far gone in madness4 ,it is        
melancholy1 as well as ridiculous1 to   
observe the kind of reasoning with which
 the public has been amused1 in order to
 divert our minds from the common sense 
of our ,american policy4 ,there are     
people who have split and anatomized the
 doctrine of free government1 as if it  
were an abstract question concerning    

metaphysical liberty and necessity1 and 
not a matter of moral prudence and      
natural feeling4 ,they have disputed    
whether liberty be a positive or a      
negative idea2 whether it does not      
consist in being governed by laws1      
without considering what are the laws1  
or who are the makers2 whether man has  
any rights by ,nature2 and whether all  
the property he enjoys be not the alms  
of his government1 and his life itself  
their favor and indulgence4 ,others1    
corrupting religion as these have       
perverted philosophy1 contend that      
,christians are redeemed into captivity1
 and the blood of the ,saviour of       
mankind has been shed to make them the  
slaves of a few proud and insolent      
sinners4 ,these shocking extremes       
provoking to extremes of another kind1  
speculations are let loose as           
destructive to all authority as the     
former are to all freedom2 and every    
government is called tyranny and        
usurpation which is not formed on their 

fancies4 ,in this manner the stirrers-up
 of this contention1 not satisfied with 
distracting our dependencies and filling
 them with blood and slaughter1 are     
corrupting our understandings3 they are 
endeavoring to tear up1 along with      
practical liberty1 all the foundations  
of human society1 all equity and        
justice1 religion and order4  ,civil    
freedom1 ,gentlemen1 is not1 as many    
have endeavored to persuade you1 a thing
 that lies hid in the depth of abstruse 
science4 ,it is a blessing and a        
benefit1 not an abstract speculation2   
and all the just reasoning that can be  
upon it is of so coarse a texture as    
perfectly to suit the ordinary          
capacities of those who are to enjoy1   
and of those who are to defend it4 ,far 
from any resemblance to those           
propositions in geometry and metaphysics
 which admit no medium1 but must be true
 or false in all their latitude1 social 
and civil freedom1 like all other things
 in common life1 are variously mixed and

 modified1 enjoyed in very different    
degrees1 and shaped into an infinite    
diversity of forms1 according to the    
temper and circumstances of every       
community4 ,the extreme of liberty      
7which is its abstract perfection1 but  
its real fault7 obtains nowhere1 nor    
ought to obtain anywhere2 because       
extremes1 as we all know1 in every point
 which relates either to our duties or  
satisfactions in life1 are destructive  
both to virtue and enjoyment4 ,liberty1 
too1 must be limited in order to be     
possessed4 ,the degree of restraint it  
is impossible in any case to settle     
precisely4 ,but it ought to be the      
constant aim of every wise public       
counsel to find out by cautious         
experiments1 and rational1 cool         
endeavors1 with how little1 not how     
much1 of this restraint the community   
can subsist3 for liberty is a good to be
 improved1 and not an evil to be        
lessened4 ,it is not only a private     
blessing of the first order1 but the    

vital spring and energy of the state    
itself1 which has just so much life and 
vigor as there is liberty in it4 ,but   
whether liberty be advantageous or not1 
7for ,i know it is a fashion to decry   
the very principle17 none will dispute  
that peace is a blessing2 and peace     
must1 in the course of human affairs1 be
 frequently bought by some indulgence   
and toleration at least to liberty3 for1
 as the ,sabbath 7though of divine      
institution7 was made for man1 not man  
for the ,sabbath1 government1 which can 
claim no higher origin or authority1 in 
its exercise at least1 ought to conform 
to the exigencies of the time1 and the  
temper and character of the people with 
whom it is concerned1 and not always to 
attempt violently to bend the people to 
their theories of subjection4 ,the bulk 
of mankind1 on their part1 are not      
excessively curious concerning any      
theories whilst they are really happy2  
and one sure symptom of an ill-conducted
 state is the propensity of the people  

to resort to them4  ,but when subjects1 
by a long course of such ill conduct1   
are once thoroughly inflamed1 and the   
state itself violently distempered1 the 
people must have some satisfaction to   
their feelings more solid than a        
sophistical speculation on law and      
government4 ,such was our situation3 and
 such a satisfaction was necessary to   
prevent recourse to arms2 it was        
necessary towards laying them down2 it  
will be necessary to prevent the taking 
them up again and again4 ,of what nature
 this satisfaction ought to be ,i wish  
it had been the disposition of          
,parliament seriously to consider4 ,it  
was certainly a deliberation that called
 for the exertion of all their wisdom4  
,i am1 and ever have been1 deeply       
sensible of the difficulty of           
reconciling the strong presiding power1 
that is so useful towards the           
conservation of a vast1 disconnected1   
infinitely diversified empire1 with that
 liberty and safety of the provinces    

which they must enjoy1 7in opinion and  
practice at least17 or they will not be 
provinces at all4 ,i know1 and have long
 felt1 the difficulty of reconciling the
 unwieldy haughtiness of a great ruling 
nation1 habituated to command1 pampered 
by enormous wealth1 and confident from a
 long course of prosperity and victory1 
to the high spirit of free dependencies1
 animated with the first glow and       
activity of juvenile heat1 and assuming 
to themselves1 as their birthright1 some
 part of that very pride which oppresses
 them4 ,they who perceive no difficulty 
in reconciling these tempers 7which1    
however1 to make peace1 must some way or
 other be reconciled7 are much above my 
capacity1 or much below the magnitude of
 the business4 ,of one thing ,i am      
perfectly clear3 that it is not by      
deciding the suit1 but by compromising  
the difference1 that peace can be       
restored or kept4 ,they who would put an
 end to such quarrels by declaring      
roundly in favor of the whole demands of

 either party have mistaken1 in my      
humble opinion1 the office of a         
mediator4  ,the war is now of full two  
years' standing3 the controversy of many
 more4 ,in different periods of the     
dispute1 different methods of           
reconciliation were to be pursued4 ,i   
mean to trouble you with a short state  
of things at the most important of these
 periods1 in order to give you a more   
distinct idea of our policy with regard 
to this most delicate of all objects4   
,the colonies were from the beginning   
subject to the legislature of ,great    
,britain on principles which they never 
examined2 and we permitted to them many 
local privileges1 without asking how    
they agreed with that legislative       
authority4 ,modes of administration were
 formed in an insensible and very       
unsystematic manner4 ,but they gradually
 adapted themselves to the varying      
condition of things4 ,what was first a  
single kingdom stretched into an empire2
 and an imperial superintendence1 of    

some kind or other1 became necessary4   
,parliament1 from a mere representative 
of the people1 and a guardian of popular
 privileges for its own immediate       
constituents1 grew into a mighty        
sovereign4 ,instead of being a control  
on the crown on its own behalf1 it      
communicated a sort of strength to the  
royal authority1 which was wanted for   
the conservation of a new object1 but   
which could not be safely trusted to the
 crown alone4 ,on the other hand1 the   
colonies1 advancing by equal steps1 and 
governed by the same necessity1 had     
formed within themselves1 either by     
royal instruction or royal charter1     
assemblies so exceedingly resembling a  
parliament1 in all their forms1         
functions1 and powers1 that it was      
impossible they should not imbibe some  
opinion of a similar authority4  ,at the
 first designation of these assemblies1 
they were probably not intended for     
anything more 7nor perhaps did they     
think themselves much higher7 than the  

municipal corporations within this      
island1 to which some at present love to
 compare them4 ,but nothing in          
progression can rest on its original    
plan4 ,we may as well think of rocking a
 grown man in the cradle of an infant4  
,therefore1 as the colonies prospered   
and increased to a numerous and mighty  
people1 spreading over a very great     
tract of the globe1 it was natural that 
they should attribute to assemblies so  
respectable in their formal constitution
 some part of the dignity of the great  
nations which they represented4 ,no     
longer tied to by-laws1 these assemblies
 made acts of all sorts and in all cases
 whatsoever4 ,they levied money1 not for
 parochial purposes1 but upon regular   
grants to the crown1 following all the  
rules and principles of a parliament1 to
 which they approached every day more   
and more nearly4 ,those who think       
themselves wiser than ,providence and   
stronger than the course of ,nature may 
complain of all this variation1 on the  

one side or the other1 as their several 
humors and prejudices may lead them4    
,but things could not be otherwise2 and 
,english colonies must be had on these  
terms1 or not had at all4 ,in the mean  
time neither party felt any             
inconvenience from this double          
legislature1 to which they had been     
formed by imperceptible habits1 and old 
custom1 the great support of all the    
governments in the world4 ,though these 
two legislatures were sometimes found   
perhaps performing the very same        
functions1 they did not very grossly or 
systematically clash4 ,in all likelihood
 this arose from mere neglect1 possibly 
from the natural operation of things1   
which1 left to themselves1 generally    
fall into their proper order4 ,but      
whatever was the cause1 it is certain   
that a regular revenue1 by the authority
 of ,parliament1 for the support of     
civil and military establishments1 seems
 not to have been thought of until the  
colonies were too proud to submit1 too  

strong to be forced1 too enlightened not
 to see all the consequences which must 
arise from such a system4  ,if ever this
 scheme of taxation was to be pushed    
against the inclinations of the people1 
it was evident that discussions must    
arise1 which would let loose all the    
elements that composed this double      
constitution1 would show how much each  
of their members had departed from its  
original principles1 and would discover 
contradictions in each legislature1 as  
well to its own first principles as to  
its relation to the other1 very         
difficult1 if not absolutely impossible1
 to be reconciled4  ,therefore1 at the  
first fatal opening of this contest1 the
 wisest course seemed to be to put an   
end as soon as possible to the immediate
 causes of the dispute1 and to quiet a  
discussion1 not easily settled upon     
clear principles1 and arising from      
claims which pride would permit neither 
party to abandon1 by resorting as nearly
 as possible to the old1 successful     

course4 ,a mere repeal of the obnoxious 
tax1 with a declaration of the          
legislative authority of this kingdom1  
was then fully sufficient to procure    
peace to both sides4 ,man is a creature 
of habit1 and1 the first breach being of
 very short continuance1 the colonies   
fell back exactly into their ancient    
state4 ,the ,congress has used an       
expression with regard to this          
pacification which appears to me truly  
significant4 ,after the repeal of the   
,stamp ,act1 the colonies fell1 says    
this assembly1 into their ancient state 
of unsuspecting confidence in the mother
 country4 ,this unsuspecting confidence 
is the true centre of gravity amongst   
mankind1 about which all the parts are  
at rest4 ,it is this unsuspecting       
confidence that removes all             
difficulties1 and reconciles all the    
contradictions which occur in the       
complexity of all ancient puzzled       
political establishments4 ,happy are the
 rulers which have the secret of        

preserving it6  ,the whole empire has   
reason to remember with eternal         
gratitude the wisdom and temper of that 
man and his excellent associates1 who1  
to recover this confidence1 formed a    
plan of pacification in #agff4 ,that    
plan1 being built upon the nature of    
man1 and the circumstances and habits of
 the two countries1 and not on any      
visionary speculations1 perfectly       
answered its end1 as long as it was     
thought proper to adhere to it4 ,without
 giving a rude shock to the dignity     
7well or ill understood7 of this        
,parliament1 they gave perfect content  
to our dependencies4 ,had it not been   
for the mediatorial spirit and talents  
of that great man between such clashing 
pretensions and passions1 we should then
 have rushed headlong 7,i know what ,i  
say7 into the calamities of that civil  
war in which1 by departing from his     
system1 we are at length involved2 and  
we should have been precipitated into   
that war at a time when circumstances   

both at home and abroad were far1 very  
far1 more unfavorable unto us than they 
were at the breaking out of the present 
troubles4  ,i had the happiness of      
giving my first votes in ,parliament for
 that pacification4 ,i was one of those 
almost unanimous members who1 in the    
necessary concessions of ,parliament1   
would as much as possible have preserved
 its authority and respected its honor4 
,i could not at once tear from my heart 
prejudices which were dear to me1 and   
which bore a resemblance to virtue4 ,i  
had then1 and ,i have still1 my         
partialities4 ,what ,parliament gave up 
,i wished to be given as of grace and   
favor and affection1 and not as a       
restitution of stolen goods4 ,high      
dignity relented as it was soothed2 and 
a benignity from old acknowledged       
greatness had its full effect on our    
dependencies4 ,our unlimited declaration
 of legislative authority produced not a
 single murmur4 ,if this undefined power
 has become odious since that time1 and 

full of horror to the colonies1 it is   
because the unsuspicious confidence is  
lost1 and the parental affection1 in the
 bosom of whose boundless authority they
 reposed their privileges1 is become    
estranged and hostile4  ,it will be     
asked1 if such was then my opinion of   
the mode of pacification1 how ,i came to
 be the very person who moved1 not only 
for a repeal of all the late coercive   
statutes1 but for mutilating1 by a      
positive law1 the entireness of the     
legislative power of ,parliament1 and   
cutting off from it the whole right of  
taxation4 ,i answer1 ,because a         
different state of things requires a    
different conduct4 ,when the dispute had
 gone to these last extremities1 7which 
no man labored more to prevent than ,i  
did17 the concessions which had         
satisfied in the beginning could satisfy
 no longer2 because the violation of    
tacit faith required explicit security4 
,the same cause which has introduced all
 formal compacts and covenants among men

 made it necessary3 ,i mean1 habits of  
soreness1 jealousy1 and distrust4 ,i    
parted with it as with a limb1 but as a 
limb to save the body3 and ,i would have
 parted with more1 if more had been     
necessary2 anything rather than a       
fruitless1 hopeless1 unnatural civil    
war4 ,this mode of yielding would1 it is
 said1 give way to independency without 
a war4 ,i am persuaded1 from the nature 
of things1 and from every information1  
that it would have had a directly       
contrary effect4 ,but if it had this    
effect1 ,i confess that ,i should prefer
 independency without war to            
independency with it2 and ,i have so    
much trust in the inclinations and      
prejudices of mankind1 and so little in 
anything else1 that ,i should expect ten
 times more benefit to this kingdom from
 the affection of ,america1 though under
 a separate establishment1 than from her
 perfect submission to the crown and    
,parliament1 accompanied with her       
terror1 disgust1 and abhorrence4 ,bodies

 tied together by so unnatural a bond of
 union as mutual hatred are only        
connected to their ruin4  ,one hundred  
and ten respectable members of          
,parliament voted for that concession4  
,many not present when the motion was   
made were of the sentiments of those who
 voted4 ,i knew it would then have made 
peace4 ,i am not without hopes that it  
would do so at present1 if it were      
adopted4 ,no benefit1 no revenue1 could 
be lost by it2 something might possibly 
be gained by its consequences4 ,for be  
fully assured1 that1 of all the phantoms
 that ever deluded the fond hopes of a  
credulous world1 a ,parliamentary       
revenue in the colonies is the most     
perfectly chimerical4 ,your breaking    
them to any subjection1 far from        
relieving your burdens1 7the pretext for
 this war17 will never pay that military
 force which will be kept up to the     
destruction of their liberties and      
yours4 ,i risk nothing in this prophecy4
         99       99       99       99  

99  ,gentlemen1 you have my opinions on 
the present state of public affairs4    
,mean as they may be in themselves1 your
 partiality has made them of some       
importance4 ,without troubling myself to
 inquire whether ,i am under a formal   
obligation to it1 ,i have a pleasure in 
accounting for my conduct to my         
constituents4 ,i feel warmly on this    
subject1 and ,i express myself as ,i    
feel4 ,if ,i presume to blame any public
 proceeding1 ,i cannot be supposed to be
 personal4 ,would to ,god ,i could be   
suspected of it6 ,my fault might be     
greater1 but the public calamity would  
be less extensive4 ,if my conduct has   
not been able to make any impression on 
the warm part of that ancient and       
powerful party with whose support ,i was
 not honored at my election1 on my side1
 my respect1 regard1 and duty to them is
 not at all lessened4 ,i owe the        
gentlemen who compose it my most humble 
service in everything4 ,i hope that     
whenever any of them were pleased to    

command me1 that they found me perfectly
 equal in my obedience4 ,but flattery   
and friendship are very different       
things2 and to mislead is not to serve  
them4 ,i cannot purchase the favor of   
any man by concealing from him what ,i  
think his ruin4  ,by the favor of my    
fellow-citizens1 ,i am the              
representative of an honest1            
well-ordered1 virtuous city1--of a      
people who preserve more of the original
 ,english simplicity and purity of      
manners than perhaps any other4 ,you    
possess among you several men and       
magistrates of large and cultivated     
understandings1 fit for any employment  
in any sphere4 ,i do1 to the best of my 
power1 act so as to make myself worthy  
of so honorable a choice4 ,if ,i were   
ready1 on any call of my own vanity or  
interest1 or to answer any election     
purpose1 to forsake principles 7whatever
 they are7 which ,i had formed at a     
mature age1 on full reflection1 and     
which had been confirmed by long        

experience1 ,i should forfeit the only  
thing which makes you pardon so many    
errors and imperfections in me4  ,not   
that ,i think it fit for any one to rely
 too much on his own understanding1 or  
to be filled with a presumption not     
becoming a ,christian man in his own    
personal stability and rectitude4 ,i    
hope ,i am far from that vain confidence
 which almost always fails in trial4 ,i 
know my weakness in all respects1 as    
much at least as any enemy ,i have2 and 
,i attempt to take security against it4 
,the only method which has ever been    
found effectual to preserve any man     
against the corruption of nature and    
example is an habit of life and         
communication of councils with the most 
virtuous and public-spirited men of the 
age you live in4 ,such a society cannot 
be kept without advantage1 or deserted  
without shame4 ,for this rule of conduct
 ,i may be called in reproach a party   
man2 but ,i am little affected with such
 aspersions4 ,in the way which they call

 party ,i worship the ,constitution of  
your fathers2 and ,i shall never blush  
for my political company4 ,all reverence
 to honor1 all idea of what it is1 will 
be lost out of the world1 before it can 
be imputed as a fault to any man1 that  
he has been closely connected with those
 incomparable persons1 living and dead1 
with whom for eleven years ,i have      
constantly thought and acted4 ,if ,i    
have wandered out of the paths of       
rectitude into those of interested      
faction1 it was in company with the     
,saviles1 the ,dowdeswells1 the         
,wentworths1 the ,bentincks2 with the   
,lenoxes1 the ,manchesters1 the         
,keppels1 the ,saunderses2 with the     
temperate1 permanent1 hereditary virtue 
of the whole house of ,cavendish3 names1
 among which1 some have extended your   
fame and empire in arms1 and all have   
fought the battle of your liberties in  
fields not less glorious4 ,these1 and   
many more like these1 grafting public   
principles on private honor1 have       

redeemed the present age1 and would have
 adorned the most splendid period in    
your history4 ,where could any man1     
conscious of his own inability to act   
alone1 and willing to act as he ought to
 do1 have arranged himself better8 ,if  
any one thinks this kind of society to  
be taken up as the best method of       
gratifying low personal pride or        
ambitious interest1 he is mistaken1 and 
knows nothing of the world4  ,preferring
 this connection1 ,i do not mean to     
detract in the slightest degree from    
others4 ,there are some of those whom ,i
 admire at something of a greater       
distance1 with whom ,i have had the     
happiness also perfectly to agree1 in   
almost all the particulars in which ,i  
have differed with some successive      
administrations2 and they are such as it
 never can be reputable to any          
government to reckon among its enemies4 
,i hope there are none of you corrupted 
with the doctrine taught by wicked men  
for the worst purposes1 and received by 

the malignant credulity of envy and     
ignorance1 which is1 that the men who   
act upon the public stage are all alike1
 all equally corrupt1 all influenced by 
no other views than the sordid lure of  
salary and pension4 ,the thing ,i know  
by experience to be false4 ,never       
expecting to find perfection in men1 and
 not looking for divine attributes in   
created beings1 in my commerce with my  
contemporaries ,i have found much human 
virtue4 ,i have seen not a little public
 spirit1 a real subordination of        
interest to duty1 and a decent and      
regulated sensibility to honest fame and
 reputation4 ,the age unquestionably    
produces 7whether in a greater or less  
number than former times ,i know not7   
daring profligates and insidious        
hypocrites4 ,what then8 ,am ,i not to   
avail myself of whatever good is to be  
found in the world1 because of the      
mixture of evil that will always be in  
it8 ,the smallness of the quantity in   
currency only heightens the value4 ,they

 who raise suspicions on the good on    
account of the behavior of ill men are  
of the party of the latter4 ,the common 
cant is no justification for taking this
 party4 ,i have been deceived1 say they1
 by ,titius and ,mvius2 ,i have been the
 dupe of this pretender or of that      
mountebank2 and ,i can trust appearances
 no longer4 ,but my credulity and want  
of discernment cannot1 as ,i conceive1  
amount to a fair presumption against any
 man's integrity4 ,a conscientious      
person would rather doubt his own       
judgment than condemn his species4 ,he  
would say1 ,i have observed without     
attention1 or judged upon erroneous     
maxims2 ,i trusted to profession1 when  
,i ought to have attended to conduct4   
,such a man will grow wise1 not         
malignant1 by his acquaintance with the 
world4 ,but he that accuses all mankind 
of corruption ought to remember that he 
is sure to convict only one4 ,in truth1 
,i should much rather admit those whom  
at any time ,i have disrelished the most

 to be patterns of perfection than seek 
a consolation to my own unworthiness in 
a general communion of depravity with   
all about me4  ,that this ill-natured   
doctrine should be preached by the      
missionaries of a court ,i do not       
wonder4 ,it answers their purpose4 ,but 
that it should be heard among those who 
pretend to be strong assertors of       
liberty is not only surprising1 but     
hardly natural4 ,this moral levelling is
 a servile principle4 ,it leads to      
practical passive obedience far better  
than all the doctrines which the pliant 
accommodation of theology to power has  
ever produced4 ,it cuts up by the roots1
 not only all idea of forcible          
resistance1 but even of civil           
opposition4 ,it disposes men to an      
abject submission1 not by opinion1 which
 may be shaken by argument or altered by
 passion1 but by the strong ties of     
public and private interest4 ,for1 if   
all men who act in a public situation   
are equally selfish1 corrupt1 and venal1

 what reason can be given for desiring  
any sort of change1 which1 besides the  
evils which must attend all changes1 can
 be productive of no possible advantage8
 ,the active men in the state are true  
samples of the mass4 ,if they are       
universally depraved1 the commonwealth  
itself is not sound4 ,we may amuse      
ourselves with talking as much as we    
please of the virtue of middle or humble
 life2 that is1 we may place our        
confidence in the virtue of those who   
have never been tried4 ,but if the      
persons who are continually emerging out
 of that sphere be no better than those 
whom birth has placed above it1 what    
hopes are there in the remainder of the 
body which is to furnish the perpetual  
succession of the state8 ,all who have  
ever written on government are          
unanimous1 that among a people generally
 corrupt liberty cannot long exist4     
,and1 indeed1 how is it possible1 when  
those who are to make the laws1 to      
guard1 to enforce1 or to obey them1 are1

 by a tacit confederacy of manners1     
indisposed to the spirit of all generous
 and noble institutions8  ,i am aware   
that the age is not what we all wish4   
,but ,i am sure that the only means of  
checking its precipitate degeneracy is  
heartily to concur with whatever is the 
best in our time1 and to have some more 
correct standard of judging what that   
best is than the transient and uncertain
 favor of a court4 ,if once we are able 
to find1 and can prevail on ourselves to
 strengthen an union of such men1       
whatever accidentally becomes indisposed
 to ill-exercised power1 even by the    
ordinary operation of human passions1   
must join with that society1 and cannot 
long be joined without in some degree   
assimilating to it4 ,virtue will catch  
as well as vice by contact2 and the     
public stock of honest1 manly principle 
will daily accumulate4 ,we are not too  
nicely to scrutinize motives as long as 
action is irreproachable4 ,it is enough 
7and for a worthy man perhaps too much7 

to deal out its infamy to convicted     
guilt and declared apostasy4  ,this1    
,gentlemen1 has been from the beginning 
the rule of my conduct2 and ,i mean to  
continue it1 as long as such a body as  
,i have described can by any possibility
 be kept together2 for ,i should think  
it the most dreadful of all offences1   
not only towards the present generation1
 but to all the future1 if ,i were to do
 anything which could make the minutest 
breach in this great conservatory of    
free principles4 ,those who perhaps have
 the same intentions1 but are separated 
by some little political animosities1   
will1 ,i hope1 discern at last how      
little conducive it is to any rational  
purpose to lower its reputation4 ,for my
 part1 ,gentlemen1 from much experience1
 from no little thinking1 and from      
comparing a great variety of things1 ,i 
am thoroughly persuaded that the last   
hopes of preserving the spirit of the   
,english ,constitution1 or of reuniting 
the dissipated members of the ,english  

race upon a common plan of tranquillity 
and liberty1 does entirely depend on    
their firm and lasting union1 and above 
all on their keeping themselves from    
that despair which is so very apt to    
fall on those whom a violence of        
character and a mixture of ambitious    
views do not support through a long1    
painful1 and unsuccessful struggle4     
,there never1 ,gentlemen1 was a period  
in which the steadfastness of some men  
has been put to so sore a trial4 ,it is 
not very difficult for well-formed minds
 to abandon their interest2 but the     
separation of fame and virtue is an     
harsh divorce4 ,liberty is in danger of 
being made unpopular to ,englishmen4    
,contending for an imaginary power1 we  
begin to acquire the spirit of          
domination1 and to lose the relish of   
honest equality4 ,the principles of our 
forefathers become suspected to us1     
because we see them animating the       
present opposition of our children4 ,the
 faults which grow out of the luxuriance

 of freedom appear much more shocking to
 us than the base vices which are       
generated from the rankness of          
servitude4 ,accordingly1 the least      
resistance to power appears more        
inexcusable in our eyes than the        
greatest abuses of authority4 ,all dread
 of a standing military force is looked 
upon as a superstitious panic4 ,all     
shame of calling in foreigners and      
savages in a civil contest is worn off4 
,we grow indifferent to the consequences
 inevitable to ourselves from the plan  
of ruling half the empire by a mercenary
 sword4 ,we are taught to believe that a
 desire of domineering over our         
countrymen is love to our country1 that 
those who hate civil war abet rebellion1
 and that the amiable and conciliatory  
virtues of lenity1 moderation1 and      
tenderness to the privileges of those   
who depend on this kingdom are a sort of
 treason to the state4  ,it is          
impossible that we should remain long in
 a situation which breeds such notions  

and dispositions without some great     
alteration in the national character4   
,those ingenuous and feeling minds who  
are so fortified against all other      
things1 and so unarmed to whatever      
approaches in the shape of disgrace1    
finding these principles1 which they    
considered as sure means of honor1 to be
 grown into disrepute1 will retire      
disheartened and disgusted4 ,those of a 
more robust make1 the bold1 able1       
ambitious men1 who pay some of their    
court to power through the people1 and  
substitute the voice of transient       
opinion in the place of true glory1 will
 give into the general mode2 and those  
superior understandings which ought to  
correct vulgar prejudice will confirm   
and aggravate its errors4 ,many things  
have been long operating towards a      
gradual change in our principles2 but   
this ,american war has done more in a   
very few years than all the other causes
 could have effected in a century4 ,it  
is therefore not on its own separate    

account1 but because of its attendant   
circumstances1 that ,i consider its     
continuance1 or its ending in any way   
but that of an honorable and liberal    
accommodation1 as the greatest evils    
which can befall us4 ,for that reason ,i
 have troubled you with this long       
letter4 ,for that reason ,i entreat you1
 again and again1 neither to be         
persuaded1 shamed1 or frighted out of   
the principles that have hitherto led so
 many of you to abhor the war1 its      
cause1 and its consequences4 ,let us not
 be amongst the first who renounce the  
maxims of our forefathers4  ,i have the 
honor to be1  ,gentlemen1  ,your most   
obedient and faithful humble servant1   
,,edmund ,,burke4  ,,beaconsfield1      
,april #c1 #aggg4  ,p4,s4 ,you may      
communicate this letter in any manner   
you think proper to my constituents4    
,,two ,,letters  ,,to  ,,gentlemen ,,in 
,,the ,,city ,,of ,,bristol4  ,,on ,,the
  ,,bills ,,depending ,,in ,,parliament 
,,relative ,,to ,,the ,,trade ,,of      

,,ireland4  #aggh4     ,,letters4  ,,to 
,,samuel ,,span1 ,,esq41 ,,master ,,of  
,,the ,,society ,,of ,,merchants        
,,adventurers ,,of ,,bristol4           
,sir1--,i am honored with your letter of
 the #acth1 in answer to mine1 which    
accompanied the resolutions of the      
,house relative to the trade of         
,ireland4  ,you will be so good as to   
present my best respects to the         
,society1 and to assure them that it was
 altogether unnecessary to remind me of 
the interest of the constituents4 ,i    
have never regarded anything else since 
,i had a seat in ,parliament4 ,having   
frequently and maturely considered that 
interest1 and stated it to myself in    
almost every point of view1 ,i am       
persuaded1 that1 under the present      
circumstances1 ,i cannot more           
effectually pursue it than by giving all
 the support in my power to the         
propositions which ,i lately transmitted
 to the ,hall4  ,the fault ,i find in   
the scheme is1 that it falls extremely  

short of that liberality in the         
commercial system which ,i trust will   
one day be adopted4 ,if ,i had not      
considered the present resolutions      
merely as preparatory to better things1 
and as a means of showing1              
experimentally1 that justice to others  
is not always folly to ourselves1 ,i    
should have contented myself with       
receiving them in a cold and silent     
acquiescence4 ,separately considered1   
they are matters of no very great       
importance4 ,but they aim1 however      
imperfectly1 at a right principle4 ,i   
submit to the restraint to appease      
prejudice2 ,i accept the enlargement1 so
 far as it goes1 as the result of reason
 and of sound policy4  ,we cannot be    
insensible of the calamities which have 
been brought upon this nation by an     
obstinate adherence to narrow and       
restrictive plans of government4 ,i     
confess1 ,i cannot prevail on myself to 
take them up precisely at a time when   
the most decisive experience has taught 

the rest of the world to lay them down4 
,the propositions in question did not   
originate from me1 or from my particular
 friends4 ,but when things are so right 
in themselves1 ,i hold it my duty not to
 inquire from what hands they come4 ,i  
opposed the ,american measures upon the 
very same principle on which ,i support 
those that relate to ,ireland4 ,i was   
convinced that the evils which have     
arisen from the adoption of the former  
would be infinitely aggravated by the   
rejection of the latter4  ,perhaps      
gentlemen are not yet fully aware of the
 situation of their country1 and what   
its exigencies absolutely require4 ,i   
find that we are still disposed to talk 
at our ease1 and as if all things were  
to be regulated by our good pleasure4 ,i
 should consider it as a fatal symptom1 
if1 in our present distressed and       
adverse circumstances1 we should persist
 in the errors which are natural only to
 prosperity4 ,one cannot1 indeed1       
sufficiently lament the continuance of  

that spirit of delusion1 by which1 for a
 long time past1 we have thought fit to 
measure our necessities by our          
inclinations4 ,moderation1 prudence1 and
 equity are far more suitable to our    
condition than loftiness1 and           
confidence1 and rigor4 ,we are          
threatened by enemies of no small       
magnitude1 whom1 if we think fit1 we may
 despise1 as we have despised others2   
but they are enemies who can only cease 
to be truly formidable by our           
entertaining a due respect for their    
power4 ,our danger will not be lessened 
by our shutting our eyes to it2 nor will
 our force abroad be increased by       
rendering ourselves feeble and divided  
at home4  ,there is a dreadful schism in
 the ,british nation4 ,since we are not 
able to reunite the empire1 it is our   
business to give all possible vigor and 
soundness to those parts of it which are
 still content to be governed by our    
councils4 ,sir1 it is proper to inform  
you that our measures must be healing4  

,such a degree of strength must be      
communicated to all the members of the  
state as may enable them to defend      
themselves1 and to coperate in the      
defence of the whole4 ,their temper1    
too1 must be managed1 and their good    
affections cultivated4 ,they may then be
 disposed to bear the load with         
cheerfulness1 as a contribution towards 
what may be called with truth and       
propriety1 and not by an empty form of  
words1 a common cause4 ,too little      
dependence cannot be had1 at this time  
of day1 on names and prejudices4 ,the   
eyes of mankind are opened1 and         
communities must be held together by an 
evident and solid interest4 ,god forbid 
that our conduct should demonstrate to  
the world that ,great ,britain can in no
 instance whatsoever be brought to a    
sense of rational and equitable policy  
but by coercion and force of arms6  ,i  
wish you to recollect with what powers  
of concession1 relatively to commerce1  
as well as to legislation1 his          

,majesty's commissioners to the ,united 
,colonies have sailed from ,england     
within this week4 ,whether these powers 
are sufficient for their purposes it is 
not now my business to examine4 ,but we 
all know that our resolutions in favor  
of ,ireland are trifling and            
insignificant1 when compared with the   
concessions to the ,americans4 ,at such 
a juncture1 ,i would implore every man1 
who retains the least spark of regard to
 the yet remaining honor and security of
 this country1 not to compel others to  
an imitation of their conduct1 or by    
passion and violence to force them to   
seek in the territories of the          
separation that freedom and those       
advantages which they are not to look   
for whilst they remain under the wings  
of their ancient government4  ,after    
all1 what are the matters we dispute    
with so much warmth8 ,do we in these    
resolutions bestow anything upon        
,ireland8 ,not a shilling4 ,we only     
consent to leave to them1 in two or     

three instances1 the use of the natural 
faculties which ,god has given to them1 
and to all mankind4 ,is ,ireland united 
to the crown of ,great ,britain for no  
other purpose than that we should       
counteract the bounty of ,providence in 
her favor8 and in proportion as that    
bounty has been liberal1 that we are to 
regard it as an evil1 which is to be met
 with in every sort of corrective8 ,to  
say that ,ireland interferes with us1   
and therefore must be checked1 is1 in my
 opinion1 a very mistaken1 and a very   
dangerous principle4 ,i must beg leave  
to repeat1 what ,i took the liberty of  
suggesting to you in my last letter1    
that ,ireland is a country in the same  
climate and of the same natural         
qualities and productions with this1 and
 has consequently no other means of     
growing wealthy in herself1 or1 in other
 words1 of being useful to us1 but by   
doing the very same things which we do  
for the same purposes4 ,i hope that in  
,great ,britain we shall always pursue1 

without exception1 every means of       
prosperity1 and1 of course1 that        
,ireland will interfere with us in      
something or other3 for either1 in order
 to limit her1 we must restrain         
ourselves1 or we must fall into that    
shocking conclusion1 that we are to keep
 our yet remaining dependency under a   
general and indiscriminate restraint for
 the mere purpose of oppression4        
,indeed1 ,sir1 ,england and ,ireland may
 flourish together4 ,the world is large 
enough for us both4 ,let it be our care 
not to make ourselves too little for it4
  ,i know it is said1 that the people of
 ,ireland do not pay the same taxes1 and
 therefore ought not in equity to enjoy 
the same benefits with this4 ,i had     
hopes that the unhappy phantom of a     
compulsory equal taxation had haunted us
 long enough4 ,i do assure you1 that1   
until it is entirely banished from our  
imaginations1 7where alone it has1 or   
can have1 any existence17 we shall never
 cease to do ourselves the most         

substantial injuries4 ,to that argument 
of equal taxation ,i can only say1 that 
,ireland pays as many taxes as those who
 are the best judges of her powers are  
of opinion she can bear4 ,to bear more1 
she must have more ability2 and1 in the 
order of ,nature1 the advantage must    
precede the charge4 ,this disposition of
 things being the law of ,god1 neither  
you nor ,i can alter it4 ,so that1 if   
you will have more help from ,ireland1  
you must previously supply her with more
 means4 ,i believe it will be found1    
that1 if men are suffered freely to     
cultivate their natural advantages1 a   
virtual equality of contribution will   
come in its own time1 and will flow by  
an easy descent through its own proper  
and natural channels4 ,an attempt to    
disturb that course1 and to force       
,nature1 will only bring on universal   
discontent1 distress1 and confusion4    
,you tell me1 ,sir1 that you prefer an  
union with ,ireland to the little       
regulations which are proposed in       

,parliament4 ,this union is a great     
question of state1 to which1 when it    
comes properly before me in my          
,parliamentary capacity1 ,i shall give  
an honest and unprejudiced              
consideration4 ,however1 it is a settled
 rule with me1 to make the most of my   
actual situation1 and not to refuse to  
do a proper thing because there is      
something else more proper which ,i am  
not able to do4 ,this union is a        
business of difficulty1 and1 on the     
principles of your letter1 a business   
impracticable4 ,until it can be matured 
into a feasible and desirable scheme1 ,i
 wish to have as close an union of      
interest and affection with ,ireland as 
,i can have2 and that1 ,i am sure1 is a 
far better thing than any nominal union 
of government4  ,france1 and indeed most
 extensive empires1 which by various    
designs and fortunes have grown into one
 great mass1 contain many provinces that
 are very different from each other in  
privileges and modes of government2 and 

they raise their supplies in different  
ways1 in different proportions1 and     
under different authorities3 yet none of
 them are for this reason curtailed of  
their natural rights2 but they carry on 
trade and manufactures with perfect     
equality4 ,in some way or other the true
 balance is found2 and all of them are  
properly poised and harmonized4 ,how    
much have you lost by the participation 
of ,scotland in all your commerce8 ,the 
external trade of ,england has more than
 doubled since that period2 and ,i      
believe your internal 7which is the most
 advantageous7 has been augmented at    
least fourfold4 ,such virtue there is in
 liberality of sentiment1 that you have 
grown richer even by the partnership of 
poverty4  ,if you think that this       
participation was a loss1 commercially  
considered1 but that it has been        
compensated by the share which ,scotland
 has taken in defraying the public      
charge1 ,i believe you have not very    
carefully looked at the public accounts4

 ,ireland1 ,sir1 pays a great deal more 
than ,scotland1 and is perhaps as much  
and as effectually united to ,england as
 ,scotland is4 ,but if ,scotland1       
instead of paying little1 had paid      
nothing at all1 we should be gainers1   
not losers1 by acquiring the hearty     
coperation of an active1 intelligent    
people towards the increase of the      
common stock1 instead of our being      
employed in watching and counteracting  
them1 and their being employed in       
watching and counteracting us1 with the 
peevish and churlish jealousy of rivals 
and enemies on both sides4  ,i am sure1 
,sir1 that the commercial experience of 
the merchants of ,bristol will soon     
disabuse them of the prejudice1 that    
they can trade no longer1 if countries  
more lightly taxed are permitted to deal
 in the same commodities at the same    
markets4 ,you know1 that1 in fact1 you  
trade very largely where you are met by 
the goods of all nations4 ,you even pay 
high duties on the import of your goods1

 and afterwards undersell nations less  
taxed1 at their own markets1 and where  
goods of the same kind are not charged  
at all4 ,if it were otherwise1 you could
 trade very little4 ,you know that the  
price of all sorts of manufacture is not
 a great deal enhanced 7except to the   
domestic consumer7 by any taxes paid in 
this country4 ,this ,i might very easily
 prove4  ,the same consideration will   
relieve you from the apprehension you   
express with relation to sugars1 and the
 difference of the duties paid here and 
in ,ireland4 ,those duties affect the   
interior consumer only1 and for obvious 
reasons1 relative to the interest of    
revenue itself1 they must be            
proportioned to his ability of payment2 
but in all cases in which sugar can be  
an object of commerce1 and therefore 7in
 this view7 of rivalship1 you are       
sensible that you are at least on a par 
with ,ireland4 ,as to your apprehensions
 concerning the more advantageous       
situation of ,ireland for some branches 

of commerce1 7for it is so but for      
some17 ,i trust you will not find them  
more serious4 ,milford ,haven1 which is 
at your door1 may serve to show you that
 the mere advantage of ports1 is not the
 thing which shifts the seat of commerce
 from one part of the world to the      
other4 ,if ,i thought you inclined to   
take up this matter on local            
considerations1 ,i should state to you1 
that ,i do not know any part of the     
kingdom so well situated for an         
advantageous commerce with ,ireland as  
,bristol1 and that none would be so     
likely to profit of its prosperity as   
our city4 ,but your profit and theirs   
must concur4 ,beggary and bankruptcy are
 not the circumstances which invite to  
an intercourse with that or with any    
country2 and ,i believe it will be found
 invariably true1 that the superfluities
 of a rich nation furnish a better      
object of trade than the necessities of 
a poor one4 ,it is the interest of the  
commercial world that wealth should be  

found everywhere4  ,the true ground of  
fear1 in my opinion1 is this3 that      
,ireland1 from the vicious system of its
 internal polity1 will be a long time   
before it can derive any benefit from   
the liberty now granted1 or from any    
thing else4 ,but1 as ,i do not vote     
advantages in hopes that they may not be
 enjoyed1 ,i will not lay any stress    
upon this consideration4 ,i rather wish 
that the ,parliament of ,ireland may1 in
 its own wisdom1 remove these           
impediments1 and put their country in a 
condition to avail itself of its natural
 advantages4 ,if they do not1 the fault 
is with them1 and not with us4  ,i have 
written this long letter in order to    
give all possible satisfaction to my    
constituents with regard to the part ,i 
have taken in this affair4 ,it gave me  
inexpressible concern to find that my   
conduct had been a cause of uneasiness  
to any of them4 ,next to my honor and   
conscience1 ,i have nothing so near and 
dear to me as their approbation4        

,however1 ,i had much rather run the    
risk of displeasing than of injuring    
them1--if ,i am driven to make such an  
option4 ,you obligingly lament that you 
are not to have me for your advocate2   
but if ,i had been capable of acting as 
an advocate in opposition to a plan so  
perfectly consonant to my known         
principles1 and to the opinions ,i had  
publicly declared on an hundred         
occasions1 ,i should only disgrace      
myself1 without supporting1 with the    
smallest degree of credit or effect1 the
 cause you wished me to undertake4 ,i   
should have lost the only thing which   
can make such abilities as mine of any  
use to the world now or hereafter3 ,i   
mean that authority which is derived    
from an opinion that a member speaks the
 language of truth and sincerity1 and   
that he is not ready to take up or lay  
down a great political system for the   
convenience of the hour1 that he is in  
,parliament to support his opinion of   
the public good1 and does not form his  

opinion in order to get into            
,parliament1 or to continue in it4 ,it  
is in a great measure for your sake that
 ,i wish to preserve this character4    
,without it1 ,i am sure1 ,i should be   
ill able to discharge1 by any service1  
the smallest part of that debt of       
gratitude and affection which ,i owe you
 for the great and honorable trust you  
have reposed in me4  ,i am1 with the    
highest regard and esteem1 ,sir1  ,your 
most obedient and humble servant1       
,e4,b4  ,,beaconsfield1 #bcrd ,april1   
#aggh4          99       99       99    
99       99  ,,copy ,,of ,a ,,letter    
,,to ,,messrs4 99999999999999           
999999999999 ,,and ,,co41 ,,bristol4    
,gentlemen1--  ,it gives me the most    
sensible concern to find that my vote on
 the resolutions relative to the trade  
of ,ireland has not been fortunate      
enough to meet with your approbation4 ,i
 have explained at large the grounds of 
my conduct on that occasion in my       
letters to the ,merchants' ,hall2 but my

 very sincere regard and esteem for you 
will not permit me to let the matter    
pass without an explanation which is    
particular to yourselves1 and which ,i  
hope will prove satisfactory to you4    
,you tell me that the conduct of your   
late member is not much wondered at2 but
 you seem to be at a loss to account for
 mine2 and you lament that ,i have taken
 so decided a part against my           
constituents4  ,this is rather an heavy 
imputation4 ,does it1 then1 really      
appear to you that the propositions to  
which you refer are1 on the face of     
them1 so manifestly wrong1 and so       
certainly injurious to the trade and    
manufactures of ,great ,britain1 and    
particularly to yours1 that no man could
 think of proposing or supporting them1 
except from resentment to you1 or from  
some other oblique motive8 ,if you      
suppose your late member1 or if you     
suppose me1 to act upon other reasons   
than we choose to avow1 to what do you  
attribute the conduct of the other      

members1 who in the beginning almost    
unanimously adopted those resolutions8  
,to what do you attribute the strong    
part taken by the ministers1 and1 along 
with the ministers1 by several of their 
most declared opponents8 ,this does not 
indicate a ministerial job1 a party     
design1 or a provincial or local        
purpose4 ,it is1 therefore1 not so      
absolutely clear that the measure is    
wrong1 or likely to be injurious to the 
true interests of any place or any      
person4  ,the reason1 ,gentlemen1 for   
taking this step1 at this time1 is but  
too obvious and too urgent4 ,i cannot   
imagine that you forget the great war   
which has been carried on with so little
 success 7and1 as ,i thought1 with so   
little policy7 in ,america1 or that you 
are not aware of the other great wars   
which are impending4 ,ireland has been  
called upon to repel the attacks of     
enemies of no small power1 brought upon 
her by councils in which she has had no 
share4 ,the very purpose and declared   

object of that original war1 which has  
brought other wars and other enemies on 
,ireland1 was not very flattering to her
 dignity1 her interest1 or to the very  
principle of her liberty4 ,yet she      
submitted patiently to the evils she    
suffered from an attempt to subdue to   
your obedience countries whose very     
commerce was not open to her4 ,america  
was to be conquered in order that       
,ireland should not trade thither2      
whilst the miserable trade which she is 
permitted to carry on to other places   
has been torn to pieces in the struggle4
 ,in this situation1 are we neither to  
suffer her to have any real interest in 
our quarrel1 or to be flattered with the
 hope of any future means of bearing the
 burdens which she is to incur in       
defending herself against enemies which 
we have brought upon her8  ,i cannot set
 my face against such arguments4 ,is it 
quite fair to suppose that ,i have no   
other motive for yielding to them but a 
desire of acting against my             

constituents8 ,it is for you1 and for   
your interest1 as a dear1 cherished1 and
 respected part of a valuable whole1    
that ,i have taken my share in this     
question4 ,you do not1 you cannot1      
suffer by it4 ,if honesty be true policy
 with regard to the transient interest  
of individuals1 it is much more         
certainly so with regard to the         
permanent interests of communities4 ,i  
know that it is but too natural for us  
to see our own certain ruin in the      
possible prosperity of other people4 ,it
 is hard to persuade us that everything 
which is got by another is not taken    
from ourselves4 ,but it is fit that ,we 
should get the better of these          
suggestions1 which come from what is not
 the best and soundest part of our      
nature1 and that we should form to      
ourselves a way of thinking1 more       
rational1 more just1 and more religious4
 ,trade is not a limited thing3 as if   
the objects of mutual demand and        
consumption could not stretch beyond the

 bounds of our jealousies4 ,god has     
given the earth to the children of men1 
and ,he has undoubtedly1 in giving it to
 them1 given them what is abundantly    
sufficient for all their exigencies3 not
 a scanty1 but a most liberal1 provision
 for them all4 ,the ,author of our      
nature has written it strongly in that  
nature1 and has promulgated the same law
 in ,his written word1 that man shall   
eat his bread by his labor2 and ,i am   
persuaded that no man1 and no           
combination of men1 for their own ideas 
of their particular profit1 can1 without
 great impiety1 undertake to say that he
 shall not do so1--that they have no    
sort of right either to prevent the     
labor or to withhold the bread4 ,ireland
 having received no compensation1       
directly or indirectly1 for any         
restraints on their trade1 ought not1 in
 justice or common honesty1 to be made  
subject to such restraints4 ,i do not   
mean to impeach the right of the        
,parliament of ,great ,britain to make  

laws for the trade of ,ireland3 ,i only 
speak of what laws it is right for      
,parliament to make4  ,it is nothing to 
an oppressed people1 to say that in part
 they are protected at our charge4 ,the 
military force which shall be kept up in
 order to cramp the natural faculties of
 a people1 and to prevent their arrival 
to their utmost prosperity1 is the      
instrument of their servitude1 not the  
means of their protection4 ,to protect  
men is to forward1 and not to restrain1 
their improvement4 ,else1 what is it    
more than to avow to them1 and to the   
world1 that you guard them from others  
only to make them a prey to yourself8   
,this fundamental nature of protection  
does not belong to free1 but to all     
governments1 and is as valid in ,turkey 
as in ,great ,britain4 ,no government   
ought to own that it exists for the     
purpose of checking the prosperity of   
its people1 or that there is such a     
principle involved in its policy4       
,under the impression of these          

sentiments1 7and not as wanting every   
attention to my constituents which      
affection and gratitude could inspire17 
,i voted for these bills which give you 
so much trouble4 ,i voted for them1 not 
as doing complete justice to ,ireland1  
but as being something less unjust than 
the general prohibition which has       
hitherto prevailed4 ,i hear some        
discourse as if1 in one or two paltry   
duties on materials1 ,ireland had a     
preference1 and that those who set      
themselves against this act of scanty   
justice assert that they are only       
contending for an equality4 ,what       
equality8 ,do they forget that the whole
 woollen manufacture of ,ireland1 the   
most extensive and profitable of any1   
and the natural staple of that kingdom1 
has been in a manner so destroyed by    
restrictive laws of ours1 and 7at our   
persuasion1 and on our promises7 by     
restrictive laws of their own1 that in a
 few years1 it is probable1 they will   
not be able to wear a coat of their own 

fabric8 ,is this equality8 ,do gentlemen
 forget that the understood faith upon  
which they were persuaded to such an    
unnatural act has not been kept1--but a 
linen-manufacture has been set up1 and  
highly encouraged1 against them8 ,is    
this equality8 ,do they forget the state
 of the trade of ,ireland in beer1 so   
great an article of consumption1 and    
which now stands in so mischievous a    
position with regard to their revenue1  
their manufacture1 and their            
agriculture8 ,do they find any equality 
in all this8 ,yet1 if the least step is 
taken towards doing them common justice 
in the slightest articles for the most  
limited markets1 a cry is raised1 as if 
we were going to be ruined by partiality
 to ,ireland4  ,gentlemen1 ,i know that 
the deficiency in these arguments is    
made up 7not by you1 but by others7 by  
the usual resource on such occasions1   
the confidence in military force and    
superior power4 ,but that ground of     
confidence1 which at no time was        

perfectly just1 or the avowal of it     
tolerably decent1 is at this time very  
unseasonable4 ,late experience has shown
 that it cannot be altogether relied    
upon2 and many1 if not all1 of our      
present difficulties have arisen from   
putting our trust in what may very      
possibly fail1 and1 if it should fail1  
leaves those who are hurt by such a     
reliance without pity4 ,whereas honesty 
and justice1 reason and equity1 go a    
very great way in securing prosperity to
 those who use them1 and1 in case of    
failure1 secure the best retreat and the
 most honorable consolations4  ,it is   
very unfortunate that we should consider
 those as rivals1 whom we ought to      
regard as fellow-laborers in a common   
cause4 ,ireland has never made a single 
step in its progress towards prosperity1
 by which you have not had a share1 and 
perhaps the greatest share1 in the      
benefit4 ,that progress has been chiefly
 owing to her own natural advantages1   
and her own efforts1 which1 after a long

 time1 and by slow degrees1 have        
prevailed in some measure over the      
mischievous systems which have been     
adopted4 ,far enough she is still from  
having arrived even at an ordinary state
 of perfection2 and if our jealousies   
were to be converted into politics as   
systematically as some would have them1 
the trade of ,ireland would vanish out  
of the system of commerce4 ,but1 believe
 me1 if ,ireland is beneficial to you1  
it is so not from the parts in which it 
is restrained1 but from those in which  
it is left free1 though not left        
unrivalled4 ,the greater its freedom1   
the greater must be your advantage4 ,if 
you should lose in one way1 you will    
gain in twenty4  ,whilst ,i remain under
 this unalterable and powerful          
conviction1 you will not wonder at the  
decided part ,i take4 ,it is my custom  
so to do1 when ,i see my way clearly    
before me1 and when ,i know that ,i am  
not misled by any passion or any        
personal interest1 which in this case ,i

 am very sure ,i am not4 ,i find that   
disagreeable things are circulated among
 my constituents2 and ,i wish my        
sentiments1 which form my justification1
 may be equally general with the        
circulation against me4 ,i have the     
honor to be1 with the greatest regard   
and esteem1 ,gentlemen1  ,your most     
obedient and humble servant1  ,e4,b4    
,westminster1 ,may #b1 #aggh4  ,i send  
the bills4     ,,speech  ,,on           
,,presenting ,,to ,,the ,,house ,,of    
,,commons  7,,on ,,the #aa,,th          
,,february1 #aghj7  ,a ,,plan  ,,for    
,,the ,,better ,,security ,,of ,,the    
,,independence ,,of ,,parliament1 ,,and 
,,the ,,economical ,,reformation ,,of   
,,the ,,civil ,,and ,,other             
,,establishments     ,mr4 ,speaker1--,i 
rise1 in acquittal of my engagement to  
the ,house1 in obedience to the strong  
and just requisition of my constituents1
 and1 ,i am persuaded1 in conformity to 
the unanimous wishes of the whole       
nation1 to submit to the wisdom of      

,parliament ,a ,plan of ,reform in the  
,constitution of ,several ,parts of the 
,public ,economy4  ,i have endeavored   
that this plan should include1 in its   
execution1 a considerable reduction of  
improper expense2 that it should effect 
a conversion of unprofitable titles into
 a productive estate2 that it should    
lead to1 and indeed almost compel1 a    
provident administration of such sums of
 public money as must remain under      
discretionary trusts2 that it should    
render the incurring debts on the civil 
establishment 7which must ultimately    
affect national strength and national   
credit7 so very difficult as to become  
next to impracticable4  ,but what1 ,i   
confess1 was uppermost with me1 what ,i 
bent the whole force of my mind to1 was 
the reduction of that corrupt influence 
which is itself the perennial spring of 
all prodigality and of all              
disorder1--which loads us more than     
millions of debt1--which takes away     
vigor from our arms1 wisdom from our    

councils1 and every shadow of authority 
and credit from the most venerable parts
 of our ,constitution4  ,sir1 ,i assure 
you very solemnly1 and with a very clear
 conscience1 that nothing in the world  
has led me to such an undertaking but my
 zeal for the honor of this ,house1 and 
the settled1 habitual1 systematic       
affection ,i bear to the cause and to   
the principles of government4  ,i enter 
perfectly into the nature and           
consequences of my attempt1 and ,i      
advance to it with a tremor that shakes 
me to the inmost fibre of my frame4 ,i  
feel that ,i engage in a business1 in   
itself most ungracious1 totally wide of 
the course of prudent conduct1 and1 ,i  
really think1 the most completely       
adverse that can be imagined to the     
natural turn and temper of my own mind4 
,i know that all parsimony is of a      
quality approaching to unkindness1 and  
that 7on some person or other7 every    
reform must operate as a sort of        
punishment4 ,indeed1 the whole class of 

the severe and restrictive virtues are  
at a market almost too high for         
humanity4 ,what is worse1 there are very
 few of those virtues which are not     
capable of being imitated1 and even     
outdone in many of their most striking  
effects1 by the worst of vices4         
,malignity and envy will carve much more
 deeply1 and finish much more sharply1  
in the work of retrenchment1 than       
frugality and providence4 ,i do not1    
therefore1 wonder that gentlemen have   
kept away from such a task1 as well from
 good-nature as from prudence4 ,private 
feeling might1 indeed1 be overborne by  
legislative reason2 and a man of a      
long-sighted and a strong-nerved        
humanity might bring himself not so much
 to consider from whom he takes a       
superfluous enjoyment as for whom in the
 end he may preserve the absolute       
necessaries of life4  ,but it is much   
more easy to reconcile this measure in  
humanity than to bring it to any        
agreement with prudence4 ,i do not mean 

that little1 selfish1 pitiful1 bastard  
thing which sometimes goes by the name  
of a family in which it is not          
legitimate and to which it is a         
disgrace2--,i mean even that public and 
enlarged prudence1 which1 apprehensive  
of being disabled from rendering        
acceptable services to the world1       
withholds itself from those that are    
invidious4 ,gentlemen who are1 with me1 
verging towards the decline of life1 and
 are apt to form their ideas of kings   
from kings of former times1 might dread 
the anger of a reigning prince2--they   
who are more provident of the future1 or
 by being young are more interested in  
it1 might tremble at the resentment of  
the successor2 they might see a long1   
dull1 dreary1 unvaried visto of despair 
and exclusion1 for half a century1      
before them4 ,this is no pleasant       
prospect at the outset of a political   
journey4  ,besides this1 ,sir1 the      
private enemies to be made in all       
attempts of this kind are innumerable2  

and their enmity will be the more       
bitter1 and the more dangerous too1     
because a sense of dignity will oblige  
them to conceal the cause of their      
resentment4 ,very few men of great      
families and extensive connections but  
will feel the smart of a cutting reform1
 in some close relation1 some bosom     
friend1 some pleasant acquaintance1 some
 dear1 protected dependant4 ,emolument  
is taken from some2 patronage from      
others2 objects of pursuit from all4    
,men forced into an involuntary         
independence will abhor the authors of a
 blessing which in their eyes has so    
very near a resemblance to a curse4     
,when officers are removed1 and the     
offices remain1 you may set the         
gratitude of some against the anger of  
others1 you may oppose the friends you  
oblige against the enemies you provoke4 
,but services of the present sort create
 no attachments4 ,the individual good   
felt in a public benefit is             
comparatively so small1 comes round     

through such an involved labyrinth of   
intricate and tedious revolutions1      
whilst a present personal detriment is  
so heavy1 where it falls1 and so instant
 in its operation1 that the cold        
commendation of a public advantage never
 was and never will be a match for the  
quick sensibility of a private loss2 and
 you may depend upon it1 ,sir1 that1    
when many people have an interest in    
railing1 sooner or later1 they will     
bring a considerable degree of          
unpopularity upon any measure4 ,so that1
 for the present at least1 the          
reformation will operate against the    
reformers2 and revenge 7as against them 
at the least7 will produce all the      
effects of corruption4  ,this1 ,sir1 is 
almost always the case1 where the plan  
has complete success4 ,but how stands   
the matter in the mere attempt8         
,nothing1 you know1 is more common than 
for men to wish1 and call loudly too1   
for a reformation1 who1 when it arrives1
 do by no means like the severity of its

 aspect4 ,reformation is one of those   
pieces which must be put at some        
distance in order to please4 ,its       
greatest favorers love it better in the 
abstract than in the substance4 ,when   
any old prejudice of their own1 or any  
interest that they value1 is touched1   
they become scrupulous1 they become     
captious2 and every man has his separate
 exception4 ,some pluck out the black   
hairs1 some the gray2 one point must be 
given up to one1 another point must be  
yielded to another2 nothing is suffered 
to prevail upon its own principle2 the  
whole is so frittered down and          
disjointed1 that scarcely a trace of the
 original scheme remains4 ,thus1 between
 the resistance of power1 and the       
unsystematical process of popularity1   
the undertaker and the undertaking are  
both exposed1 and the poor reformer is  
hissed off the stags both by friends and
 foes4  ,observe1 ,sir1 that the apology
 for my undertaking 7an apology which1  
though long1 is no longer than          

necessary7 is not grounded on my want of
 the fullest sense of the difficult and 
invidious nature of the task ,i         
undertake4 ,i risk odium1 if ,i succeed1
 and contempt1 if ,i fail4 ,my excuse   
must rest in mine and your conviction of
 the absolute1 urgent necessity there is
 that something of the kind should be   
done4 ,if there is any sacrifice to be  
made1 either of estimation or of        
fortune1 the smallest is the best4      
,commanders-in-chief are not to be put  
upon the forlorn hope4 ,but1 indeed1 it 
is necessary that the attempt should be 
made4 ,it is necessary from our own     
political circumstances2 it is necessary
 from the operations of the enemy2 it is
 necessary from the demands of the      
people1 whose desires1 when they do not 
militate with the stable and eternal    
rules of justice and reason1 7rules     
which are above us and above them17     
ought to be as a law to a ,house of     
,commons4  ,as to our circumstances1 ,i 
do not mean to aggravate the            

difficulties of them by the strength of 
any coloring whatsoever4 ,on the        
contrary1 ,i observe1 and observe with  
pleasure1 that our affairs rather wear a
 more promising aspect than they did on 
the opening of this session4 ,we have   
had some leading successes4 ,but those  
who rate them at the highest 7higher a  
great deal1 indeed1 than ,i dare to do7 
are of opinion1 that1 upon the ground of
 such advantages1 we cannot at this time
 hope to make any treaty of peace which 
would not be ruinous and completely     
disgraceful4 ,in such an anxious state  
of things1 if dawnings of success serve 
to animate our diligence1 they are good2
 if they tend to increase our           
presumption1 they are worse than        
defeats4 ,the state of our affairs      
shall1 then1 be as promising as any one 
may choose to conceive it3 it is1       
however1 but promising4 ,we must        
recollect1 that1 with but half of our   
natural strength1 we are at war against 
confederated powers who have singly     

threatened us with ruin2 we must        
recollect1 that1 whilst we are left     
naked on one side1 our other flank is   
uncovered by any alliance2 that1 whilst 
we are weighing and balancing our       
successes against our losses1 we are    
accumulating debt to the amount of at   
least fourteen millions in the year4    
,that loss is certain4  ,i have no wish 
to deny that our successes are as       
brilliant as any one chooses to make    
them2 our resources1 too1 may1 for me1  
be as unfathomable as they are          
represented4 ,indeed1 they are just     
whatever the people possess and will    
submit to pay4 ,taxing is an easy       
business4 ,any projector can contrive   
new impositions2 any bungler can add to 
the old4 ,but is it altogether wise to  
have no other bounds to your impositions
 than the patience of those who are to  
bear them8  ,all ,i claim upon the      
subject of your resources is this3 that 
they are not likely to be increased by  
wasting them4 ,i think ,i shall be      

permitted to assume that a system of    
frugality will not lessen your riches1  
whatever they may be4 ,i believe it will
 not be hotly disputed1 that those      
resources which lie heavy on the subject
 ought not to be objects of             
preference1--that they ought not to be  
the very first choice1 to an honest     
representative of the people4  ,this is 
all1 ,sir1 that ,i shall say upon our   
circumstances and our resources3 ,i mean
 to say a little more on the operations 
of the enemy1 because this matter seems 
to me very natural in our present       
deliberation4 ,when ,i look to the other
 side of the water1 ,i cannot help      
recollecting what ,pyrrhus said1 on     
reconnoitring the ,roman camp3--,these  
barbarians have nothing barbarous in    
their discipline4 ,when ,i look1 as ,i  
have pretty carefully looked1 into the  
proceedings of the ,french king1 ,i am  
sorry to say it1 ,i see nothing of the  
character and genius of arbitrary       
finance1 none of the bold frauds of     

bankrupt power1 none of the wild        
struggles and plunges of despotism in   
distress1--no lopping off from the      
capital of debt1 no suspension of       
interest1 no robbery under the name of  
loan1 no raising the value1 no debasing 
the substance of the coin4 ,i see       
neither ,louis the ,fourteenth nor      
,louis the ,fifteenth4 ,on the contrary1
 ,i behold1 with astonishment1 rising   
before me1 by the very hands of         
arbitrary power1 and in the very midst  
of war and confusion1 a regular1        
methodical system of public credit2 ,i  
behold a fabric laid on the natural and 
solid foundations of trust and          
confidence among men1 and rising1 by    
fair gradations1 order over order1      
according to the just rules of symmetry 
and art4 ,what a reverse of things6     
,principle1 method1 regularity1 economy1
 frugality1 justice to individuals1 and 
care of the people are the resources    
with which ,france makes war upon ,great
 ,britain4 ,god avert the omen6 ,but if 

we should see any genius in war and     
politics arise in ,france to second what
 is done in the bureau6--,i turn my eyes
 from the consequences4  ,the noble lord
 in the blue ribbon1 last year1 treated 
all this with contempt4 ,he never could 
conceive it possible that the ,french   
minister of finance could go through    
that year with a loan of but seventeen  
hundred thousand pounds1 and that he    
should be able to fund that loan without
 any tax4 ,the second year1 however1    
opens the very same scene4 ,a small     
loan1 a loan of no more than two        
millions five hundred thousand pounds1  
is to carry our enemies through the     
service of this year also4 ,no tax is   
raised to fund that debt2 no tax is     
raised for the current services4 ,i am  
credibly informed that there is no      
anticipation whatsoever4                
,compensations#ca are correctly made4   
,old debts continue to be sunk as in the
 time of profound peace4 ,even payments 
which their treasury had been authorized

 to suspend during the time of war are  
not suspended4  ,a general reform1      
executed through every department of the
 revenue1 creates an annual income of   
more than half a million1 whilst it     
facilitates and simplifies all the      
functions of administration4 ,the king's
 household--at the remotest avenues to  
which all reformation has been hitherto 
stopped1 that household which has been  
the stronghold of prodigality1 the      
virgin fortress which was never before  
attacked--has been not only not         
defended1 but it has1 even in the forms1
 been surrendered by the king to the    
economy of his minister4 ,no            
capitulation2 no reserve4 ,economy has  
entered in triumph into the public      
splendor of the monarch1 into his       
private amusements1 into the            
appointments of his nearest and highest 
relations4 ,economy and public spirit   
have made a beneficent and an honest    
spoil3 they have plundered from         
extravagance and luxury1 for the use of 

substantial service1 a revenue of near  
four hundred thousand pounds4 ,the      
reform of the finances1 joined to this  
reform of the court1 gives to the public
 nine hundred thousand pounds a year1   
and upwards4  ,the minister who does    
these things is a great man2 but the    
king who desires that they should be    
done is a far greater4 ,we must do      
justice to our enemies3 these are the   
acts of a patriot king4 ,i am not in    
dread of the vast armies of ,france2 ,i 
am not in dread of the gallant spirit of
 its brave and numerous nobility2 ,i am 
not alarmed even at the great navy which
 has been so miraculously created4 ,all 
these things ,louis the ,fourteenth had 
before4 ,with all these things1 the     
,french monarchy has more than once     
fallen prostrate at the feet of the     
public faith of ,great ,britain4 ,it was
 the want of public credit which        
disabled ,france from recovering after  
her defeats1 or recovering even from her
 victories and triumphs4 ,it was a      

prodigal court1 it was an ill-ordered   
revenue1 that sapped the foundations of 
all her greatness4 ,credit cannot exist 
under the arm of necessity4 ,necessity  
strikes at credit1 ,i allow1 with a     
heavier and quicker blow under an       
arbitrary monarchy than under a limited 
and balanced government2 but still      
necessity and credit are natural        
enemies1 and cannot be long reconciled  
in any situation4 ,from necessity and   
corruption1 a free state may lose the   
spirit of that complex constitution     
which is the foundation of confidence4  
,on the other hand1 ,i am far from being
 sure that a monarchy1 when once it is  
properly regulated1 may not for a long  
time furnish a foundation for credit    
upon the solidity of its maxims1 though 
it affords no ground of trust in its    
institutions4 ,i am afraid ,i see in    
,england1 and in ,france1 something like
 a beginning of both these things4 ,i   
wish ,i may be found in a mistake4      
,this very short and very imperfect     

state of what is now going on in ,france
 7the last circumstances of which ,i    
received in about eight days after the  
registry of the edict#cb7 ,i do not1    
,sir1 lay before you for any invidious  
purpose4 ,it is in order to excite in us
 the spirit of a noble emulation4 ,let  
the nations make war upon each other1   
7since we must make war17 not with a low
 and vulgar malignity1 but by a         
competition of virtues4 ,this is the    
only way by which both parties can gain 
by war4 ,the ,french have imitated us3  
let us1 through them1 imitate           
ourselves1--ourselves in our better and 
happier days4 ,if public frugality1     
under whatever men1 or in whatever mode 
of government1 is national strength1 it 
is a strength which our enemies are in  
possession of before us4  ,sir1 ,i am   
well aware that the state and the result
 of the ,french economy which ,i have   
laid before you are even now lightly    
treated by some who ought never to speak
 but from information4 ,pains have not  

been spared to represent them as        
impositions on the public4 ,let me tell 
you1 ,sir1 that the creation of a navy1 
and a two years' war without taxing1 are
 a very singular species of imposture4  
,but be it so4 ,for what end does       
,necker carry on this delusion8 ,is it  
to lower the estimation of the crown he 
serves1 and to render his own           
administration contemptible8 ,no6 ,no6  
,he is conscious that the sense of      
mankind is so clear and decided in favor
 of economy1 and of the weight and value
 of its resources1 that he turns himself
 to every species of fraud and artifice 
to obtain the mere reputation of it4    
,men do not affect a conduct that tends 
to their discredit4 ,let us1 then1 get  
the better of ,monsieur ,necker in his  
own way2 let us do in reality what he   
does only in pretence2 let us turn his  
,french tinsel into ,english gold4 ,is1 
then1 the mere opinion and appearance of
 frugality and good management of such  
use to ,france1 and is the substance to 

be so mischievous to ,england8 ,is the  
very constitution of ,nature so altered 
by a sea of twenty miles1 that economy  
should give power on the ,continent1 and
 that profusion should give it here8    
,for ,god's sake1 let not this be the   
only fashion of ,france which we refuse 
to copy6  ,to the last kind of          
necessity1 the desires of the people1 ,i
 have but a very few words to say4 ,the 
ministers seem to contest this point1   
and affect to doubt whether the people  
do really desire a plan of economy in   
the civil government4 ,sir1 this is too 
ridiculous4 ,it is impossible that they 
should not desire it4 ,it is impossible 
that a prodigality which draws its      
resources from their indigence should be
 pleasing to them4 ,little factions of  
pensioners1 and their dependants1 may   
talk another language4 ,but the voice of
 ,nature is against them1 and it will be
 heard4 ,the people of ,england will    
not1 they cannot1 take it kindly1 that  
representatives should refuse to their  

constituents what an absolute sovereign 
voluntarily offers to his subjects4 ,the
 expression of the petitions is1 that1  
before any new burdens are laid upon    
this country1 effectual measures be     
taken by this ,house to inquire into and
 correct the gross abuses in the        
expenditure of public money4  ,this has 
been treated by the noble lord in the   
blue ribbon as a wild1 factious         
language4 ,it happens1 however1 that the
 people1 in their address to us1 use1   
almost word for word1 the same terms as 
the king of ,france uses in addressing  
himself to his people2 and it differs   
only as it falls short of the ,french   
king's idea of what is due to his       
subjects4 ,to convince1 says he1 our    
faithful subjects of the desire we      
entertain not to recur to new           
impositions1 until we have first        
exhausted all the resources which order 
and economy can possibly supply1 c41 c4 
,these desires of the people of         
,england1 which come far short of the   

voluntary concessions of the king of    
,france1 are moderate indeed4 ,they only
 contend that we should interweave some 
economy with the taxes with which we    
have chosen to begin the war4 ,they     
request1 not that you should rely upon  
economy exclusively1 but that you should
 give it rank and precedence1 in the    
order of the ways and means of this     
single session4  ,but if it were        
possible that the desires of our        
constituents1 desires which are at once 
so natural and so very much tempered and
 subdued1 should have no weight with an 
,house of ,commons which has its eye    
elsewhere1 ,i would turn my eyes to the 
very quarter to which theirs are        
directed4 ,i would reason this matter   
with the ,house on the mere policy of   
the question2 and ,i would undertake to 
prove that an early dereliction of abuse
 is the direct interest of              
government1--of government taken        
abstractedly from its duties1 and       
considered merely as a system intending 

its own conservation4  ,if there is any 
one eminent criterion which above all   
the rest distinguishes a wise government
 from an administration weak and        
improvident1 it is this3 well to know   
the best time and manner of yielding    
what it is impossible to keep4 ,there   
have been1 ,sir1 and there are1 many who
 choose to chicane with their situation 
rather than be instructed by it4 ,those 
gentlemen argue against every desire of 
reformation upon the principles of a    
criminal prosecution4 ,it is enough for 
them to justify their adherence to a    
pernicious system1 that it is not of    
their contrivance1--that it is an       
inheritance of absurdity1 derived to    
them from their ancestors1--that they   
can make out a long and unbroken        
pedigree of mismanagers that have gone  
before them4 ,they are proud of the     
antiquity of their house2 and they      
defend their errors as if they were     
defending their inheritance1 afraid of  
derogating from their nobility1 and     

carefully avoiding a sort of blot in    
their scutcheon1 which they think would 
degrade them forever4  ,it was thus that
 the unfortunate ,charles the ,first    
defended himself on the practice of the 
,stuart who went before him1 and of all 
the ,tudors4 ,his partisans might have  
gone to the ,plantagenets4 ,they might  
have found bad examples enough1 both    
abroad and at home1 that could have     
shown an ancient and illustrious        
descent4 ,but there is a time when men  
will not suffer bad things because their
 ancestors have suffered worse4 ,there  
is a time when the hoary head of        
inveterate abuse will neither draw      
reverence nor obtain protection4 ,if the
 noble lord in the blue ribbon pleads1  
,not guilty1 to the charges brought     
against the present system of public    
economy1 it is not possible to give a   
fair verdict by which he will not stand 
acquitted4 ,but pleading is not our     
present business4 ,his plea or his      
traverse may be allowed as an answer to 

a charge1 when a charge is made4 ,but if
 he puts himself in the way to obstruct 
reformation1 then the faults of his     
office instantly become his own4        
,instead of a public officer in an      
abusive department1 whose province is an
 object to be regulated1 he becomes a   
criminal who is to be punished4 ,i do   
most seriously put it to administration 
to consider the wisdom of a timely      
reform4 ,early reformations are amicable
 arrangements with a friend in power2   
late reformations are terms imposed upon
 a conquered enemy3 early reformations  
are made in cool blood2 late            
reformations are made under a state of  
inflammation4 ,in that state of things  
the people behold in government nothing 
that is respectable4 ,they see the      
abuse1 and they will see nothing else4  
,they fall into the temper of a furious 
populace provoked at the disorder of a  
house of ill-fame2 they never attempt to
 correct or regulate2 they go to work by
 the shortest way3 they abate the       

nuisance1 they pull down the house4     
,this is my opinion with regard to the  
true interest of government4 ,but as it 
is the interest of government that      
reformation should be early1 it is the  
interest of the people that it should be
 temperate4 ,it is their interest1      
because a temperate reform is permanent1
 and because it has a principle of      
growth4 ,whenever we improve1 it is     
right to leave room for a further       
improvement4 ,it is right to consider1  
to look about us1 to examine the effect 
of what we have done4 ,then we can      
proceed with confidence1 because we can 
proceed with intelligence4 ,whereas in  
hot reformations1 in what men more      
zealous than considerate call making    
clear work1 the whole is generally so   
crude1 so harsh1 so indigested1 mixed   
with so much imprudence and so much     
injustice1 so contrary to the whole     
course of human nature and human        
institutions1 that the very people who  
are most eager for it are among the     

first to grow disgusted at what they    
have done4 ,then some part of the       
abdicated grievance is recalled from its
 exile in order to become a corrective  
of the correction4 ,then the abuse      
assumes all the credit and popularity of
 a reform4 ,the very idea of purity and 
disinterestedness in politics falls into
 disrepute1 and is considered as a      
vision of hot and inexperienced men2 and
 thus disorders become incurable1 not by
 the virulence of their own quality1 but
 by the unapt and violent nature of the 
remedies4 ,a great part1 therefore1 of  
my idea of reform is meant to operate   
gradually3 some benefits will come at a 
nearer1 some at a more remote period4   
,we must no more make haste to be rich  
by parsimony than by intemperate        
acquisition4  ,in my opinion1 it is our 
duty1 when we have the desires of the   
people before us1 to pursue them1 not in
 the spirit of literal obedience1 which 
may militate with their very            
principle1--much less to treat them with

 a peevish and contentious litigation1  
as if we were adverse parties in a suit4
 ,it would1 ,sir1 be most dishonorable  
for a faithful representative of the    
,commons to take advantage of any       
inartificial expression of the people's 
wishes1 in order to frustrate their     
attainment of what they have an         
undoubted right to expect4 ,we are under
 infinite obligations to our            
constituents1 who have raised us to so  
distinguished a trust1 and have imparted
 such a degree of sanctity to common    
characters4 ,we ought to walk before    
them with purity1 plainness1 and        
integrity of heart1--with filial love1  
and not with slavish fear1 which is     
always a low and tricking thing4 ,for my
 own part1 in what ,i have meditated    
upon that subject1 ,i cannot1 indeed1   
take upon me to say ,i have the honor to
 follow the sense of the people4 ,the   
truth is1 ,i met it on the way1 while ,i
 was pursuing their interest according  
to my own ideas4 ,i am happy beyond     

expression to find that my intentions   
have so far coincided with theirs1 that 
,i have not had1 cause to be in the     
least scrupulous to sign their petition1
 conceiving it to express my own        
opinions1 as nearly as general terms can
 express the object of particular       
arrangements4  ,i am therefore satisfied
 to act as a fair mediator between      
government and the people1 endeavoring  
to form a plan which should have both an
 early and a temperate operation4 ,i    
mean1 that it should be substantial1    
that it should be systematic1 that it   
should rather strike at the first cause 
of prodigality and corrupt influence    
than attempt to follow them in all their
 effects4  ,it was to fulfil the first  
of these objects 7the proposal of       
something substantial7 that ,i found    
myself obliged1 at the outset1 to reject
 a plan proposed by an honorable and    
attentive member of ,parliament1#cc with
 very good intentions on his part1 about
 a year or two ago4 ,sir1 the plan ,i   

speak of was the tax of twenty-five per 
cent moved upon places and pensions     
during the continuance of the ,american 
war4 ,nothing1 ,sir1 could have met my  
ideas more than such a tax1 if it was   
considered as a practical satire on that
 war1 and as a penalty upon those who   
led us into it2 but in any other view it
 appeared to me very liable to          
objections4 ,i considered the scheme as 
neither substantial1 nor permanent1 nor 
systematical1 nor likely to be a        
corrective of evil influence4 ,i have   
always thought employments a very proper
 subject of regulation1 but a very      
ill-chosen subject for a tax4 ,an equal 
tax upon property is reasonable2 because
 the object is of the same quality      
throughout4 ,the species is the same2 it
 differs only in its quantity4 ,but a   
tax upon salaries is totally of a       
different nature2 there can be no       
equality1 and consequently no justice1  
in taxing them by the hundred in the    
gross4  ,we have1 ,sir1 on our          

establishment several offices which     
perform real service3 we have also      
places that provide large rewards for no
 service at all4 ,we have stations which
 are made for the public decorum1 made  
for preserving the grace and majesty of 
a great people3 we have likewise        
expensive formalities1 which tend rather
 to the disgrace than the ornament of   
the state and the court4 ,this1 ,sir1 is
 the real condition of our              
establishments4 ,to fall with the same  
severity on objects so perfectly        
dissimilar is the very reverse of a     
reformation1--,i mean a reformation     
framed1 as all serious things ought to  
be1 in number1 weight1 and              
measure4--,suppose1 for instance1 that  
two men receive a salary of #hjjl4 a    
year each4 ,in the office of one there  
is nothing at all to be done2 in the    
other1 the occupier is oppressed by its 
duties4 ,strike off twenty-five per cent
 from these two offices1 you take from  
one man #bjjl4 which in justice he ought

 to have1 and you give in effect to the 
other #fjjl4 which he ought not to      
receive4 ,the public robs the former1   
and the latter robs the public2 and this
 mode of mutual robbery is the only way 
in which the office and the public can  
make up their accounts4  ,but the       
balance1 in settling the account of this
 double injustice1 is much against the  
state4 ,the result is short4 ,you       
purchase a saving of two hundred pounds 
by a profusion of six4 ,besides1 ,sir1  
whilst you leave a supply of unsecured  
money behind1 wholly at the discretion  
of ministers1 they make up the tax to   
such places as they wish to favor1 or in
 such new places as they may choose to  
create4 ,thus the civil list becomes    
oppressed with debt2 and the public is  
obliged to repay1 and to repay with an  
heavy interest1 what it has taken by an 
injudicious tax4 ,such has been the     
effect of the taxes hitherto laid on    
pensions and employments1 and it is no  
encouragement to recur again to the same

 expedient4  ,in effect1 such a scheme  
is not calculated to produce1 but to    
prevent reformation4 ,it holds out a    
shadow of present gain to a greedy and  
necessitous public1 to divert their     
attention from those abuses which in    
reality are the great causes of their   
wants4 ,it is a composition to stay     
inquiry2 it is a fine paid by           
mismanagement for the renewal of its    
lease2 what is worse1 it is a fine paid 
by industry and merit for an indemnity  
to the idle and the worthless4 ,but ,i  
shall say no more upon this topic1      
because 7whatever may be given out to   
the contrary7 ,i know that the noble    
lord in the blue ribbon perfectly agrees
 with me in these sentiments4  ,after   
all that ,i have said on this subject1  
,i am so sensible that it is our duty to
 try everything which may contribute to 
the relief of the nation1 that ,i do not
 attempt wholly to reprobate the idea   
even of a tax4 ,whenever1 ,sir1 the     
incumbrance of useless office 7which    

lies no less a dead weight upon the     
service of the state than upon its      
revenues7 shall be removed1--when the   
remaining offices shall be classed      
according to the just proportion of     
their rewards and services1 so as to    
admit the application of an equal rule  
to their taxation1--when the            
discretionary power over the civil list 
cash shall be so regulated that a       
minister shall no longer have the means 
of repaying with a private what is taken
 by a public hand1--if1 after all these 
preliminary regulations1 it should be   
thought that a tax on places is an      
object worthy of the public attention1  
,i shall be very ready to lend my hand  
to a reduction of their emoluments4     
,having thus1 ,sir1 not so much         
absolutely rejected as postponed the    
plan of a taxation of office1 my next   
business was to find something which    
might be really substantial and         
effectual4 ,i am quite clear1 that1 if  
we do not go to the very origin and     

first ruling cause of grievances1 we do 
nothing4 ,what does it signify to turn  
abuses out of one door1 if we are to let
 them in at another8 ,what does it      
signify to promote economy upon a       
measure1 and to suffer it to be         
subverted in the principle8 ,our        
ministers are far from being wholly to  
blame for the present ill order which   
prevails4 ,whilst institutions directly 
repugnant to good management are        
suffered to remain1 no effectual or     
lasting reform can be introduced4  ,i   
therefore thought it necessary1 as soon 
as ,i conceived thoughts of submitting  
to you some plan of reform1 to take a   
comprehensive view of the state of this 
country1--to make a sort of survey of   
its jurisdictions1 its estates1 and its 
establishments4 ,something in every one 
of them seemed to me to stand in the way
 of all economy in their administration1
 and prevented every possibility of     
methodizing the system4 ,but being1 as  
,i ought to be1 doubtful of myself1 ,i  

was resolved not to proceed in an       
arbitrary manner in any particular which
 tended to change the settled state of  
things1 or in any degree to affect the  
fortune or situation1 the interest or   
the importance1 of any individual4 ,by  
an arbitrary proceeding ,i mean one     
conducted by the private opinions1      
tastes1 or feelings of the man who      
attempts to regulate4 ,these private    
measures are not standards of the       
exchequer1 nor balances of the          
sanctuary4 ,general principles cannot be
 debauched or corrupted by interest or  
caprice2 and by those principles ,i was 
resolved to work4  ,sir1 before ,i      
proceed further1 ,i will lay these      
principles fairly before you1 that      
afterwards you may be in a condition to 
judge whether every object of           
regulation1 as ,i propose it1 comes     
fairly under its rule4 ,this will       
exceedingly shorten all discussion      
between us1 if we are perfectly in      
earnest in establishing a system of good

 management4 ,i therefore lay down to   
myself seven fundamental rules3 they    
might1 indeed1 be reduced to two or     
three simple maxims2 but they would be  
too general1 and their application to   
the several heads of the business before
 us would not be so distinct and        
visible4 ,i conceive1 then1             
,first1 ,that all jurisdictions which   
furnish more matter of      expense1    
more temptation to oppression1 or more  
means and      instruments of corrupt   
influence1 than advantage to justice or 
political administration1 ought to be   
abolished4       ,secondly1 ,that all   
public estates which are more           
subservient to      the purposes of     
vexing1 overawing1 and influencing those
 who hold      under them1 and to the   
expense of perception and management1   
than      of benefit to the revenue1    
ought1 upon every principle both of     
revenue and of freedom1 to be disposed  
of4       ,thirdly1 ,that all offices   
which bring more charge than            

proportional advantage to the state1    
that all offices which may be           
engrafted on others1 uniting and        
simplifying their duties1 ought1      in
 the first case1 to be taken away1 and1 
in the second1 to be      consolidated4 
,fourthly1 ,that all such offices ought 
to be abolished as obstruct      the    
prospect of the general superintendent  
of finance1 which      destroy his      
superintendency1 which disable him from 
foreseeing and      providing for       
charges as they may occur1 from         
preventing expense in      its origin1  
checking it in its progress1 or securing
 its      application to its proper     
purposes4 ,a minister1 under whom       
expenses      can be made without his   
knowledge1 can never say what it is that
 he      can spend1 or what it is that  
he can save4       ,fifthly1 ,that it is
 proper to establish an invariable order
 in      all payments1 which will       
prevent partiality1 which will give     
preference to services1 not according to

 the importunity of the      demandant1 
but the rank and order of their utility 
or their      justice4       ,sixthly1  
,that it is right to reduce every       
establishment and every      part of an 
establishment 7as nearly as possible7 to
 certainty1 the      life of all order  
and good management4       ,seventhly1  
,that all subordinate treasuries1 as the
 nurseries of      mismanagement1 and as
 naturally drawing to themselves as much
 money      as they can1 keeping it as  
long as they can1 and accounting for it 
as late as they can1 ought to be        
dissolved4 ,they have a tendency to     
perplex and distract the public         
accounts1 and to excite a suspicion     
of government even beyond the extent of 
their abuse4  ,under the authority and  
with the guidance of those principles ,i
 proceed1--wishing that nothing in any  
establishment may be changed1 where ,i  
am not able to make a strong1 direct1   
and solid application of those          
principles1 or of some one of them4 ,an 

economical constitution is a necessary  
basis for an economical administration4 
,first1 with regard to the sovereign    
jurisdictions1 ,i must observe1 ,sir1   
that whoever takes a view of this       
kingdom in a cursory manner will imagine
 that he beholds a solid1 compacted1    
uniform system of monarchy1 in which all
 inferior jurisdictions are but as rays 
diverging from one centre4 ,but on      
examining it more nearly1 you find much 
eccentricity and confusion4 ,it is not a
 monarchy in strictness4 ,but1 as in the
 ,saxon times this country was an       
heptarchy1 it is now a strange sort of  
pentarchy4 ,it is divided into five     
several distinct principalities1 besides
 the supreme4 ,there is1 indeed1 this   
difference from the ,saxon times1--that1
 as in the itinerant exhibitions of the 
stage1 for want of a complete company1  
they are obliged to throw a variety of  
parts on their chief performer1 so our  
sovereign condescends himself to act not
 only the principal1 but all the        

subordinate parts in the play4 ,he      
condescends to dissipate the royal      
character1 and to trifle with those     
light1 subordinate1 lacquered sceptres  
in those hands that sustain the ball    
representing the world1 or which wield  
the trident that commands the ocean4    
,cross a brook1 and you lose the ,king  
of ,england2 but you have some comfort  
in coming again under his ,majesty1     
though shorn of his beams1 and no more  
than ,prince of ,wales4 ,go to the      
north1 and you find him dwindled to a   
,duke of ,lancaster2 turn to the west of
 that north1 and he pops upon you in the
 humble character of ,earl of ,chester4 
,travel a few miles on1 the ,earl of    
,chester disappears1 and the king       
surprises you again as ,count ,palatine 
of ,lancaster4 ,if you travel beyond    
,mount ,edgecombe1 you find him ones    
more in his incognito1 and he is ,duke  
of ,cornwall4 ,so that1 quite fatigued  
and satiated with this dull variety1 you
 are infinitely refreshed when you      

return to the sphere of his proper      
splendor1 and behold your amiable       
sovereign in his true1 simple1          
undisguised1 native character of        
,majesty4  ,in every one of these five  
principalities1 duchies1 palatinates1   
there is a regular establishment of     
considerable expense and most           
domineering influence4 ,as his ,majesty 
submits to appear in this state of      
subordination to himself1 his loyal     
peers and faithful commons attend his   
royal transformations1 and are not so   
nice as to refuse to nibble at those    
crumbs of emoluments which console their
 petty metamorphoses4 ,thus every one of
 those principalities has the apparatus 
of a kingdom for the jurisdiction over a
 few private estates1 and the formality 
and charge of the ,exchequer of ,great  
,britain for collecting the rents of a  
country squire4 ,cornwall is the best of
 them2 but when you compare the charge  
with the receipt1 you will find that it 
furnishes no exception to the general   

rule4 ,the ,duchy and ,county ,palatine 
of ,lancaster do not yield1 as ,i have  
reason to believe1 on an average of     
twenty years1 four thousand pounds a    
year clear to the crown4 ,as to ,wales1 
and the ,county ,palatine of ,chester1  
,i have my doubts whether their         
productive exchequer yields any returns 
at all4 ,yet one may say1 that this     
revenue is more faithfully applied to   
its purposes than any of the rest2 as it
 exists for the sole purpose of         
multiplying offices and extending       
influence4  ,an attempt was lately made 
to improve this branch of local         
influence1 and to transfer it to the    
fund of general corruption4 ,i have on  
the seat behind me the constitution of  
,mr4 ,john ,probert1 a knight-errant    
dubbed by the noble lord in the blue    
ribbon1 and sent to search for revenues 
and adventures upon the mountains of    
,wales4 ,the commission is remarkable1  
and the event not less so4 ,the         
commission sets forth1 that1 upon a     

report of the deputy-auditor 7for there 
is a deputy-auditor7 of the             
,principality of ,wales1 it appeared    
that his ,majesty's land revenues in the
 said principality are greatly          
diminished2--and that upon a report of  
the surveyor-general of his ,majesty's  
land revenues1 upon a memorial of the   
auditor of his ,majesty's revenues1     
within the said principality1 that his  
mines and forests have produced very    
little profit either to the public      
revenue or to individuals2--and         
therefore they appoint ,mr4 ,probert1   
with a pension of three hundred pounds a
 year from the said principality1 to try
 whether he can make anything more of   
that very little which is stated to be  
so greatly diminished4 ,a beggarly      
account of empty boxes4 ,and yet1 ,sir1 
you will remark1 that this diminution   
from littleness 7which serves only to   
prove the infinite divisibility of      
matter7 was not for want of the tender  
and officious care 7as we see7 of       

surveyors general and surveyors         
particular1 of auditors and             
deputy-auditors1--not for want of       
memorials1 and remonstrances1 and       
reports1 and commissions1 and           
constitutions1 and inquisitions1 and    
pensions4  ,probert1 thus armed1 and    
accoutred1--and paid1--proceeded on his 
adventure2 but he was no sooner arrived 
on the confines of ,wales than all      
,wales was in arms to meet him4 ,that   
nation is brave and full of spirit4     
,since the invasion of ,king ,edward1   
and the massacre of the bards1 there    
never was such a tumult and alarm and   
uproar through the region of ,prestatyn4
 ,snowdon shook to its base2            
,cader-,idris was loosened from its     
foundations4 ,the fury of litigious war 
blew her horn on the mountains4 ,the    
rocks poured down their goatherds1 and  
the deep caverns vomited out their      
miners4 ,everything above ground and    
everything under ground was in arms4    
,in short1 ,sir1 to alight from my      

,welsh ,pegasus1 and to come to level   
ground1 the ,preux ,chevalier ,probert  
went to look for revenue1 like his      
masters upon other occasions1 and1 like 
his masters1 he found rebellion4 ,but we
 were grown cautious by experience4 ,a  
civil war of paper might end in a more  
serious war2 for now remonstrance met   
remonstrance1 and memorial was opposed  
to memorial4 ,the wise ,britons thought 
it more reasonable that the poor1       
wasted1 decrepit revenue of the         
principality should die a natural than a
 violent death4 ,in truth1 ,sir1 the    
attempt was no less an affront upon the 
understanding of that respectable people
 than it was an attack on their         
property4 ,they chose rather that their 
ancient1 moss-grown castles should      
moulder into decay1 under the silent    
touches of time1 and the slow formality 
of an oblivious and drowsy exchequer1   
than that they should be battered down  
all at once by the lively efforts of a  
pensioned engineer4 ,as it is the       

fortune of the noble lord to whom the   
auspices of this campaign belonged      
frequently to provoke resistance1 so it 
is his rule and nature to yield to that 
resistance in all cases whatsoever4 ,he 
was true to himself on this occasion4   
,he submitted with spirit to the        
spirited remonstrances of the ,welsh4   
,mr4 ,probert gave up his adventure1 and
 keeps his pension2 and so ends the     
famous history of the revenue adventures
 of the bold ,baron ,north and the good 
,knight ,probert upon the mountains of  
,venodotia4  ,in such a state is the    
exchequer of ,wales at present1 that1   
upon the report of the ,treasury itself1
 its little revenue is greatly          
diminished2 and we see1 by the whole of 
this strange transaction1 that an       
attempt to improve it produces          
resistance1 the resistance produces     
submission1 and the whole ends in       
pension4#cd  ,it is nearly the same with
 the revenues of the ,duchy of          
,lancaster4 ,to do nothing with them is 

extinction2 to improve them is          
oppression4 ,indeed1 the whole of the   
estates which support these minor       
principalities is made up1 not of       
revenues1 and rents1 and profitable     
fines1 but of claims1 of pretensions1 of
 vexations1 of litigations4 ,they are   
exchequers of unfrequent receipt and    
constant charge3 a system of finances   
not fit for an economist who would be   
rich1 not fit for a prince who would    
govern his subjects with equity and     
justice4  ,it is not only between prince
 and subject that these mock            
jurisdictions and mimic revenues produce
 great mischief4 ,they excite among the 
people a spirit of informing and        
delating1 a spirit of supplanting and   
undermining one another3 so that many1  
in such circumstances1 conceive it      
advantageous to them rather to continue 
subject to vexation themselves than to  
give up the means and chance of vexing  
others4 ,it is exceedingly common for   
men to contract their love to their     

country into an attachment to its petty 
subdivisions2 and they sometimes even   
cling to their provincial abuses1 as if 
they were franchises and local          
privileges4 ,accordingly1 in places     
where there is much of this kind of     
estate1 persons will be always found who
 would rather trust to their talents in 
recommending themselves to power for the
 renewal of their interests1 than to    
incumber their purses1 though never so  
lightly1 in order to transmit           
independence to their posterity4 ,it is 
a great mistake1 that the desire of     
securing property is universal among    
mankind4 ,gaming is a principle inherent
 in human nature4 ,it belongs to us all4
 ,i would therefore break those tables2 
,i would furnish no evil occupation for 
that spirit4 ,i would make every man    
look everywhere1 except to the intrigue 
of a court1 for the improvement of his  
circumstances or the security of his    
fortune4 ,i have in my eye a very strong
 case in the ,duchy of ,lancaster 7which

 lately occupied ,westminster ,hall and 
the ,house of ,lords7 as my voucher for 
many of these reflections4#ce  ,for what
 plausible reason are these             
principalities suffered to exist8 ,when 
a government is rendered complex1 7which
 in itself is no desirable thing17 it   
ought to be for some political end which
 cannot be answered otherwise4          
,subdivisions in government are only    
admissible in favor of the dignity of   
inferior princes and high nobility1 or  
for the support of an aristocratic      
confederacy under some head1 or for the 
conservation of the franchises of the   
people in some privileged province4 ,for
 the two former of these ends1 such are 
the subdivisions in favor of the        
electoral and other princes in the      
,empire2 for the latter of these        
purposes are the jurisdictions of the   
,imperial cities and the ,hanse towns4  
,for the latter of these ends are also  
the countries of the ,states 7,pays     
d'tats7 and certain cities and orders in

 ,france4 ,these are all regulations    
with an object1 and some of them with a 
very good object4 ,but how are the      
principles of any of these subdivisions 
applicable in the case before us8  ,do  
they answer any purpose to the king8    
,the ,principality of ,wales was given  
by patent to ,edward the ,black ,prince 
on the ground on which it has since     
stood4 ,lord ,coke sagaciously observes 
upon it1 ,that in the charter of        
creating the ,black ,prince ,edward     
,prince of ,wales there is a great      
mystery3 for less than an estate of     
inheritance so great a prince could not 
have1 and an absolute estate of         
inheritance in so great a principality  
as ,wales 7this principality being so   
dear to him7 he should not have2 and    
therefore it was made sibi et heredibus 
suis regibus ,angli1 that by his        
decease1 or attaining to the crown1 it  
might be extinguished in the crown4     
,for the sake of this foolish mystery1  
of what a great prince could not have   

less and should not have so much1 of a  
principality which was too dear to be   
given and too great to be kept1--and for
 no other cause that ever ,i could      
find1--this form and shadow of a        
principality1 without any substance1 has
 been maintained4 ,that you may judge in
 this instance 7and it serves for the   
rest7 of the difference between a great 
and a little economy1 you will please to
 recollect1 ,sir1 that ,wales may be    
about the tenth part of ,england in size
 and population1 and certainly not a    
hundredth part in opulence4 ,twelve     
judges perform the whole of the         
business1 both of the stationary and the
 itinerant justice of this kingdom2 but 
for ,wales there are eight judges4      
,there is in ,wales an exchequer1 as    
well as in all the duchies1 according to
 the very best and most authentic       
absurdity of form4 ,there are in all of 
them a hundred more difficult trifles   
and laborious fooleries1 which serve no 
other purpose than to keep alive corrupt

 hope and servile dependence4  ,these   
principalities are so far from          
contributing to the ease of the king1 to
 his wealth1 or his dignity1 that they  
render both his supreme and his         
subordinate authority perfectly         
ridiculous4 ,it was but the other day1  
that that pert1 factious fellow1 the    
,duke of ,lancaster1 presumed to fly in 
the face of his liege lord1 our gracious
 sovereign1 and1 associating with a     
parcel of lawyers as factious as        
himself1 to the destruction of all law  
and order1 and in committees leading    
directly to rebellion1 presumed to go to
 law with the king4 ,the object is      
neither your business nor mine4 ,which  
of the parties got the better ,i really 
forget4 ,i think it was 7as it ought to 
be7 the king4 ,the material point is1   
that the suit cost about fifteen        
thousand pounds4 ,but as the ,duke of   
,lancaster is but a sort of ,duke       
,humphrey1 and not worth a groat1 our   
sovereign was obliged to pay the costs  

of both4 ,indeed1 this art of converting
 a great monarch into a little prince1  
this royal masquerading1 is a very      
dangerous and expensive amusement1 and  
one of the king's menus plaisirs1 which 
ought to be reformed4 ,this duchy1 which
 is not worth four thousand pounds a    
year at best to revenue1 is worth forty 
or fifty thousand to influence4  ,the   
,duchy of ,lancaster and the ,county    
,palatine of ,lancaster answered1 ,i    
admit1 some purpose in their original   
creation4 ,they tended to make a subject
 imitate a prince4 ,when ,henry the     
,fourth from that stair ascended the    
throne1 high-minded as he was1 he was   
not willing to kick away the ladder4 ,to
 prevent that principality from being   
extinguished in the crown1 he severed it
 by act of ,parliament4 ,he had a       
motive1 such as it was3 he thought his  
title to the crown unsound1 and his     
possession insecure4 ,he therefore      
managed a retreat in his duchy1 which   
,lord ,coke calls 7,i do not know why7  

par multis regnis4 ,he flattered himself
 that it was practicable to make a      
projecting point half way down1 to break
 his fall from the precipice of royalty2
 as if it were possible for one who had 
lost a kingdom to keep anything else4   
,however1 it is evident that he thought 
so4 ,when ,henry the ,fifth united1 by  
act of ,parliament1 the estates of his  
mother to the duchy1 he had the same    
predilection with his father to the root
 of his family honors1 and the same     
policy in enlarging the sphere of a     
possible retreat from the slippery      
royalty of the two great crowns he held4
 ,all this was changed by ,edward the   
,fourth4 ,he had no such family         
partialities1 and his policy was the    
reverse of that of ,henry the ,fourth   
and ,henry the ,fifth4 ,he accordingly  
again united the ,duchy of ,lancaster to
 the crown4 ,but when ,henry the        
,seventh1 who chose to consider himself 
as of the ,house of ,lancaster1 came to 
the throne1 he brought with him the old 

pretensions and the old politics of that
 house4 ,a new act of ,parliament1 a    
second time1 dissevered the ,duchy of   
,lancaster from the crown2 and in that  
line tilings continued until the        
subversion of the monarchy1 when        
principalities and powers fell along    
with the throne4 ,the ,duchy of         
,lancaster must have been extinguished1 
if ,cromwell1 who began to form ideas of
 aggrandizing his house and raising the 
several branches of it1 had not caused  
the duchy to be again separated from the
 commonwealth1 by an act of the         
,parliament of those times4  ,what      
partiality1 what objects of the politics
 of the ,house of ,lancaster1 or of     
,cromwell1 has his present ,majesty1 or 
his ,majesty's family8 ,what power have 
they within any of these principalities1
 which they have not within their       
kingdom8 ,in what manner is the dignity 
of the nobility concerned in these      
principalities8 ,what rights have the   
subject there1 which they have not at   

least equally in every other part of the
 nation8 ,these distinctions exist for  
no good end to the king1 to the         
nobility1 or to the people4 ,they ought 
not to exist at all4 ,if the crown      
7contrary to its nature1 but most       
conformably to the whole tenor of the   
advice that has been lately given7      
should so far forget its dignity as to  
contend that these jurisdictions and    
revenues are estates of private         
property1 ,i am rather for acting as if 
that groundless claim were of some      
weight than for giving up that essential
 part of the reform4 ,i would value the 
clear income1 and give a clear annuity  
to the crown1 taken on the medium       
produce for twenty years4  ,if the crown
 has any favorite name or title1 if the 
subject has any matter of local         
accommodation within any of these       
jurisdictions1 it is meant to preserve  
them1--and to improve them1 if any      
improvement can be suggested4 ,as to the
 crown reversions or titles upon the    

property of the people there1 it is     
proposed to convert them from a snare to
 their independence into a relief from  
their burdens4 ,i propose1 therefore1 to
 unite all the five principalities to   
the crown1 and to its ordinary          
jurisdiction1--to abolish all those     
offices that produce an useless and     
chargeable separation from the body of  
the people1--to compensate those who do 
not hold their offices 7if any such     
there are7 at the pleasure of the       
crown1--to extinguish vexatious titles  
by an act of short limitation1--to sell 
those unprofitable estates which support
 useless jurisdictions1--and to turn the
 tenant-right into a fee1 on such       
moderate terms as will be better for the
 state than its present right1 and which
 it is impossible for any rational      
tenant to refuse4  ,as to the duchies1  
their judicial economy may be provided  
for without charge4 ,they have only to  
fall of course into the common county   
administration4 ,a commission more or   

less1 made or omitted1 settles the      
matter fully4 ,as to ,wales1 it has been
 proposed to add a judge to the several 
courts of ,westminster ,hall2 and it has
 been considered as an improvement in   
itself4 ,for my part1 ,i cannot pretend 
to speak upon it with clearness or with 
decision2 but certainly this arrangement
 would be more than sufficient for      
,wales4 ,my original thought was1 to    
suppress five of the eight judges2 and  
to leave the chief-justice of ,chester1 
with the two senior judges2 and1 to     
facilitate the business1 to throw the   
twelve counties into six districts1     
holding the sessions alternately in the 
counties of which each district shall be
 composed4 ,but on this ,i shall be more
 clear1 when ,i come to the particular  
bill4  ,sir1 the ,house will now see1   
whether1 in praying for judgment against
 the minor principalities1 ,i do not act
 in conformity to the laws that ,i had  
laid to myself3 of getting rid of every 
jurisdiction more subservient to        

oppression and expense than to any end  
of justice or honest policy2 of         
abolishing offices more expensive than  
useful2 of combining duties improperly  
separated2 of changing revenues more    
vexatious than productive into ready    
money2 of suppressing offices which     
stand in the way of economy2 and of     
cutting off lurking subordinate         
treasuries4 ,dispute the rules1         
controvert the application1 or give your
 hands to this salutary measure4  ,most 
of the same rules will be found         
applicable to my second object1--the    
landed estate of the crown4 ,a landed   
estate is certainly the very worst which
 the crown can possess4 ,all minute and 
dispersed possessions1 possessions that 
are often of indeterminate value1 and   
which require a continued personal      
attendance1 are of a nature more proper 
for private management than public      
administration4 ,they are fitter for the
 care of a frugal land-steward than of  
an office in the state4 ,whatever they  

may possibly have been in other times or
 in other countries1 they are not of    
magnitude enough with us to occupy a    
public department1 nor to provide for a 
public object4 ,they are already given  
up to ,parliament1 and the gift is not  
of great value4 ,common prudence        
dictates1 even in the management of     
private affairs1 that all dispersed and 
chargeable estates should be sacrificed 
to the relief of estates more compact   
and better circumstanced4  ,if it be    
objected1 that these lands at present   
would sell at a low market1 this is     
answered by showing that money is at a  
high price4 ,the one balances the other4
 ,lands sell at the current rate2 and   
nothing can sell for more4 ,but be the  
price what it may1 a great object is    
always answered1 whenever any property  
is transferred from hands that are not  
fit for that property to those that are4
 ,the buyer and seller must mutually    
profit by such a bargain2 and1 what     
rarely happens in matters of revenue1   

the relief of the subject will go hand  
in hand with the profit of the          
,exchequer4  ,as to the forest lands1 in
 which the crown has 7where they are not
 granted or prescriptively held7 the    
dominion of the soil1 and the vert and  
venison1 that is to say1 the timber and 
the game1 and in which the people have a
 variety of rights1 in common of        
herbage1 and other commons1 according to
 the usage of the several forests1--,i  
propose to have those rights of the     
crown valued as manorial rights are     
valued on an inclosure1 and a defined   
portion of land to be given for them1   
which land is to be sold for the public 
benefit4  ,as to the timber1 ,i propose 
a survey of the whole4 ,what is useless 
for the naval purposes of the kingdom ,i
 would condemn and dispose of for the   
security of what may be useful1 and to  
inclose such other parts as may be most 
fit to furnish a perpetual              
supply1--wholly extinguishing1 for a    
very obvious reason1 all right of       

venison in those parts4  ,the forest    
rights which extend over the lands and  
possessions of others1 being of no      
profit to the crown1 and a grievance1 as
 far as it goes1 to the subject1--these 
,i propose to extinguish without charge 
to the proprietors4 ,the several commons
 are to be allotted and compensated for1
 upon ideas which ,i shall hereafter    
explain4 ,they are nearly the same with 
the principles upon which you have acted
 in private inclosures4 ,i shall never  
quit precedents1 where ,i find them     
applicable4 ,for those regulations and  
compensations1 and for every other part 
of the detail1 you will be so indulgent 
as to give me credit for the present4   
,the revenue to be obtained from the    
sale of the forest lands and rights will
 not be so considerable1 ,i believe1 as 
many people have imagined2 and ,i       
conceive it would be unwise to screw it 
up to the utmost1 or even to suffer     
bidders to enhance1 according to their  
eagerness1 the purchase of objects      

wherein the expense of that purchase may
 weaken the capital to be employed in   
their cultivation4 ,this1 ,i am well    
aware1 might give room for partiality in
 the disposal4 ,in my opinion it would  
be the lesser evil of the two4 ,but ,i  
really conceive that a rule of fair     
preference might be established1 which  
would take away all sort of unjust and  
corrupt partiality4 ,the principal      
revenue which ,i propose to draw from   
these uncultivated wastes is to spring  
from the improvement and population of  
the kingdom1--which never can happen    
without producing an improvement more   
advantageous to the revenues of the     
crown than the rents of the best landed 
estate which it can hold4 ,i believe1   
,sir1 it will hardly be necessary for me
 to add1 that in this sale ,i naturally 
except all the houses1 gardens1 and     
parks belonging to the crown1 and such  
one forest as shall be chosen by his    
,majesty as best accommodated to his    
pleasures4  ,by means of this part of   

the reform will fall the expensive      
office of surveyor-general1 with all the
 influence that attends it4 ,by this    
will fall two chief-justices in ,eyre1  
with all their train of dependants4 ,you
 need be under no apprehension1 ,sir1   
that your office is to be touched in its
 emoluments4 ,they are yours by law2 and
 they are but a moderate part of the    
compensation which is given to you for  
the ability with which you execute an   
office of quite another sort of         
importance3 it is far from overpaying   
your diligence1 or more than sufficient 
for sustaining the high rank you stand  
in as the first gentleman of ,england4  
,as to the duties of your               
chief-justiceship1 they are very        
different from those for which you have 
received the office4 ,your dignity is   
too high for a jurisdiction over wild   
beasts1 and your learning and talents   
too valuable to be wasted as            
chief-justice of a desert4 ,i cannot    
reconcile it to myself1 that you1 ,sir1 

should be stuck up as a useless piece of
 antiquity4  ,i have now disposed of the
 unprofitable landed estates of the     
crown1 and thrown them into the mass of 
private property2 by which they will    
come1 through the course of circulation1
 and through the political secretions of
 the state1 into our better understood  
and better ordered revenues4  ,i come   
next to the great supreme body of the   
civil government itself4 ,i approach it 
with that awe and reverence with which a
 young physician approaches to the cure 
of the disorders of his parent4         
,disorders1 ,sir1 and infirmities1 there
 are1--such disorders1 that all attempts
 towards method1 prudence1 and frugality
 will be perfectly vain1 whilst a system
 of confusion remains1 which is not only
 alien1 but adverse to all economy2 a   
system which is not only prodigal in its
 very essence1 but causes everything    
else which belongs to it to be          
prodigally conducted4  ,it is           
impossible1 ,sir1 for any person to be  

an economist1 where no order in payments
 is established2 it is impossible for a 
man to be an economist1 who is not able 
to take a comparative view of his means 
and of his expenses for the year which  
lies before him2 it is impossible for a 
man to be an economist1 under whom      
various officers in their several       
departments may spend--even just what   
they please1--and often with an         
emulation of expense1 as contributing to
 the importance1 if not profit of their 
several departments4 ,thus much is      
certain3 that neither the present nor   
any other ,first ,lord of the ,treasury 
has been ever able to take a survey1 or 
to make even a tolerable guess1 of the  
expenses of government for any one year1
 so as to enable him with the least     
degree of certainty1 or even            
probability1 to bring his affairs within
 compass4 ,whatever scheme may be formed
 upon them must be made on a calculation
 of chances4 ,as things are             
circumstanced1 the ,first ,lord of the  

,treasury cannot make an estimate4 ,i am
 sure ,i serve the king1 and ,i am sure 
,i assist administration1 by putting    
economy at least in their power4 ,we    
must class services2 we must 7as far as 
their nature admits7 appropriate funds2 
or everything1 however reformed1 will   
fall again into the old confusion4      
,coming upon this ground of the civil   
list1 the first thing in dignity and    
charge that attracts our notice is the  
royal household4 ,this establishment1 in
 my opinion1 is exceedingly abusive in  
its constitution4 ,it is formed upon    
manners and customs that have long since
 expired4 ,in the first place1 it is    
formed1 in many respects1 upon feudal   
principles4 ,in the feudal times1 it was
 not uncommon1 even among subjects1 for 
the lowest offices to be held by        
considerable persons1--persons as unfit 
by their incapacity as improper from    
their rank to occupy such employments4  
,they were held by patent1 sometimes for
 life1 and sometimes by inheritance4 ,if

 my memory does not deceive me1 a person
 of no slight consideration held the    
office of patent hereditary cook to an  
,earl of ,warwick3 the ,earl of         
,warwick's soups1 ,i fear1 were not the 
better for the dignity of his kitchen4  
,i think it was an ,earl of ,gloucester 
who officiated as steward of the        
household to the ,archbishops of        
,canterbury4 ,instances of the same kind
 may in some degree be found in the     
,northumberland house-book1 and other   
family records4 ,there was some reason  
in ancient necessities for these ancient
 customs4 ,protection was wanted2 and   
the domestic tie1 though not the        
highest1 was the closest4  ,the king's  
household has not only several strong   
traces of this feudality1 but it is     
formed also upon the principles of a    
body corporate3 it has its own          
magistrates1 courts1 and by-laws4 ,this 
might be necessary in the ancient times1
 in order to have a government within   
itself1 capable of regulating the vast  

and often unruly multitude which        
composed and attended it4 ,this was the 
origin of the ancient court called the  
,green ,cloth1--composed of the marshal1
 treasurer1 and other great officers of 
the household1 with certain clerks4 ,the
 rich subjects of the kingdom1 who had  
formerly the same establishments1 7only 
on a reduced scale17 have since altered 
their economy1 and turned the course of 
their expense from the maintenance of   
vast establishments within their walls  
to the employment of a great variety of 
independent trades abroad4 ,their       
influence is lessened2 but a mode of    
accommodation and a style of splendor   
suited to the manners of the times has  
been increased4 ,royalty itself has     
insensibly followed1 and the royal      
household has been carried away by the  
resistless tide of manners1 but with    
this very material difference3 private  
men have got rid of the establishments  
along with the reasons of them2 whereas 
the royal household has lost all that   

was stately and venerable in the antique
 manners1 without retrenching anything  
of the cumbrous charge of a ,gothic     
establishment4 ,it is shrunk into the   
polished littleness of modern elegance  
and personal accommodation2 it has      
evaporated from the gross concrete into 
an essence and rectified spirit of      
expense1 where you have tuns of ancient 
pomp in a vial of modern luxury4  ,but  
when the reason of old establishments is
 gone1 it is absurd to preserve nothing 
but the burden of them4 ,this is        
superstitiously to embalm a carcass not 
worth an ounce of the gums that are used
 to preserve it4 ,it is to burn precious
 oils in the tomb2 it is to offer meat  
and drink to the dead3 not so much an   
honor to the deceased as a disgrace to  
the survivors4 ,our palaces are vast    
inhospitable halls4 ,there the bleak    
winds1 there ,boreas1 and ,eurus1 and   
,caurus1 and ,argestes loud1 howling    
through the vacant lobbies1 and         
clattering the doors of deserted        

guardrooms1 appall the imagination1 and 
conjure up the grim spectres of departed
 tyrants1--the ,saxon1 the ,norman1 and 
the ,dane1--the stern ,edwards and      
fierce ,henrys1--who stalk from         
desolation to desolation1 through the   
dreary vacuity and melancholy succession
 of chill and comfortless chambers4     
,when this tumult subsides1 a dead and  
still more frightful silence would reign
 in this desert1 if every now and then  
the tacking of hammers did not announce 
that those constant attendants upon all 
courts in all ages1 jobs1 were still    
alive1--for whose sake alone it is that 
any trace of ancient grandeur is        
suffered to remain4 ,these palaces are a
 true emblem of some governments3 the   
inhabitants are decayed1 but the        
governors and magistrates still         
flourish4 ,they put me in mind of ,old  
,sarum1 where the representatives1 more 
in number than the constituents1 only   
serve to inform us that this was once a 
place of trade1 and sounding with the   

busy hum of men1 though now you can only
 trace the streets by the color of the  
corn1 and its sole manufacture is in    
members of ,parliament4  ,these old     
establishments were formed also on a    
third principle1 still more adverse to  
the living economy of the age4 ,they    
were formed1 ,sir1 on the principle of  
purveyance and receipt in kind4 ,in     
former days1 when the household was     
vast1 and the supply scanty and         
precarious1 the royal purveyors1        
sallying forth from under the ,gothic   
portcullis to purchase provision with   
power and prerogative instead of money1 
brought home the plunder of an hundred  
markets1 and all that could be seized   
from a flying and hiding country1 and   
deposited their spoil in an hundred     
caverns1 with each its keeper4 ,there1  
every commodity1 received in its rawest 
condition1 went through all the process 
which fitted it for use4 ,this          
inconvenient receipt produced an economy
 suited only to itself4 ,it multiplied  

offices beyond all measure1--buttery1   
pantry1 and all that rabble of places1  
which1 though profitable to the holders1
 and expensive to the state1 are almost 
too mean to mention4  ,all this might   
be1 and ,i believe was1 necessary at    
first2 for it is remarkable1 that       
purveyance1 after its regulation had    
been the subject of a long line of      
statutes1 7not fewer1 ,i think1 than    
twenty-six17 was wholly taken away by   
the #abth of ,charles the ,second2 yet  
in the next year of the same reign it   
was found necessary to revive it by a   
special act of ,parliament1 for the sake
 of the king's journeys4 ,this1 ,sir1 is
 curious1 and what would hardly he      
expected in so reduced a court as that  
of ,charles the ,second and in so       
improved a country as ,england might    
then be thought4 ,but so it was4 ,in our
 time1 one well-filled and well-covered 
stage-coach requires more accommodation 
than a royal progress1 and every        
district1 at an hour's warning1 can     

supply an army4  ,i do not say1 ,sir1   
that all these establishments1 whose    
principle is gone1 have been            
systematically kept up for influence    
solely3 neglect had its share4 ,but this
 ,i am sure of3 that a consideration of 
influence has hindered any one from     
attempting to pull them down4 ,for the  
purposes of influence1 and for those    
purposes only1 are retained half at     
least of the household establishments4  
,no revenue1 no1 not a royal revenue1   
can exist under the accumulated charge  
of ancient establishment1 modern luxury1
 and ,parliamentary political           
corruption4  ,if1 therefore1 we aim at  
regulating this household1 the question 
will be1 whether we ought to economize  
by detail or by principle4 ,the example 
we have had of the success of an attempt
 to economize by detail1 and under      
establishments adverse to the attempt1  
may tend to decide this question4  ,at  
the beginning of his ,majesty's reign1  
,lord ,talbot came to the administration

 of a great department in the household4
 ,i believe no man ever entered into his
 ,majesty's service1 or into the service
 of any prince1 with a more clear       
integrity1 or with more zeal and        
affection for the interest of his       
master1 and1 ,i must add1 with abilities
 for a still higher service4 ,economy   
was then announced as a maxim of the    
reign4 ,this noble lord1 therefore1 made
 several attempts towards a reform4 ,in 
the year #aggg1 when the king's civil   
list debts came last to be paid1 he     
explained very fully the success of his 
undertaking4 ,he told the ,house of     
,lords that he had attempted to reduce  
the charges of the king's tables and his
 kitchen4 ,the thing1 ,sir1 was not     
below him4 ,he knew that there is       
nothing interesting in the concerns of  
men whom we love and honor1 that is     
beneath our attention4 ,love1 says one  
of our old poets1 esteems no office     
mean1--and with still more spirit1      
,entire affection scorneth nicer hands4 

,frugality1 ,sir1 is founded on the     
principle1 that all riches have limits4 
,a royal household1 grown enormous1 even
 in the meanest departments1 may weaken 
and perhaps destroy all energy in the   
highest offices of the state4 ,the      
gorging a royal kitchen may stint and   
famish the negotiations of a kingdom4   
,therefore the object was worthy of his1
 was worthy of any man's attention4  ,in
 consequence of this noble lord's       
resolution1 7as he told the other       
,house17 he reduced several tables1 and 
put the persons entitled to them upon   
board wages1 much to their own          
satisfaction4 ,but1 unluckily1          
subsequent duties requiring constant    
attendance1 it was not possible to      
prevent their being fed where they were 
employed3 and thus this first step      
towards economy doubled the expense4    
,there was another disaster far more    
doleful than this4 ,i shall state it1 as
 the cause of that misfortune lies at   
the bottom of almost all our            

prodigality4 ,lord ,talbot attempted to 
reform the kitchen2 but such1 as he well
 observed1 is the consequence of having 
duty done by one person whilst another  
enjoys the emoluments1 that he found    
himself frustrated in all his designs4  
,on that rock his whole adventure split1
 his whole scheme of economy was dashed 
to pieces4 ,his department became more  
expensive than ever2 the civil list debt
 accumulated4 ,why8 ,it was truly from a
 cause which1 though perfectly adequate 
to the effect1 one would not have       
instantly guessed4 ,it was because the  
turnspit in the king's kitchen was a    
member of ,parliament6#cf ,the king's   
domestic servants were all undone1 his  
tradesmen remained unpaid and became    
bankrupt1--because the turnspit of the  
king's kitchen was a member of          
,parliament4 ,his ,majesty's slumbers   
were interrupted1 his pillow was stuffed
 with thorns1 and his peace of mind     
entirely broken1--because the king's    
turnspit was a member of ,parliament4   

,the judges were unpaid1 the justice of 
the kingdom bent and gave way1 the      
foreign ministers remained inactive and 
unprovided1 the system of ,europe was   
dissolved1 the chain of our alliances   
was broken1 all the wheels of government
 at home and abroad were                
stopped1--because the king's turnspit   
was a member of ,parliament4  ,such1    
,sir1 was the situation of affairs1 and 
such the cause of that situation1 when  
his ,majesty came a second time to      
,parliament to desire the payment of    
those debts which the employment of its 
members in various offices1 visible and 
invisible1 had occasioned4 ,i believe   
that a like fate will attend every      
attempt at economy by detail1 under     
similar1 circumstances1 and in every    
department4 ,a complex1 operose office  
of account and control is1 in itself1   
and even if members of ,parliament had  
nothing to do with it1 the most prodigal
 of all things4 ,the most audacious     
robberies or the most subtle frauds     

would never venture upon such a waste as
 an over-careful detailed guard against 
them will infallibly produce4 ,in our   
establishments1 we frequently see an    
office of account of an hundred pounds a
 year expense1 and another office of an 
equal expense to control that office1   
and the whole upon a matter that is not 
worth twenty shillings4  ,to avoid1     
therefore1 this minute care1 which      
produces the consequences of the most   
extensive neglect1 and to oblige members
 of ,parliament to attend to public     
cares1 and not to the servile offices of
 domestic management1 ,i propose1 ,sir1 
to economize by principle3 that is1 ,i  
propose to put affairs into that train  
which experience points out as the most 
effectual1 from the nature of things1   
and from the constitution of the human  
mind4 ,in all dealings1 where it is     
possible1 the principles of radical     
economy prescribe three things3 first1  
undertaking by the great2 secondly1     
engaging with persons of skill in the   

subject-matter2 thirdly1 engaging with  
those who shall have an immediate and   
direct interest in the proper execution 
of the business4  ,to avoid frittering  
and crumbling down the attention by a   
blind1 unsystematic observance of every 
trifle1 it has ever been found the best 
way to do all things which are great in 
the total amount and minute in the      
component parts by a general contrast4  
,the principles of trade have so        
pervaded every species of dealing1 from 
the highest to the lowest objects1 all  
transactions are got so much into       
system1 that we may1 at a moment's      
warning1 and to a farthing value1 be    
informed at what rate any service may be
 supplied4 ,no dealing is exempt from   
the possibility of fraud4 ,but by a     
contract on a matter certain you have   
this advantage3 you are sure to know the
 utmost extent of the fraud to which you
 are subject4 ,by a contract with a     
person in his own trade you are sure you
 shall not suffer by want of skill4 ,by 

a short contract you are sure of making 
it the interest of the contractor to    
exert that skill for the satisfaction of
 his employers4  ,i mean to derogate    
nothing from the diligence or integrity 
of the present1 or of any former board  
of ,green ,cloth4 ,but what skill can   
members of ,parliament obtain in that   
low kind of province8 ,what pleasure can
 they have in the execution of that kind
 of duty8 ,and if they should neglect   
it1 how does it affect their interest1  
when we know that it is their vote in   
,parliament1 and not their diligence in 
cookery or catering1 that recommends    
them to their office1 or keeps them in  
it8  ,i therefore propose that the      
king's tables 7to whatever number of    
tables1 or covers to each1 he shall     
think proper to command7 should be      
classed by the steward of the household1
 and should be contracted for1 according
 to their rank1 by the head or cover2   
that the estimate and circumstance of   
the contract should be carried to the   

,treasury to be approved2 and that its  
faithful and satisfactory performance   
should be reported there previous to any
 payment2 that there1 and there only1   
should the payment be made4 ,i propose  
that men should be contracted with only 
in their proper trade2 and that no      
member of ,parliament should be capable 
of such contract4 ,by this plan1 almost 
all the infinite offices under the lord 
steward may be spared1--to the extreme  
simplification1 and to the far better   
execution1 of every one of his          
functions4 ,the king of ,prussia is so  
served4 ,he is a great and eminent      
7though1 indeed1 a very rare7 instance  
of the possibility of uniting1 in a mind
 of vigor and compass1 an attention to  
minute objects with the largest views   
and the most complicated plans4 ,his    
tables are served by contract1 and by   
the head4 ,let me say1 that no prince   
can be ashamed to imitate the king of   
,prussia1 and particularly to learn in  
his school1 when the problem is1 ,the   

best manner of reconciling the state of 
a court with the support of war4 ,other 
courts1 ,i understand1 have followed his
 with effect1 and to their satisfaction4
  ,the same clew of principle leads us  
through the labyrinth of the other      
departments4 ,what1 ,sir1 is there in   
the office of the great wardrobe 7which 
has the care of the king's furniture7   
that may not be executed by the lord    
chamberlain himself8 ,he has an         
honorable appointment2 he has time      
sufficient to attend to the duty2 and he
 has the vice-chamberlain to assist him4
 ,why should not he deal also by        
contract for all things belonging to    
this office1 and carry his estimates    
first1 and his report of the execution  
in its proper time1 for payment1        
directly to the ,board of ,treasury     
itself8 ,by a simple operation1         
7containing in it a treble control17 the
 expenses of a department which for     
naked walls1 or walls hung with cobwebs1
 has in a few years cost the crown      

#aej1jjjl41 may at length hope for      
regulation4 ,but1 ,sir1 the office and  
its business are at variance4 ,as it    
stands1 it serves1 not to furnish the   
palace with its hangings1 but the       
,parliament with its dependent members4 
,to what end1 ,sir1 does the office of  
removing wardrobe serve at all8 ,why    
should a jewel office exist for the sole
 purpose of taxing the king's gifts of  
plate8 ,its object falls naturally      
within the chamberlain's province1 and  
ought to be under his care and          
inspection without any fee4 ,why should 
an office of the robes exist1 when that 
of groom1 of the stole is a sinecure1   
and that this is a proper object of his 
department8  ,all these incumbrances1   
which are themselves nuisances1 produce 
other incumbrances and other nuisances4 
,for the payment of these useless       
establishments there are no less than   
three useless treasurers3 two to hold a 
purse1 and one to play with a stick4    
,the treasurer of the household is a    

mere name4 ,the cofferer and the        
treasurer of the chamber receive and pay
 great sums1 which it is not at all     
necessary they should either receive or 
pay4 ,all the proper officers1 servants1
 and tradesmen may be enrolled in their 
several departments1 and paid in proper 
classes and times with great simplicity 
and order1 at the ,exchequer1 and by    
direction from the ,treasury4  ,the     
,board of ,works1 which in the seven    
years preceding #aggg has cost towards  
#djj1jjjl41#cg and 7if ,i recollect     
rightly7 has not cost less in proportion
 from the beginning of the reign1 is    
under the very same description of all  
the other ill-contrived establishments1 
and calls for the very same reform4 ,we 
are to seek for the visible signs of all
 this expense4 ,for all this expense1 we
 do not see a building of the size and  
importance of a pigeon-house4           
,buckingham ,house was reprised by a    
bargain with the public for one hundred 
thousand pounds2 and the small house at 

,windsor has been1 if ,i mistake not1   
undertaken since that account was       
brought before us4 ,the good works of   
that ,board of ,works are as carefully  
concealed as other good works ought to  
be3 they are perfectly invisible4 ,but  
though it is the perfection of charity  
to be concealed1 it is1 ,sir1 the       
property and glory of magnificence to   
appear and stand forward to the eye4    
,that board1 which ought to be a concern
 of builders and such like1 and of none 
else1 is turned into a junto of members 
of ,parliament4 ,that office1 too1 has a
 treasury and a paymaster of its own2   
and lest the arduous affairs of that    
important exchequer should be too       
fatiguing1 that paymaster has a deputy  
to partake his profits and relieve his  
cares4 ,i do not believe1 that1 either  
now or in former times1 the chief       
managers of that board have made any    
profit of its abuse4 ,it is1 however1 no
 good reason that an abusive            
establishment should subsist1 because it

 is of as little private as of public   
advantage4 ,but this establishment has  
the grand radical fault1 the original   
sin1 that pervades and perverts all our 
establishments3 the apparatus is not    
fitted to the object1 nor the workmen to
 the work4 ,expenses are incurred on the
 private opinion of an inferior         
establishment1 without consulting the   
principal1 who can alone determine the  
proportion which it ought to bear to the
 other establishments of the state1 in  
the order of their relative importance4 
,i propose1 therefore1 along with the   
rest1 to pull down this whole           
ill-contrived scaffolding1 which        
obstructs1 rather than forwards1 our    
public works2 to take away its treasury2
 to put the whole into the hands of a   
real builder1 who shall not be a member 
of ,parliament2 and to oblige him1 by a 
previous estimate and final payment1 to 
appear twice at the ,treasury before the
 public can be loaded4 ,the king's      
gardens are to come under a similar     

regulation4  ,the ,mint1 though not a   
department of the household1 has the    
same vices4 ,it is a great expense to   
the nation1 chiefly for the sake of     
members of ,parliament4 ,it has its     
officers of parade and dignity4 ,it has 
its treasury1 too4 ,it is a sort of     
corporate body1 and formerly was a body 
of great importance1--as much so1 on the
 then scale of things1 and the then     
order of business1 as the ,bank is at   
this day4 ,it was the great centre of   
money transactions and remittances for  
our own and for other nations1 until    
,king ,charles the ,first1 among other  
arbitrary projects dictated by despotic 
necessity1 made it withhold the money   
that lay there for remittance4 ,that    
blow 7and happily1 too7 the ,mint never 
recovered4 ,now it is no bank1 no       
remittance-shop4 ,the ,mint1 ,sir1 is a 
manufacture1 and it is nothing else2 and
 it ought to be undertaken upon the     
principles of a manufacture1--that is1  
for the best and cheapest execution1 by 

a contract upon proper securities and   
under proper regulations4  ,the         
artillery is a far greater object2 it is
 a military concern2 but having an      
affinity and kindred in its defects with
 the establishments ,i am now speaking  
of1 ,i think it best to speak of it     
along with them4 ,it is1 ,i conceive1 an
 establishment not well suited to its   
martial1 though exceedingly well        
calculated for its ,parliamentary       
purposes4 ,here there is a treasury1 as 
in all the other inferior departments of
 government4 ,here the military is      
subordinate to the civil1 and the naval 
confounded with the land service4 ,the  
object1 indeed1 is much the same in     
both4 ,but1 when the detail is examined1
 it will be found that they had better  
be separated4 ,for a reform of this     
office1 ,i propose to restore things to 
what 7all considerations taken together7
 is their natural order3 to restore them
 to their just proportion1 and to their 
just distribution4 ,i propose1 in this  

military concern1 to render the civil   
subordinate to the military2 and this   
will annihilate the greatest part of the
 expense1 and all the influence         
belonging to the office4 ,i propose to  
send the military branch to the army1   
and the naval to the ,admiralty2 and ,i 
intend to perfect and accomplish the    
whole detail 7where it becomes too      
minute and complicated for legislature1 
and requires exact1 official1 military1 
and mechanical knowledge7 by a          
commission of competent officers in both
 departments4 ,i propose to execute by  
contract what by contract can be        
executed1 and to bring1 as much as      
possible1 all estimates to be previously
 approved and finally to be paid by the 
,treasury4  ,thus1 by following the     
course of ,nature1 and not the purposes 
of politics1 or the accumulated         
patchwork of occasional accommodation1  
this vast1 expensive department may be  
methodized1 its service proportioned to 
its necessities1 and its payments       

subjected to the inspection of the      
superior minister of finance1 who is to 
judge of it on the result of the total  
collective exigencies of the state4     
,this last is a reigning principle      
through my whole plan2 and it is a      
principle which ,i hope may hereafter be
 applied to other plans4  ,by these     
regulations taken together1 besides the 
three subordinate treasuries in the     
lesser principalities1 five other       
subordinate treasuries are suppressed4  
,there is taken away the whole          
establishment of detail in the          
household3 the treasurer2 the           
comptroller 7for a comptroller is hardly
 necessary where there is no treasurer72
 the cofferer of the household2 the     
treasurer of the chamber2 the master of 
the household2 the whole board of green 
cloth2--and a vast number of subordinate
 offices in the department of the       
steward of the household1--the whole    
establishment of the great              
wardrobe1--the removing wardrobe1--the  

jewel office1--the robes1--the ,board of
 ,works1--almost the whole charge of the
 civil branch of the ,board of          
,ordnance1 are taken away4 ,all these   
arrangements together will be found to  
relieve the nation from a vast weight of
 influence1 without distressing1 but    
rather by forwarding every public       
service4 ,when something of this kind is
 done1 then the public may begin to     
breathe4 ,under other governments1 a    
question of expense is only a question  
of economy1 and it is nothing more3 with
 us1 in every question of expense there 
is always a mixture of constitutional   
considerations4  ,it is1 ,sir1 because  
,i wish to keep this business of        
subordinate treasuries as much as ,i can
 together1 that ,i brought the ordnance 
office before you1 though it is properly
 a military department4 ,for the same   
reason ,i will now trouble you with my  
thoughts and propositions upon two of   
the greatest under-treasuries3 ,i mean  
the office of paymaster of the land     

forces1 or treasurer of the army1 and   
that of the treasurer of the navy4 ,the 
former of these has long been a great   
object of public suspicion and          
uneasiness4 ,envy1 too1 has had its     
share in the obloquy which is cast upon 
this office4 ,but ,i am sure that it has
 no share at all in the reflections ,i  
shall make upon it1 or in the           
reformations that ,i shall propose4 ,i  
do not grudge to the honorable gentleman
 who at present holds the office any of 
the effects of his talents1 his merit1  
or his fortune4 ,he is respectable in   
all these particulars4 ,i follow the    
constitution of the office without      
persecuting its holder4 ,it is necessary
 in all matters of public complaint1    
where men frequently feel right and     
argue wrong1 to separate prejudice from 
reason1 and to be very sure1 in         
attempting the redress of a grievance1  
that we hit upon its real seat and its  
true nature4 ,where there is an abuse in
 office1 the first thing that occurs in 

heat is to censure the officer4 ,our    
natural disposition leads all our       
inquiries rather to persons than to     
things4 ,but this prejudice is to be    
corrected by maturer thinking4  ,sir1   
the profits of the pay office 7as an    
office7 are not too great1 in my        
opinion1 for its duties1 and for the    
rank of the person who has generally    
held it4 ,he has been generally a person
 of the highest rank1--that is to say1 a
 person of eminence and consideration in
 this ,house4 ,the great and the        
invidious profits of the pay office are 
from the bank that is held in it4       
,according to the present course of the 
office1 and according to the present    
mode of accounting there1 this bank must
 necessarily exist somewhere4 ,money is 
a productive thing2 and when the usual  
time of its demand can be tolerably     
calculated1 it may with prudence be     
safely laid out to the profit of the    
holder4 ,it is on this calculation that 
the business of banking proceeds4 ,but  

no profit can be derived from the use of
 money which does not make it the       
interest of the holder to delay his     
account4 ,the process of the ,exchequer 
colludes with this interest4 ,is this   
collusion from its want of rigor and    
strictness and great regularity of form8
 ,the reverse is true4 ,they have in the
 ,exchequer brought rigor and formalism 
to their ultimate perfection4 ,the      
process against accountants is so       
rigorous1 and in a manner so unjust1    
that correctives must from time to time 
be applied to it4 ,these correctives    
being discretionary1 upon the case1 and 
generally remitted by the ,barons to the
 ,lords of the ,treasury1 as the test   
judges of the reasons for respite1      
hearings are had1 delays are produced1  
and thus the extreme of rigor in office 
7as usual in all human affairs7 leads to
 the extreme of laxity4 ,what with the  
interested delay of the officer1 the    
ill-conceived exactness of the court1   
the applications for dispensations from 

that exactness1 the revival of rigorous 
process after the expiration of the     
time1 and the new rigors producing new  
applications and new enlargements of    
time1 such delays happen in the public  
accounts that they can scarcely ever be 
closed4  ,besides1 ,sir1 they have a    
rule in the ,exchequer1 which1 ,i       
believe1 they have founded upon a very  
ancient statute1 that of the #east of   
,henry the ,third1 by which it is       
provided1 that1 when a sheriff or       
bailiff hath begun his account1 none    
other shall be received to account1     
until he that was first appointed hath  
clearly accounted1 and that the sum has 
been received4#ch ,whether this clause  
of that statute be the ground of that   
absurd practice ,i am not quite able to 
ascertain4 ,but it has very generally   
prevailed1 though ,i am told that of    
late they have began to relax from it4  
,in consequence of forms adverse to     
substantial account1 we have a long     
succession of paymasters and their      

representatives who have never been     
admitted to account1 although perfectly 
ready to do so4  ,as the extent of our  
wars has scattered the accountants under
 the paymaster into every part of the   
globe1 the grand and sure paymaster1    
,death1 in all his shapes1 calls these  
accountants to another reckoning4       
,death1 indeed1 domineers over          
everything but the forms of the         
,exchequer4 ,over these he has no power4
 ,they are impassive and immortal4 ,the 
audit of the ,exchequer1 more severe    
than the audit to which the accountants 
are gone1 demands proofs which in the   
nature of things are difficult1         
sometimes impossible1 to be had4 ,in    
this respect1 too1 rigor1 as usual1     
defeats itself4 ,then the ,exchequer    
never gives a particular receipt1 or    
clears a man of his account as far as it
 goes4 ,a final acquittance 7or a       
quietus1 as they term it7 is scarcely   
ever to be obtained4 ,terrors and ghosts
 of unlaid accountants haunt the houses 

of their children from generation to    
generation4 ,families1 in the course of 
succession1 fall into minorities2 the   
inheritance comes into the hands of     
females2 and very perplexed affairs are 
often delivered over into the hands of  
negligent guardians and faithless       
stewards4 ,so that the demand remains1  
when the advantage of the money is      
gone1--if ever any advantage at all has 
been made of it4 ,this is a cause of    
infinite distress to families1 and      
becomes a source of influence to an     
extent that can scarcely be imagined1   
but by those who have taken some pains  
to trace it4 ,the mildness of           
government1 in the employment of useless
 and dangerous powers1 furnishes no     
reason for their continuance4  ,as      
things stand1 can you in justice 7except
 perhaps in that over-perfect kind of   
justice which has obtained by its merits
 the title of the opposite vice#ci7     
insist that any man should1 by the      
course of his office1 keep a bank from  

whence he is to derive no advantage8    
that a man should be subject to demands 
below and be in a manner refused an     
acquittance above1 that he should       
transmit an original sin and inheritance
 of vexation to his posterity1 without a
 power of compensating himself in some  
way or other for so perilous a          
situation8 ,we know1 that1 if the       
paymaster should deny himself the       
advantages of his bank1 the public1 as  
things stand1 is not the richer for it  
by a single shilling4 ,this ,i thought  
it necessary to say as to the offensive 
magnitude of the profits of this office1
 that we may proceed in reformation on  
the principles of reason1 and not on the
 feelings of envy4  ,the treasurer of   
the navy is1 mutatis mutandis1 in the   
same circumstances4 ,indeed1 all        
accountants are4 ,instead of the present
 mode1 which is troublesome to the      
officer and unprofitable to the public1 
,i propose to substitute something more 
effectual than rigor1 which is the worst

 exactor in the world4 ,i mean to remove
 the very temptations to delay2 to      
facilitate the account2 and to transfer 
this bank1 now of private emolument1 to 
the public4 ,the crown will suffer no   
wrong at least from the pay offices2 and
 its terrors will no longer reign over  
the families of those who hold or have  
held them4 ,i propose that these offices
 should be no longer banks or           
treasuries1 but mere offices of         
administration4 ,i propose1 first1 that 
the present paymaster and the treasurer 
of the navy should carry into the       
,exchequer the whole body of the        
vouchers for what they have paid over to
 deputy-paymasters1 to regimental       
agents1 or to any of those to whom they 
have and ought to have paid money4 ,i   
propose that those vouchers shall be    
admitted as actual payments in their    
accounts1 and that the persons to whom  
the money has been paid shall then stand
 charged in the ,exchequer in their     
place4 ,after this process1 they shall  

be debited or charged for nothing but   
the money-balance that remains in their 
hands4  ,i am conscious1 ,sir1 that1 if 
this balance 7which they could not      
expect to be so suddenly demanded by any
 usual process of the ,exchequer7 should
 now be exacted all at once1 not only   
their ruin1 but a ruin of others to an  
extent which ,i do not like to think of1
 but which ,i can well conceive1 and    
which you may well conceive1 might be   
the consequence4 ,i told you1 ,sir1 when
 ,i promised before the holidays to     
bring in this plan1 that ,i never would 
suffer any man or description of men to 
suffer from errors that naturally have  
grown out of the abusive constitution of
 those offices which ,i propose to      
regulate4 ,if ,i cannot reform with     
equity1 ,i will not reform at all4  ,for
 the regulation of past accounts1 ,i    
shall therefore propose such a mode1 as 
men1 temperate and prudent1 make use of 
in the management of their private      
affairs1 when their accounts are        

various1 perplexed1 and of long         
standing4 ,i would therefore1 after     
their example1 divide the public debts  
into three sorts1--good1 bad1 and       
doubtful4 ,in looking over the public   
accounts1 ,i should never dream of the  
blind mode of the ,exchequer1 which     
regards things in the abstract1 and     
knows no difference in the quality of   
its debts or the circumstances of its   
debtors4 ,by this means it fatigues     
itself1 it vexes others1 it often       
crushes the poor1 it lets escape the    
rich1 or1 in a fit of mercy or          
carelessness1 declines all means of     
recovering its just demands4 ,content   
with the eternity of its claims1 it     
enjoys its ,epicurean divinity with     
,epicurean languor4 ,but it is proper   
that all sorts of accounts should be    
closed some time or other1--by payment1 
by composition1 or by oblivion4 ,expedit
 reipublic ut sit finis litium4         
,constantly taking along with me1 that  
an extreme rigor is sure to arm         

everything against it1 and at length to 
relax into a supine neglect1 ,i propose1
 ,sir1 that even the best1 soundest1 and
 the most recent dents should be put    
into instalments1 for the mutual benefit
 of the accountant and the public4  ,in 
proportion1 however1 as ,i am tender of 
the past1 ,i would be provident of the  
future4 ,all money that was formerly    
imprested to the two great pay offices  
,i would have imprested in future to the
 ,bank of ,england4 ,these offices      
should in future receive no more than   
cash sufficient for small payments4     
,their other payments ought to be made  
by drafts on the ,bank1 expressing the  
service4 ,a check account from both     
offices1 of drafts and receipts1 should 
be annually made up in the              
,exchequer1--charging the ,bank in      
account with the cash balance1 but not  
demanding the payment until there is an 
order from the ,treasury1 in consequence
 of a vote of ,parliament4  ,as ,i did  
not1 ,sir1 deny to the paymaster the    

natural profits of the bank that was in 
his hands1 so neither would ,i to the   
,bank of ,england4 ,a share of that     
profit might be derived to the public in
 various ways4 ,my favorite mode is     
this3 that1 in compensation for the use 
of this money1 the bank may take upon   
themselves1 first1 the charge of the    
,mint1 to which they are already1 by    
their charter1 obliged to bring in a    
great deal of bullion annually to be    
coined4 ,in the next place1 ,i mean that
 they should take upon themselves the   
charge of remittances to our troops     
abroad4 ,this is a species of dealing   
from which1 by the same charter1 they   
are not debarred4 ,one and a quarter per
 cent will be saved instantly thereby to
 the public on very large sums of money4
 ,this will be at once a matter of      
economy and a considerable reduction of 
influence1 by taking away a private     
contract of an expensive nature4 ,if the
 ,bank1 which is a great corporation1   
and of course receives the least profits

 from the money in their custody1 should
 of itself refuse or be persuaded to    
refuse this offer upon those terms1 ,i  
can speak with some confidence that one 
at least1 if not both parts of the      
condition would be received1 and        
gratefully received1 by several bankers 
of eminence4 ,there is no banker who    
will not be at least as good security as
 any paymaster of the forces1 or any    
treasurer of the navy1 that have ever   
been bankers to the public3 as rich at  
least as my ,lord ,chatham1 or my ,lord 
,holland1 or either of the honorable    
gentlemen who now hold the offices1 were
 at the time that they entered into     
them2 or as ever the whole establishment
 of the ,mint has been at any period4   
,these1 ,sir1 are the outlines of the   
plan ,i mean to follow1 in suppressing  
these two large subordinate treasuries4 
,i now come to another subordinate      
treasury1--,i mean that of the paymaster
 of the pensions2 for which purpose ,i  
renter the limits of the civil          

establishment3 ,i departed from those   
limits in pursuit of a principle2 and1  
following the same game in its doubles1 
,i am brought into those limits again4  
,that treasury and that office ,i mean  
to take away1 and to transfer the       
payment of every name1 mode1 and        
denomination of pensions to the         
,exchequer4 ,the present course of      
diversifying the same object can answer 
no good purpose1 whatever its use may be
 to purposes of another kind4 ,there are
 also other lists of pensions2 and ,i   
mean that they should all be hereafter  
paid at one and the same place4 ,the    
whole of the new consolidated list ,i   
mean to reduce to #fj1jjjl4 a year1     
which sum ,i intend it shall never      
exceed4 ,i think that sum will fully    
answer as a reward to all real merit and
 a provision for all real public charity
 that is ever like to be placed upon the
 list4 ,if any merit of an extraordinary
 nature should emerge before that       
reduction is completed1 ,i have left it 

open for an address of either ,house of 
,parliament to provide for the case4 ,to
 all other demands it must be answered1 
with regret1 but with firmness1 ,the    
public is poor4  ,i do not propose1 as  
,i told you before ,christmas1 to take  
away any pension4 ,i know that the      
public seem to call for a reduction of  
such of them as shall appear unmerited4 
,as a censorial act1 and punishment of  
an abuse1 it might answer some purpose4 
,but this can make no part of my plan4  
,i mean to proceed by bill2 and ,i      
cannot stop for such an inquiry4 ,i know
 some gentlemen may blame me4 ,it is    
with great submission to better         
judgments that ,i recommend it to       
consideration1 that a critical          
retrospective examination of the pension
 list1 upon the principle of merit1 can 
never serve for my basis4 ,it cannot    
answer1 according to my plan1 any       
effectual purpose of economy1 or of     
future1 permanent reformation4 ,the     
process in any way will be entangled and

 difficult1 and it will be infinitely   
slow3 there is a danger1 that1 if we    
turn our line of march1 now directed    
towards the grand object1 into this more
 laborious than useful detail of        
operations1 we shall never arrive at our
 end4  ,the king1 ,sir1 has been by the 
,constitution appointed sole judge of   
the merit for which a pension is to be  
given4 ,we have a right1 undoubtedly1 to
 canvass this1 as we have to canvass    
every act of government4 ,but there is a
 material difference between an office  
to be reformed and a pension taken away 
for demerit4 ,in the former case1 no    
charge is implied against the holder2 in
 the latter1 his character is slurred1  
as well as his lawful emolument         
affected4 ,the former process is against
 the thing2 the second1 against the     
person4 ,the pensioner certainly1 if he 
pleases1 has a right to stand on his own
 defence1 to plead his possession1 and  
to bottom his title in the competency of
 the crown to give him what he holds4   

,possessed and on the defensive as he   
is1 he will not be obliged to prove his 
special merit1 in order to justify the  
act of legal discretion1 now turned into
 his property1 according to his tenure4 
,the very act1 he will contend1 is a    
legal presumption1 and an implication of
 his merit4 ,if this be so1 from the    
natural force of all legal presumption1 
he would put us to the difficult proof  
that he has no merit at all4 ,but other 
questions would arise in the course of  
such an inquiry1--that is1 questions of 
the merit when weighed against the      
proportion of the reward2 then the      
difficulty will be much greater4  ,the  
difficulty will not1 ,sir1 ,i am afraid1
 be much less1 if we pass to the person 
really guilty in the question of an     
unmerited pension3 the minister himself4
 ,i admit1 that1 when called to account 
for the execution of a trust1 he might  
fairly be obliged to prove the          
affirmative1 and to state the merit for 
which the pension is given1 though on   

the pensioner himself such a process    
would be hard4 ,if in this examination  
we proceed methodically1 and so as to   
avoid all suspicion of partiality and   
prejudice1 we must take the pensions in 
order of time1 or merely alphabetically4
 ,the very first pension to which we    
come1 in either of these ways1 may      
appear the most grossly unmerited of    
any4 ,but the minister may very possibly
 show that he knows nothing of the      
putting on this pension2 that it was    
prior in time to his administration2    
that the minister who laid it on is     
dead3 and then we are thrown back upon  
the pensioner himself1 and plunged into 
all our former difficulties4 ,abuses1   
and gross ones1 ,i doubt not1 would     
appear1 and to the correction of which  
,i would readily give my hand3 but when 
,i consider that pensions have not      
generally been affected by the          
revolutions of ministry2 as ,i know not 
where such inquiries would stop2 and as 
an absence of merit is a negative and   

loose thing2--one might be led to       
derange the order of families founded on
 the probable continuance of their kind 
of income2 ,i might hurt children2 ,i   
might injure creditors2--,i really think
 it the more prudent course not to      
follow the letter of the petitions4 ,if 
we fix this mode of inquiry as a basis1 
we shall1 ,i fear1 end as ,parliament   
has often ended under similar           
circumstances4 ,there will be great     
delay1 much confusion1 much inequality  
in our proceedings4 ,but what presses me
 most of all is this3 that1 though we   
should strike off all the unmerited     
pensions1 while the power of the crown  
remains unlimited1 the very same        
undeserving persons might afterwards    
return to the very same list2 or1 if    
they did not1 other persons1 meriting as
 little as they do1 might be put upon it
 to an undefinable amount4 ,this1 ,i    
think1 is the pinch of the grievance4   
,for these reasons1 ,sir1 ,i am obliged 
to waive this mode of proceeding as any 

part of my plan4 ,in a plan of          
reformation1 it would be one of my      
maxims1 that1 when ,i know of an        
establishment which may be subservient  
to useful purposes1 and which at the    
same time1 from its discretionary       
nature1 is liable to a very great       
perversion from those purposes1 ,i would
 limit the quantity of the power that   
might be so abused4 ,for ,i am sure that
 in all such cases the rewards of merit 
will have very narrow bounds1 and that  
partial or corrupt favor will be        
infinite4 ,this principle is not        
arbitrary1 but the limitation of the    
specific quantity must be so in some    
measure4 ,i therefore state #fj1jjjl41  
leaving it open to the ,house to enlarge
 or contract the sum as they shall see1 
on examination1 that the discretion ,i  
use is scanty or liberal4 ,the whole    
amount of the pensions of all           
denominations which have been laid      
before us amount1 for a period of seven 
years1 to considerably more than        

#ajj1jjjl4 a year4 ,to what the other   
lists amount ,i know not4 ,that will be 
seen hereafter4 ,but from those that do 
appear1 a saving will accrue to the     
public1 at one time or other1 of        
#dj1jjjl4 a year2 and we had better1 in 
my opinion1 to let it fall in naturally 
than to tear it crude and unripe from   
the stalk4#dj  ,there is a great deal of
 uneasiness among the people upon an    
article which ,i must class under the   
head of pensions3 ,i mean the great     
patent offices in the ,exchequer4 ,they 
are in reality and substance no other   
than pensions1 and in no other light    
shall ,i consider them4 ,they are       
sinecures2 they are always executed by  
deputy2 the duty of the principal is as 
nothing4 ,they differ1 however1 from the
 pensions on the list in some           
particulars4 ,they are held for life4 ,i
 think1 with the public1 that the       
profits of those places are grown       
enormous2 the magnitude of those        
profits1 and the nature of them1 both   

call for reformation4 ,the nature of    
their profits1 which grow out of the    
public distress1 is itself invidious and
 grievous4 ,but ,i fear that reform     
cannot be immediate4 ,i find myself     
under a restriction4 ,these places1 and 
others of the same kind1 which are held 
for life1 have been considered as       
property4 ,they have been given as a    
provision for children2 they have been  
the subject of family settlements2 they 
have been the security of creditors4    
,what the law respects shall be sacred  
to me4 ,if the barriers of law should be
 broken down1 upon ideas of convenience1
 even of public convenience1 we shall   
have no longer anything certain among   
us4 ,if the discretion of power is once 
let loose upon property1 we can be at no
 loss to determine whose power and what 
discretion it is that will prevail at   
last4 ,it would be wise to attend upon  
the order of things1 and not to attempt 
to outrun the slow1 but smooth and even 
course of ,nature4 ,there are occasions1

 ,i admit1 of public necessity1 so vast1
 so clear1 so evident1 that they        
supersede all laws4 ,law1 being only    
made for the benefit of the community1  
cannot in any one of its parts resist a 
demand which may comprehend the total of
 the public interest4 ,to be sure1 no   
law can set itself up against the cause 
and reason of all law2 but such a case  
very rarely happens1 and this most      
certainly is not such a case4 ,the mere 
time of the reform is by no means worth 
the sacrifice of a principle of law4    
,individuals pass like shadows2 but the 
commonwealth is fixed and stable4 ,the  
difference1 therefore1 of to-day and    
to-morrow1 which to private people is   
immense1 to the state is nothing4 ,at   
any rate1 it is better1 if possible1 to 
reconcile our economy with our laws than
 to set them at variance1--a quarrel    
which in the end must be destructive to 
both4  ,my idea1 therefore1 is1 to      
reduce those offices to fixed salaries1 
as the present lives and reversions     

shall successively fall4 ,i mean1 that  
the office of the great auditor 7the    
auditor of the receipt7 shall be reduced
 to #cjjjl4 a year2 and the auditors of 
the imprest1 and the rest of the        
principal officers1 to fixed            
appointments of #a1ejjl4 a year each4   
,it will not be difficult to calculate  
the value of this fall of lives to the  
public1 when we shall have obtained a   
just account of the present income of   
those places2 and we shall obtain that  
account with great facility1 if the     
present possessors are not alarmed with 
any apprehension of danger to their     
freehold office4  ,i know1 too1 that it 
will be demanded of me1 how it comes1   
that1 since ,i admit these offices to be
 no better than pensions1 ,i chose1     
after the principle of law had been     
satisfied1 to retain them at all4 ,to   
this1 ,sir1 ,i answer1 that1 conceiving 
it to be a fundamental part of the      
,constitution of this country1 and of   
the reason of state in every country1   

that there must be means of rewarding   
public service1 those means will be     
incomplete1 and indeed wholly           
insufficient for that purpose1 if there 
should be no further reward for that    
service than the daily wages it receives
 during the pleasure of the crown4      
,whoever seriously considers the        
excellent argument of ,lord ,somers1 in 
the ,bankers' ,case1 will see he bottoms
 himself upon the very same maxim which 
,i do2 and one of his principal grounds 
of doctrine for the alienability of the 
domain in ,england1#da contrary to the  
maxim of the law in ,france1 he lays in 
the constitutional policy of furnishing 
a permanent reward to public service1 of
 making that reward the origin of       
families1 and the foundation of wealth  
as well as of honors4 ,it is1 indeed1   
the only genuine1 unadulterated origin  
of nobility4 ,it is a great principle in
 government1 a principle at the very    
foundation of the whole structure4 ,the 
other judges who held the same doctrine 

went beyond ,lord ,somers with regard to
 the remedy which they thought was given
 by law against the crown upon the grant
 of pensions4 ,indeed1 no man knows1    
when he cuts off the incitements to a   
virtuous ambition1 and the just rewards 
of public service1 what infinite        
mischief he may do his country through  
all generations4 ,such saving to the    
public may prove the worst mode of      
robbing it4 ,the crown1 which has in its
 hands the trust of the daily pay for   
national service1 ought to have in its  
hands also the means for the repose of  
public labor and the fixed settlement of
 acknowledged merit4 ,there is a time   
when the weather-beaten1 vessels of the 
state ought to come into harbor4 ,they  
must at length have a retreat from the  
malice of rivals1 from the perfidy of   
political friends1 and the inconstancy  
of the people4 ,many of the persons who 
in all times have filled the great      
offices of state have been younger      
brothers1 who had originally little1 if 

any fortune4 ,these offices do not      
furnish the means of amassing wealth4   
,there ought to be some power in the    
crown of granting pensions out of the   
reach of its own caprices4 ,an entail of
 dependence is a bad reward of merit4   
,i would therefore leave to the crown   
the possibility of conferring some      
favors1 which1 whilst they are received 
as a reward1 do not operate as          
corruption4 ,when men receive           
obligations from the crown1 through the 
pious hands of fathers1 or of           
connections as venerable as the         
paternal1 the dependences which arise   
from thence are the obligations of      
gratitude1 and not the fetters of       
servility4 ,such ties originate in      
virtue1 and they promote it4 ,they      
continue men in those habitudes of      
friendship1 those political connections1
 and those political principles1 in     
which they began life4 ,they are        
antidotes against a corrupt levity1     
instead of causes of it4 ,what an       

unseemly spectacle would it afford1 what
 a disgrace would it be to the          
commonwealth that suffered such things1 
to see the hopeful son of a meritorious 
minister begging his bread at the door  
of that ,treasury from whence his father
 dispensed the economy of an empire1 and
 promoted the happiness and glory of his
 country6 ,why should he be obliged to  
prostrate his honor and to submit his   
principles at the levee of some proud   
favorite1 shouldered and thrust aside by
 every impudent pretender on the very   
spot where a few days before he saw     
himself adored1--obliged to cringe to   
the author of the calamities of his     
house1 and to kiss the hands that are   
red with his father's blood8--,no1 ,sir1
 these things are unfit1--they are      
intolerable4  ,sir1 ,i shall be asked1  
why ,i do not choose to destroy those   
offices which are pensions1 and appoint 
pensions under the direct title in their
 stead4 ,i allow that in some cases it  
leads to abuse1 to have things appointed

 for one purpose and applied to another4
 ,i have no great objection to such a   
change2 but ,i do not think it quite    
prudent for me to propose it4 ,if ,i    
should take away the present            
establishment1 the burden of proof rests
 upon me1 that so many pensions1 and no 
more1 and to such an amount each1 and no
 more1 are necessary for the public     
service4 ,this is what ,i can never     
prove2 for it is a thing incapable of   
definition4 ,i do not like to take away 
an object that ,i think answers my      
purpose1 in hopes of getting it back    
again in a better shape4 ,people will   
bear an old establishment1 when its     
excess is corrected1 who will revolt at 
a new one4 ,i do not think these        
office-pensions to be more in number    
than sufficient3 but on that point the  
,house will exercise its discretion4 ,as
 to abuse1 ,i am convinced that very few
 trusts in the ordinary course of       
administration have admitted less abuse 
than this4 ,efficient ministers have    

been their own paymasters1 it is true2  
but their very partiality has operated  
as a kind of justice1 and still it was  
service that was paid4 ,when we look    
over this ,exchequer list1 we find it   
filled with the descendants of the      
,walpoles1 of the ,pelhams1 of the      
,townshends1--names to whom this country
 owes its liberties1 and to whom his    
,majesty owes his crown4 ,it was in one 
of these lines that the immense and     
envied employment he now holds came to a
 certain duke1#db who is now probably   
sitting quietly at a very good dinner   
directly under us1 and acting high life 
below stairs1 whilst we1 his masters1   
are filling our mouths with             
unsubstantial sounds1 and talking of    
hungry economy over his head4 ,but he is
 the elder branch of an ancient and     
decayed house1 joined to and repaired by
 the reward of services done by another4
 ,i respect the original title1 and the 
first purchase of merited wealth and    
honor through all its descents1 through 

all its transfers1 and all its          
assignments4 ,may such fountains never  
be dried up6 ,may they ever flow with   
their original purity1 and refresh and  
fructify the commonwealth for ages6     
,sir1 ,i think myself bound to give you 
my reasons as clearly and as fully for  
stopping in the course of reformation as
 for proceeding in it4 ,my limits are   
the rules of law1 the rules of policy1  
and the service of the state4 ,this is  
the reason why ,i am not able to        
intermeddle with another article1 which 
seems to be a specific object in several
 of the petitions3 ,i mean the reduction
 of exorbitant emoluments to efficient  
offices4 ,if ,i knew of any real        
efficient office which did possess      
exorbitant emoluments1 ,i should be     
extremely desirous of reducing them4    
,others may know of them3 ,i do not4 ,i 
am not possessed of an exact common     
measure between real service and its    
reward4 ,i am very sure that states do  
sometimes receive services which is     

hardly in their power to reward         
according to their worth4 ,if ,i were to
 give my judgment with regard to this   
country1 ,i do not think the great      
efficient offices of the state to be    
overpaid4 ,the service of the public is 
a thing which cannot be put to auction  
and struck down to those who will agree 
to execute it the cheapest4 ,when the   
proportion between reward and service is
 our object1 we must always consider of 
what nature the service is1 and what    
sort of men they are that must perform  
it4 ,what is just payment for one kind  
of labor1 and full encouragement for one
 kind of talents1 is fraud and          
discouragement to others4 ,many of the  
great offices have much duty to do1 and 
much expense of representation to       
maintain4 ,a ,secretary of ,state1 for  
instance1 must not appear sordid in the 
eyes of the ministers of other nations2 
neither ought our ministers abroad to   
appear contemptible in the courts where 
they reside4 ,in all offices of duty1   

there is almost necessarily a great     
neglect of all domestic affairs4 ,a     
person in high office can rarely take a 
view of his family-house4 ,if he sees   
that the state takes no detriment1 the  
state must see that his affairs should  
take as little4  ,i will even go so far 
as to affirm1 that1 if men were willing 
to serve in such situations without     
salary1 they ought not to be permitted  
to do it4 ,ordinary service must be     
secured by the motives to ordinary      
integrity4 ,i do not hesitate to say    
that that state which lays its          
foundation in rare and heroic virtues   
will be sure to have its superstructure 
in the basest profligacy and corruption4
 ,an honorable and fair profit is the   
best security against avarice and       
rapacity2 as in all things else1 a      
lawful and regulated enjoyment is the   
best security against debauchery and    
excess4 ,for as wealth is power1 so all 
power will infallibly draw wealth to    
itself by some means or other2 and when 

men are left no way of ascertaining     
their profits but by their means of     
obtaining them1 those means will be     
increased to infinity4 ,this is true in 
all the parts of administration1 as well
 as in the whole4 ,if any individual    
were to decline his appointments1 it    
might give an unfair advantage to       
ostentatious ambition over unpretending 
service2 it might breed invidious       
comparisons2 it might tend to destroy   
whatever little unity and agreement may 
be found among ministers4 ,and1 after   
all1 when an ambitious man had run down 
his competitors by a fallacious show of 
disinterestedness1 and fixed himself in 
power by that means1 what security is   
there that he would not change his      
course1 and claim as an indemnity ten   
times more than he has given up8  ,this 
rule1 like every other1 may admit its   
exceptions4 ,when a great man has some  
one great object in view to be achieved 
in a given time1 it may be absolutely   
necessary for him to walk out of all the

 common roads1 and1 if his fortune      
permits it1 to hold himself out as a    
splendid example4 ,i am told that       
something of this kind is now doing in a
 country near us4 ,but this is for a    
short race1 the training for a heat or  
two1 and not the proper preparation for 
the regular stages of a methodical      
journey4 ,i am speaking of              
establishments1 and not of men4  ,it may
 be expected1 ,sir1 that1 when ,i am    
giving my reasons why ,i limit myself in
 the reduction of employments1 or of    
their profits1 ,i should say something  
of those which seem of eminent inutility
 in the state3 ,i mean the number of    
officers who1 by their places1 are      
attendant on the person of the king4    
,considering the commonwealth merely as 
such1 and considering those officers    
only as relative to the direct purposes 
of the state1 ,i admit that they are of 
no use at all4 ,but there are many      
things in the constitution of           
establishments1 which appear of little  

value on the first view1 which in a     
secondary and oblique manner produce    
very material advantages4 ,it was on    
full consideration that ,i determined   
not to lessen any of the offices of     
honor about the crown1 in their number  
or their emoluments4 ,these emoluments1 
except in one or two cases1 do not much 
more than answer the charge of          
attendance4 ,men of condition naturally 
love to be about a court2 and women of  
condition love it much more4 ,but there 
is in all regular attendance so much of 
constraint1 that1 if it wore a mere     
charge1 without any compensation1 you   
would soon have the court deserted by   
all the nobility of the kingdom4  ,sir1 
the most serious mischiefs would follow 
from such a desertion4 ,kings are       
naturally lovers of low company4 ,they  
are so elevated above all the rest of   
mankind that they must look upon all    
their subjects as on a level4 ,they are 
rather apt to hate than to love their   
nobility1 on account of the occasional  

resistance to their will which will be  
made by their virtue1 their petulance1  
or their pride4 ,it must1 indeed1 be    
admitted that many of the nobility are  
as perfectly willing to act the part of 
flatterers1 tale-bearers1 parasites1    
pimps1 and buffoons1 as any of the      
lowest and vilest of mankind can        
possibly be4 ,but they are not properly 
qualified for this object of their      
ambition4 ,the want of a regular        
education1 and early habits1 and some   
lurking remains of their dignity1 will  
never permit them to become a match for 
an ,italian eunuch1 a mountebank1 a     
fiddler1 a player1 or any regular       
practitioner of that tribe4 ,the ,roman 
emperors1 almost from the beginning1    
threw themselves into such hands2 and   
the mischief increased every day till   
the decline and final ruin of the       
empire4 ,it is therefore of very great  
importance 7provided the thing is not   
overdone7 to contrive such an           
establishment as must1 almost whether a 

prince will or not1 bring into daily and
 hourly offices about his person a great
 number of his first nobility2 and it is
 rather an useful prejudice that gives  
them a pride in such a servitude4       
,though they are not much the better for
 a court1 a court will be much the      
better for them4 ,i have therefore not  
attempted to reform any of the offices  
of honor about the king's person4       
,there are1 indeed1 two offices in his  
stables which are sinecures3 by the     
change of manners1 and indeed by the    
nature of the thing1 they must be so3 ,i
 mean the several keepers of            
buck-hounds1 stag-hounds1 foxhounds1 and
 harriers4 ,they answer no purpose of   
utility or of splendor4 ,these ,i       
propose to abolish4 ,it is not proper   
that great noblemen should be keepers of
 dogs1 though they were the king's dogs4
  ,in every part of the scheme1 ,i have 
endeavored that no primary1 and that    
even no secondary1 service of the state 
should suffer by its frugality4 ,i mean 

to touch no offices but such as ,i am   
perfectly sure are either of no use at  
all1 or not of any use in the least     
assignable proportion to the burden with
 which they load the revenues of the    
kingdom1 and to the influence with which
 they oppress the freedom of            
,parliamentary deliberation2 for which  
reason there are but two offices1 which 
are properly state offices1 that ,i have
 a desire to reform4  ,the first of them
 is the new office of ,third ,secretary 
of ,state1 which is commonly called     
,secretary of ,state for the ,colonies4 
,we know that all the correspondence of 
the colonies had been1 until within a   
few years1 carried on by the ,southern  
,secretary of ,state1 and that this     
department has not been shunned upon    
account of the weight of its duties1    
but1 on the contrary1 much sought on    
account of its patronage4 ,indeed1 he   
must be poorly acquainted with the      
history of office who does not know how 
very lightly the ,american functions    

have always leaned on the shoulders of  
the ministerial ,atlas who has upheld   
that side of the sphere4 ,undoubtedly1  
great temper and judgment was requisite 
in the management of the colony         
politics2 but the official detail was a 
trifle4 ,since the new appointment1 a   
train of unfortunate accidents has      
brought before us almost the whole      
correspondence of this favorite         
secretary's office since the first day  
of its establishment4 ,i will say       
nothing of its auspicious foundation1 of
 the quality of its correspondence1 or  
of the effects that have ensued from it4
 ,i speak merely of its quantity1 which 
we know would have been little or no    
addition to the trouble of whatever     
office had its hands the fullest4 ,but  
what has been the real condition of the 
old office of ,secretary of ,state8     
,have their velvet bags and their red   
boxes been so full that nothing more    
could possibly be crammed into them8  ,a
 correspondence of a curious nature has 

been lately published4#dc ,in that      
correspondence1 ,sir1 we find the       
opinion of a noble person who is thought
 to be the grand manufacturer of        
administrations1 and therefore the best 
judge of the quality of his work4 ,he   
was of opinion that there was but one   
man of diligence and industry in the    
whole administration3 it was the late   
,earl of ,suffolk4 ,the noble lord      
lamented very justly1 that this         
statesman1 of so much mental vigor1 was 
almost wholly disabled from the exertion
 of it by his bodily infirmities4 ,lord 
,suffolk1 dead to the state long before 
he was dead to ,nature1 at last paid his
 tribute to the common treasury to which
 we must all be taxed4 ,but so little   
want was found even of his intentional  
industry1 that the office1 vacant in    
reality to its duties long before1      
continued vacant even in nomination and 
appointment for a year after his death4 
,the whole of the laborious and arduous 
correspondence of this empire rested    

solely upon the activity and energy of  
,lord ,weymouth4  ,it is therefore      
demonstrable1 since one diligent man was
 fully equal to the duties of the two   
offices1 that two diligent men will be  
equal to the duty of three4 ,the        
business of the new office1 which ,i    
shall propose to you to suppress1 is by 
no means too much to be returned to     
either of the secretaries which remain4 
,if this dust in the balance should be  
thought too heavy1 it may be divided    
between them both1--,north ,america     
7whether free or reduced7 to the        
,northern ,secretary1 the ,west ,indies 
to the ,southern4 ,it is not necessary  
that ,i should say more upon the        
inutility of this office4 ,it is burning
 daylight4 ,but before ,i have done1 ,i 
shall just remark that the history of   
this office is too recent to suffer us  
to forget that it was made for the mere 
convenience of the arrangements of      
political intrigue1 and not for the     
service of the state1--that it was made 

in order to give a color to an          
exorbitant increase of the civil list1  
and in the same act to bring a new      
accession to the loaded compost-heap of 
corrupt influence4  ,there is1 ,sir1    
another office which was not long since 
closely connected with this of the      
,american ,secretary1 but has been      
lately separated from it for the very   
same purpose for which it had been      
conjoined3 ,i mean the sole purpose of  
all the separations and all the         
conjunctions that have been lately      
made1--a job4 ,i speak1 ,sir1 of the    
,board of ,trade and ,plantations4 ,this
 board is a sort of temperate bed of    
influence1 a sort of gently ripening    
hothouse1 where eight members of        
,parliament receive salaries of a       
thousand a year for a certain given     
time1 in order to mature1 at a proper   
season1 a claim to two thousand1 granted
 for doing less1 and on the credit of   
having toiled so long in that inferior1 
laborious department4  ,i have known    

that board1 off and on1 for a great     
number of years4 ,both of its pretended 
objects have been much the objects of my
 study1 if ,i have a right to call any  
pursuits of mine by so respectable a    
name4 ,i can assure the ,house1 7and ,i 
hope they will not think that ,i risk my
 little credit lightly17 that1 without  
meaning to convey the least reflection  
upon any one of its members1 past or    
present1 it is a board which1 if not    
mischievous1 is of no use at all4  ,you 
will be convinced1 ,sir1 that ,i am not 
mistaken1 if you reflect how generally  
it is true1 that commerce1 the principal
 object of that office1 flourishes most 
when it is left to itself4 ,interest1   
the great guide of commerce1 is not a   
blind one4 ,it is very well able to find
 its own way2 and its necessities are   
its best laws4 ,but if it were possible1
 in the nature of things1 that the young
 should direct the old1 and the         
inexperienced instruct the knowing1--if 
a board in the state was the best tutor 

for the counting-house1--if the desk    
ought to read lectures to the anvil1 and
 the pen to usurp the place of the      
shuttle1--yet in any matter of          
regulation we know that board must act  
with as little authority as skill4 ,the 
prerogative of the crown is utterly     
inadequate to the object2 because all   
regulations are1 in their nature1       
restrictive of some liberty4 ,in the    
reign1 indeed1 of ,charles the ,first1  
the ,council1 or ,committees of         
,council1 were never a moment unoccupied
 with affairs of trade4 ,but even where 
they had no ill intention1 7which was   
sometimes the case17 trade and          
manufacture suffered infinitely from    
their injudicious tampering4 ,but since 
that period1 whenever regulation is     
wanting1 7for ,i do not deny that       
sometimes it may be wanting17           
,parliament constantly sits2 and        
,parliament alone is competent to such  
regulation4 ,we want no instruction from
 boards of trade1 or from any other     

board2 and ,god forbid we should give   
the least attention to their reports6   
,parliamentary inquiry is the only mode 
of obtaining ,parliamentary information4
 ,there is more real knowledge to be    
obtained by attending the detail of     
business in the committees above stairs 
than ever did come1 or ever will come1  
from any board in this kingdom1 or from 
all of them together4 ,an assiduous     
member of ,parliament will not be the   
worse instructed there for not being    
paid a thousand a year for learning his 
lesson4 ,and now that ,i speak of the   
committees above stairs1 ,i must say1   
that1 having till lately attended them a
 good deal1 ,i have observed that no    
description of members give so little   
attendance1 either to communicate or to 
obtain instruction upon matters of      
commerce1 as the honorable members of   
the grave ,board of ,trade4 ,i really do
 not recollect that ,i have ever seen   
one of them in that sort of business4   
,possibly some members may have better  

memories1 and may call to mind some job 
that may have accidentally brought one  
or other of them1 at one time or other1 
to attend a matter of commerce4  ,this  
board1 ,sir1 has had both its original  
formation and its regeneration in a job4
 ,in a job it was conceived1 and in a   
job its mother brought it forth4 ,it    
made one among those showy and specious 
impositions which one of the            
experiment-making administrations of    
,charles the ,second held out to delude 
the people1 and to be substituted in the
 place of the real service which they   
might expect from a ,parliament annually
 sitting4 ,it was intended1 also1 to    
corrupt that body1 whenever it should be
 permitted to sit4 ,it was projected in 
the year #affh1 and it continued in a   
tottering and rickety childhood for     
about three or four years3 for it died  
in the year #afgc1 a babe of as little  
hopes as ever swelled the bills of      
mortality in the article of convulsed or
 overlaid children who have hardly      

stepped over the threshold of life4  ,it
 was buried with little ceremony1 and   
never more thought of until the reign of
 ,king ,william1 when1 in the strange   
vicissitude of neglect and vigor1 of    
good and ill success that attended his  
wars1 in the year #afie1 the trade was  
distressed beyond all example of former 
sufferings by the piracies of the       
,french cruisers4 ,this suffering       
incensed1 and1 as it should seem1 very  
justly incensed1 the ,house of ,commons4
 ,in this ferment1 they struck1 not only
 at the administration1 but at the very 
constitution of the executive           
government4 ,they attempted to form in  
,parliament a board for the protection  
of trade1 which1 as they planned it1 was
 to draw to itself a great part1 if not 
the whole1 of the functions and powers  
both of the ,admiralty and of the       
,treasury2 and thus1 by a ,parliamentary
 delegation of office and officers1 they
 threatened absolutely to separate these
 departments from the whole system of   

the executive government1 and of course 
to vest the most leading and essential  
of its attributes in this board4 ,as the
 executive government was in a manner   
convicted of a dereliction of its       
functions1 it was with infinite         
difficulty that this blow was warded off
 in that session4 ,there was a threat to
 renew the same attempt in the next4 ,to
 prevent the effect of this manoeuvre1  
the court opposed another manoeuvre to  
it1 and1 in the year #afif1 called into 
life this ,board of ,trade1 which had   
slept since #afgc4  ,this1 in a few     
words1 is the history of the            
regeneration of the ,board of ,trade4   
,it has perfectly answered its purposes4
 ,it was intended to quiet the minds of 
the people1 and to compose the ferment  
that was then strongly working in       
,parliament4 ,the courtiers were too    
happy to be able to substitute a board  
which they knew would be useless in the 
place of one that they feared would be  
dangerous4 ,thus the ,board of ,trade   

was reproduced in a job2 and perhaps it 
is the only instance of a public body   
which has never degenerated1 but to this
 hour preserves all the health and vigor
 of its primitive institution4  ,this   
,board of ,trade and ,plantations has   
not been of any use to the colonies1 as 
colonies3 so little of use1 that the    
flourishing settlements of ,new         
,england1 of ,virginia1 and of          
,maryland1 and all our wealthy colonies 
in the ,west ,indies1 were of a date    
prior to the first board of ,charles the
 ,second4 ,pennsylvania and ,carolina   
were settled during its dark quarter1 in
 the interval between the extinction of 
the first and the formation of the      
second board4 ,two colonies alone owe   
their origin to that board4 ,georgia1   
which1 till lately1 has made a very slow
 progress1--and never did make any      
progress at all1 until it had wholly got
 rid of all the regulations which the   
,board of ,trade had moulded into its   
original constitution4 ,that colony has 

cost the nation very great sums of      
money2 whereas the colonies which have  
had the fortune of not being godfathered
 by the ,board of ,trade never cost the 
nation a shilling1 except what has been 
so properly spent in losing them4 ,but  
the colony of ,georgia1 weak as it was1 
carried with it to the last hour1 and   
carries1 even in its present dead1      
pallid visage1 the perfect resemblance  
of its parents4 ,it always had1 and it  
now has1 an establishment1 paid by the  
public of ,england1 for the sake of the 
influence of the crown3 that colony     
having never been able or willing to    
take upon itself the expense of its     
proper government or its own            
appropriated jobs4  ,the province of    
,nova ,scotia was the youngest and the  
favorite child of the ,board4 ,good     
,god6 what sums the nursing of that     
ill-thriven1 hard-visaged1 and          
ill-favored brat has cost to this wittol
 nation6 ,sir1 this colony has stood us 
in a sum of not less than seven hundred 

thousand pounds4 ,to this day it has    
made no repayment1--it does not even    
support those offices of expense which  
are miscalled its government2 the whole 
of that job still lies upon the patient1
 callous shoulders of the people of     
,england4  ,sir1 ,i am going to state a 
fact to you that will serve to set in   
full sunshine the real value of         
formality and official superintendence4 
,there was in the province of ,nova     
,scotia one little neglected corner1 the
 country of the neutral ,french2 which1 
having the good-fortune to escape the   
fostering care of both ,france and      
,england1 and to have been shut out from
 the protection and regulation of       
councils of commerce and of boards of   
trade1 did1 in silence1 without notice1 
and without assistance1 increase to a   
considerable degree4 ,but it seems our  
nation had more skill and ability in    
destroying than in settling a colony4   
,in the last war1 we did1 in my opinion1
 most inhumanly1 and upon pretences that

 in the eye of an honest man are not    
worth a farthing1 root out this poor1   
innocent1 deserving people1 whom our    
utter inability to govern1 or to        
reconcile1 gave us no sort of right to  
extirpate4 ,whatever the merits of that 
extirpation might have been1 it was on  
the footsteps of a neglected people1 it 
was on the fund of unconstrained        
poverty1 it was on the acquisitions of  
unregulated industry1 that anything     
which deserves the name of a colony in  
that province has been formed4 ,it has  
been formed by overflowings from the    
exuberant population of ,new ,england1  
and by emigration from other parts of   
,nova ,scotia of fugitives from the     
protection of the ,board of ,trade4     
,but if all of these things were not    
more than sufficient to prove to you the
 inutility of that expensive            
establishment1 ,i would desire you to   
recollect1 ,sir1 that those who may be  
very ready to defend it are very        
cautious how they employ it1--cautious  

how they employ it even in appearance   
and pretence4 ,they are afraid they     
should lose the benefit of its influence
 in ,parliament1 if they deemed to keep 
it up for any other purpose4 ,if ever   
there were commercial points of great   
weight1 and most closely connected with 
our dependencies1 they are those which  
have been agitated and decided in       
,parliament since ,i came into it4      
,which of the innumerable regulations   
since made had their origin or their    
improvement in the ,board of ,trade8    
,did any of the several ,east ,india    
bills which have been successively      
produced since #agfg originate there8   
,did any one dream of referring them1 or
 any part of them1 thither8 ,was anybody
 so ridiculous as even to think of it8  
,if ever there was an occasion on which 
the ,board was fit to be consulted1 it  
was with regard to the acts that were   
preludes to the ,american war1 or       
attendant on its commencement4 ,those   
acts were full of commercial            

regulations1 such as they were3 the     
,intercourse ,bill2 the ,prohibitory    
,bill2 the ,fishery ,bill4 ,if the      
,board was not concerned in such things1
 in what particular was it thought fit  
that it should be concerned8 ,in the    
course of all these bills through the   
,house1 ,i observed the members of that 
board to be remarkably cautious of      
intermeddling4 ,they understood decorum 
better2 they know that matters of trade 
and plantations are no business of      
theirs4  ,there were two very recent    
occasions1 which1 if the idea of any use
 for the ,board had not been            
extinguished by prescription1 appeared  
loudly to call for their interference4  
,when commissioners were sent to pay his
 ,majesty's and our dutiful respects to 
the ,congress of the ,united ,states1 a 
part of their powers under the          
commission were1 it seems1 of a         
commercial nature4 ,they were           
authorized1 in the most ample and       
undefined manner1 to form a commercial  

treaty with ,america on the spot4 ,this 
was no trivial object4 ,as the formation
 of such a treaty would necessarily have
 been no less than the breaking up of   
our whole commercial system1 and the    
giving it an entire new form1 one would 
imagine that the ,board of ,trade would 
have sat day and night to model         
propositions1 which1 on our side1 might 
serve as a basis to that treaty4 ,no    
such thing4 ,their learned leisure was  
not in the least interrupted1 though one
 of the members of the ,board was a     
commissioner1 and might1 in mere        
compliment to his office1 have been     
supposed to make a show of deliberation 
on the subject4 ,but he knew that his   
colleagues would have thought he laughed
 in their faces1 had he attempted to    
bring anything the most distantly       
relating to commerce or colonies before 
them4 ,a noble person1 engaged in the   
same commission1 and sent to learn his  
commercial rudiments in ,new ,york1     
7then under the operation of an act for 

the universal prohibition of trade17 was
 soon after put at the head of that     
board4 ,this contempt from the present  
ministers of all the pretended functions
 of that board1 and their manner of     
breathing into its very soul1 of        
inspiring it with its animating and     
presiding principle1 puts an end to all 
dispute concerning their opinion of the 
clay it was made of4 ,but ,i will give  
them heaped measure4  ,it was but the   
other day1 that the noble lord in the   
blue ribbon carried up to the ,house of 
,peers two acts1 altering1 ,i think much
 for the better1 but altering in a great
 degree1 our whole commercial system3   
those acts1 ,i mean1 for giving a free  
trade to ,ireland in woollens1 and in   
all things else1 with independent       
nations1 and giving them an equal trade 
to our own colonies4 ,here1 too1 the    
novelty of this great1 but arduous and  
critical improvement of system1 would   
make you conceive that the anxious      
solicitude of the noble lord in the blue

 ribbon would have wholly destroyed the 
plan of summer recreation of that board1
 by references to examine1 compare1 and 
digest matters for ,parliament4 ,you    
would imagine that ,irish commissioners 
of customs1 and ,english commissioners  
of customs1 and commissioners of excise1
 that merchants and manufacturers of    
every denomination1 had daily crowded   
their outer rooms4 ,nil horum4 ,the     
perpetual virtual adjournment1 and the  
unbroken sitting vacation of that board1
 was no more disturbed by the ,irish    
than by the plantation commerce1 or any 
other commerce4 ,the same matter made a 
large part of the business which        
occupied the ,house for two sessions    
before2 and as our ministers were not   
then mellowed by the mild1 emollient1   
and engaging blandishments of our dear  
sister into all the tenderness of       
unqualified surrender1 the bounds and   
limits of a restrained benefit naturally
 required much detailed management and  
positive regulation4 ,but neither the   

qualified propositions which were       
received1 nor those other qualified     
propositions which were rejected by     
ministers1 were the least concern of    
theirs1 or were they ever thought of in 
the business4  ,it is therefore1 ,sir1  
on the opinion of ,parliament1 on the   
opinion of the ministers1 and even on   
their own opinion of their inutility1   
that ,i shall propose to you to suppress
 the ,board of ,trade and ,plantations1 
and to recommit all its business to the 
,council1 from whence it was very       
improvidently taken2 and which business 
7whatever it might be7 was much better  
done1 and without any expense2 and1     
indeed1 where in effect it may all come 
at last4 ,almost all that deserves the  
name of business there is the reference 
of the plantation acts to the opinion of
 gentlemen of the law4 ,but all this may
 be done1 as the ,irish business of the 
same nature has always been done1 by the
 ,council1 and with a reference to the  
,attorney and ,solicitor ,general4      

,there are some regulations in the      
household1 relative to the officers of  
the yeomen of the guards1 and the       
officers and band of gentlemen          
pensioners1 which ,i shall likewise     
submit to your consideration1 for the   
purpose of regulating establishments    
which at present are much abused4  ,i   
have now finished all that for the      
present ,i shall trouble you with on the
 plan of reduction4 ,i mean next to     
propose to you the plan of arrangement1 
by which ,i mean to appropriate and fix 
the civil list money to its several     
services according to their nature3 for 
,i am thoroughly sensible1 that1 if a   
discretion wholly arbitrary can be      
exercised over the civil list revenue1  
although the most effectual methods may 
be taken to prevent the inferior        
departments from exceeding their bounds1
 the plan of reformation will still be  
left very imperfect4 ,it will not1 in my
 opinion1 be safe to permit an entirely 
arbitrary discretion even in the ,first 

,lord of the ,treasury himself2 it will 
not be safe to leave with him a power of
 diverting the public money from its    
proper objects1 of paying it in an      
irregular course1 or of inverting       
perhaps the order of time1 dictated by  
the proportion of value1 which ought to 
regulate his application of payment to  
service4  ,i am sensible1 too1 that the 
very operation of a plan of economy     
which tends to exonerate the civil list 
of expensive establishments may in some 
sort defeat the capital end we have in  
view1--the independence of ,parliament2 
and that1 in removing the public and    
ostensible means of influence1 we may   
increase the fund of private corruption4
 ,i have thought of some methods to     
prevent an abuse of surplus cash under  
discretionary application1--,i mean the 
heads of secret service1 special        
service1 various payments1 and the      
like1--which ,i hope will answer1 and   
which in due time ,i shall lay before   
you4 ,where ,i am unable to limit the   

quantity of the sums to be applied1 by  
reason of the uncertain quantity of the 
service1 ,i endeavor to confine it to   
its line1 to secure an indefinite       
application to the definite service to  
which it belongs1--not to stop the      
progress of expense in its line1 but to 
confine it to that line in which it     
professes to move4  ,but that part of my
 plan1 ,sir1 upon which ,i principally  
rest1 that on which ,i rely for the     
purpose of binding up and securing the  
whole1 is to establish a fixed and      
invariable order in all its payments1   
which it shall not be permitted to the  
,first ,lord of the ,treasury1 upon any 
pretence whatsoever1 to depart from4 ,i 
therefore divide the civil list payments
 into nine classes1 putting each class  
forward according to the importance or  
justice of the demand1 and to the       
inability of the persons entitled to    
enforce their pretensions3 that is1 to  
put those first who have the most       
efficient offices1 or claim the justest 

debts1 and at the same time1 from the   
character of that description of men1   
from the retiredness or the remoteness  
of their situation1 or from their want  
of weight and power to enforce their    
pretensions1 or from their being        
entirely subject to the power of a      
minister1 without any reciprocal power  
of awing1 ought to be the most          
considered1 and are the most likely to  
be neglected1--all these ,i place in the
 highest classes2 ,i place in the lowest
 those whose functions are of the least 
importance1 but whose persons or rank   
are often of the greatest power and     
influence4  ,in the first class ,i place
 the judges1 as of the first importance4
 ,it is the public justice that holds   
the community together2 the ease1       
therefore1 and independence of the      
judges ought to supersede all other     
considerations1 and they ought to be the
 very last to feel the necessities of   
the state1 or to be obliged either to   
court or bully a minister for their     

right2 they ought to be as weak         
solicitors on their own demands as      
strenuous assertors of the rights and   
liberties of others4 ,the judges are1 or
 ought to be1 of a reserved and retired 
character1 and wholly unconnected with  
the political world4  ,in the second    
class ,i place the foreign ministers4   
,the judges are the links of our        
connections with one another2 the       
foreign ministers are the links of our  
connection with other nations4 ,they are
 not upon the spot to demand payment1   
and are therefore the most likely to be1
 as in fact they have sometimes been1   
entirely neglected1 to the great        
disgrace and perhaps the great detriment
 of the nation4  ,in the third class ,i 
would bring all the tradesmen who supply
 the crown by contract or otherwise4    
,in the fourth class ,i place all the   
domestic servants of the king1 and all  
persons in efficient offices whose      
salaries do not exceed two hundred      
pounds a year4  ,in the fifth1 upon     

account of honor1 which ought to give   
place to nothing but charity and rigid  
justice1 ,i would place the pensions and
 allowances of his ,majesty's royal     
family1 comprehending of course the     
queen1 together with the stated         
allowance of the privy purse4  ,in the  
sixth class ,i place those efficient    
offices of duty whose salaries may      
exceed the sum of two hundred pounds a  
year4  ,in the seventh class1 that mixed
 mass1 the whole pension list4  ,in the 
eighth1 the offices of honor about the  
king4  ,in the ninth1 and the last of   
all1 the salaries and pensions of the   
,first ,lord of the ,treasury himself1  
the ,chancellor of the ,exchequer1 and  
the other ,commissioners of the         
,treasury4  ,if1 by any possible        
mismanagement of that part of the       
revenue which is left at discretion1 or 
by any other mode of prodigality1 cash  
should be deficient for the payment of  
the lowest classes1 ,i propose that the 
amount of those salaries where the      

deficiency may happen to fall shall not 
be carried as debt to the account of the
 succeeding year1 but that it shall be  
entirely lapsed1 sunk1 and lost2 so that
 government will be enabled to start in 
the race of every new year wholly       
unloaded1 fresh in wind and in vigor4   
,hereafter no civil list debt can ever  
come upon the public4 ,and those who do 
not consider this as saving1 because it 
is not a certain sum1 do not ground     
their calculations of the future on     
their experience of the past4  ,i know  
of no mode of preserving the effectual  
execution of any duty1 but to make it   
the direct interest of the executive    
officer that it shall be faithfully     
performed4 ,assuming1 then1 that the    
present vast allowance to the civil list
 is perfectly adequate to all its       
purposes1 if there should be any        
failure1 it must be from the            
mismanagement or neglect of the ,first  
,commissioner of the ,treasury2 since1  
upon the proposed plan1 there can be no 

expense of any consequence which he is  
not himself previously to authorize and 
finally to control4 ,it is therefore    
just1 as well as politic1 that the loss 
should attach upon the delinquency4  ,if
 the failure from the delinquency should
 be very considerable1 it will fall on  
the class directly above the ,first     
,lord of the ,treasury1 as well as upon 
himself and his board4 ,it will fall1 as
 it ought to fall1 upon offices of no   
primary importance in the state2 but    
then it will fall upon persons whom it  
will be a matter of no slight importance
 for a minister to provoke3 it will fall
 upon persons of the first rank and     
consequence in the kingdom1--upon those 
who are nearest to the king1 and        
frequently have a more interior credit  
with him than the minister himself4 ,it 
will fall upon masters of the horse1    
upon lord chamberlains1 upon lord       
stewards1 upon grooms of the stole1 and 
lords of the bedchamber4 ,the household 
troops form an army1 who will be ready  

to mutiny for want of pay1 and whose    
mutiny will be really dreadful to a     
commander-in-chief4 ,a rebellion of the 
thirteen lords of the bedchamber would  
be far more terrible to a minister1 and 
would probably affect his power more to 
the quick1 than a revolt of thirteen    
colonies4 ,what an uproar such an event 
would create at court6 ,what petitions1 
and committees1 and associations1 would 
it not produce6 ,bless me6 what a       
clattering of white sticks and yellow   
sticks would be about his head6 what a  
storm of gold keys would fly about the  
ears of the minister6 what a shower of  
,georges1 and thistles1 and medals1 and 
collars of ,s4,s4 would assail him at   
his first entrance into the antechamber1
 after an insolvent ,christmas          
quarter6--a tumult which could not be   
appeased by all the harmony of the new  
year's ode4 ,rebellion it is certain    
there would be2 and rebellion may not   
now1 indeed1 be so critical an event to 
those who engage in it1 since its price 

is so correctly ascertained at just a   
thousand pound4  ,sir1 this classing1 in
 my opinion1 is a serious and solid     
security for the performance of a       
minister's duty4 ,lord ,coke says1 that 
the staff was put into the ,treasurer's 
hand to enable him to support himself   
when there was no money in the          
,exchequer1 and to beat away importunate
 solicitors4 ,the method which ,i       
propose would hinder him from the       
necessity of such a broken staff to lean
 on1 or such a miserable weapon for     
repulsing the demands of worthless      
suitors1 who1 the noble lord in the blue
 ribbon knows1 will bear many hard blows
 on the head1 and many other            
indignities1 before they are driven from
 the ,treasury4 ,in this plan1 he is    
furnished with an answer to all their   
importunity1--an answer far more        
conclusive than if he had knocked them  
down with his staff3--,sir1 7or my      
,lord17 you are calling for my own      
salary1--,sir1 you are calling for the  

appointments of my colleagues who sit   
about me in office1--,sir1 you are going
 to excite a mutiny at court against    
me1--you are going to estrange his      
,majesty's confidence from me1 through  
the chamberlain1 or the master of the   
horse1 or the groom of the stole4  ,as  
things now stand1 every man1 in         
proportion to his consequence at court1 
tends to add to the expenses of the     
civil list1 by all manner of jobs1 if   
not for himself1 yet for his dependants4
 ,when the new plan is established1     
those who are now suitors for jobs will 
become the most strenuous opposers of   
them4 ,they will have a common interest 
with the minister in public economy4    
,every class1 as it stands low1 will    
become security for the payment of the  
preceding class2 and thus the persons   
whose insignificant services defraud    
those that are useful would then become 
interested in their payment4 ,then the  
powerful1 instead of oppressing1 would  
be obliged to support the weak2 and     

idleness would become concerned in the  
reward of industry4 ,the whole fabric of
 the civil economy would become compact 
and connected in all its parts2 it would
 be formed into a well-organized body1  
where every member contributes to the   
support of the whole1 and where even the
 lazy stomach secures the vigor of the  
active arm4  ,this plan1 ,i really      
flatter myself1 is laid1 not in official
 formality1 nor in airy speculation1 but
 in real life1 and in human nature1 in  
what comes home 7as ,bacon says7 to the 
business and bosoms of men4 ,you have   
now1 ,sir1 before you1 the whole of my  
scheme1 as far as ,i have digested it   
into a form that might be in any respect
 worthy of your consideration4 ,i intend
 to lay it before you in five bills4#dd 
,the plan consists1 indeed1 of many     
parts2 but they stand upon a few plain  
principles4 ,it is a plan which takes   
nothing from the civil list without     
discharging it of a burden equal to the 
sum carried to the public service4 ,it  

weakens no one function necessary to    
government2 but1 on the contrary1 by    
appropriating supply to service1 it     
gives it greater vigor4 ,it provides the
 means of order and foresight to a      
minister of finance1 which may always   
keep all the objects of his office1 and 
their state1 condition1 and relations1  
distinctly before him4 ,it brings       
forward accounts without hurrying and   
distressing the accountants3 whilst it  
provides for public convenience1 it     
regards private rights4 ,it extinguishes
 secret corruption almost to the        
possibility of its existence4 ,it       
destroys direct and visible influence   
equal to the offices of at least fifty  
members of ,parliament4 ,lastly1 it     
prevents the provision for his          
,majesty's children from being diverted 
to the political purposes of his        
minister4  ,these are the points on     
which ,i rely for the merit of the plan4
 ,i pursue economy in a secondary view1 
and only as it is connected with these  

great objects4 ,i am persuaded1 that    
even for supply this scheme will be far 
from unfruitful1 if it be executed to   
the extent ,i propose it4 ,i think it   
will give to the public1 at its periods1
 two or three hundred thousand pounds a 
year2 if not1 it will give them a system
 of economy1 which is itself a great    
revenue4 ,it gives me no little pride   
and satisfaction to find that the       
principles of my proceedings are in many
 respects the very same with those which
 are now pursued in the plans of the    
,french minister of finance4 ,i am sure 
that ,i lay before you a scheme easy and
 practicable in all its parts4 ,i know  
it is common at once to applaud and to  
reject all attempts of this nature4 ,i  
know it is common for men to say1 that  
such and such things are perfectly      
right1 very desirable1--but that1       
unfortunately1 they are not practicable4
 ,oh1 no1 ,sir6 no6 ,those things-which 
are not practicable are not desirable4  
,there is nothing in the world really   

beneficial that does not lie within the 
reach of an informed understanding and a
 well-directed pursuit4 ,there is       
nothing that ,god has judged good for us
 that ,he has not given us the means to 
accomplish1 both in the natural and the 
moral world4 ,if we cry1 like children1 
for the moon1 like children we must cry 
on4  ,we must follow the nature of our  
affairs1 and conform ourselves to our   
situation4 ,if we do1 our objects are   
plain and compassable4 ,why should we   
resolve to do nothing1 because what ,i  
propose to you may not be the exact     
demand of the petition1 when we are far 
from resolved to comply even with what  
evidently is so8 ,does this sort of     
chicanery become us8 ,the people are the
 masters4 ,they have only to express    
their wants at large and in gross4 ,we  
are the expert artists1 we are the      
skilful workmen1 to shape their desires 
into perfect form1 and to fit the       
utensil to the use4 ,they are the       
sufferers1 they tell the symptoms of the

 complaint2 but we know the exact seat  
of the disease1 and how to apply the    
remedy according to the rules of art4   
,how shocking would it be to see us     
pervert our skill into a sinister and   
servile dexterity1 for the purpose of   
evading our duty1 and defrauding our    
employers1 who are our natural lords1 of
 the object of their just expectations6 
,i think the whole not only practicable1
 but practicable in a very short time4  
,if we are in earnest about it1 and if  
we exert that industry and those talents
 in forwarding the work1 which1 ,i am   
afraid1 may be exerted in impeding it1  
,i engage that the whole may be put in  
complete execution within a year4 ,for  
my own part1 ,i have very little to     
recommend me for this or for any task1  
but a kind of earnest and anxious       
perseverance of mind1 which1 with all   
its good and all its evil effects1 is   
moulded into my constitution4 ,i        
faithfully engage to the ,house1 if they
 choose to appoint me to any part in the

 execution of this work1 7which1 when   
they have made it theirs by the         
improvements of their wisdom1 will be   
worthy of the able assistance they may  
give me17 that by night and by day1 in  
town or in country1 at the desk or in   
the forest1 ,i will1 without regard to  
convenience1 ease1 or pleasure1 devote  
myself to their service1 not expecting  
or admitting any reward whatsoever4 ,i  
owe to this country my labor1 which is  
my all2 and ,i owe to it ten times more 
industry1 if ten times more ,i could    
exert4 ,after all1 ,i shall be an       
unprofitable servant4  ,at the same     
time1 if ,i am able1 and if ,i shall be 
permitted1 ,i will lend an humble       
helping hand to any other good work     
which is going on4 ,i have not1 ,sir1   
the frantic presumption to suppose that 
this plan contains in it the whole of   
what the public has a right to expect in
 the great work of reformation they call
 for4 ,indeed1 it falls infinitely short
 of it4 ,it falls short even of my own  

ideas4 ,i have some thoughts1 not yet   
fully ripened1 relative to a reform in  
the customs and excise1 as well as in   
some other branches of financial        
administration4 ,there are other things1
 too1 which form essential parts in a   
great plan for the purpose of restoring 
the independence of ,parliament4 ,the   
contractors' bill of last year it is fit
 to revive2 and ,i rejoice that it is in
 better hands than mine4 ,the bill for  
suspending the votes of custom-house    
officers1 brought into ,parliament      
several years ago by one of our         
worthiest and wisest members1#de--would 
to ,god we could along with the plan    
revive the person who designed it6 but a
 man of very real integrity1 honor1 and 
ability will be found to take his place1
 and to carry his idea into full        
execution4 ,you all see how necessary it
 is to review our military expenses for 
some years past1 and1 if possible1 to   
bind up and close that bleeding artery  
of profusion2 but that business also1 ,i

 have reason to hope1 will be undertaken
 by abilities that are fully adequate to
 it4 ,something must be devised 7if     
possible7 to check the ruinous expense  
of elections4  ,sir1 all or most of     
these things must be done4 ,every one   
must take his part4 ,if we should be    
able1 by dexterity1 or power1 or        
intrigue1 to disappoint the expectations
 of our constituents1 what will it avail
 us8 ,we shall never be strong or artful
 enough to parry1 or to put by1 the     
irresistible demands of our situation4  
,that situation calls upon us1 and upon 
our constituents too1 with a voice which
 will be heard4 ,i am sure no man is    
more zealously attached than ,i am to   
the privileges of this ,house1          
particularly in regard to the exclusive 
management of money4 ,the ,lords have no
 right to the disposition1 in any sense1
 of the public purse2 but they have gone
 further in self-denial#df than our     
utmost jealousy could have required4 ,a 
power of examining accounts1 to censure1

 correct1 and punish1 we never1 that ,i 
know of1 have thought of denying to the 
,house of ,lords4 ,it is something more 
than a century since we voted that body 
useless3 they have now voted themselves 
so4 ,the whole hope of reformation is at
 length cast upon us2 and let us not    
deceive the nation1 which does us the   
honor to hope everything from our       
virtue4 ,if all the nation are not      
equally forward to press this duty upon 
us1 yet be assured that they all equally
 expect we should perform it4 ,the      
respectful silence of those who wait    
upon your pleasure ought to be as       
powerful with you as the call of those  
who require your service as their right4
 ,some1 without doors1 affect to feel   
hurt for your dignity1 because they     
suppose that menaces are held out to    
you4 ,justify their good opinion by     
showing that no menaces are necessary to
 stimulate you to your duty4 ,but1 ,sir1
 whilst we may sympathize with them in  
one point who sympathize with us in     

another1 we ought to attend no less to  
those who approach us like men1 and who1
 in the guise of petitioners1 speak to  
us in the tone of a concealed authority4
 ,it is not wise to force them to speak 
out more plainly what they plainly      
mean4--,but the petitioners are violent4
 ,be it so4 ,those who are least anxious
 about your conduct are not those that  
love you most4 ,moderate affection and  
satiated enjoyment are cold and         
respectful2 but an ardent and injured   
passion is tempered up with wrath1 and  
grief1 and shame1 and conscious worth1  
and the maddening sense of violated     
right4 ,a jealous love lights his torch 
from the firebrands of the furies4 ,they
 who call upon you to belong wholly to  
the people are those who wish you to    
return to your proper home1--to the     
sphere of your duty1 to the post of your
 honor1 to the mansion-house of all     
genuine1 serene1 and solid satisfaction4
 ,we have furnished to the people of    
,england 7indeed we have7 some real     

cause of jealousy4 ,let us leave that   
sort of company which1 if it does not   
destroy our innocence1 pollutes our     
honor2 let us free ourselves at once    
from everything that can increase their 
suspicions and inflame their just       
resentment2 let us cast away from us1   
with a generous scorn1 all the          
love-tokens and symbols that we have    
been vain and light enough to           
accept1--all the bracelets1 and         
snuff-boxes1 and miniature pictures1 and
 hair devices1 and all the other        
adulterous trinkets that are the pledges
 of our alienation and the monuments of 
our shame4 ,let us return to our        
legitimate home1 and all jars and all   
quarrels will be lost in embraces4 ,let 
the commons in ,parliament assembled be 
one and the same thing with the commons 
at large4 ,the distinctions that are    
made to separate us are unnatural and   
wicked contrivances4 ,let us identify1  
let us incorporate ourselves with the   
people4 ,let us cut all the cables and  

snap the chains which tie us to an      
unfaithful shore1 and enter the friendly
 harbor that shoots far out into the    
main its moles and jetties to receive   
us4 ,war with the world1 and peace with 
our constituents4 ,be this our motto1   
and our principle4 ,then1 indeed1 we    
shall be truly great4 ,respecting       
ourselves1 we shall be respected by the 
world4 ,at present all is troubled1 and 
cloudy1 and distracted1 and full of     
anger and turbulence1 both abroad and at
 home2 but the air may be cleared by    
this storm1 and light and fertility may 
follow it4 ,let us give a faithful      
pledge to the people1 that we honor1    
indeed1 the crown1 but that we belong to
 them2 that we are their auxiliaries1   
and not their task-masters1--the        
fellow-laborers in the same vineyard1   
not lording over their rights1 but      
helpers of their joy2 that to tax them  
is a grievance to ourselves1 but to cut 
off from our enjoyments to forward      
theirs is the highest gratification we  

are capable of receiving4 ,i feel1 with 
comfort1 that we are all warmed with    
these sentiments1 and while we are thus 
warm1 ,i wish we may go directly and    
with a cheerful heart to this salutary  
work4  ,sir1 ,i move for leave to bring 
in a bill1 ,for the better regulation of
 his ,majesty's civil establishments1   
and of certain public offices2 for the  
limitation of pensions1 and the         
suppression of sundry useless1          
expensive1 and inconvenient places1 and 
for applying the moneys saved thereby to
 the public service4#dg         99      
99       99       99       99  ,lord    
,north stated1 that there was a         
difference between this bill for        
regulating the establishments and some  
of the others1 as they affected the     
ancient patrimony of the crown1 and     
therefore wished them to be postponed   
till the king's consent could be        
obtained4 ,this distinction was strongly
 controverted2 but when it was insisted 
on as a point of decorum only1 it was   

agreed to postpone them to another day4 
,accordingly1 on the ,monday following1 
viz4 ,feb4 #ad1 leave was given1 on the 
motion of ,mr4 ,burke1 without          
opposition1 to bring in--  #ast1 ,a bill
 for the sale of the forest and other   
crown lands1 rents1 and hereditaments1  
with certain exceptions1 and for        
applying the produce thereof to the     
public service2 and for securing1       
ascertaining1 and satisfying tenant     
rights1 and common and other rights4    
#bnd1 ,a bill for the more perfectly    
uniting to the crown the ,principality  
of ,wales and the ,county ,palatine of  
,chester1 and for the more commodious   
administration of justice within the    
same2 as also for abolishing certain    
offices now appertaining thereto1 for   
quieting dormant claims1 ascertaining   
and securing tenant rights1 and for the 
sale of all forest lands1 and other     
lands1 tenements1 and hereditaments1    
held by his ,majesty in right of the    
said ,principality1 or ,county ,palatine

 of ,chester1 and for applying the      
produce thereof to the public service4  
#crd1 ,a bill for uniting to the crown  
the ,duchy and ,county ,palatine of     
,lancaster1 for the suppression of      
unnecessary offices now belonging       
thereto1 for the ascertainment and      
security of tenant and other rights1 and
 for the sale of all rents1 lands1      
tenements1 and hereditaments1 and       
forests1 within the said ,duchy and     
,county ,palatine1 or either of them1   
and for applying the produce thereof to 
the public service4  ,and it was ordered
 that ,mr4 ,burke1 ,mr4 ,fox1 ,lord     
,john ,cavendish1 ,sir ,george ,savile1 
,colonel ,barr1 ,mr4 ,thomas ,townshend1
 ,mr4 ,byng1 ,mr4 ,dunning1 ,sir ,joseph
 ,mawbey1 ,mr4 ,recorder of ,london1    
,sir ,robert ,clayton1 ,mr4 ,frederick  
,montagu1 the ,earl of ,upper ,ossory1  
,sir ,william ,guise1 and ,mr4 ,gilbert 
do prepare and bring in the same4  ,at  
the same time1 ,mr4 ,burke moved for    
leave to bring in--  #dth1 ,a bill for  

uniting the ,duchy of ,cornwall to the  
crown2 for the suppression of certain   
unnecessary offices now belonging       
thereto2 for the ascertainment and      
security of tenant and other rights2 and
 for the sale of certain rents1 lands1  
and tenements1 within or belonging to   
the said ,duchy2 and for applying the   
produce thereof to the public service4  
,but some objections being made by the  
,surveyor-,general of the ,duchy        
concerning the rights of the ,prince of 
,wales1 now in his minority1 and ,lord  
,north remaining perfectly silent1 ,mr4 
,burke1 at length1 though he strongly   
contended against the principle of the  
objection1 consented to withdraw this   
last motion for the present1 to be      
renewed upon an early occasion4         
,,footnotes3  #ca ,this term comprehends
 various retributions made to persons   
whose offices are taken away1 or who in 
any other way suffer by the new         
arrangements that are made4  #cb ,edict 
registered #bith ,january1 #aghj4  #cc  

,thomas ,gilbert1 ,esq41 member for     
,lichfield4  #cd ,here ,lord ,north     
shook his head1 and told those who sat  
near him that ,mr4 ,probert's pension   
was to depend on his success4 ,it may be
 so4 ,mr4 ,probert's pension was1       
however1 no essential part of the       
question2 nor did ,mr4 ,b4 care whether 
he still possessed it or not4 ,his point
 was1 to show the ridicule of attempting
 an improvement of the ,welsh revenue   
under its present establishment4  #ce   
,case of ,richard ,lee1 ,esq41          
appellant1 against ,george ,venables    
,lord ,vernon1 respondent1 in the year  
#agge4  #cf ,vide ,lord ,talbot's speech
 in ,almon's ,parliamentary ,register4  
,vol ,,vii4 p4 #gi1 of the ,proceedings 
of the ,lords4  #cg ,more exactly1      
#cgh1fafl4 #aj s4 #a-c_/d d4  #ch ,et   
quaunt viscount ou baillif eit comence  
de acompter1 nul autre ne seit resceu de
 aconter tanque le primer qe soit assis 
eit peraccompte1 et qe la somme soit    
resceu4--,stat4 #e4 ,ann ,dom4 #abff4   

#ci ,summum jus summa injuria4  #dj ,it 
was supposed by the ,lord ,advocate1 in 
a subsequent debate1 that ,mr4 ,burke1  
because he objected to an inquiry into  
the pension list for the purpose of     
economy and relief of the public1 would 
have it withheld from the judgment of   
,parliament for all purposes whatsoever4
 ,this learned gentleman certainly      
misunderstood him4 ,his plan shows that 
he wished the whole list to be easily   
accessible2 and he knows that the public
 eye is of itself a great guard against 
abuse4  #da ,before the statute of      
,queen ,anne1 which limited the         
alienation of land4  #db ,duke of       
,newcastle1 whose dining-room is under  
the ,house of ,commons4  #dc ,letters   
between ,dr4 ,addington and ,sir ,james 
,wright4  #dd ,titles of the bills read4
  #de ,w4 ,dowdeswell1 ,esq41           
,chancellor of the ,exchequer1 #agfe4   
#df ,rejection of ,lord ,shelburne's    
motion in the ,house of ,lords4  #dg    
,the motion was seconded by ,mr4 ,fox4  

,,speech  ,,at ,,the  ,,guildhall ,,in  
,,bristol1 ,,previous ,,to ,,the ,,late 
,,election ,,in ,,that ,,city1  ,,upon  
,,certain ,,points ,,relative ,,to ,,his
 ,,parliamentary ,,conduct4  #aghj4     
,mr4 ,mayor1 and ,gentlemen1--,i am     
extremely pleased at the appearance of  
this large and respectable meeting4 ,the
 steps ,i may be obliged to take will   
want the sanction of a considerable     
authority2 and in explaining anything   
which may appear doubtful in my public  
conduct1 ,i must naturally desire a very
 full audience4  ,i have been backward  
to begin my canvass4 ,the dissolution of
 the ,parliament was uncertain2 and it  
did not become me1 by an unseasonable   
importunity1 to appear diffident of the 
effect of my six years' endeavors to    
please you4 ,i had served the city of   
,bristol honorably1 and the city of     
,bristol had no reason to think that the
 means of honorable service to the      
public were become indifferent to me4   
,i found1 on my arrival here1 that three

 gentlemen had been long in eager       
pursuit of an object which but two of us
 can obtain4 ,i found that they had all 
met with encouragement4 ,a contested    
election in such a city as this is no   
light thing4 ,i paused on the brink of  
the precipice4 ,these three gentlemen1  
by various merits1 and on various       
titles1 ,i made no doubt were worthy of 
your favor4 ,i shall never attempt to   
raise myself by depreciating the merits 
of my competitors4 ,in the complexity   
and confusion of these cross pursuits1  
,i wished to take the authentic public  
sense of my friends upon a business of  
so much delicacy4 ,i wished to take your
 opinion along with me1 that1 if ,i     
should give up the contest at the very  
beginning1 my surrender of my post may  
not seem the effect of inconstancy1 or  
timidity1 or anger1 or disgust1 or      
indolence1 or any other temper          
unbecoming a man who has engaged in the 
public service4 ,if1 on the contrary1 ,i
 should undertake the election1 and fail

 of success1 ,i was full as anxious that
 it should be manifest to the whole     
world that the peace of the city had not
 been broken by my rashness1            
presumption1 or fond conceit of my own  
merit4  ,i am not come1 by a false and  
counterfeit show of deference to your   
judgment1 to seduce it in my favor4 ,i  
ask it seriously and unaffectedly4 ,if  
you wish that ,i should retire1 ,i shall
 not consider that advice as a censure  
upon my conduct1 or an alteration in    
your sentiments1 but as a rational      
submission to the circumstances of      
affairs4 ,if1 on the contrary1 you      
should think it proper for me to proceed
 on my canvass1 if you will risk the    
trouble on your part1 ,i will risk it on
 mine4 ,my pretensions are such as you  
cannot be ashamed of1 whether they      
succeed or fail4  ,if you call upon me1 
,i shall solicit the favor of the city  
upon manly ground4 ,i come before you   
with the plain confidence of an honest  
servant in the equity of a candid and   

discerning master4 ,i come to claim your
 approbation1 not to amuse you with vain
 apologies1 or with professions still   
more vain and senseless4 ,i have lived  
too long to be served by apologies1 or  
to stand in need of them4 ,the part ,i  
have acted has been in open day2 and to 
hold out to a conduct which stands in   
that clear and steady light for all its 
good and all its evil1 to hold out to   
that conduct the paltry winking tapers  
of excuses and promises1--,i never will 
do it4 ,they may obscure it with their  
smoke1 but they never can illumine      
sunshine by such a flame as theirs4  ,i 
am sensible that no endeavors have been 
left untried to injure me in your       
opinion4 ,but the use of character is to
 be a shield against calumny4 ,i could  
wish1 undoubtedly1 7if idle wishes were 
not the most idle of all things17 to    
make every part of my conduct agreeable 
to every one of my constituents2 but in 
so great a city1 and so greatly divided 
as this1 it is weak to expect it4  ,in  

such a discordancy of sentiments it is  
better to look to the nature of things  
than to the humors of men4 ,the very    
attempt towards pleasing everybody      
discovers a temper always flashy1 and   
often false and insincere4 ,therefore1  
as ,i have proceeded straight onward in 
my conduct1 so ,i will proceed in my    
account of those parts of it which have 
been most excepted to4 ,but ,i must     
first beg leave just to hint to you that
 we may suffer very great detriment by  
being open to every talker4 ,it is not  
to be imagined how much of service is   
lost from spirits full of activity and  
full of energy1 who are pressing1 who   
are rushing forward1 to great and       
capital objects1 when you oblige them to
 be continually looking back4 ,whilst   
they are defending one service1 they    
defraud you of an hundred4 ,applaud us  
when we run1 console us when we fall1   
cheer us when we recover2 but let us    
pass on1--for ,god's sake1 let us pass  
on6  ,do you think1 ,gentlemen1 that    

every public act in the six years since 
,i stood in this place before you1 that 
all the arduous things which have been  
done in this eventful period which has  
crowded into a few years' space the     
revolutions of an age1 can be opened to 
you on their fair grounds in half an    
hour's conversation8  ,but it is no     
reason1 because there is a bad mode of  
inquiry1 that there should be no        
examination at all4 ,most certainly it  
is our duty to examine2 it is our       
interest1 too3 but it must be with      
discretion1 with an attention to all the
 circumstances and to all the motives2  
like sound judges1 and not like         
cavilling pettifoggers and quibbling    
pleaders1 prying into flaws and hunting 
for exceptions4 ,look1 ,gentlemen1 to   
the whole tenor of your member's        
conduct4 ,try whether his ambition or   
his avarice have justled him out of the 
straight line of duty1--or whether that 
grand foe of the offices of active life1
 that master vice in men of business1 a 

degenerate and inglorious sloth1 has    
made him flag and languish in his       
course4 ,this is the object of our      
inquiry4 ,if our member's conduct can   
bear this touch1 mark it for sterling4  
,he may have fallen into errors1 he must
 have faults2 but our error is greater1 
and our fault is radically ruinous to   
ourselves1 if we do not bear1 if we do  
not even applaud1 the whole compound and
 mixed mass of such a character4 ,not to
 act thus is folly2 ,i had almost said  
it is impiety4 ,he censures ,god who    
quarrels with the imperfections of man4 
,gentlemen1 we must not be peevish with 
those who serve the people2 for none    
will serve us1 whilst there is a court  
to serve1 but those who are of a nice   
and jealous honor4 ,they who think      
everything1 in comparison of that honor1
 to be dust and ashes1 will not bear to 
have it soiled and impaired by those for
 whose sake they make a thousand        
sacrifices to preserve it immaculate and
 whole4 ,we shall either drive such men 

from the public stage1 or we shall send 
them to the court for protection1 where1
 if they must sacrifice their           
reputation1 they will at least secure   
their interest4 ,depend upon it1 that   
the lovers of freedom will be free4     
,none will violate their conscience to  
please us1 in order afterwards to       
discharge that conscience1 which they   
have violated1 by doing us faithful and 
affectionate service4 ,if we degrade and
 deprave their minds by servility1 it   
will be absurd to expect that they who  
are creeping and abject towards us will 
ever be bold and incorruptible assertors
 of our freedom against the most        
seducing and the most formidable of all 
powers4 ,no6 human nature is not so     
formed3 nor shall we improve the        
faculties or better the morals of public
 men by our possession of the most      
infallible receipt in the world for     
making cheats and hypocrites4  ,let me  
say1 with plainness1 ,i who am no longer
 in a public character1 that1 if1 by a  

fair1 by an indulgent1 by a gentlemanly 
behavior to our representatives1 we do  
not give confidence to their minds and a
 liberal scope to their understandings1 
if we do not permit our members to act  
upon a very enlarged view of things1 we 
shall at length infallibly degrade our  
national representation into a confused 
and scuffling bustle of local agency4   
,when the popular member is narrowed in 
his ideas and rendered timid in his     
proceedings1 the service of the crown   
will be the sole nursery of statesmen4  
,among the frolics of the court1 it may 
at length take that of attending to its 
business4 ,then the monopoly of mental  
power will be added to the power of all 
other kinds it possesses4 ,on the side  
of the people there will be nothing but 
impotence3 for ignorance is impotence2  
narrowness of mind is impotence2        
timidity is itself impotence1 and makes 
all other qualities that go along with  
it impotent and useless4  ,at present it
 is the plan of the court to make its   

servants insignificant4 ,if the people  
should fall into the same humor1 and    
should choose their servants on the same
 principles of mere obsequiousness and  
flexibility and total vacancy or        
indifference of opinion in all public   
matters1 then no part of the state will 
be sound1 and it will be in vain to     
think of saving it4  ,i thought it very 
expedient at this time to give you this 
candid counsel2 and with this counsel ,i
 would willingly close1 if the matters  
which at various times have been        
objected to me in this city concerned   
only myself and my own election4 ,these 
charges1 ,i think1 are four in number3  
my neglect of a due attention to my     
constituents1 the not paying more       
frequent visits here2 my conduct on the 
affairs of the first ,irish ,trade      
,acts2 my opinion and mode of proceeding
 on ,lord ,beauchamp's ,debtors' ,bills2
 and my votes on the late affairs of the
 ,roman ,catholics4 ,all of these       
7except perhaps the first7 relate to    

matters of very considerable public     
concern2 and it is not lest you should  
censure me improperly1 but lest you     
should form improper opinions on matters
 of some moment to you1 that ,i trouble 
you at all upon the subject4 ,my conduct
 is of small importance4  ,with regard  
to the first charge1 my friends have    
spoken to ms of it in the style of      
amicable expostulation1--not so much    
blaming the thing as lamenting the      
effects4 ,others1 less partial to me1   
were less kind in assigning the motives4
 ,i admit1 there is a decorum and       
propriety in a member of ,parliament's  
paying a respectful court to his        
constituents4 ,if ,i were conscious to  
myself that pleasure1 or dissipation1 or
 low1 unworthy occupations had detained 
me from personal attendance on you1 ,i  
would readily admit my fault1 and       
quietly submit to the penalty4 ,but1    
,gentlemen1 ,i live at an hundred miles'
 distance from ,bristol2 and at the end 
of a session ,i come to my own house1   

fatigued in body and in mind1 to a      
little repose1 and to a very little     
attention to my family and my private   
concerns4 ,a visit to ,bristol is always
 a sort of canvass1 else it will do more
 harm than good4 ,to pass from the toils
 of a session to the toils of a canvass 
is the furthest thing in the world from 
repose4 ,i could hardly serve you as ,i 
have done1 and court you too4 ,most of  
you have heard that ,i do not very      
remarkably spare myself in public       
business2 and in the private business of
 my constituents ,i have done very near 
as much as those who have nothing else  
to do4 ,my canvass of you was not on the
 'change1 nor in the county meetings1   
nor in the clubs of this city3 it was in
 the ,house of ,commons2 it was at the  
,custom-,house2 it was at the ,council2 
it was at the ,treasury2 it was at the  
,admiralty4 ,i canvassed you through    
your affairs1 and not your persons4 ,i  
was not only your representative as a   
body2 ,i was the agent1 the solicitor of

 individuals2 ,i ran about wherever your
 affairs could call me2 and in acting   
for you1 ,i often appeared rather as a  
ship-broker than as a member of         
,parliament4 ,there was nothing too     
laborious or too low for me to          
undertake4 ,the meanness of the business
 was raised by the dignity of the       
object4 ,if some lesser matters have    
slipped through my fingers1 it was      
because ,i filled my hands too full1    
and1 in my eagerness to serve you1 took 
in more than any hands could grasp4     
,several gentlemen stand round me who   
are my willing witnesses2 and there are 
others who1 if they were here1 would be 
still better1 because they would be     
unwilling witnesses to the same truth4  
,it was in the middle of a summer       
residence in ,london1 and in the middle 
of a negotiation at the ,admiralty for  
your trade1 that ,i was called to       
,bristol2 and this late visit1 at this  
late day1 has been possibly in prejudice
 to your affairs4  ,since ,i have       

touched upon this matter1 let me say1   
,gentlemen1 that1 if ,i had a           
disposition or a right to complain1 ,i  
have some cause of complaint on my side4
 ,with a petition of this city in my    
hand1 passed through the corporation    
without a dissenting voice1 a petition  
in unison with almost the whole voice of
 the kingdom1 7with whose formal thanks 
,i was covered over17 whilst ,i labored 
on no less than five bills for a public 
reform1 and fought1 against the         
opposition of great abilities and of the
 greatest power1 every clause and every 
word of the largest of those bills1     
almost to the very last day of a very   
long session1--all this time a canvass  
in ,bristol was as calmly carried on as 
if ,i were dead4 ,i was considered as a 
man wholly out of the question4 ,whilst 
,i watched and fasted and sweated in the
 ,house of ,commons1 by the most easy   
and ordinary arts of election1 by       
dinners and visits1 by ,how do you dos1 
and ,my worthy friends1 ,i was to be    

quietly moved out of my seat1--and      
promises were made1 and engagements     
entered into1 without any exception or  
reserve1 as if my laborious zeal in my  
duty had been a regular abdication of my
 trust4  ,to open my whole heart to you 
on this subject1 ,i do confess1 however1
 that there were other times1 besides   
the two years in which ,i did visit you1
 when ,i was not wholly without leisure 
for repeating that mark of my respect4  
,but ,i could not bring my mind to see  
you4 ,you remember that in the beginning
 of this ,american war 7that era of     
calamity1 disgrace1 and downfall1 an era
 which no feeling mind will ever mention
 without a tear for ,england7 you were  
greatly divided1--and a very strong     
body1 if not the strongest1 opposed     
itself to the madness which every art   
and every power were employed to render 
popular1 in order that the errors of the
 rulers might be lost in the general    
blindness of the nation4 ,this          
opposition continued until after our    

great1 but most unfortunate victory at  
,long ,island4 ,then all the mounds and 
banks of our constancy were borne down1 
at once1 and the frenzy of the ,american
 war broke in upon us like a deluge4    
,this victory1 which seemed to put an   
immediate end to all difficulties1      
perfected us in that spirit of          
domination which our unparalleled       
prosperity had but too long nurtured4   
,we had been so very powerful1 and so   
very prosperous1 that even the humblest 
of us were degraded into the vices and  
follies of kings4 ,we lost all measure  
between means and ends2 and our headlong
 desires became our politics and our    
morals4 ,all men who wished for peace1  
or retained any sentiments of           
moderation1 were overborne or silenced2 
and this city was led by every artifice 
7and probably with the more management  
because ,i was one of your members7 to  
distinguish itself by its zeal for that 
fatal cause4 ,in this temper of yours   
and of my mind1 ,i should sooner have   

fled to the extremities of the earth    
than hate shown myself here4 ,i1 who saw
 in every ,american victory 7for you    
have had a long series of these         
misfortunes7 the germ and seed of the   
naval power of ,france and ,spain1 which
 all our heat and warmth against        
,america was only hatching into         
life1--,i should not have been a welcome
 visitant1 with the brow and the        
language of such feelings4 ,when        
afterwards the other face of your       
calamity was turned upon you1 and showed
 itself in defeat and distress1 ,i      
shunned you full as much4 ,i felt sorely
 this variety in our wretchedness2 and  
,i did not wish to have the least       
appearance of insulting you with that   
show of superiority1 which1 though it   
may not be assumed1 is generally        
suspected1 in a time of calamity1 from  
those whose previous warnings have been 
despised4 ,i could not bear to show you 
a representative whose face did not     
reflect that of his constituents1--a    

face that could not joy in your joys1   
and sorrow in your sorrows4 ,but time at
 length has made us all of one opinion1 
and we have all opened our eyes on the  
true nature of the ,american war1--to   
the true nature of all its successes and
 all its failures4  ,in that public     
storm1 too1 ,i had my private feelings4 
,i had seen blown down and prostrate on 
the ground several of those houses to   
whom ,i was chiefly indebted for the    
honor this city has done me4 ,i confess1
 that1 whilst the wounds of those ,i    
loved were yet green1 ,i could not bear 
to show myself in pride and triumph in  
that place into which their partiality  
had brought me1 and to appear at feasts 
and rejoicings in the midst of the grief
 and calamity of my warm friends1 my    
zealous supporters1 my generous         
benefactors4 ,this is a true1           
unvarnished1 undisguised state of the   
affair4 ,you will judge of it4  ,this is
 the only one of the charges in which ,i
 am personally concerned4 ,as to the    

other matters objected against me1 which
 in their turn ,i shall mention to you1 
remember once more ,i do not mean to    
extenuate or excuse4 ,why should ,i1    
when the things charged are among those 
upon which ,i found all my reputation8  
,what would be left to me1 if ,i myself 
was the man who softened and blended and
 diluted and weakened all the           
distinguishing colors of my life1 so as 
to leave nothing distinct and           
determinate in my whole conduct8  ,it   
has been said1 and it is the second     
charge1 that in the questions of the    
,irish trade ,i did not consult the     
interest of my constituents1--or1 to    
speak out strongly1 that ,i rather acted
 as a native of ,ireland than as an     
,english member of ,parliament4  ,i     
certainly have very warm good wishes for
 the place of my birth4 ,but the sphere 
of my duties is my true country4 ,it was
 as a man attached to your interests1   
and zealous for the conservation of your
 power and dignity1 that ,i acted on    

that occasion1 and on all occasions4    
,you were involved in the ,american war4
 ,a new world of policy was opened1 to  
which it was necessary we should        
conform1 whether we would or not2 and my
 only thought was how to conform to our 
situation in such a manner as to unite  
to this kingdom1 in prosperity and in   
affection1 whatever remained of the     
empire4 ,i was true to my old1 standing1
 invariable principle1 that all things  
which came from ,great ,britain should  
issue as a gift of her bounty and       
beneficence1 rather than as claims      
recovered against a struggling          
litigant1--or at least1 that1 if your   
beneficence obtained no credit in your  
concessions1 yet that they should appear
 the salutary provisions of your wisdom 
and foresight1 not as things wrung from 
you with your blood by the cruel gripe  
of a rigid necessity4 ,the first        
concessions1 by being 7much against my  
will7 mangled and stripped of the parts 
which were necessary to make out their  

just correspondence and connection in   
trade1 were of no use4 ,the next year a 
feeble attempt was made to bring the    
thing into better shape4 ,this attempt1 
7countenanced by the minister17 on the  
very first appearance of some popular   
uneasiness1 was1 after a considerable   
progress through the ,house1 thrown out 
by him4  ,what was the consequence8 ,the
 whole kingdom of ,ireland was instantly
 in a flame4 ,threatened by foreigners1 
and1 as they thought1 insulted by       
,england1 they resolved at once to      
resist the power of ,france and to cast 
off yours4 ,as for us1 we were able     
neither to protect nor to restrain them4
 ,forty thousand men were raised and    
disciplined without commission from the 
crown4 ,two illegal armies were seen    
with banners displayed at the same time 
and in the same country4 ,no executive  
magistrate1 no judicature1 in ,ireland1 
would acknowledge the legality of the   
army which bore the king's commission2  
and no law1 or appearance of law1       

authorized the army commissioned by     
itself4 ,in this unexampled state of    
things1 which the least error1 the least
 trespass on the right or left1 would   
have hurried down the precipice into an 
abyss of blood and confusion1 the people
 of ,ireland demand a freedom of trade  
with arms in their hands4 ,they         
interdict all commerce between the two  
nations4 ,they deny all new supply in   
the ,house of ,commons1 although in time
 of war4 ,they stint the trust of the   
old revenue1 given for two years to all 
the king's predecessors1 to six months4 
,the ,british ,parliament1 in a former  
session1 frightened into a limited      
concession by the menaces of ,ireland1  
frightened out of it by the menaces of  
,england1 was now frightened back again1
 and made an universal surrender of all 
that had been thought the peculiar1     
reserved1 uncommunicable rights of      
,england3 the exclusive commerce of     
,america1 of ,africa1 of the ,west      
,indies1--all the enumerations of the   

,acts of ,navigation1--all the          
manufactures1--iron1 glass1 even the    
last pledge of jealousy and pride1 the  
interest hid in the secret of our       
hearts1 the inveterate prejudice moulded
 into the constitution of our frame1    
even the sacred fleece itself1 all went 
together4 ,no reserve1 no exception2 no 
debate1 no discussion4 ,a sudden light  
broke in upon us all4 ,it broke in1 not 
through well-contrived and well-disposed
 windows1 but through flaws and         
breaches1--through the yawning chasms of
 our ruin4 ,we were taught wisdom by    
humiliation4 ,no town in ,england       
presumed to have a prejudice1 or dared  
to mutter a petition4 ,what was worse1  
the whole ,parliament of ,england1 which
 retained authority for nothing but     
surrenders1 was despoiled of every      
shadow of its superintendence4 ,it was1 
without any qualification1 denied in    
theory1 as it had been trampled upon in 
practice4 ,this scene of shame and      
disgrace has1 in a manner1 whilst ,i am 

speaking1 ended by the perpetual        
establishment of a military power in the
 dominions of this crown1 without       
consent of the ,british legislature1#dh 
contrary to the policy of the           
,constitution1 contrary to the          
,declaration of ,right2 and by this your
 liberties are swept away along with    
your supreme authority1--and both1      
linked together from the beginning1     
have1 ,i am afraid1 both together       
perished forever4  ,what6 ,gentlemen1   
was ,i not to foresee1 or foreseeing1   
was ,i not to endeavor to save you from 
all these multiplied mischiefs and      
disgraces8 ,would the little1 silly1    
canvass prattle of obeying instructions1
 and having no opinions but yours1 and  
such idle1 senseless tales1 which amuse 
the vacant ears of unthinking men1 have 
saved you from the pelting of that      
pitiless storm1 to which the loose      
improvidence1 the cowardly rashness1 of 
those who dare not look danger in the   
face so as to provide against it in     

time1 and therefore throw themselves    
headlong into the midst of it1 have     
exposed this degraded nation1 beat down 
and prostrate on the earth1 unsheltered1
 unarmed1 unresisting8 ,was ,i an       
,irishman on that day that ,i boldly    
withstood our pride8 or on the day that 
,i hung down my head1 and wept in shame 
and silence over the humiliation of     
,great ,britain8 ,i became unpopular in 
,england for the one1 and in ,ireland   
for the other4 ,what then8 ,what        
obligation lay on me to be popular8 ,i  
was bound to serve both kingdoms4 ,to be
 pleased with my service was their      
affair1 not mine4  ,i was an ,irishman  
in the ,irish business1 just as much as 
,i was an ,american1 when1 on the same  
principles1 ,i wished you to concede to 
,america at a time when she prayed      
concession at our feet4 ,just as much   
was ,i an ,american1 when ,i wished     
,parliament to offer terms in victory1  
and not to wait the well-chosen hour of 
defeat1 for making good by weakness and 

by supplication a claim of prerogative1 
preminence1 and authority4  ,instead of 
requiring it from me1 as a point of     
duty1 to kindle with your passions1 had 
you all been as cool as ,i was1 you     
would have been saved disgraces and     
distresses that are unutterable4 ,do you
 remember our commission8 ,we sent out a
 solemn embassy across the ,atlantic    
,ocean1 to lay the crown1 the peerage1  
the commons of ,great ,britain at the   
feet of the ,american ,congress4 ,that  
our disgrace might want no sort of      
brightening and burnishing1 observe who 
they were that composed this famous     
embassy4 ,my ,lord ,carlisle is among   
the first ranks of our nobility4 ,he is 
the identical man who1 but two years    
before1 had been put forward1 at the    
opening of a session1 in the ,house of  
,lords1 as the mover of an haughty and  
rigorous address against ,america4 ,he  
was put in the front of the embassy of  
submission4 ,mr4 ,eden was taken from   
the office of ,lord ,suffolk1 to whom he

 was then ,under-,secretary of          
,state1--from the office of that ,lord  
,suffolk who but a few weeks before1 in 
his place in ,parliament1 did not deign 
to inquire where a congress of vagrants 
was to be found4 ,this ,lord ,suffolk   
sent ,mr4 ,eden to find these vagrants1 
without knowing where his king's        
generals were to be found who were      
joined in the same commission of        
supplicating those whom they were sent  
to subdue4 ,they enter the capital of   
,america only to abandon it2 and these  
assertors and representatives of the    
dignity of ,england1 at the tail of a   
flying army1 let fly their ,parthian    
shafts of memorials and remonstrances at
 random behind them4 ,their promises and
 their offers1 their flatteries and     
their menaces1 were all despised2 and we
 were saved the disgrace of their formal
 reception only because the ,congress   
scorned to receive them2 whilst the     
,state-house of independent             
,philadelphia opened her doors to the   

public entry of the ambassador of       
,france4 ,from war and blood we went to 
submission1 and from submission plunged 
back again to war and blood1 to desolate
 and be desolated1 without measure1     
hope1 or end4 ,i am a ,royalist3 ,i     
blushed for this degradation of the     
crown4 ,i am a ,whig3 ,i blushed for the
 dishonor of ,parliament4 ,i am a true  
,englishman3 ,i felt to the quick for   
the disgrace of ,england4 ,i am a man3  
,i felt for the melancholy reverse of   
human affairs in the fall of the first  
power in the world4  ,to read what was  
approaching in ,ireland1 in the black   
and bloody characters of the ,american  
war1 was a painful1 but it was a        
necessary part of my public duty4 ,for1 
,gentlemen1 it is not your fond desires 
or mine that can alter the nature of    
things2 by contending against which1    
what have we got1 or shall ever get1 but
 defeat and shame8 ,i did not obey your 
instructions4 ,no4 ,i conformed to the  
instructions of truth and ,nature1 and  

maintained your interest1 against your  
opinions1 with a constancy that became  
me4 ,a representative worthy of you     
ought to be a person of stability4 ,i am
 to look1 indeed1 to your opinions1--but
 to such opinions as you and ,i must    
have five years hence4 ,i was not to    
look to the flash of the day4 ,i knew   
that you chose me1 in my place1 along   
with others1 to be a pillar of the      
state1 and not a weathercock on the top 
of the edifice1 exalted for my levity   
and versatility1 and of no use but to   
indicate the shiftings of every         
fashionable gale4 ,would to ,god the    
value of my sentiments on ,ireland and  
on ,america had been at this day a      
subject of doubt and discussion6 ,no    
matter what my sufferings had been1 so  
that this kingdom had kept the authority
 ,i wished it to maintain1 by a grave   
foresight1 and by an equitable          
temperance in the use of its power4     
,the next article of charge on my public
 conduct1 and that which ,i find rather 

the most prevalent of all1 is ,lord     
,beauchamp's bill3 ,i mean his bill of  
last session1 for reforming the         
law-process concerning imprisonment4 ,it
 is said1 to aggravate the offence1 that
 ,i treated the petition of this city   
with contempt even in presenting it to  
the ,house1 and expressed myself in     
terms of marked disrespect4 ,had this   
latter part of the charge been true1 no 
merits on the side of the question which
 ,i took could possibly excuse me4 ,but 
,i am incapable of treating this city   
with disrespect4 ,very fortunately1 at  
this minute1 7if my bad eyesight does   
not deceive me17 the worthy gentleman#di
 deputed on this business stands        
directly before me4 ,to him ,i appeal1  
whether ,i did not1 though it militated 
with my oldest and my most recent public
 opinions1 deliver the petition with a  
strong and more than usual              
recommendation to the consideration of  
the ,house1 on account of the character 
and consequence of those who signed it4 

,i believe the worthy gentleman will    
tell you1 that1 the very day ,i received
 it1 ,i applied to the ,solicitor1 now  
the ,attorney ,general1 to give it an   
immediate consideration2 and he most    
obligingly and instantly consented to   
employ a great deal of his very valuable
 time to write an explanation of the    
bill4 ,i attended the committee with all
 possible care and diligence1 in order  
that every objection of yours might meet
 with a solution1 or produce an         
alteration4 ,i entreated your learned   
recorder 7always ready in business in   
which you take a concern7 to attend4    
,but what will you say to those who     
blame me for supporting ,lord           
,beauchamp's bill1 as a disrespectful   
treatment of your petition1 when you    
hear1 that1 out of respect to you1 ,i   
myself was the cause of the loss of that
 very bill8 ,for the noble lord who     
brought it in1 and who1 ,i must say1 has
 much merit for this and some other     
measures1 at my request consented to put

 it off for a week1 which the ,speaker's
 illness lengthened to a fortnight2 and 
then the frantic tumult about ,popery   
drove that and every rational business  
from the ,house4 ,so that1 if ,i chose  
to make a defence of myself1 on the     
little principles of a culprit1 pleading
 in his exculpation1 ,i might not only  
secure my acquittal1 but make merit with
 the opposers of the bill4 ,but ,i shall
 do no such thing4 ,the truth is1 that  
,i did occasion the loss of the bill1   
and by a delay caused by my respect to  
you4 ,but such an event was never in my 
contemplation4 ,and ,i am so far from   
taking credit for the defeat of that    
measure1 that ,i cannot sufficiently    
lament my misfortune1 if but one man1   
who ought to be at large1 has passed a  
year in prison by my means4 ,i am a     
debtor to the debtors4 ,i confess       
judgment4 ,i owe what1 if ever it be in 
my power1 ,i shall most certainly       
pay1--ample atonement and usurious      
amends to liberty and humanity for my   

unhappy lapse4 ,for1 ,gentlemen1 ,lord  
,beauchamp's bill was a law of justice  
and policy1 as far as it went3 ,i say1  
as far as it went2 for its fault was its
 being in the remedial part miserably   
defective4  ,there are two capital      
faults in our law with relation to civil
 debts4 ,one is1 that every man is      
presumed solvent3 a presumption1 in     
innumerable cases1 directly against     
truth4 ,therefore the debtor is ordered1
 on a supposition of ability and fraud1 
to be coerced his liberty until he makes
 payment4 ,by this means1 in all cases  
of civil insolvency1 without a pardon   
from his creditor1 he is to be          
imprisoned for life2 and thus a         
miserable mistaken invention of         
artificial science operates to change a 
civil into a criminal judgment1 and to  
scourge misfortune or indiscretion with 
a punishment which the law does not     
inflict on the greatest crimes4  ,the   
next fault is1 that the inflicting of   
that punishment is not on the opinion of

 an equal and public judge1 but is      
referred to the arbitrary discretion of 
a private1 nay1 interested1 and         
irritated1 individual4 ,he1 who formally
 is1 and substantially ought to be1 the 
judge1 is in reality no more than       
ministerial1 a mere executive instrument
 of a private man1 who is at once judge 
and party4 ,every idea of judicial order
 is subverted by this procedure4 ,if the
 insolvency be no crime1 why is it      
punished with arbitrary imprisonment8   
,if it be a crime1 why is it delivered  
into private hands to pardon without    
discretion1 or to punish without mercy  
and without measure8  ,to these faults1 
gross and cruel faults in our law1 the  
excellent principle of ,lord            
,beauchamp's bill applied some sort of  
remedy4 ,i know that credit must be     
preserved3 but equity must be preserved1
 too2 and it is impossible that anything
 should be necessary to commerce which  
is inconsistent with justice4 ,the      
principle of credit was not weakened by 

that bill4 ,god forbid6 ,the enforcement
 of that credit was only put into the   
same public judicial hands on which we  
depend for our lives and all that makes 
life dear to us4 ,but1 indeed1 this     
business was taken up too warmly1 both  
here and elsewhere4 ,the bill was       
extremely mistaken4 ,it was supposed to 
enact what it never enacted2 and        
complaints were made of clauses in it1  
as novelties1 which existed before the  
noble lord that brought in the bill was 
born4 ,there was a fallacy that ran     
through the whole of the objections4    
,the gentlemen who opposed the bill     
always argued as if the option lay      
between that bill and the ancient law4  
,but this is a grand mistake4 ,for1     
practically1 the option is between not  
that bill and the old law1 but between  
that bill and those occasional laws     
called acts of grace4 ,for the operation
 of the old law is so savage1 and so    
inconvenient to society1 that for a long
 time past1 once in every ,parliament1  

and lately twice1 the legislature has   
been obliged to make a general arbitrary
 jail-delivery1 and at once to set open1
 by its sovereign authority1 all the    
prisons in ,england4  ,gentlemen1 ,i    
never relished acts of grace1 nor ever  
submitted to them but from despair of   
better4 ,they are a dishonorable        
invention1 by which1 not from humanity1 
not from policy1 but merely because we  
have not room enough to hold these      
victims of the absurdity of our laws1 we
 turn loose upon the public three or    
four thousand naked wretches1 corrupted 
by the habits1 debased by the ignominy  
of a prison4 ,if the creditor had a     
right to those carcasses as a natural   
security for his property1 ,i am sure we
 have no right to deprive him of that   
security4 ,but if the few pounds of     
flesh were not necessary to his         
security1 we had not a right to detain  
the unfortunate debtor1 without any     
benefit at all to the person who        
confined him4 ,take it as you will1 we  

commit injustice4 ,now ,lord            
,beauchamp's bill intended to do        
deliberately1 and with great caution and
 circumspection1 upon each several case1
 and with all attention to the just     
claimant1 what acts of grace do in a    
much greater measure1 and with very     
little care1 caution1 or deliberation4  
,i suspect that here1 too1 if we        
contrive to oppose this bill1 we shall  
be found in a struggle against the      
nature of things4 ,for1 as we grow      
enlightened1 the public will not bear1  
for any length of time1 to pay for the  
maintenance of whole armies of          
prisoners1 nor1 at their own expense1   
submit to keep jails as a sort of       
garrisons1 merely to fortify the absurd 
principle of making men judges in their 
own cause4 ,for credit has little or no 
concern in this cruelty4 ,i speak in a  
commercial assembly4 ,you know that     
credit is given because capital must be 
employed2 that men calculate the chances
 of insolvency2 and they either withhold

 the credit1 or make the debtor pay the 
risk in the price4 ,the counting-house  
has no alliance with the jail4 ,holland 
understands trade as well as we1 and she
 has done much more than this obnoxious 
bill intended to do4 ,there was not1    
when ,mr4 ,howard visited ,holland1 more
 than one prisoner for debt in the great
 city of ,rotterdam4 ,although ,lord    
,beauchamp's act 7which was previous to 
this bill1 and intended to feel the way 
for it7 has already preserved liberty to
 thousands1 and though it is not three  
years since the last act of grace       
passed1 yet1 by ,mr4 ,howard's last     
account1 there were near three thousand 
again in jail4 ,i cannot name this      
gentleman without remarking that his    
labors and writings have done much to   
open the eyes and hearts of mankind4 ,he
 has visited all ,europe1--not to survey
 the sumptuousness of palaces or the    
stateliness of temples1 not to make     
accurate measurements of the remains of 
ancient grandeur nor to form a scale of 

the curiosity of modern art1 not to     
collect medals or collate               
manuscripts1--but to dive into the      
depths of dungeons1 to plunge into the  
infection of hospitals1 to survey the   
mansions of sorrow and pain1 to take the
 gauge and dimensions of misery1        
depression1 and contempt1 to remember   
the forgotten1 to attend to the         
neglected1 to visit the forsaken1 and to
 compare and collate the distresses of  
all men in all countries4 ,his plan is  
original2 and it is as full of genius as
 it is of humanity4 ,it was a voyage of 
discovery1 a circumnavigation of        
charity4 ,already the benefit of his    
labor is felt more or less in every     
country2 ,i hope he will anticipate his 
final reward by seeing all its effects  
fully realized in his own4 ,he will     
receive1 not by retail1 but in gross1   
the reward of those who visit the       
prisoner2 and he has so forestalled and 
monopolized this branch of charity1 that
 there will be1 ,i trust1 little room to

 merit by such acts of benevolence      
hereafter4  ,nothing now remains to     
trouble you with but the fourth charge  
against me1--the business of the ,roman 
,catholics4 ,it is a business closely   
connected with the rest4 ,they are all  
on one and the same principle4 ,my      
little scheme of conduct1 such as it is1
 is all arranged4 ,i could do nothing   
but what ,i have done on this subject1  
without confounding the whole train of  
my ideas and disturbing the whole order 
of my life4 ,gentlemen1 ,i ought to     
apologize to you for seeming to think   
anything at all necessary to be said    
upon this matter4 ,the calumny is fitter
 to be scrawled with the midnight chalk 
of incendiaries1 with ,no ,popery1 on   
walls and doors of devoted houses1 than 
to be mentioned in any civilized        
company4 ,i had heard that the spirit of
 discontent on that subject was very    
prevalent here4 ,with pleasure ,i find  
that ,i have been grossly misinformed4  
,if it exists at all in this city1 the  

laws have crushed its exertions1 and our
 morals have shamed its appearance in   
daylight4 ,i have pursued this spirit   
wherever ,i could trace it2 but it still
 fled from me4 ,it was a ghost which all
 had heard of1 but none had seen4 ,none 
would acknowledge that he thought the   
public proceeding with regard to our    
,catholic dissenters to be blamable2 but
 several were sorry it had made an ill  
impression upon others1 and that my     
interest was hurt by my share in the    
business4 ,i find with satisfaction and 
pride1 that not above four or five in   
this city 7and ,i dare say these misled 
by some gross misrepresentation7 have   
signed that symbol of delusion and bond 
of sedition1 that libel on the national 
religion and ,english character1 the    
,protestant ,association4 ,it is1       
therefore1 ,gentlemen1 not by way of    
cure1 but of prevention1 and lest the   
arts of wicked men may prevail over the 
integrity of any one amongst us1 that ,i
 think it necessary to open to you the  

merits of this transaction pretty much  
at large2 and ,i beg your patience upon 
it3 for1 although the reasonings that   
have been used to depreciate the act are
 of little force1 and though the        
authority of the men concerned in this  
ill design is not very imposing1 yet the
 audaciousness of these conspirators    
against the national honor1 and the     
extensive wickedness of their attempts1 
have raised persons of little importance
 to a degree of evil eminence1 and      
imparted a sort of sinister dignity to  
proceedings that had their origin in    
only the meanest and blindest malice4   
,in explaining to you the proceedings of
 ,parliament which have been complained 
of1 ,i will state to you1--first1 the   
thing that was done1--next1 the persons 
who did it1--and lastly1 the grounds and
 reasons upon which the legislature     
proceeded in this deliberate act of     
public justice and public prudence4     
,gentlemen1 the condition of our nature 
is such that we buy our blessings at a  

price4 ,the ,reformation1 one of the    
greatest periods of human improvement1  
was a time of trouble and confusion4    
,the vast structure of superstition and 
tyranny which had been for ages in      
rearing1 and which was combined with the
 interest of the great and of the many1 
which was moulded into the laws1 the    
manners1 and civil institutions of      
nations1 and blended with the frame and 
policy of states1 could not be brought  
to the ground without a fearful         
struggle2 nor could it fall without a   
violent concussion of itself and all    
about it4 ,when this great revolution   
was attempted in a more regular mode by 
government1 it was opposed by plots and 
seditions of the people2 when by popular
 efforts1 it was repressed as rebellion 
by the hand of power2 and bloody        
executions 7often bloodily returned7    
marked the whole of its progress through
 all its stages4 ,the affairs of        
religion1 which are no longer heard of  
in the tumult of our present            

contentions1 made a principal ingredient
 in the wars and politics of that time3 
the enthusiasm of religion threw a gloom
 over the politics2 and political       
interests poisoned and perverted the    
spirit of religion upon all sides4 ,the 
,protestant religion1 in that violent   
struggle1 infected1 as the ,popish had  
been before1 by worldly interests and   
worldly passions1 became a persecutor in
 its turn1 sometimes of the new sects1  
which carried their own principles      
further than it was convenient to the   
original reformers1 and always of the   
body from whom they parted3 and this    
persecuting spirit arose1 not only from 
the bitterness of retaliation1 but from 
the merciless policy of fear4  ,it was  
long before the spirit of true piety and
 true wisdom1 involved in the principles
 of the ,reformation1 could be depurated
 from the dregs and feculence of the    
contention with which it was carried    
through4 ,however1 until this be done1  
the ,reformation is not complete3 and   

those who think themselves good         
,protestants1 from their animosity to   
others1 are in that respect no          
,protestants at all4 ,it was at first   
thought necessary1 perhaps1 to oppose to
 ,popery another ,popery1 to get the    
better of it4 ,whatever was the cause1  
laws were made in many countries1 and in
 this kingdom in particular1 against    
,papists1 which are as bloody as any of 
those which had been enacted by the     
,popish princes and states3 and where   
those laws were not bloody1 in my       
opinion1 they were worse2 as they were  
slow1 cruel outrages on our nature1 and 
kept men alive only to insult in their  
persons every one of the rights and     
feelings of humanity4 ,i pass those     
statutes1 because ,i would spare your   
pious ears the repetition of such       
shocking things2 and ,i come to that    
particular law the repeal of which has  
produced so many unnatural and          
unexpected consequences4  ,a statute was
 fabricated in the year #afii1 by which 

the saying mass 7a church service in the
 ,latin tongue1 not exactly the same as 
our liturgy1 but very near it1 and      
containing no offence whatsoever against
 the laws1 or against good morals7 was  
forged into a crime1 punishable with    
perpetual imprisonment4 ,the teaching   
school1 an useful and virtuous          
occupation1 even the teaching in a      
private family1 was in every ,catholic  
subjected to the same unproportioned    
punishment4 ,your industry1 and the     
bread of your children1 was taxed for a 
pecuniary reward to stimulate avarice to
 do what ,nature refused1 to inform and 
prosecute on this law4 ,every ,roman    
,catholic was1 under the same act1 to   
forfeit his estate to his nearest       
,protestant relation1 until1 through a  
profession of what he did not believe1  
he redeemed by his hypocrisy what the   
law had transferred to the kinsman as   
the recompense of his profligacy4 ,when 
thus turned out of doors from his       
paternal estate1 he was disabled from   

acquiring any other by any industry1    
donation1 or charity2 but was rendered a
 foreigner in his native land1 only     
because he retained the religion1 along 
with the property1 handed down to him   
from those who had been the old         
inhabitants of that land before him4    
,does any one who hears me approve this 
scheme of things1 or think there is     
common justice1 common sense1 or common 
honesty in any part of it8 ,if any does1
 let him say it1 and ,i am ready to     
discuss the point with temper and       
candor4 ,but instead of approving1 ,i   
perceive a virtuous indignation         
beginning to rise in your minds on the  
mere cold stating of the statute4  ,but 
what will you feel1 when you know from  
history how this statute passed1 and    
what were the motives1 and what the mode
 of making it8 ,a party in this nation1 
enemies to the system of the            
,revolution1 were in opposition to the  
government of ,king ,william4 ,they knew
 that our glorious deliverer was an     

enemy to all persecution4 ,they knew    
that he came to free us from slavery and
 ,popery1 out of a country where a third
 of the people are contented ,catholics 
under a ,protestant government4 ,he came
 with a part of his army composed of    
those very ,catholics1 to overset the   
power of a ,popish prince4 ,such is the 
effect of a tolerating spirit2 and so   
much is liberty served in every way1 and
 by all persons1 by a manly adherence to
 its own principles4 ,whilst freedom is 
true to itself1 everything becomes      
subject to it1 and its very adversaries 
are an instrument in its hands4  ,the   
party ,i speak of 7like some amongst us 
who would disparage the best friends of 
their country7 resolved to make the king
 either violate his principles of       
toleration or incur the odium of        
protecting ,papists4 ,they therefore    
brought in this bill1 and made it       
purposely wicked and absurd that it     
might be rejected4 ,the then court      
party1 discovering their game1 turned   

the tables on them1 and returned their  
bill to them stuffed with still greater 
absurdities1 that its loss might lie    
upon its original authors4 ,they1       
finding their own ball thrown back to   
them1 kicked it back again to their     
adversaries4 ,and thus this act1 loaded 
with the double injustice of two        
parties1 neither of whom intended to    
pass what they hoped the other would be 
persuaded to reject1 went through the   
legislature1 contrary to the real wish  
of all parts of it1 and of all the      
parties that composed it4 ,in this      
manner these insolent and profligate    
factions1 as if they were playing with  
balls and counters1 made a sport of the 
fortunes and the liberties of their     
fellow-creatures4 ,other acts of        
persecution have been acts of malice4   
,this was a subversion of justice from  
wantonness and petulance4 ,look into the
 history of ,bishop ,burnet4 ,he is a   
witness without exception4  ,the effects
 of the act have been as mischievous as 

its origin was ludicrous and shameful4  
,from that time1 every person of that   
communion1 lay and ecclesiastic1 has    
been obliged to fly from the face of    
day4 ,the clergy1 concealed in garrets  
of private houses1 or obliged to take a 
shelter 7hardly safe to themselves1 but 
infinitely dangerous to their country7  
under the privileges of foreign         
ministers1 officiated as their servants 
and under their protection4 ,the whole  
body of the ,catholics1 condemned to    
beggary and to ignorance in their native
 land1 have been obliged to learn the   
principles of letters1 at the hazard of 
all their other principles1 from the    
charity of your enemies4 ,they have been
 taxed to their ruin at the pleasure of 
necessitous and profligate relations1   
and according to the measure of their   
necessity and profligacy4 ,examples of  
this are many and affecting4 ,some of   
them are known by a friend who stands   
near me in this hall4 ,it is but six or 
seven years since a clergyman1 of the   

name of ,malony1 a man of morals1       
neither guilty nor accused of anything  
noxious to the state1 was condemned to  
perpetual imprisonment for exercising   
the functions of his religion2 and after
 lying in jail two or three years1 was  
relieved by the mercy of government from
 perpetual imprisonment1 on condition of
 perpetual banishment4 ,a brother of the
 ,earl of ,shrewsbury1 a ,talbot1 a name
 respectable in this country whilst its 
glory is any part of its concern1 was   
hauled to the bar of the ,old ,bailey1  
among common felons1 and only escaped   
the same doom1 either by some error in  
the process1 or that the wretch who     
brought him there could not correctly   
describe his person1--,i now forget     
which4 ,in short1 the persecution would 
never have relented for a moment1 if the
 judges1 superseding 7though with an    
ambiguous example7 the strict rule of   
their artificial duty by the higher     
obligation of their conscience1 did not 
constantly throw every difficulty in the

 way of such informers4 ,but so         
ineffectual is the power of legal       
evasion against legal iniquity1 that it 
was but the other day that a lady of    
condition1 beyond the middle of life1   
was on the point of being stripped of   
her whole fortune by a near relation to 
whom she had been a friend and          
benefactor2 and she must have been      
totally ruined1 without a power of      
redress or mitigation from the courts of
 law1 had not the legislature itself    
rushed in1 and by a special act of      
,parliament rescued her from the        
injustice of its own statutes4 ,one of  
the acts authorizing such things was    
that which we in part repealed1 knowing 
what our duty was1 and doing that duty  
as men of honor and virtue1 as good     
,protestants1 and as good citizens4 ,let
 him stand forth that disapproves what  
we have done6  ,gentlemen1 bad laws are 
the worst sort of tyranny4 ,in such a   
country as this they are of all bad     
things the worst1--worse by far than    

anywhere else2 and they derive a        
particular malignity even from the      
wisdom and soundness of the rest of our 
institutions4 ,for very obvious reasons 
you cannot trust the crown with a       
dispensing power over any of your laws4 
,however1 a government1 be it as bad as 
it may1 will1 in the exercise of a      
discretionary power1 discriminate times 
and persons1 and will not ordinarily    
pursue any man1 when its own safety is  
not concerned4 ,a mercenary informer    
knows no distinction4 ,under such a     
system1 the obnoxious people are slaves 
not only to the government1 but they    
live at the mercy of every individual2  
they are at once the slaves of the whole
 community and of every part of it2 and 
the worst and most unmerciful men are   
those on whose goodness they most       
depend4  ,in this situation1 men not    
only shrink from the frowns of a stern  
magistrate1 but they are obliged to fly 
from their very species4 ,the seeds of  
destruction are sown in civil           

intercourse1 in social habitudes4 ,the  
blood of wholesome kindred is infected4 
,their tables and beds are surrounded   
with snares4 ,all the means given by    
,providence to make life safe and       
comfortable are perverted into          
instruments of terror and torment4 ,this
 species of universal subserviency1 that
 makes the very servant who waits behind
 your chair the arbiter of your life and
 fortune1 has such a tendency to degrade
 and abase mankind1 and to deprive them 
of that assured and liberal state of    
mind which alone can make us what we    
ought to be1 that ,i vow to ,god ,i     
would sooner bring myself to put a man  
to immediate death for opinions ,i      
disliked1 and so to get rid of the man  
and his opinions at once1 than to fret  
him with a feverish being1 tainted with 
the jail-distemper of a contagious      
servitude1 to keep him above ground an  
animated mass of putrefaction1 corrupted
 himself1 and corrupting all about him4 
,the act repealed was of this direct    

tendency2 and it was made in the manner 
which ,i have related to you4 ,i will   
now tell you by whom the bill of repeal 
was brought into ,parliament4 ,i find it
 has been industriously given out in    
this city 7from kindness to me1         
unquestionably7 that ,i was the mover or
 the seconder4 ,the fact is1 ,i did not 
once open my lips on the subject during 
the whole progress of the bill4 ,i do   
not say this as disclaiming my share in 
that measure4 ,very far from it4 ,i     
inform you of this fact1 lest ,i should 
seem to arrogate to myself the merits   
which belong to others4 ,to have been   
the man chosen out to redeem our        
fellow-citizens from slavery1 to purify 
our laws from absurdity and injustice1  
and to cleanse our religion from the    
blot and stain of persecution1 would be 
an honor and happiness to which my      
wishes would undoubtedly aspire1 but to 
which nothing but my wishes could       
possibly have entitled me4 ,that great  
work was in hands in every respect far  

better qualified than mine4 ,the mover  
of the bill was ,sir ,george ,savile4   
,when an act of great and signal        
humanity was to be done1 and done with  
all the weight and authority that       
belonged to it1 the world could cast its
 eyes upon none but him4 ,i hope that   
few things which have a tendency to     
bless or to adorn life have wholly      
escaped my observation in my passage    
through it4 ,i have sought the          
acquaintance of that gentleman1 and have
 seen him in all situations4 ,he is a   
true genius2 with an understanding      
vigorous1 and acute1 and refined1 and   
distinguishing even to excess2 and      
illuminated with a most unbounded1      
peculiar1 and original cast of          
imagination4 ,with these he possesses   
many external and instrumental          
advantages2 and he makes use of them    
all4 ,his fortune is among the          
largest1--a fortune which1 wholly       
unincumbered as it is with one single   
charge from luxury1 vanity1 or excess1  

sinks under the benevolence of its      
dispenser4 ,this private benevolence1   
expanding itself into patriotism1       
renders his whole being the estate of   
the public1 in which he has not reserved
 a peculium for himself of profit1      
diversion1 or relaxation4 ,during the   
session the first in and the last out of
 the ,house of ,commons1 he passes from 
the senate to the camp2 and seldom      
seeing the seat of his ancestors1 he is 
always in ,parliament to serve his      
country or in the field to defend it4   
,but in all well-wrought compositions   
some particulars stand out more         
eminently than the rest2 and the things 
which will carry his name to posterity  
are his two bills3 ,i mean that for a   
limitation of the claims of the crown   
upon landed estates1 and this for the   
relief of the ,roman ,catholics4 ,by the
 former he has emancipated property2 by 
the latter he has quieted conscience2   
and by both he has taught that grand    
lesson to government and subject1--no   

longer to regard each other as adverse  
parties4  ,such was the mover of the act
 that is complained of by men who are   
not quite so good as he is1--an act most
 assuredly not brought in by him from   
any partiality to that sect which is the
 object of it4 ,for among his faults ,i 
really cannot help reckoning a greater  
degree of prejudice against that people 
than becomes so wise a man4 ,i know that
 he inclines to a sort of disgust1 mixed
 with a considerable degree of asperity1
 to the system2 and he has few1 or      
rather no habits with any of its        
professors4 ,what he has done was on    
quite other motives4 ,the motives were  
these1 which he declared in his         
excellent speech on his motion for the  
bill3 namely1 his extreme zeal to the   
,protestant religion1 which he thought  
utterly disgraced by the act of #afii2  
and his rooted hatred to all kind of    
oppression1 under any color1 or upon any
 pretence whatsoever4  ,the seconder was
 worthy of the mover and the motion4 ,i 

was not the seconder2 it was ,mr4       
,dunning1 recorder of this city4 ,i     
shall say the less of him because his   
near relation to you makes you more     
particularly acquainted with his merits4
 ,but ,i should appear little acquainted
 with them1 or little sensible of them1 
if ,i could utter his name on this      
occasion without expressing my esteem   
for his character4 ,i am not afraid of  
offending a most learned body1 and most 
jealous of its reputation for that      
learning1 when ,i say he is the first of
 his profession4 ,it is a point settled 
by those who settle everything else2 and
 ,i must add 7what ,i am enabled to say 
from my own long and close observation7 
that there is not a man1 of any         
profession1 or in any situation1 of a   
more erect and independent spirit1 of a 
more proud honor1 a more manly mind1 a  
more firm and determined integrity4     
,assure yourselves1 that the names of   
two such men will bear a great load of  
prejudice in the other scale before they

 can be entirely outweighed4  ,with this
 mover and this seconder agreed the     
whole ,house of ,commons1 the whole     
,house of ,lords1 the whole ,bench of   
,bishops1 the king1 the ministry1 the   
opposition1 all the distinguished clergy
 of the ,establishment1 all the eminent 
lights 7for they were consulted7 of the 
dissenting churches4 ,this according    
voice of national wisdom ought to be    
listened to with reverence4 ,to say that
 all these descriptions of ,englishmen  
unanimously concurred in a scheme for   
introducing the ,catholic religion1 or  
that none of them understood the nature 
and effects of what they were doing so  
well as a few obscure clubs of people   
whose names you never heard of1 is      
shamelessly absurd4 ,surely it is paying
 a miserable compliment to the religion 
we profess1 to suggest that everything  
eminent in the kingdom is indifferent or
 even adverse to that religion1 and that
 its security is wholly abandoned to the
 zeal of those who have nothing but     

their zeal to distinguish them4 ,in     
weighing this unanimous concurrence of  
whatever the nation has to boast of1 ,i 
hope you will recollect that all these  
concurring parties do by no means love  
one another enough to agree in any point
 which was not both evidently and       
importantly right4  ,to prove this1 to  
prove that the measure was both clearly 
and materially proper1 ,i will next lay 
before you 7as ,i promised7 the         
political grounds and reasons for the   
repeal of that penal statute1 and the   
motives to its repeal at that particular
 time4  ,gentlemen1 ,america--,when the 
,english nation seemed to be            
dangerously1 if not irrecoverably       
divided1--when one1 and that the most   
growing branch1 was torn from the parent
 stock1 and ingrafted on the power of   
,france1 a great terror fell upon this  
kingdom4 ,on a sudden we awakened from  
our dreams of conquest1 and saw         
ourselves threatened with an immediate  
invasion1 which we were at that time    

very ill prepared to resist4 ,you       
remember the cloud that gloomed over us 
all4 ,in that hour of our dismay1 from  
the bottom of the hiding-places into    
which the indiscriminate rigor of our   
statutes had driven them1 came out the  
body of the ,roman ,catholics4 ,they    
appeared before the steps of a tottering
 throne1 with one of the most sober1    
measured1 steady1 and dutiful addresses 
that was ever presented to the crown4   
,it was no holiday ceremony1 no         
anniversary compliment of parade and    
show4 ,it was signed by almost every    
gentleman of that persuasion1 of note or
 property1 in ,england4 ,at such a      
crisis1 nothing but a decided resolution
 to stand or fall with their country    
could have dictated such an address1 the
 direct tendency of which was to cut off
 all retreat1 and to render them        
peculiarly obnoxious to an invader of   
their own communion4 ,the address showed
 what ,i long languished to see1 that   
all the subjects of ,england had cast   

off all foreign views and connections1  
and that every man looked for his relief
 from every grievance at the hands only 
of his own natural government4  ,it was 
necessary1 on our part1 that the natural
 government should show itself worthy of
 that name4 ,it was necessary1 at the   
crisis ,i speak of1 that the supreme    
power of the state should meet the      
conciliatory dispositions of the        
subject4 ,to delay protection would be  
to reject allegiance4 ,and why should it
 be rejected1 or even coldly and        
suspiciously received8 ,if any          
independent ,catholic state should      
choose to take part with this kingdom in
 a war with ,france and ,spain1 that    
bigot 7if such a bigot could be found7  
would be heard with little respect1 who 
could dream of objecting his religion to
 an ally whom the nation would not only 
receive with its freest thanks1 but     
purchase with the last remains of its   
exhausted treasure4 ,to such an ally we 
should not dare to whisper a single     

syllable of those base and invidious    
topics upon which some unhappy men would
 persuade the state to reject the duty  
and allegiance of its own members4 ,is  
it1 then1 because foreigners are in a   
condition to set our malice at defiance1
 that with them we are willing to       
contract engagements of friendship1 and 
to keep them with fidelity and honor1   
but that1 because we conceive some      
descriptions of our countrymen are not  
powerful enough to punish our malignity1
 we will not permit them to support our 
common interest8 ,is it on that ground  
that our anger is to be kindled by their
 offered kindness8 ,is it on that ground
 that they are to be subjected to       
penalties1 because they are willing by  
actual merit to purge themselves from   
imputed crimes8 ,lest by an adherence to
 the cause of their country they should 
acquire a title to fair and equitable   
treatment1 are we resolved to furnish   
them with causes of eternal enmity1 and 
rather supply them with just and founded

 motives to disaffection than not to    
have that disaffection in existence to  
justify an oppression which1 not from   
policy1 but disposition1 we have        
predetermined to exercise8  ,what shadow
 of reason could be assigned1 why1 at a 
time when the most ,protestant part of  
this ,protestant empire found it for its
 advantage to unite with the two        
principal ,popish states1 to unite      
itself in the closest bonds with ,france
 and ,spain1 for our destruction1 that  
we should refuse to unite with our own  
,catholic countrymen for our own        
preservation8 ,ought we1 like madmen1 to
 tear off the plasters that the lenient 
hand of prudence had spread over the    
wounds and gashes which in our delirium 
of ambition we had given to our own     
body8 ,no person ever reprobated the    
,american war more than ,i did1 and do1 
and ever shall4 ,but ,i never will      
consent that we should lay additional1  
voluntary penalties on ourselves1 for a 
fault which carries but too much of its 

own punishment in its own nature4 ,for  
one1 ,i was delighted with the proposal 
of internal peace4 ,i accepted the      
blessing with thankfulness and          
transport4 ,i was truly happy to find   
one good effect of our civil            
distractions3 that they had put an end  
to all religious strife and             
heart-burning in our own bowels4 ,what  
must be the sentiments of a man who     
would wish to perpetuate domestic       
hostility when the causes of dispute are
 at an end1 and who1 crying out for     
peace with one part of the nation on the
 most humiliating terms1 should deny it 
to those who offer friendship without   
any terms at all8  ,but if ,i was unable
 to reconcile such a denial to the      
contracted principles of local duty1    
what answer could ,i give to the broad  
claims of general humanity8 ,i confess  
to you freely1 that the sufferings and  
distresses of the people of ,america in 
this cruel war have at times affected me
 more deeply than ,i can express4 ,i    

felt every gazette of triumph as a blow 
upon my heart1 which has an hundred     
times sunk and fainted within me at all 
the mischiefs brought upon those who    
bear the whole brunt of war in the heart
 of their country4 ,yet the ,americans  
are utter strangers to me2 a nation     
among whom ,i am not sure that ,i have a
 single acquaintance4 ,was ,i to suffer 
my mind to be so unaccountably warped1  
was ,i to keep such iniquitous weights  
and measures of temper and of reason1 as
 to sympathize with those who are in    
open rebellion against an authority     
which ,i respect1 at war with a country 
which by every title ought to be1 and   
is1 most dear to me1--and yet to have no
 feeling at all for the hardships and   
indignities suffered by men who by their
 very vicinity are bound up in a nearer 
relation to us1 who contribute their    
share1 and more than their share1 to the
 common prosperity1 who perform the     
common offices of social life1 and who  
obey the laws1 to the full as well as ,i

 do8 ,gentlemen1 the danger to the state
 being out of the question1 7of which1  
let me tell you1 statesmen themselves   
are apt to have but too exquisite a     
sense17 ,i could assign no one reason of
 justice1 policy1 or feeling1 for not   
concurring most cordially1 as most      
cordially ,i did concur1 in softening   
some part of that shameful servitude    
under which several of my worthy        
fellow-citizens were groaning4          
,important effects followed this act of 
wisdom4 ,they appeared at home and      
abroad1 to the great benefit of this    
kingdom1 and1 let me hope1 to the       
advantage of mankind at large4 ,it      
betokened union among ourselves4 ,it    
showed soundness1 even on the part of   
the persecuted1 which generally is the  
weak side of every community4 ,but its  
most essential operation was not in     
,england4 ,the act was immediately1     
though very imperfectly1 copied in      
,ireland2 and this imperfect transcript 
of an imperfect act1 this first faint   

sketch of toleration1 which did little  
more than disclose a principle and mark 
out a disposition1 completed in a most  
wonderful manner the reunion to the     
state of all the ,catholics of that     
country4 ,it made us what we ought      
always to have been1 one family1 one    
body1 one heart and soul1 against the   
family combination and all other        
combinations of our enemies4 ,we have1  
indeed1 obligations to that people1 who 
received such small benefits with so    
much gratitude1 and for which gratitude 
and attachment to us ,i am afraid they  
have suffered not a little in other     
places4  ,i dare say you have all hoard 
of the privileges indulged to the ,irish
 ,catholics residing in ,spain4 ,you    
have likewise heard with what           
circumstances of severity they have been
 lately expelled from the seaports of   
that kingdom1 driven into the inland    
cities1 and there detained as a sort of 
prisoners of state4 ,i have good reason 
to believe that it was the zeal to our  

government and our cause 7somewhat      
indiscreetly expressed in one of the    
addresses of the ,catholics of ,ireland7
 which has thus drawn down on their     
heads the indignation of the court of   
,madrid1 to the inexpressible loss of   
several individuals1 and1 in future1    
perhaps to the great detriment of the   
whole of their body4 ,now that our      
people should be persecuted in ,spain   
for their attachment to this country1   
and persecuted in this country for their
 supposed enmity to us1 is such a       
jarring reconciliation of contradictory 
distresses1 is a thing at once so       
dreadful and ridiculous1 that no malice 
short of diabolical would wish to       
continue any human creatures in such a  
situation4 ,but honest men will not     
forget either their merit or their      
sufferings4 ,there are men 7and many1 ,i
 trust1 there are7 who1 out of love to  
their country and their kind1 would     
torture their invention to find excuses 
for the mistakes of their brethren1 and 

who1 to stifle dissension1 would        
construe even doubtful appearances with 
the utmost favor3 such men will never   
persuade themselves to be ingenious and 
refined in discovering disaffection and 
treason in the manifest1 palpable signs 
of suffering loyalty4 ,persecution is so
 unnatural to them1 that they gladly    
snatch the very first opportunity of    
laying aside all the tricks and devices 
of penal politics1 and of returning     
home1 after all their irksome and       
vexatious wanderings1 to our natural    
family mansion1 to the grand social     
principle that unites all men1 in all   
descriptions1 under the shadow of an    
equal and impartial justice4  ,men of   
another sort1 ,i mean the bigoted       
enemies to liberty1 may1 perhaps1 in    
their politics1 make no account of the  
good or ill affection of the ,catholics 
of ,england1 who are but an handful of  
people1 7enough to torment1 but not     
enough to fear17 perhaps not so many1 of
 both sexes and of all ages1 as fifty   

thousand4 ,but1 ,gentlemen1 it is       
possible you may not know that the      
people of that persuasion in ,ireland   
amount at least to sixteen or seventeen 
hundred thousand souls4 ,i do not at all
 exaggerate the number4 ,a nation to be 
persecuted6 ,whilst we were masters of  
the sea1 embodied with ,america1 and in 
alliance with half the powers of the    
,continent1 we might1 perhaps1 in that  
remote corner of ,europe1 afford to     
tyrannize with impunity4 ,but there is a
 revolution in our affairs1 which makes 
it prudent to be just4 ,in our late     
awkward contest with ,ireland about     
trade1 had religion been thrown in1 to  
ferment and embitter the mass of        
discontents1 the consequences might have
 been truly dreadful4 ,but1 very        
happily1 that cause of quarrel was      
previously quieted by the wisdom of the 
acts ,i am commending4  ,even in        
,england1 where ,i admit the danger from
 the discontent of that persuasion to be
 less than in ,ireland1 yet even here1  

had we listened to the counsels of      
fanaticism and folly1 we might have     
wounded ourselves very deeply1 and      
wounded ourselves in a very tender part4
 ,you are apprised that the ,catholics  
of ,england consist mostly of our best  
manufacturers4 ,had the legislature     
chosen1 instead of returning their      
declarations of duty with correspondent 
good-will1 to drive them to despair1    
there is a country at their very door to
 which they would be invited1--a country
 in all respects as good as ours1 and   
with the finest cities in the world     
ready built to receive them4 ,and thus  
the bigotry of a free country1 and in an
 enlightened age1 would have repeopled  
the cities of ,flanders1 which1 in the  
darkness of two hundred years ago1 had  
been desolated by the superstition of a 
cruel tyrant4 ,oar manufactures were the
 growth of the persecutions in the ,low 
,countries4 ,what a spectacle would it  
be to ,europe1 to see us at this time of
 day balancing the account of tyranny   

with those very countries1 and by our   
persecutions driving back trade and     
manufacture1 as a sort of vagabonds1 to 
their original settlement6 ,but ,i trust
 we shall be saved this last of         
disgraces4  ,so far as to the effect of 
the act on the interests of this nation4
 ,with regard to the interests of       
mankind at large1 ,i am sure the benefit
 was very considerable4 ,long before    
this act1 indeed1 the spirit of         
toleration began to gain ground in      
,europe4 ,in ,holland the third part of 
the people are ,catholics2 they live at 
ease1 and are a sound part of the state4
 ,in many parts of ,germany1            
,protestants and ,papists partake the   
same cities1 the same councils1 and even
 the same churches4 ,the unbounded      
liberality of the king of ,prussia's    
conduct on this occasion is known to all
 the world2 and it is of a piece with   
the other grand maxims of his reign4    
,the magnanimity of the ,imperial court1
 breaking through the narrow principles 

of its predecessors1 has indulged its   
,protestant subjects1 not only with     
property1 with worship1 with liberal    
education1 but with honors and trusts1  
both civil and military4 ,a worthy      
,protestant gentleman of this country   
now fills1 and fills with credit1 an    
high office in the ,austrian            
,netherlands4 ,even the ,lutheran       
obstinacy of ,sweden has thawed at      
length1 and opened a toleration to all  
religions4 ,i know1 myself1 that in     
,france the ,protestants begin to be at 
rest4 ,the army1 which in that country  
is everything1 is open to them2 and some
 of the military rewards and decorations
 which the laws deny are supplied by    
others1 to make the service acceptable  
and honorable4 ,the first minister of   
finance in that country is a            
,protestant4 ,two years' war without a  
tax is among the first fruits of their  
liberality4 ,tarnished as the glory of  
this nation is1 and far as it has waded 
into the shades of an eclipse1 some     

beams of its former illumination still  
play upon its surface2 and what is done 
in ,england is still looked to1 as      
argument1 and as example4 ,it is        
certainly true1 that no law of this     
country ever met with such universal    
applause abroad1 or was so likely to    
produce the perfection of that          
tolerating spirit which1 as ,i observed1
 has been long gaining ground in        
,europe3 for abroad it was universally  
thought that we had done what ,i am     
sorry to say we had not2 they thought we
 had granted a full toleration4 ,that   
opinion was1 however1 so far from       
hurting the ,protestant cause1 that ,i  
declare1 with the most serious          
solemnity1 my firm belief that no one   
thing done for these fifty years past   
was so likely to prove deeply beneficial
 to our religion at large as ,sir       
,george ,savile's act4 ,in its effects  
it was an act for tolerating and        
protecting ,protestantism throughout    
,europe2 and ,i hope that those who were

 taking steps for the quiet and         
settlement of our ,protestant brethren  
in other countries will1 even yet1      
rather consider the steady equity of the
 greater and better part of the people  
of ,great ,britain than the vanity and  
violence of a few4  ,i perceive1        
,gentlemen1 by the manner of all about  
me1 that you look with horror on the    
wicked clamor which has been raised on  
this subject1 and that1 instead of an   
apology for what was done1 you rather   
demand from me an account1 why the      
execution of the scheme of toleration   
was not made more answerable to the     
large and liberal grounds on which it   
was taken up4 ,the question is natural  
and proper2 and ,i remember that a great
 and learned magistrate1#ej             
distinguished for his strong and        
systematic understanding1 and who at    
that time was a member of the ,house of 
,commons1 made the same objection to the
 proceeding4 ,the statutes1 as they now 
stand1 are1 without doubt1 perfectly    

absurd4 ,but ,i beg leave to explain the
 cause of this gross imperfection in the
 tolerating plan1 as well and as shortly
 as ,i am able4 ,it was universally     
thought that the session ought not to   
pass over without doing something in    
this business4 ,to revise the whole body
 of the penal statutes was conceived to 
be an object too big for the time4 ,the 
penal statute1 therefore1 which was     
chosen for repeal 7chosen to show our   
disposition to conciliate1 not to       
perfect a toleration7 was this act of   
ludicrous cruelty of which ,i have just 
given you the history4 ,it is an act    
which1 though not by a great deal so    
fierce and bloody as some of the rest1  
was infinitely more ready in the        
execution4 ,it was the act which gave   
the greatest encouragement to those     
pests of society1 mercenary informers   
and interested disturbers of household  
peace2 and it was observed with truth1  
that the prosecutions1 either carried to
 conviction or compounded1 for many     

years1 had been all commenced upon that 
act4 ,it was said1 that1 whilst we were 
deliberating on a more perfect scheme1  
the spirit of the age would never come  
up to the execution of the statutes     
which remained1 especially as more      
steps1 and a coperation of more minds   
and powers1 were required towards a     
mischievous use of them1 than for the   
execution of the act to be repealed3    
that it was better to unravel this      
texture from below than from above1     
beginning with the latest1 which1 in    
general practice1 is the severest evil4 
,it was alleged1 that this slow         
proceeding would be attended with the   
advantage of a progressive              
experience1--and that the people would  
grow reconciled to toleration1 when they
 should find1 by the effects1 that      
justice was not so irreconcilable an    
enemy to convenience as they had        
imagined4  ,these1 ,gentlemen1 were the 
reasons why we left this good work in   
the rude1 unfinished state in which good

 works are commonly left1 through the   
tame circumspection with which a timid  
prudence so frequently enervates        
beneficence4 ,in doing good1 we are     
generally cold1 and languid1 and        
sluggish1 and of all things afraid of   
being too much in the right4 ,but the   
works of malice and injustice are quite 
in another style4 ,they are finished    
with a bold1 masterly hand1 touched as  
they are with the spirit of those       
vehement passions that call forth all   
our energies1 whenever we oppress and   
persecute4  ,thus this matter was left  
for the time1 with a full determination 
in ,parliament not to suffer other and  
worse statutes to remain for the purpose
 of counteracting the benefits proposed 
by the repeal of one penal law3 for     
nobody then dreamed of defending what   
was done as a benefit1 on the ground of 
its being no benefit at all4 ,we were   
not then ripe for so mean a subterfuge4 
,i do not wish to go over the horrid    
scene that was afterwards acted4 ,would 

to ,god it could be expunged forever    
from the annals of this country6 ,but   
since it must subsist for our shame1 let
 it subsist for our instruction4 ,in the
 year #aghj there were found in this    
nation men deluded enough1 7for ,i give 
the whole to their delusion17 on        
pretences of zeal and piety1 without any
 sort of provocation whatsoever1 real or
 pretended1 to make a desperate attempt1
 which would have consumed all the glory
 and power of this country in the flames
 of ,london1 and buried all law1 order1 
and religion under the ruins of the     
metropolis of the ,protestant world4    
,whether all this mischief done1 or in  
the direct train of doing1 was in their 
original scheme1 ,i cannot say2 ,i hope 
it was not3 but this would have been the
 unavoidable consequence of their       
proceedings1 had not the flames they had
 lighted up in their fury been          
extinguished in their blood4  ,all the  
time that this horrid scene was acting1 
or avenging1 as well as for some time   

before1 and ever since1 the wicked      
instigators of this unhappy multitude1  
guilty1 with every aggravation1 of all  
their crimes1 and screened in a cowardly
 darkness from their punishment1        
continued1 without interruption1 pity1  
or remorse1 to blow up the blind rage of
 the populace with a continued blast of 
pestilential libels1 which infected and 
poisoned the very air we breathed in4   
,the main drift of all the libels and   
all the riots was1 to force ,parliament 
7to persuade us was hopeless7 into an   
act of national perfidy which has no    
example4 ,for1 ,gentlemen1 it is proper 
you should all know what infamy we      
escaped by refusing that repeal1 for a  
refusal of which1 it seems1 ,i1 among   
others1 stand somewhere or other        
accused4 ,when we took away1 on the     
motives which ,i had the honor of       
stating to you1 a few of the innumerable
 penalties upon an oppressed and injured
 people1 the relief was not absolute1   
but given on a stipulation and compact  

between them and us3 for we bound down  
the ,roman ,catholics with the most     
solemn oaths to bear true allegiance to 
this government1 to abjure all sort of  
temporal power in any other1 and to     
renounce1 under the same solemn         
obligations1 the doctrines of systematic
 perfidy with which they stood 7,i      
conceive very unjustly7 charged4 ,now   
our modest petitioners came up to us1   
most humbly praying nothing more than   
that we should break our faith1 without 
any one cause whatsoever of forfeiture  
assigned2 and when the subjects of this 
kingdom had1 on their part1 fully       
performed their engagement1 we should   
refuse1 on our part1 the benefit we had 
stipulated on the performance of those  
very conditions that were prescribed by 
our own authority1 and taken on the     
sanction of our public faith3 that is to
 say1 when we had inveigled them with   
fair promises within our door1 we were  
to shut it on them1 and1 adding mockery 
to outrage1 to tell them1--,now we have 

got you fast3 your consciences are bound
 to a power resolved on your            
destruction4 ,we have made you swear    
that your religion obliges you to keep  
your faith3 fools as you are6 we will   
now let you see that our religion       
enjoins us to keep no faith with you4   
,they who would advisedly call upon us  
to do such things must certainly have   
thought us not only a convention of     
treacherous tyrants1 but a gang of the  
lowest and dirtiest wretches that ever  
disgraced humanity4 ,had we done this1  
we should have indeed proved that there 
were some in the world whom no faith    
could bind2 and we should have convicted
 ourselves of that odious principle of  
which ,papists stood accused by those   
very savages who wished us1 on that     
accusation1 to deliver them over to     
their fury4  ,in this audacious tumult1 
when our very name and character as     
gentlemen was to be cancelled forever1  
along with the faith and honor of the   
nation1 ,i1 who had exerted myself very 

little on the quiet passing of the bill1
 thought it necessary then to come      
forward4 ,i was not alone2 but though   
some distinguished members on all sides1
 and particularly on ours1 added much to
 their high reputation by the part they 
took on that day1 7a part which will be 
remembered as long as honor1 spirit1 and
 eloquence have estimation in the       
world17 ,i may and will value myself so 
far1 that1 yielding in abilities to     
many1 ,i yielded in zeal to none4 ,with 
warmth and with vigor1 and animated with
 a just and natural indignation1 ,i     
called forth every faculty that ,i      
possessed1 and ,i directed it in every  
way in which ,i could possibly employ   
it4 ,i labored night and day4 ,i labored
 in ,parliament2 ,i labored out of      
,parliament4 ,if1 therefore1 the        
resolution of the ,house of ,commons1   
refusing to commit this act of unmatched
 turpitude1 be a crime1 ,i am guilty    
among the foremost4 ,but1 indeed1       
whatever the faults of that ,house may  

have been1 no one member was found hardy
 enough to propose so infamous a thing2 
and on full debate we passed the        
resolution against the petitions with as
 much unanimity as we had formerly      
passed the law of which these petitions 
demanded the repeal4  ,there was a      
circumstance 7justice will not suffer me
 to pass it over7 which1 if anything    
could enforce the reasons ,i have given1
 would fully justify the act of relief1 
and render a repeal1 or anything like a 
repeal1 unnatural1 impossible4 ,it was  
the behavior of the persecuted ,roman   
,catholics under the acts of violence   
and brutal insolence which they         
suffered4 ,i suppose there are not in   
,london less than four or five thousand 
of that persuasion from my country1 who 
do a great deal of the most laborious   
works in the metropolis2 and they       
chiefly inhabit those quarters which    
were the principal theatre of the fury  
of the bigoted multitude4 ,they are     
known to be men of strong arms and quick

 feelings1 and more remarkable for a    
determined resolution than clear ideas  
or much foresight4 ,but1 though provoked
 by everything that can stir the blood  
of men1 their houses and chapels in     
flames1 and with the most atrocious     
profanations of everything which they   
hold sacred before their eyes1 not a    
hand was moved to retaliate1 or even to 
defend4 ,had a conflict once begun1 the 
rage of their persecutors would have    
redoubled4 ,thus fury increasing by the 
reverberation of outrages1 house being  
fired for house1 and church for chapel1 
,i am convinced that no power under     
heaven could have prevented a general   
conflagration1 and at this day ,london  
would have been a tale4 ,but ,i am well 
informed1 and the thing speaks it1 that 
their clergy exerted their whole        
influence to keep their people in such a
 state of forbearance and quiet1 as1    
when ,i look back1 fills me with        
astonishment1--but not with astonishment
 only4 ,their merits on that occasion   

ought not to be forgotten2 nor will     
they1 when ,englishmen come to recollect
 themselves4 ,i am sure it were far more
 proper to have called them forth1 and  
given them the thanks of both ,houses of
 ,parliament1 than to have suffered     
those worthy clergymen and excellent    
citizens to be hunted into holes and    
corners1 whilst we are making low-minded
 inquisitions into the number of their  
people2 as if a tolerating principle was
 never to prevail1 unless we were very  
sure that only a few could possibly take
 advantage of it4 ,but1 indeed1 we are  
not yet well recovered of our fright4   
,our reason1 ,i trust1 will return with 
our security1 and this unfortunate      
temper will pass over like a cloud4     
,gentlemen1 ,i have now laid before you 
a few of the reasons for taking away the
 penalties of the act of #afii1 and for 
refusing to establish them on the       
riotous requisition of #aghj4 ,because  
,i would not suffer anything which may  
be for your satisfaction to escape1     

permit me just to touch on the          
objections urged against our act and our
 resolves1 and intended as a            
justification of the violence offered to
 both ,houses4 ,parliament1 they assert1
 was too hasty1 and they ought1 in so   
essential and alarming a change1 to have
 proceeded with a far greater degree of 
deliberation4 ,the direct contrary4     
,parliament was too slow4 ,they took    
fourscore years to deliberate on the    
repeal of an act which ought not to have
 survived a second session4 ,when at    
length1 after a procrastination of near 
a century1 the business was taken up1 it
 proceeded in the most public manner1 by
 the ordinary stages1 and as slowly as a
 law so evidently right as to be        
resisted by none would naturally        
advance4 ,had it been read three times  
in one day1 we should have shown only a 
becoming readiness to recognize1 by     
protection1 the undoubted dutiful       
behavior of those whom we had but too   
long punished for offences of           

presumption or conjecture4 ,but for what
 end was that bill to linger beyond the 
usual period of an unopposed measure8   
,was it to be delayed until a rabble in 
,edinburgh should dictate to the ,church
 of ,england what measure of persecution
 was fitting for her safety8 ,was it to 
be adjourned until a fanatical force    
could be collected in ,london1          
sufficient to frighten us out of all our
 ideas of policy and justice8 ,were we  
to wait for the profound lectures on the
 reason of state1 ecclesiastical and    
political1 which the ,protestant        
,association have since condescended to 
read to us8 ,or were we1 seven hundred  
peers and commoners1 the only persons   
ignorant of the ribald invectives which 
occupy the place of argument in those   
remonstrances1 which every man of common
 observation had heard a thousand times 
over1 and a thousand times over had     
despised8 ,all men had before heard what
 they dare to say1 and all men at this  
day know what they dare to do2 and ,i   

trust all honest men are equally        
influenced by the one and by the other4 
,but they tell us1 that those our       
fellow-citizens whose chains we have a  
little relaxed are enemies to liberty   
and our free ,constitution4--,not       
enemies1 ,i presume1 to their own       
liberty4 ,and as to the ,constitution1  
until we give them some share in it1 ,i 
do not know on what pretence we can     
examine into their opinions about a     
business in which they have no interest 
or concern4 ,but1 after all1 are we     
equally sure that they are adverse to   
our ,constitution as that our statutes  
are hostile and destructive to them8    
,for my part1 ,i have reason to believe 
their opinions and inclinations in that 
respect are various1 exactly like those 
of other men2 and if they lean more to  
the crown than ,i and than many of you  
think we ought1 we must remember that he
 who aims at another's life is not to be
 surprised1 if he flies into any        
sanctuary that will receive him4 ,the   

tenderness of the executive power is the
 natural asylum of those upon whom the  
laws have declared war2 and to complain 
that men are inclined to favor the means
 of their own safety is so absurd1 that 
one forgets the injustice in the        
ridicule4  ,i must fairly tell you1 that
 so far as my principles are concerned1 
7principles that ,i hope will only      
depart with my last breath17 that ,i    
have no idea of a liberty unconnected   
with honesty and justice4 ,nor do ,i    
believe that any good constitutions of  
government1 or of freedom1 can find it  
necessary for their security to doom any
 part of the people to a permanent      
slavery4 ,such a constitution of        
freedom1 if such can be1 is in effect no
 more than another name for the tyranny 
of the strongest faction2 and factions  
in republics have been1 and are1 full as
 capable as monarchs of the most cruel  
oppression and injustice4 ,it is but too
 true1 that the love1 and even the very 
idea1 of genuine liberty is extremely   

rare4 ,it is but too true that there are
 many whose whole scheme of freedom is  
made up of pride1 perverseness1 and     
insolence4 ,they feel themselves in a   
state of thraldom1 they imagine that    
their souls are cooped and cabined in1  
unless they have some man or some body  
of men dependent on their mercy4 ,this  
desire of having some one below them    
descends to those who are the very      
lowest of all2 and a ,protestant        
cobbler1 debased by his poverty1 but    
exalted by his share of the ruling      
church1 feels a pride in knowing it is  
by his generosity alone that the peer   
whose footman's instep he measures is   
able to keep his chaplain from a jail4  
,this disposition is the true source of 
the passion which many men in very      
humble life have taken to the ,american 
war4 ,our subjects in ,america2 our     
colonies2 our dependants4 ,this lust of 
party power is the liberty they hunger  
and thirst for2 and this ,siren song of 
ambition has charmed ears that one would

 have thought were never organized to   
that sort of music4  ,this way of       
proscribing the citizens by             
denominations and general descriptions1 
dignified by the name of reason of      
state1 and security for constitutions   
and commonwealths1 is nothing better at 
bottom than the miserable invention of  
an ungenerous ambition which would fain 
hold the sacred trust of power1 without 
any of the virtues or any of the        
energies that give a title to it1--a    
receipt of policy1 made up of a         
detestable compound of malice1          
cowardice1 and sloth4 ,they would govern
 men against their will2 but in that    
government they would be discharged from
 the exercise of vigilance1 providence1 
and fortitude2 and therefore1 that they 
may sleep on their watch1 they consent  
to take some one division of the society
 into partnership of the tyranny over   
the rest4 ,but let government1 in what  
form it may be1 comprehend the whole in 
its justice1 and restrain the suspicious

 by its vigilance1--let it keep watch   
and ward1--let it discover by its       
sagacity1 and punish by its firmness1   
all delinquency against its power1      
whenever delinquency exists in the overt
 acts1--and then it will be as safe as  
ever ,god and ,nature intended it should
 be4 ,crimes are the acts of            
individuals1 and not of denominations3  
and therefore arbitrarily to class men  
under general descriptions1 in order to 
proscribe and punish them in the lump   
for a presumed delinquency1 of which    
perhaps but a part1 perhaps none at all1
 are guilty1 is indeed a compendious    
method1 and saves a world of trouble    
about proof2 but such a method1 instead 
of being law1 is an act of unnatural    
rebellion against the legal dominion of 
reason and justice2 and this vice1 in   
any constitution that entertains it1 at 
one time or other will certainly bring  
on its ruin4  ,we are told that this is 
not a religious persecution2 and its    
abettors are loud in disclaiming all    

severities on account of conscience4    
,very fine indeed6 ,then1 let it be so3 
they are not persecutors2 they are only 
tyrants4 ,with all my heart4 ,i am      
perfectly indifferent concerning the    
pretexts upon which we torment one      
another1--or whether it be for the      
constitution of the ,church of ,england1
 or for the constitution of the ,state  
of ,england1 that people choose to make 
their fellow-creatures wretched4 ,when  
we were sent into a place of authority1 
you that sent us had yourselves but one 
commission to give4 ,you could give us  
none to wrong or oppress1 or even to    
suffer any kind of oppression or wrong1 
on any grounds whatsoever3 not on       
political1 as in the affairs of         
,america2 not on commercial1 as in those
 of ,ireland2 not in civil1 as in the   
laws for debt2 not in religious1 as in  
the statutes against ,protestant or     
,catholic dissenters4 ,the diversified1 
but connected1 fabric of universal      
justice is well cramped and bolted      

together in all its parts2 and depend   
upon it1 ,i never have employed1 and ,i 
never shall employ1 any engine of power 
which may come into my hands to wrench  
it asunder4 ,all shall stand1 if ,i can 
help it1 and all shall stand connected4 
,after all1 to complete this work1 much 
remains to be done3 much in the ,east1  
much in the ,west4 ,but1 great as the   
work is1 if our will be ready1 our      
powers are not deficient4  ,since you   
have suffered me to trouble you so much 
on this subject1 permit me1 ,gentlemen1 
to detain you a little longer4 ,i am1   
indeed1 most solicitous to give you     
perfect satisfaction4 ,i find there are 
some of a better and softer nature than 
the persons with whom ,i have supposed  
myself in debate1 who neither think ill 
of the act of relief1 nor by any means  
desire the repeal1--yet who1 not        
accusing1 but lamenting1 what was done1 
on account of the consequences1 have    
frequently expressed their wish that the
 late act had never been made4 ,some of 

this description1 and persons of worth1 
,i have met with in this city4 ,they    
conceive that the prejudices1 whatever  
they might be1 of a large part of the   
people1 ought not to have been          
shocked1--that their opinions ought to  
have been previously taken1 and much    
attended to1--and that thereby the late 
horrid scenes might have been prevented4
  ,i confess1 my notions are widely     
different2 and ,i never was less sorry  
for any action of my life4 ,i like the  
bill the better on account of the events
 of all kinds that followed it4 ,it     
relieved the real sufferers2 it         
strengthened the state2 and1 by the     
disorders that ensued1 we had clear     
evidence that there lurked a temper     
somewhere which ought not to be fostered
 by the laws4 ,no ill consequences      
whatever could be attributed to the act 
itself4 ,we knew beforehand1 or we were 
poorly instructed1 that toleration is   
odious to the intolerant1 freedom to    
oppressors1 property to robbers1 and all

 kinds and degrees of prosperity to the 
envious4 ,we knew that all these kinds  
of men would gladly gratify their evil  
dispositions under the sanction of law  
and religion1 if they could3 if they    
could not1 yet1 to make way to their    
objects1 they would do their utmost to  
subvert all religion and all law4 ,this 
we certainly knew4 ,but1 knowing this1  
is there any reason1 because thieves    
break in and steal1 and thus bring      
detriment to you1 and draw ruin on      
themselves1 that ,i am to be sorry that 
you are in possession of shops1 and of  
warehouses1 and of wholesome laws to    
protect them8 ,are you to build no      
houses1 because desperate men may pull  
them down upon their own heads8 ,or1 if 
a malignant wretch will cut his own     
throat1 because he sees you give alms to
 the necessitous and deserving1 shall   
his destruction be attributed to your   
charity1 and not to his own deplorable  
madness8 ,if we repent of our good      
actions1 what1 ,i pray you1 is left for 

our faults and follies8 ,it is not the  
beneficence of the laws1 it is the      
unnatural temper which beneficence can  
fret and sour1 that is to be lamented4  
,it is this temper which1 by all        
rational means1 ought to be sweetened   
and corrected4 ,if froward men should   
refuse this cure1 can they vitiate      
anything but themselves8 ,does evil so  
react upon good1 as not only to retard  
its motion1 but to change its nature8   
,if it can so operate1 then good men    
will always be in the power of the      
bad1--and virtue1 by a dreadful reverse 
of order1 must lie under perpetual      
subjection and bondage to vice4  ,as to 
the opinion of the people1 which some   
think1 in such cases1 is to be          
implicitly obeyed1--near two years'     
tranquillity1 which follows the act1 and
 its instant imitation in ,ireland1     
proved abundantly that the late horrible
 spirit was in a great measure the      
effect of insidious art1 and perverse   
industry1 and gross misrepresentation4  

,but suppose that the dislike had been  
much more deliberate and much more      
general than ,i am persuaded it         
was1--when we know that the opinions of 
even the greatest multitudes are the    
standard of rectitude1 ,i shall think   
myself obliged to make those opinions   
the masters of my conscience4 ,but if it
 may be doubted whether ,omnipotence    
itself is competent to alter the        
essential constitution of right and     
wrong1 sure ,i am that such things as   
they and ,i are possessed of no such    
power4 ,no man carries further than ,i  
do the policy of making government      
pleasing to the people4 ,but the widest 
range of this politic complaisance is   
confined within the limits of justice4  
,i would not only consult the interest  
of the people1 but ,i would cheerfully  
gratify their humors4 ,we are all a sort
 of children that must be soothed and   
managed4 ,i think ,i am not austere or  
formal in my nature4 ,i would bear1 ,i  
would even play my part in1 any innocent

 buffooneries1 to divert them4 ,but ,i  
never will act the tyrant for their     
amusement4 ,if they will mix malice in  
their sports1 ,i shall never consent to 
throw them any living1 sentient creature
 whatsoever1 no1 not so much as a       
kitling1 to torment4  ,but if ,i profess
 all this impolitic stubbornness1 ,i may
 chance never to be elected into        
,parliament4--,it is certainly not      
pleasing to be put out of the public    
service4 ,but ,i wish to be a member of 
,parliament to have my share of doing   
good and resisting evil4 ,it would      
therefore be absurd to renounce my      
objects in order to obtain my seat4 ,i  
deceive myself1 indeed1 most grossly1 if
 ,i had not much rather pass the        
remainder of my life hidden in the      
recesses of the deepest obscurity1      
feeding my mind even with the visions   
and imaginations of such things1 than to
 be placed on the most splendid throne  
of the universe1 tantalized with a      
denial of the practice of all which can 

make the greatest situation any other   
than the greatest curse4 ,gentlemen1 ,i 
have had my day4 ,i can never           
sufficiently express my gratitude to you
 for having set me in a place wherein ,i
 could lend the slightest help to great 
and laudable designs4 ,if ,i have had my
 share in any measure giving quiet to   
private property and private            
conscience1--if by my vote ,i have aided
 in securing to families the best       
possession1 peace1--if ,i have joined in
 reconciling kings to their subjects1   
and subjects to their prince1--if ,i    
have assisted to loosen the foreign     
holdings of the citizen1 and taught him 
to look for his protection to the laws  
of his country1 and for his comfort to  
the good-will of his countrymen1--if ,i 
have thus taken my part with the best of
 men in the best of their actions1 ,i   
can shut the book3 ,i might wish to read
 a page or two more1 but this is enough 
for my measure4 ,i have not lived in    
vain4  ,and now1 ,gentlemen1 on this    

serious day1 when ,i come1 as it were1  
to make up my account with you1 let me  
take to myself some degree of honest    
pride on the nature of the charges that 
are against me4 ,i do not here stand    
before you accused of venality1 or of   
neglect of duty4 ,it is not said1 that1 
in the long period of my service1 ,i    
have1 in a single instance1 sacrificed  
the slightest of your interests to my   
ambition or to my fortune4 ,it is not   
alleged1 that1 to gratify any anger or  
revenge of my own1 or of my party1 ,i   
have had a share in wronging or         
oppressing any description of men1 or   
any one man in any description4 ,no6 the
 charges against me are all of one kind3
 that ,i have pushed the principles of  
general justice and benevolence too     
far1--further than a cautious policy    
would warrant1 and further than the     
opinions of many would go along with me4
 ,in every accident which may happen    
through life1 in pain1 in sorrow1 in    
depression1 and distress1 ,i will call  

to mind this accusation1 and be         
comforted4  ,gentlemen1 ,i submit the   
whole to your judgment4 ,mr4 ,mayor1 ,i 
thank you for the trouble you have taken
 on this occasion3 in your state of     
health it is particularly obliging4 ,if 
this company should think it advisable  
for me to withdraw1 ,i shall            
respectfully retire2 if you think       
otherwise1 ,i shall go directly to the  
,council-,house and to the ',change1 and
 without a moment's delay begin my      
canvass4         99       99       99   
99       99   ,,bristol1 ,september #f1 
#aghj4  ,at a great and respectable     
meeting of the friends of ,,edmund      
,,burke1 ,esq41 held at the ,guildhall  
this day1 the ,right ,worshipful the    
,mayor in the chair3--,resolved1 ,that  
,mr4 ,burke1 as a representative for    
this city1 has done all possible honor  
to himself as a senator and a man1 and  
that we do heartily and honestly approve
 of his conduct1 as the result of an    
enlightened loyalty to his sovereign1 a 

warm and zealous love to his country    
through its widely extended empire1 a   
jealous and watchful care of the        
liberties of his fellow-subjects1 an    
enlarged and liberal understanding of   
our commercial interest1 a humane       
attention to the circumstances of even  
the lowest ranks of the community1 and a
 truly wise1 politic1 and tolerant      
spirit1 in supporting the national      
church1 with a reasonable indulgence to 
all who dissent from it2 and we wish to 
express the most marked abhorrence of   
the base arts which have been employed1 
without regard to truth and reason1 to  
misrepresent his eminent services to his
 country4  ,resolved1 ,that this        
resolution be copied out1 and signed by 
the chairman1 and be by him presented to
 ,mr4 ,burke1 as the fullest expression 
of the respectful and grateful sense we 
entertain of his merits and services1   
public and private1 to the citizens of  
,bristol1 as a man and a representative4
  ,resolved1 ,that the thanks of this   

meeting be given to the ,right          
,worshipful the ,mayor1 who so ably and 
worthily presided in this meeting4      
,resolved1 ,that it is the earnest      
request of this meeting to ,mr4 ,burke1 
that he should again offer himself a    
candidate to represent this city in     
,parliament2 assuring him of that full  
and strenuous support which is due to   
the merits of so excellent a            
representative4         99       99     
99       99       99  ,this business    
being over1 ,mr4 ,burke went to the     
,exchange1 and offered himself as a     
candidate in the usual manner4 ,he was  
accompanied to the ,council-,house1 and 
from thence to the ,exchange1 by a large
 body of most respectable gentlemen1    
amongst whom were the following members 
of the corporation1 viz43 ,mr4 ,mayor1  
,mr4 ,alderman ,smith1 ,mr4 ,alderman   
,deane1 ,mr4 ,alderman ,gordon1 ,william
 ,weare1 ,samuel ,munckley1 ,john       
,merlott1 ,john ,crofts1 ,levy ,ames1   
,john ,fisher ,weare1 ,benjamin         

,loscombe1 ,philip ,protheroe1 ,samuel  
,span1 ,joseph ,smith1 ,richard ,bright 
and ,john ,noble1 ,esquires4            
,,footnotes3  #dh ,irish ,perpetual     
,mutiny ,act4  #di ,mr4 ,williams4  #ej 
,the ,chancellor4     ,,speech ,,at     
,,bristol1  ,,on  ,,declining ,,the     
,,poll  #aghj4          ,,bristol1      
,saturday1 #ith ,sept1 #aghj4           
,this morning the sheriff and candidates
 assembled as usual at the              
,council-,house1 and from thence        
proceeded to ,guildhall4 ,proclamation  
being made for the electors to appear   
and give their votes1 ,mr4      ,,burke 
stood forward on the hustings1          
surrounded by a great number      of the
 corporation and other principal        
citizens1 and addressed      himself to 
the whole assembly as follows4          
,gentlemen1--,i decline the election4   
,it has ever been my rule through life  
to observe a proportion between my      
efforts and my objects4 ,i have never   
been remarkable for a bold1 active1 and 

sanguine pursuit of advantages that are 
personal to myself4  ,i have not        
canvassed the whole of this city in     
form1 but ,i have taken such a view of  
it as satisfies my own mind that your   
choice will not ultimately fall upon me4
 ,your city1 ,gentlemen1 is in a state  
of miserable distraction1 and ,i am     
resolved to withdraw whatever share my  
pretensions may have had in its unhappy 
divisions4 ,i have not been in haste2 ,i
 have tried all prudent means2 ,i have  
waited for the effect of all            
contingencies4 ,if ,i were fond of a    
contest1 by the partiality of my        
numerous friends 7whom you know to be   
among the most weighty and respectable  
people of the city7 ,i have the means of
 a sharp one in my hands4 ,but ,i       
thought it far better1 with my strength 
unspent1 and my reputation unimpaired1  
to do1 early and from foresight1 that   
which ,i might be obliged to do from    
necessity at last4  ,i am not in the    
least surprised nor in the least angry  

at this view of things4 ,i have read the
 book of life for a long time1 and ,i   
have read other books a little4 ,nothing
 has happened to me1 but what has       
happened to men much better than me1 and
 in times and in nations full as good as
 the age and country that we live in4   
,to say that ,i am no way concerned     
would be neither decent nor true4 ,the  
representation of ,bristol was an object
 on many accounts dear to me2 and ,i    
certainly should very far prefer it to  
any other in the kingdom4 ,my habits are
 made to it2 and it is in general more  
unpleasant to be rejected after long    
trial than not to be chosen at all4     
,but1 ,gentlemen1 ,i will see nothing   
except your former kindness1 and ,i will
 give way to no other sentiments than   
those of gratitude4 ,from the bottom of 
my heart ,i thank you for what you have 
done for me4 ,you have given me a long  
term1 which is now expired4 ,i have     
performed the conditions1 and enjoyed   
all the profits to the full2 and ,i now 

surrender your estate into your hands1  
without being in a single tile or a     
single stone impaired or wasted by my   
use4 ,i have served the public for      
fifteen years4 ,i have served you in    
particular for six4 ,what is past is    
well stored2 it is safe1 and out of the 
power of fortune4 ,what is to come is in
 wiser hands than ours2 and ,he in whose
 hands it is best knows whether it is   
best for you and me that ,i should be in
 ,parliament1 or even in the world4     
,gentlemen1 the melancholy event of     
yesterday reads to us an awful lesson   
against being too much troubled about   
any of the objects of ordinary ambition4
 ,the worthy gentleman#ea who has been  
snatched from us at the moment of the   
election1 and in the middle of the      
contest1 whilst his desires were as warm
 and his hopes as eager as ours1 has    
feelingly told us what shadows we are   
and what shadows we pursue4  ,it has    
been usual for a candidate who declines 
to take his leave by a letter to the    

sheriffs3 but ,i received your trust in 
the face of day1 and in the face of day 
,i accept your dismission4 ,i am not--,i
 am not at all ashamed to look upon you2
 nor can my presence discompose the     
order of business here4 ,i humbly and   
respectfully take my leave of the       
sheriffs1 the candidates1 and the       
electors1 wishing heartily that the     
choice may be for the best1 at a time   
which calls1 if ever time did call1 for 
service that is not nominal4 ,it is no  
plaything you are about4 ,i tremble1    
when ,i consider the trust ,i have      
presumed to ask4 ,i confided1 perhaps1  
too much in my intentions4 ,they were   
really fair and upright2 and ,i am bold 
to say that ,i ask no ill thing for you1
 when1 on parting from this place1 ,i   
pray1 that1 whomever you choose to      
succeed me1 he may resemble me exactly  
in all things1 except in my abilities to
 serve1 and my fortune to please you4   
,,footnotes3  #ea ,mr4 ,coombe4         
,,speech  7,,december #a1 #aghc7  ,,upon

  ,,the ,,question ,,for ,,the          
,,speaker',s ,,leaving ,,the ,,chair    
,,in ,,order ,,for ,,the ,,house ,,to   
,,resolve ,,itself ,,into ,a ,,committee
  ,,on  ,,mr4 ,,fox',s ,,east ,,india   
,,bill4     ,mr4 ,speaker1--,i thank you
 for pointing to me4 ,i really wished   
much to engage your attention in an     
early stage of the debate4 ,i have been 
long very deeply1 though perhaps        
ineffectually1 engaged in the           
preliminary inquiries1 which have       
continued without intermission for some 
years4 ,though ,i have felt1 with some  
degree of sensibility1 the natural and  
inevitable impressions of the several   
matters of fact1 as they have been      
successively disclosed1 ,i have not at  
any time attempted to trouble you on the
 merits of the subject1 and very little 
on any of the points which incidentally 
arose in the course of our proceedings4 
,but ,i should be sorry to be found     
totally silent upon this day4 ,our      
inquiries are now come to their final   

issue4 ,it is now to be determined      
whether the three years of laborious    
,parliamentary research1 whether the    
twenty years of patient ,indian         
suffering1 are to produce a substantial 
reform in our ,eastern administration2  
or whether our knowledge of the         
grievances has abated our zeal for the  
correction of them1 and our very inquiry
 into the evil was only a pretext to    
elude the remedy which is demanded from 
us by humanity1 by justice1 and by every
 principle of true policy4 ,depend upon 
it1 this business cannot be indifferent 
to our fame4 ,it will turn out a matter 
of great disgrace or great glory to the 
whole ,british nation4 ,we are on a     
conspicuous stage1 and the world marks  
our demeanor4  ,i am therefore a little 
concerned to perceive the spirit and    
temper in which the debate has been all 
along pursued upon one side of the      
,house4 ,the declamation of the         
gentlemen who oppose the bill has been  
abundant and vehement2 but they have    

been reserved and even silent about the 
fitness or unfitness of the plan to     
attain the direct object it has in view4
 ,by some gentlemen it is taken up 7by  
way of exercise1 ,i presume7 as a point 
of law1 on a question of private        
property and corporate franchise2 by    
others it is regarded as the petty      
intrigue of a faction at court1 and     
argued merely as it tends to set this   
man a little higher or that a little    
lower in situation and power4 ,all the  
void has been filled up with invectives 
against coalition1 with allusions to the
 loss of ,america1 with the activity and
 inactivity of ministers4 ,the total    
silence of these gentlemen concerning   
the interest and well-being of the      
people of ,india1 and concerning the    
interest which this nation has in the   
commerce and revenues of that country1  
is a strong indication of the value     
which they set upon these objects4  ,it 
has been a little painful to me to      
observe the intrusion into this         

important debate of such company as quo 
warranto1 and mandamus1 and certiorari3 
as if we were on a trial about mayors   
and aldermen and capital burgesses1 or  
engaged in a suit concerning the borough
 of ,penryn1 or ,saltash1 or ,st4 ,ives1
 or ,st4 ,mawes4 ,gentlemen have argued 
with as much heat and passion as if the 
first things in the world were at stake2
 and their topics are such as belong    
only to matter of the lowest and meanest
 litigation4 ,it is not right1 it is not
 worthy of us1 in this manner to        
depreciate the value1 to degrade the    
majesty1 of this grave deliberation of  
policy and empire4  ,for my part1 ,i    
have thought myself bound1 when a matter
 of this extraordinary weight came      
before me1 not to consider 7as some     
gentlemen are so fond of doing7 whether 
the bill originated from a ,secretary of
 ,state for the ,home ,department or    
from a ,secretary for the ,foreign1 from
 a minister of influence or a minister  
of the people1 from ,jacob or from      

,esau4#eb ,i asked myself1 and ,i asked 
myself nothing else1 what part it was   
fit for a member of ,parliament1 who has
 supplied a mediocrity of talents by the
 extreme of diligence1 and who has      
thought himself obliged by the research 
of years to wind himself into the inmost
 recesses and labyrinths of the ,indian 
detail1--what part1 ,i say1 it became   
such a member of ,parliament to take1   
when a minister of state1 in conformity 
to a recommendation from the throne1 has
 brought before us a system for the     
better government of the territory and  
commerce of the ,east4 ,in this light1  
and in this only1 ,i will trouble you   
with my sentiments4  ,it is not only    
agreed1 but demanded1 by the right      
honorable gentleman1#ec and by those who
 act with him1 that a whole system ought
 to be produced2 that it ought not to be
 an half-measure2 that it ought to be no
 palliative1 but a legislative          
provision1 vigorous1 substantial1 and   
effective4--,i believe that no man who  

understands the subject can doubt for a 
moment that those must be the conditions
 of anything deserving the name of a    
reform in the ,indian government2 that  
anything short of them would not only be
 delusive1 but1 in this matter1 which   
admits no medium1 noxious in the        
extreme4  ,to all the conditions        
proposed by his adversaries the mover of
 the bill perfectly agrees2 and on his  
performance of them he rests his cause4 
,on the other hand1 not the least       
objection has been taken with regard to 
the efficiency1 the vigor1 or the       
completeness of the scheme4 ,i am       
therefore warranted to assume1 as a     
thing admitted1 that the bills          
accomplish what both sides of the ,house
 demand as essential4 ,the end is       
completely answered1 so for as the      
direct and immediate object is          
concerned4  ,but though there are no    
direct1 yet there are various collateral
 objections made3 objections from the   
effects which this plan of reform for   

,indian administration may have on the  
privileges of great public bodies in    
,england2 from its probable influence on
 the constitutional rights1 or on the   
freedom and integrity1 of the several   
branches of the legislature4  ,before ,i
 answer these objections1 ,i must beg   
leave to observe1 that1 if we are not   
able to contrive some method of         
governing ,india well1 which will not of
 necessity become the means of governing
 ,great ,britain ill1 a ground is laid  
for their eternal separation1 but none  
for sacrificing the people of that      
country to our ,constitution4 ,i am1    
however1 far from being persuaded that  
any such incompatibility of interest    
does at all exist4 ,on the contrary1 ,i 
am certain that every means effectual to
 preserve ,india from oppression is a   
guard to preserve the ,british          
,constitution from its worst corruption4
 ,to show this1 ,i will consider the    
objections1 which1 ,i think1 are four4  
#ast1 ,that the bill is an attack on the

 chartered rights of men4  #bndly1 ,that
 it increases the influence of the      
crown4  #crdly1 ,that it does not       
increase1 but diminishes1 the influence 
of the crown1 in order to promote the   
interests of certain ministers and their
 party4  #dthly1 ,that it deeply affects
 the national credit4  ,as to the first 
of these objections1 ,i must observe    
that the phrase of the chartered rights 
of men is full of affectation1 and very 
unusual in the discussion of privileges 
conferred by charters of the present    
description4 ,but it is not difficult to
 discover what end that ambiguous mode  
of expression1 so often reiterated1 is  
meant to answer4  ,the rights of        
men--that is to say1 the natural rights 
of mankind--are indeed sacred things2   
and if any public measure is proved     
mischievously to affect them1 the       
objection ought to be fatal to that     
measure1 even if no charter at all could
 be set up against it4 ,if these natural
 rights are further affirmed and        

declared by express covenants1 if they  
are clearly defined and secured against 
chicane1 against power and authority1 by
 written instruments and positive       
engagements1 they are in a still better 
condition3 they partake not only of the 
sanctity of the object so secured1 but  
of that solemn public faith itself which
 secures an object of such importance4  
,indeed1 this formal recognition1 by the
 sovereign power1 of an original right  
in the subject1 can never be subverted1 
but by rooting up the holding radical   
principles of government1 and even of   
society itself4 ,the charters which we  
call by distinction great are public    
instruments of this nature3 ,i mean the 
charters of ,king ,john and ,king ,henry
 the ,third4 ,the things secured by     
these instruments may1 without any      
deceitful ambiguity1 be very fitly      
called the chartered rights of men4     
,these charters have made the very name 
of a charter dear to the heart of every 
,englishman4 ,but1 ,sir1 there may be1  

and there are1 charters1 not only       
different in nature1 but formed on      
principles the very reverse of those of 
the ,great ,charter4 ,of this kind is   
the charter of the ,east ,india         
,company4 ,magna ,charta is a charter to
 restrain power and to destroy monopoly4
 ,the ,east ,india charter is a charter 
to establish monopoly and to create     
power4 ,political power and commercial  
monopoly are not the rights of men2 and 
the rights to them derived from charters
 it is fallacious and sophistical to    
call the chartered rights of men4 ,these
 chartered rights 7to speak of such     
charters and of their effects in terms  
of the greatest possible moderation7 do 
at least suspend the natural rights of  
mankind at large1 and in their very     
frame and constitution are liable to    
fall into a direct violation of them4   
,it is a charter of this latter         
description 7that is to say1 a charter  
of power and monopoly7 which is affected
 by the bill before you4 ,the bill1     

,sir1 does without question affect it3  
it does affect it essentially and       
substantially4 ,but1 having stated to   
you of what description the chartered   
rights are which this bill touches1 ,i  
feel no difficulty at all in            
acknowledging the existence of those    
chartered rights in their fullest       
extent4 ,they belong to the ,company in 
the surest manner1 and they are secured 
to that body by every sort of public    
sanction4 ,they are stamped by the faith
 of the king2 they are stamped by the   
faith of ,parliament3 they have been    
bought for money1 for money honestly and
 fairly paid2 they have been bought for 
valuable consideration1 over and over   
again4  ,i therefore freely admit to the
 ,east ,india ,company their claim to   
exclude their fellow-subjects from the  
commerce of half the globe4 ,i admit    
their claim to administer an annual     
territorial revenue of seven millions   
sterling1 to command an army of sixty   
thousand men1 and to dispose 7under the 

control of a sovereign1 imperial        
discretion1 and with the due observance 
of the natural and local law7 of the    
lives and fortunes of thirty millions of
 their fellow-creatures4 ,all this they 
possess by charter1 and by ,acts of     
,parliament1 7in my opinion17 without a 
shadow of controversy4  ,those who carry
 the rights and claims of the ,company  
the furthest do not contend for more    
than this2 and all this ,i freely grant4
 ,but1 granting all this1 they must     
grant to me1 in my turn1 that all       
political power which is set over men1  
and that all privilege claimed or       
exercised in exclusion of them1 being   
wholly artificial1 and for so much a    
derogation from the natural equality of 
mankind at large1 ought to be some way  
or other exercised ultimately for their 
benefit4  ,if this is true with regard  
to every species of political dominion  
and every description of commercial     
privilege1 none of which can be         
original1 self-derived rights1 or grants

 for the mere private benefit of the    
holders1 then such rights1 or           
privileges1 or whatever else you choose 
to call them1 are all in the strictest  
sense a trust3 and it is of the very    
essence of every trust to be rendered   
accountable1--and even totally to cease1
 when it substantially varies from the  
purposes for which alone it could have a
 lawful existence4  ,this ,i conceive1  
,sir1 to be true of trusts of power     
vested in the highest hands1 and of     
such1 as seem to hold of no human       
creature4 ,but about the application of 
this principle to subordinate derivative
 trusts ,i do not see how a controversy 
can be maintained4 ,to whom1 then1 would
 ,i make the ,east ,india ,company      
accountable8 ,why1 to ,parliament1 to be
 sure1--to ,parliament1 from whom their 
trust was derived1--to ,parliament1     
which alone is capable of comprehending 
the magnitude of its object1 and its    
abuse1 and alone capable of an effectual
 legislative remedy4 ,the very charter1 

which is held out to exclude ,parliament
 from correcting malversation with      
regard to the high trust vested in the  
,company1 is the very thing which at    
once gives a title and imposes a duty on
 us to interfere with effect1 wherever  
power and authority originating from    
ourselves are perverted from their      
purposes1 and become instruments of     
wrong and violence4  ,if ,parliament1   
,sir1 had nothing to do with this       
charter1 we might have some sort of     
,epicurean excuse to stand aloof1       
indifferent spectators of what passes in
 the ,company's name in ,india and in   
,london4 ,but if we are the very cause  
of the evil1 we are in a special manner 
engaged to the redress2 and for us      
passively to bear with oppressions      
committed under the sanction of our own 
authority is in truth and reason for    
this ,house to be an active accomplice  
in the abuse4  ,that the power1         
notoriously grossly abused1 has been    
bought from us is very certain4 ,but    

this circumstance1 which is urged       
against the bill1 becomes an additional 
motive for our interference1 lest we    
should be thought to have sold the blood
 of millions of men for the base        
consideration of money4 ,we sold1 ,i    
admit1 all that we had to sell1--that   
is1 our authority1 not our control4 ,we 
had not a right to make a market of our 
duties4  ,i ground myself1 therefore1 on
 this principle3--that1 if the abuse is 
proved1 the contract is broken1 and we  
renter into all our rights1 that is1    
into the exercise of all our duties4    
,our own authority is1 indeed1 as much a
 trust originally as the ,company's     
authority is a trust derivatively2 and  
it is the use we make of the resumed    
power that must justify or condemn us in
 the resumption of it4 ,when we have    
perfected the plan laid before us by the
 right honorable mover1 the world will  
then see what it is we destroy1 and what
 it is we create4 ,by that test we stand
 or fall2 and by that test ,i trust that

 it will be found1 in the issue1 that we
 are going to supersede a charter abused
 to the full extent of all the powers   
which it could abuse1 and exercised in  
the plenitude of despotism1 tyranny1 and
 corruption1--and that in one and the   
same plan we provide a real chartered   
security for the rights of men1 cruelly 
violated under that charter4  ,this     
bill1 and those connected with it1 are  
intended to form the ,magna ,charta of  
,hindostan4 ,whatever the ,treaty of    
,westphalia is to the liberty of the    
princes and free cities of the ,empire1 
and to the three religions there        
professed1--whatever the ,great         
,charter1 the ,statute of ,tallage1 the 
,petition of ,right1 and the            
,declaration of ,right are to ,great    
,britain1 these bills are to the people 
of ,india4 ,of this benefit ,i am       
certain their condition is capable3 and 
when ,i know that they are capable of   
more1 my vote shall most assuredly be   
for our giving to the full extent of    

their capacity of receiving2 and no     
charter of dominion shall stand as a bar
 in my way to their charter of safety   
and protection4  ,the strong admission  
,i have made of the ,company's rights   
7,i am conscious of it7 binds me to do a
 great deal4 ,i do not presume to       
condemn those who argue a priori against
 the propriety of leaving such extensive
 political powers in the hands of a     
company of merchants4 ,i know much is1  
and much more may be1 said against such 
a system4 ,but1 with my particular ideas
 and sentiments1 ,i cannot go that way  
to work4 ,i feel an insuperable         
reluctance in giving my hand to destroy 
any established institution of          
government1 upon a theory1 however      
plausible it may be4 ,my experience in  
life teaches me nothing clear upon the  
subject4 ,i have known merchants with   
the sentiments and the abilities of     
great statesmen1 and ,i have seen       
persons in the rank of statesmen with   
the conceptions and character of        

peddlers4 ,indeed1 my observation has   
furnished me with nothing that is to be 
found in any habits of life or          
education1 which tends wholly to        
disqualify men for the functions of     
government1 but that by which the power 
of exercising those functions is very   
frequently obtained3 ,i mean a spirit   
and habits of low cabal and intrigue2   
which ,i have never1 in one instance1   
seen united with a capacity for sound   
and manly policy4  ,to justify us in    
taking the administration of their      
affairs out of the hands of the ,east   
,india ,company1 on my principles1 ,i   
must see several conditions4 #ast1 ,the 
object affected by the abuse should be  
great and important4 #bnd1 ,the abuse   
affecting this great object ought to be 
a great abuse4 #c;d1 ,it ought to be    
habitual1 and not accidental4 #dth1 ,it 
ought to be utterly incurable in the    
body as it now stands constituted4 ,all 
this ought to be made as visible to me  
as the light of the sun1 before ,i      

should strike off an atom of their      
charter4 ,a right honorable gentleman#ed
 has said1 and said1 ,i think1 but once1
 and that very slightly1 7whatever his  
original demand for a plan might seem to
 require17 that there are abuses in the 
,company's government4 ,if that were    
all1 the scheme of the mover of this    
bill1 the scheme of his learned friend1 
and his own scheme of reformation1 7if  
he has any17 are all equally needless4  
,there are1 and must be1 abuses in all  
governments4 ,it amounts to no more than
 a nugatory proposition4 ,but before ,i 
consider of what nature these abuses    
are1 of which the gentleman speaks so   
very lightly1 permit me to recall to    
your recollection the map of the country
 which this abused chartered right      
affects4 ,this ,i shall do1 that you may
 judge whether in that map ,i can       
discover anything like the first of my  
conditions3 that is1 whether the object 
affected by the abuse of the ,east      
,india ,company's power be of importance

 sufficient to justify the measure and  
means of reform applied to it in this   
bill4  ,with very few1 and those        
inconsiderable intervals1 the ,british  
dominion1 either in the ,company's name1
 or in the names of princes absolutely  
dependent upon the ,company1 extends    
from the mountains that separate ,india 
from ,tartary to ,cape ,comorin1 that   
is1 one-and-twenty degrees of latitude6 
,in the northern parts it is a solid    
mass of land1 about eight hundred miles 
in length1 and four or five hundred     
broad4 ,as you go southward1 it becomes 
narrower for a space4 ,it afterwards    
dilates2 but1 narrower or broader1 you  
possess the whole eastern and           
northeastern coast of that vast country1
 quite from the borders of              
,pegu4--,bengal1 ,bahar1 and ,orissa1   
with ,benares1 7now unfortunately in our
 immediate possession17 measure #afa1igh
 square ,english miles3 a territory     
considerably larger than the whole      
kingdom of ,france4 ,oude1 with its     

dependent provinces1 is #ec1bhf square  
miles3 not a great deal less than       
,england4 ,the ,carnatic1 with ,tanjore 
and the ,circars1 is #fe1idh square     
miles3 very considerably larger than    
,england4 ,and the whole of the         
,company's dominions1 comprehending     
,bombay and ,salsette1 amounts to       
#bha1dab square miles3 which forms a    
territory larger than any ,european     
dominion1 ,russia and ,turkey excepted4 
,through all that vast extent of country
 there is not a man who eats a mouthful 
of rice but by permission of the ,east  
,india ,company4  ,so far with regard to
 the extent4 ,the population of this    
great empire is not easy to be          
calculated4 ,when the countries of which
 it is composed came into our           
possession1 they were all eminently     
peopled1 and eminently                  
productive1--though at that time        
considerably declined from their ancient
 prosperity4 ,but since they are come   
into our hands6----6 ,however1 if we    

make the period of our estimate         
immediately before the utter desolation 
of the ,carnatic1 and if we allow for   
the havoc which our government had even 
then made in these regions1 we cannot1  
in my opinion1 rate the population at   
much less than thirty millions of souls3
 more than four times the number of     
persons in the island of ,great         
,britain4  ,my next inquiry to that of  
the number is the quality and           
description of the inhabitants4 ,this   
multitude of men does not consist of an 
abject and barbarous populace2 much less
 of gangs of savages1 like the          
,guaranies and ,chiquitos1 who wander on
 the waste borders of the ,river of     
,amazons or the ,plate2 but a people for
 ages civilized and                     
cultivated1--cultivated by all the arts 
of polished life1 whilst we were yet in 
the woods4 ,there have been 7and still  
the skeletons remain7 princes once of   
great dignity1 authority1 and opulence4 
,there are to be found the chiefs of    

tribes and nations4 ,there is to be     
found an ancient and venerable          
priesthood1 the depository of their     
laws1 learning1 and history1 the guides 
of the people whilst living and their   
consolation in death2 a nobility of     
great antiquity and renown2 a multitude 
of cities1 not exceeded in population   
and trade by those of the first class in
 ,europe2 merchants and bankers1        
individual houses of whom have once vied
 in capital with the ,bank of ,england1 
whose credit had often supported a      
tottering state1 and preserved their    
governments in the midst of war and     
desolation2 millions of ingenious       
manufacturers and mechanics2 millions of
 the most diligent1 and not the least   
intelligent1 tillers of the earth4 ,here
 are to be found almost all the         
religions professed by men1--the        
,braminical1 the ,mussulman1 the        
,eastern and the ,western ,christian4   
,if ,i were to take the whole aggregate 
of our possessions there1 ,i should     

compare it1 as the nearest parallel ,i  
can find1 with the ,empire of ,germany4 
,our immediate possessions ,i should    
compare with the ,austrian dominions3   
and they would not suffer in the        
comparison4 ,the ,nabob of ,oude might  
stand for the ,king of ,prussia2 the    
,nabob of ,arcot ,i would compare1 as   
superior in territory1 and equal in     
revenue1 to the ,elector of ,saxony4    
,cheit ,sing1 the ,rajah of ,benares1   
might well rank with the ,prince of     
,hesse1 at least2 and the ,rajah of     
,tanjore 7though hardly equal in extent 
of dominion1 superior in revenue7 to the
 ,elector of ,bavaria4 ,the polygars and
 the ,northern zemindars1 and other     
great chiefs1 might well class with the 
rest of the princes1 dukes1 counts1     
marquises1 and bishops in the ,empire2  
all of whom ,i mention to honor1 and    
surely without disparagement to any or  
all of those most respectable princes   
and grandees4  ,all this vast mass1     
composed of so many orders and classes  

of men1 is again infinitely diversified 
by manners1 by religion1 by hereditary  
employment1 through all their possible  
combinations4 ,this renders the handling
 of ,india a matter in an high degree   
critical and delicate4 ,but1 oh1 it has 
been handled rudely indeed6 ,even some  
of the reformers seem to have forgot    
that they had anything to do but to     
regulate the tenants of a manor1 or the 
shopkeepers of the next county town4    
,it is an empire of this extent1 of this
 complicated nature1 of this dignity and
 importance1 that ,i have compared to   
,germany and the ,german                
government1--not for an exact           
resemblance1 but as a sort of a middle  
term1 by which ,india might be          
approximated to our understandings1 and1
 if possible1 to our feelings1 in order 
to awaken something of sympathy for the 
unfortunate natives1 of which ,i am     
afraid we are not perfectly susceptible1
 whilst we look at this very remote     
object through a false and cloudy       

medium4  ,my second condition necessary 
to justify me in touching the charter   
is1 whether the ,company's abuse of     
their trust with regard to this great   
object be an abuse of great atrocity4 ,i
 shall beg your permission to consider  
their conduct in two lights3 first the  
political1 and then the commercial4     
,their political conduct 7for           
distinctness7 ,i divide again into two  
heads3 the external1 in which ,i mean to
 comprehend their conduct in their      
federal capacity1 as it relates to      
powers and states independent1 or that  
not long since were such2 the other     
internal1--namely1 their conduct to the 
countries1 either immediately subject to
 the ,company1 or to those who1 under   
the apparent government of native       
sovereigns1 are in a state much lower   
and much more miserable than common     
subjection4  ,the attention1 ,sir1 which
 ,i wish to preserve to method will not 
be considered as unnecessary or         
affected4 ,nothing else can help me to  

selection out of the infinite mass of   
materials which have passed under my    
eye1 or can keep my mind steady to the  
great leading points ,i have in view4   
,with regard1 therefore1 to the abuse of
 the external federal trust1 ,i engage  
myself to you to make good these three  
positions4 ,first1 ,i say1 that from    
,mount ,imaus1 7or whatever else you    
call that large range of mountains that 
walls the northern frontier of ,india17 
where it touches us in the latitude of  
twenty-nine1 to ,cape ,comorin1 in the  
latitude of eight1 that there is not a  
single prince1 state1 or potentate1     
great or small1 in ,india1 with whom    
they have come into contact1 whom they  
have not sold3 ,i say sold1 though      
sometimes they have not been able to    
deliver according to their bargain4     
,secondly1 ,i say1 that there is not a  
single treaty they have ever made which 
they have not broken4 ,thirdly1 ,i say1 
that there is not a single prince or    
state1 who ever put any trust in the    

,company1 who is not utterly ruined2 and
 that none are in any degree secure or  
flourishing1 but in the exact proportion
 to their settled distrust and          
irreconcilable enmity to this nation4   
,these assertions are universal3 ,i say1
 in the full sense1 universal4 ,they    
regard the external and political trust 
only2 but ,i shall produce others fully 
equivalent in the internal4 ,for the    
present1 ,i shall content myself with   
explaining my meaning2 and if ,i am     
called on for proof1 whilst these bills 
are depending1 7which ,i believe ,i     
shall not17 ,i will put my finger on the
 appendixes to the ,reports1 or on      
papers of record in the ,house or the   
,committees1 which ,i have distinctly   
present to my memory1 and which ,i think
 ,i can lay before you at half an hour's
 warning4  ,the first potentate sold by 
the ,company for money was the ,great   
,mogul1--the descendant of ,tamerlane4  
,this high personage1 as high as human  
veneration can look at1 is by every     

account amiable in his manners1         
respectable for his piety1 according to 
his mode1 and accomplished in all the   
,oriental literature4 ,all this1 and the
 title derived under his charter to all 
that we hold in ,india1 could not save  
him from the general sale4 ,money is    
coined in his name2 in his name justice 
is administered2 he is prayed for in    
every temple through the countries we   
possess2--but he was sold4  ,it is      
impossible1 ,mr4 ,speaker1 not to pause 
here for a moment1 to reflect on the    
inconstancy of human greatness1 and the 
stupendous revolutions that have        
happened in our age of wonders4 ,could  
it be believed1 when ,i entered into    
existence1 or when you1 a younger man1  
were born1 that on this day1 in this    
,house1 we should be employed in        
discussing the conduct of those ,british
 subjects who had disposed of the power 
and person of the ,grand ,mogul8 ,this  
is no idle speculation4 ,awful lessons  
are taught by it1 and by other events1  

of which it is not yet too late to      
profit4  ,this is hardly a digression3  
but ,i return to the sale of the ,mogul4
 ,two districts1 ,corah and ,allahabad1 
out of his immense grants1 were reserved
 as a royal demesne to the donor of a   
kingdom1 and the rightful sovereign of  
so many nations4--,after withholding the
 tribute of #bfj1jjjl4 a year1 which the
 ,company was1 by the charter they had  
received from this prince1 under the    
most solemn obligation to pay1 these    
districts were sold to his chief        
minister1 ,sujah ul ,dowlah2 and what   
may appear to some the worst part of the
 transaction1 these two districts were  
sold for scarcely two years' purchase4  
,the descendant of ,tamerlane now stands
 in need almost of the common           
necessaries of life2 and in this        
situation we do not even allow him1 as  
bounty1 the smallest portion of what we 
owe him in justice4  ,the next sale was 
that of the whole nation of the         
,rohillas1 which the grand salesman1    

without a pretence of quarrel1 and      
contrary to his own declared sense of   
duty and rectitude1 sold to the same    
,sujah ul ,dowlah4 ,he sold the people  
to utter extirpation1 for the sum of    
four hundred thousand pounds4           
,faithfully was the bargain performed on
 our side4 ,hafiz ,rhamet1 the most     
eminent of their chiefs1 one of the     
bravest men of his time1 and as famous  
throughout the ,east for the elegance of
 his literature and the spirit of his   
poetical compositions 7by which he      
supported the name of ,hafiz7 as for his
 courage1 was invaded with an army of an
 hundred thousand men1 and an ,english  
brigade4 ,this man1 at the head of      
inferior forces1 was slain valiantly    
fighting for his country4 ,his head was 
cut off1 and delivered for money to a   
barbarian4 ,his wife and children1      
persons of that rank1 were seen begging 
an handful of rice through the ,english 
camp4 ,the whole nation1 with           
inconsiderable exceptions1 was          

slaughtered or banished4 ,the country   
was laid waste with fire and sword2 and 
that land1 distinguished above most     
others by the cheerful face of paternal 
government and protected labor1 the     
chosen seat of cultivation and plenty1  
is now almost throughout a dreary       
desert1 covered with rushes1 and briers1
 and jungles full of wild beasts4  ,the 
,british officer who commanded in the   
delivery of the people thus sold felt   
some compunction at his employment4 ,he 
represented these enormous excesses to  
the ,president of ,bengal1 for which he 
received a severe reprimand from the    
civil governor2 and ,i much doubt       
whether the breach caused by the        
conflict between the compassion of the  
military and the firmness of the civil  
governor be closed at this hour4  ,in   
,bengal1 ,surajah ,dowlah was sold to   
,mir ,jaffier2 ,mir ,jaffier was sold to
 ,mir ,cossim2 and ,mir ,cossim was sold
 to ,mir ,jaffier again4 ,the succession
 to ,mir ,jaffier was sold to his eldest

 son2--another son of ,mir ,jaffier1    
,mobarech ul ,dowlah1 was sold to his   
step-mother4 ,the ,mahratta ,empire was 
sold to ,ragobah2 and ,ragobah was sold 
and delivered to the ,peishwa of the    
,mahrattas4 ,both ,ragobah and the      
,peishwa of the ,mahrattas were offered 
to sale to the ,rajah of ,berar4        
,scindia1 the chief of ,malwa1 was      
offered to sale to the same ,rajah2 and 
the ,subah of the ,deccan was sold to   
the great trader1 ,mahomet ,ali1 ,nabob 
of ,arcot4 ,to the same ,nabob of ,arcot
 they sold ,hyder ,ali and the kingdom  
of ,mysore4 ,to ,mahomet ,ali they twice
 sold the kingdom of ,tanjore4 ,to the  
same ,mahomet ,ali they sold at least   
twelve sovereign princes1 called the    
,polygars4 ,but to keep things even1 the
 territory of ,tinnevelly1 belonging to 
their nabob1 they would have sold to the
 ,dutch2 and to conclude the account of 
sales1 their great customer1 the ,nabob 
of ,arcot himself1 and his lawful       
succession1 has been sold to his second 

son1 ,amir ul ,omrah1 whose character1  
views1 and conduct are in the accounts  
upon your table4 ,it remains with you   
whether they shall finally perfect this 
last bargain4  ,all these bargains and  
sales were regularly attended with the  
waste and havoc of the country1--always 
by the buyer1 and sometimes by the      
object of the sale4 ,this was explained 
to you by the honorable mover1 when he  
stated the mode of paying debts due from
 the country powers to the ,company4 ,an
 honorable gentleman1 who is not now in 
his place1 objected to his jumping near 
two thousand miles for an example4 ,but 
the southern example is perfectly       
applicable to the northern claim1 as the
 northern is to the southern2 for1      
throughout the whole space of these two 
thousand miles1 take your stand where   
you will1 the proceeding is perfectly   
uniform1 and what is done in one part   
will apply exactly to the other4  ,my   
second assertion is1 that the ,company  
never has made a treaty which they have 

not broken4 ,this position is so        
connected with that of the sales of     
provinces and kingdoms1 with the        
negotiation of universal distraction in 
every part of ,india1 that a very minute
 detail may well be spared on this      
point4 ,it has not yet been contended1  
by any enemy to the reform1 that they   
have observed any public agreement4     
,when ,i hear that they have done so in 
any one instance1 7which hitherto1 ,i   
confess1 ,i never heard alleged17 ,i    
shall speak to the particular treaty4   
,the ,governor ,general has even amused 
himself and the ,court of ,directors in 
a very singular letter to that board1 in
 which he admits he has not been very   
delicate with regard to public faith2   
and he goes so far as to state a regular
 estimate of the sums which the ,company
 would have lost1 or never acquired1 if 
the rigid ideas of public faith         
entertained by his colleagues had been  
observed4 ,the learned gentleman#ee over
 against me has1 indeed1 saved me much  

trouble4 ,on a former occasion1 he      
obtained no small credit for the clear  
and forcible manner in which he stated1 
what we have not forgot1 and ,i hope he 
has not forgot1 that universal1         
systematic breach of treaties which had 
made the ,british faith proverbial in   
the ,east4  ,it only remains1 ,sir1 for 
me just to recapitulate some            
heads4--,the treaty with the ,mogul1 by 
which we stipulated to pay him          
#bfj1jjjl4 annually1 was broken4 ,this  
treaty they have broken1 and not paid   
him a shilling4 ,they broke their treaty
 with him1 in which they stipulated to  
pay #djj1jjjl4 a year to the ,subah of  
,bengal4 ,they agreed with the ,mogul1  
for services admitted to have been      
performed1 to pay ,nudjif ,cawn a       
pension4 ,they broke this article with  
the rest1 and stopped also this small   
pension4 ,they broke their treaties with
 the ,nizam1 and with ,hyder ,ali4 ,as  
to the ,mahrattas1 they had so many     
cross treaties with the states-general  

of that nation1 and with each of the    
chiefs1 that it was notorious that no   
one of these agreements could be kept   
without grossly violating the rest4 ,it 
was observed1 that1 if the terms of     
these several treaties had been kept1   
two ,british armies would at one and the
 same time have met in the field to cut 
each other's throats4 ,the wars which   
desolate ,india originated from a most  
atrocious violation of public faith on  
our part4 ,in the midst of profound     
peace1 the ,company's troops invaded the
 ,mahratta territories1 and surprised   
the island and fortress of ,salsette4   
,the ,mahrattas nevertheless yielded to 
a treaty of peace by which solid        
advantages were procured to the         
,company4 ,but this treaty1 like every  
other treaty1 was soon violated by the  
,company4 ,again the ,company invaded   
the ,mahratta dominions4 ,the disaster  
that ensued gave occasion to a new      
treaty4 ,the whole army of the ,company 
was obliged in effect to surrender to   

this injured1 betrayed1 and insulted    
people4 ,justly irritated1 however1 as  
they were1 the terms which they         
prescribed were reasonable and moderate1
 and their treatment of their captive   
invaders of the most distinguished      
humanity4 ,but the humanity of the      
,mahrattas was of no power whatsoever to
 prevail on the ,company to attend to   
the observance of the terms dictated by 
their moderation4 ,the war was renewed  
with greater vigor than ever2 and such  
was their insatiable lust of plunder1   
that they never would have given ear to 
any terms of peace1 if ,hyder ,ali had  
not broke through the ,ghauts1 and1     
rushing like a torrent into the         
,carnatic1 swept away everything in his 
career4 ,this was in consequence of that
 confederacy which by a sort of miracle 
united the most discordant powers for   
our destruction1 as a nation in which no
 other could put any trust1 and who were
 the declared enemies of the human      
species4  ,it is very remarkable that   

the late controversy between the several
 presidencies1 and between them and the 
,court of ,directors1 with relation to  
these wars and treaties1 has not been1  
which of the parties might be defended  
for his share in them1 but on which of  
the parties the guilt of all this load  
of perfidy should be fixed4 ,but ,i am  
content to admit all these proceedings  
to be perfectly regular1 to be full of  
honor and good faith2 and wish to fix   
your attention solely to that single    
transaction which the advocates of this 
system select for so transcendent a     
merit as to cancel the guilt of all the 
rest of their proceedings3 ,i mean the  
late treaties with the ,mahrattas4  ,i  
make no observation on the total cession
 of territory1 by which they surrendered
 all they had obtained by their unhappy 
successes in war1 and almost all they   
had obtained under the treaty of        
,poorunder4 ,the restitution was proper1
 if it had been voluntary and           
seasonable4 ,i attach on the spirit of  

the treaty1 the dispositions it showed1 
the provisions it made for a general    
peace1 and the faith kept with allies   
and confederates1--in order that the    
,house may form a judgment1 from this   
chosen piece1 of the use which has been 
made 7and is likely to be made1 if      
things continue in the same hands7 of   
the trust of the federal powers of this 
country4  ,it was the wish of almost    
every ,englishman that the ,mahratta    
peace might lead to a general one2      
because the ,mahratta war was only a    
part of a general confederacy formed    
against us1 on account of the universal 
abhorrence of our conduct which         
prevailed in every state1 and almost in 
every house in ,india4 ,mr4 ,hastings   
was obliged to pretend some sort of     
acquiescence in this general and        
rational desire4 ,he therefore          
consented1 in order to satisfy the point
 of honor of the ,mahrattas1 that an    
article should be inserted to admit     
,hyder ,ali to accede to the            

pacification4 ,but observe1 ,sir1 the   
spirit of this man1--which1 if it were  
not made manifest by a thousand things1 
and particularly by his proceedings with
 regard to ,lord ,macartney1 would be   
sufficiently manifest by this4 ,what    
sort of article1 think you1 does he     
require this essential head of a solemn 
treaty of general pacification to be8   
,in his instruction to ,mr4 ,anderson1  
he desires him to admit a vague article 
in favor of ,hyder4 ,evasion and fraud  
were the declared basis of the treaty4  
,these vague articles1 intended for a   
more vague performance1 are the things  
which have damned our reputation in     
,india4  ,hardly was this vague article 
inserted1 than1 without waiting for any 
act on the part of ,hyder1 ,mr4         
,hastings enters into a negotiation with
 the ,mahratta chief1 ,scindia1 for a   
partition of the territories of the     
prince who was one of the objects to be 
secured by the treaty4 ,he was to be    
parcelled out in three parts3 one to    

,scindia2 one to the ,peishwa of the    
,mahrattas2 and the third to the ,east  
,india ,company1 or to 7the old dealer  
and chapman7 ,mahomet ,ali4  ,during the
 formation of this project1 ,hyder dies2
 and before his son could take any one  
step1 either to conform to the tenor of 
the article or to contravene it1 the    
treaty of partition is renewed on the   
old footing1 and an instruction is sent 
to ,mr4 ,anderson to conclude it in     
form4  ,a circumstance intervened1      
during the pendency of this negotiation1
 to set off the good faith of the       
,company with an additional brilliancy1 
and to make it sparkle and glow with a  
variety of splendid faces4 ,general     
,matthews had reduced that most valuable
 part of ,hyder's dominions called the  
country of ,biddanore4 ,when the news   
reached ,mr4 ,hastings1 he instructed   
,mr4 ,anderson to contend for an        
alteration in the treaty of partition1  
and to take the ,biddanore country out  
of the common stock which was to be     

divided1 and to keep it for the         
,company4  ,the first ground for this   
variation was its being a separate      
conquest made before the treaty had     
actually taken place4 ,here was a new   
proof given of the fairness1 equity1 and
 moderation of the ,company4 ,but the   
second of ,mr4 ,hastings's reasons for  
retaining the ,biddanore as a separate  
portion1 and his conduct on that second 
ground1 is still more remarkable4 ,he   
asserted that that country could not be 
put into the partition stock1 because   
,general ,matthews had received it on   
the terms of some convention which might
 be incompatible with the partition     
proposed4 ,this was a reason in itself  
both honorable and solid2 and it showed 
a regard to faith somewhere1 and with   
some persons4 ,but in order to          
demonstrate his utter contempt of the   
plighted faith which was alleged on one 
part as a reason for departing from it  
on another1 and to prove his impetuous  
desire for sowing a new war even in the 

prepared soil of a general pacification1
 he directs ,mr4 ,anderson1 if he should
 find strong difficulties impeding the  
partition on the score of the           
subtraction of ,biddanore1 wholly to    
abandon that claim1 and to conclude the 
treaty on the original terms4 ,general  
,matthews's convention was just brought 
forward sufficiently to demonstrate to  
the ,mahrattas the slippery hold which  
they had on their new confederate2 on   
the other hand1 that convention being   
instantly abandoned1 the people of      
,india were taught that no terms on     
which they can surrender to the ,company
 are to be regarded1 when farther       
conquests are in view4  ,next1 ,sir1 let
 me bring before you the pious care that
 was taken of our allies under that     
treaty which is the subject of the      
,company's applauses4 ,these allies were
 ,ragonaut ,row1 for whom we had engaged
 to find a throne2 the ,guickwar1 7one  
of the ,guzerat princes17 who was to be 
emancipated from the ,mahratta          

authority1 and to grow great by several 
accessions of dominion2 and1 lastly1 the
 ,rana of ,gohud1 with whom we had      
entered into a treaty of partition for  
eleven sixteenths of our joint          
conquests4 ,some of these inestimable   
securities called vague articles were   
inserted in favor of them all4  ,as to  
the first1 the unhappy abdicated        
,peishwa1 and pretender to the ,mahratta
 throne1 ,ragonaut ,row1 was delivered  
up to his people1 with an article for   
safety1 and some provision4 ,this man1  
knowing how little vague the hatred of  
his countrymen was towards him1 and well
 apprised of what black crimes he stood 
accused1 7among which our invasion of   
his country would not appear the least17
 took a mortal alarm at the security we 
had provided for him4 ,he was           
thunderstruck at the article in his     
favor1 by which he was surrendered to   
his enemies4 ,he never had the least    
notice of the treaty2 and it was        
apprehended that he would fly to the    

protection of ,hyder ,ali1 or some      
other1 disposed or able to protect him4 
,he was therefore not left without      
comfort2 for ,mr4 ,anderson did him the 
favor to send a special messenger1      
desiring him to be of good cheer and to 
fear nothing4 ,and his old enemy1       
,scindia1 at our request1 sent him a    
message equally well calculated to quiet
 his apprehensions4  ,by the same treaty
 the ,guickwar was to come again1 with  
no better security1 under the dominion  
of the ,mahratta state4 ,as to the ,rana
 of ,gohud1 a long negotiation depended 
for giving him up4 ,at first this was   
refused by ,mr4 ,hastings with great    
indignation2 at another stage it was    
admitted as proper1 because he had shown
 himself a most perfidious person4 ,but 
at length a method of reconciling these 
extremes was found out1 by contriving   
one of the usual articles in his favor4 
,what ,i believe will appear beyond all 
belief1 ,mr4 ,anderson exchanged the    
final ratifications of that treaty by   

which the ,rana was nominally secured in
 his possessions1 in the camp of the    
,mahratta chief1 ,scindia1 whilst he was
 7really1 and not nominally7 battering  
the castle of ,gwalior1 which we had    
given1 agreeably to treaty1 to this     
deluded ally4 ,scindia had already      
reduced the town1 and was at the very   
time1 by various detachments1 reducing1 
one after another1 the fortresses of our
 protected ally1 as well as in the act  
of chastising all the rajahs who had    
assisted ,colonel ,camac in his         
invasion4 ,i have seen in a letter from 
,calcutta1 that the ,rana of ,gohud's   
agent would have represented these      
hostilities 7which went hand in hand    
with the protecting treaty7 to ,mr4     
,hastings1 but he was not admitted to   
his presence4  ,in this manner the      
,company has acted with their allies in 
the ,mahratta war4 ,but they did not    
rest here4 ,the ,mahrattas were fearful 
lest the persons delivered to them by   
that treaty should attempt to escape    

into the ,british territories1 and thus 
might elude the punishment intended for 
them1 and1 by reclaiming the treaty1    
might stir up new disturbances4 ,to     
prevent this1 they desired an article to
 be inserted in the supplemental treaty1
 to which they had the ready consent of 
,mr4 ,hastings1 and the rest of the     
,company's representatives in ,bengal4  
,it was this3 ,that the ,english and    
,mahratta governments mutually agree not
 to afford refuge to any chiefs1        
merchants1 or other persons1 flying for 
protection to the territories of the    
other4 ,this was readily assented to1   
and assented to without any exception   
whatever in favor of our surrendered    
allies4 ,on their part a reciprocity was
 stipulated which was not unnatural for 
a government like the ,company's to     
ask1--a government conscious that many  
subjects had been1 and would in future  
be1 driven to fly from its jurisdiction4
  ,to complete the system of pacific    
intention and public faith which        

predominate in those treaties1 ,mr4     
,hastings fairly resolved to put all    
peace1 except on the terms of absolute  
conquest1 wholly out of his own power4  
,for1 by an article in this second      
treaty with ,scindia1 he binds the      
,company not to make any peace with     
,tippoo ,sahib without the consent of   
the ,peishwa of the ,mahrattas1 and     
binds ,scindia to him by a reciprocal   
engagement4 ,the treaty between ,france 
and ,england obliges us mutually to     
withdraw our forces1 if our allies in   
,india do not accede to the peace within
 four months2 ,mr4 ,hastings's treaty   
obliges us to continue the war as long  
as the ,peishwa thinks fit4 ,we are now 
in that happy situation1 that the breach
 of the treaty with ,france1 or the     
violation of that with the ,mahrattas1  
is inevitable2 and we have only to take 
our choice4  ,my third assertion1       
relative to the abuse made of the right 
of war and peace1 is1 that there are    
none who have ever confided in us who   

have not been utterly ruined4 ,the      
examples ,i have given of ,ragonaut     
,row1 of ,guickwar1 of the ,rana of     
,gohud1 are recent4 ,there is proof more
 than enough in the condition of the    
,mogul1--in the slavery and indigence of
 the ,nabob of ,oude1--the exile of the 
,rajah of ,benares1--the beggary of the 
,nabob of ,bengal1--the undone and      
captive condition of the ,rajah and     
kingdom of ,tanjore1--the destruction of
 the ,polygars1--and1 lastly1 in the    
destruction of the ,nabob of ,arcot     
himself1 who1 when his dominions were   
invaded1 was found entirely destitute of
 troops1 provisions1 stores1 and 7as he 
asserts7 of money1 being a million in   
debt to the ,company1 and four millions 
to others3 the many millions which he   
had extorted from so many extirpated    
princes and their desolated countries   
having 7as he has frequently hinted7    
been expended for the ground-rent of his
 mansion-house in an alley in the       
suburbs of ,madras4 ,compare the        

condition of all these princes with the 
power and authority of all the ,mahratta
 states1 with the independence and      
dignity of the ,subah of the ,deccan1   
and the mighty strength1 the resources1 
and the manly struggle of ,hyder        
,ali1--and then the ,house will discover
 the effects1 on every power in ,india1 
of an easy confidence or of a rooted    
distrust in the faith of the ,company4  
,these are some of my reasons1 grounded 
on the abuse of the external political  
trust of that body1 for thinking myself 
not only justified1 but bound1 to       
declare against those chartered rights  
which produce so many wrongs4 ,i should 
deem myself the wickedest of men1 if any
 vote of mine could contribute to the   
continuance of so great an evil4  ,now1 
,sir1 according to the plan ,i proposed1
 ,i shall take notice of the ,company's 
internal government1 as it is exercised 
first on the dependent provinces1 and   
then as it affects those under the      
direct and immediate authority of that  

body4 ,and here1 ,sir1 before ,i enter  
into the spirit of their interior       
government1 permit me to observe to you 
upon a few of the many lines of         
difference which are to be found between
 the vices of the ,company's government 
and those of the conquerors who preceded
 us in ,india1 that we may be enabled a 
little the better to see our way in an  
attempt to the necessary reformation4   
,the several irruptions of ,arabs1      
,tartars1 and ,persians into ,india     
were1 for the greater part1 ferocious1  
bloody1 and wasteful in the extreme3 our
 entrance into the dominion of that     
country was1 as generally1 with small   
comparative effusion of blood1--being   
introduced by various frauds and        
delusions1 and by taking advantage of   
the incurable1 blind1 and senseless     
animosity which the several country     
powers bear towards each other1 rather  
than by open force4 ,but the difference 
in favor of the first conquerors is     
this4 ,the ,asiatic conquerors very soon

 abated of their ferocity1 because they 
made the conquered country their own4   
,they rose or fell with the rise or fall
 of the territory they lived in4        
,fathers there deposited the hopes of   
their posterity2 and children there     
beheld the monuments of their fathers4  
,here their lot was finally cast2 and it
 is the natural wish of all that their  
lot should not be cast in a bad land4   
,poverty1 sterility1 and desolation are 
not a recreating prospect to the eye of 
man2 and there are very few who can bear
 to grow old among the curses of a whole
 people4 ,if their passion or their     
avarice drove the ,tartar lords to acts 
of rapacity or tyranny1 there was time  
enough1 even in the short life of man1  
to bring round the ill effects of an    
abuse of power upon the power itself4   
,if hoards were made by violence and    
tyranny1 they were still domestic       
hoards2 and domestic profusion1 or the  
rapine of a more powerful and prodigal  
hand1 restored them to the people4 ,with

 many disorders1 and with few political 
checks upon power1 ,nature had still    
fair play2 the sources of acquisition   
were not dried up2 and therefore the    
trade1 the manufactures1 and the        
commerce of the country flourished4     
,even avarice and usury itself operated 
both for the preservation and the       
employment of national wealth4 ,the     
husbandman and manufacturer paid heavy  
interest1 but then they augmented the   
fund from whence they were again to     
borrow4 ,their resources were dearly    
bought1 but they were sure2 and the     
general stock of the community grew by  
the general effort4  ,but under the     
,english government all this order is   
reversed4 ,the ,tartar invasion was     
mischievous2 but it is our protection   
that destroys ,india4 ,it was their     
enmity2 but it is our friendship4 ,our  
conquest there1 after twenty years1 is  
as crude as it was the first day4 ,the  
natives scarcely know what it is to see 
the gray head of an ,englishman4 ,young 

men 7boys almost7 govern there1 without 
society and without sympathy with the   
natives4 ,they have no more social      
habits with the people than if they     
still resided in ,england1--nor1 indeed1
 any species of intercourse1 but that   
which is necessary to making a sudden   
fortune1 with a view to a remote        
settlement4 ,animated with all the      
avarice of age and all the impetuosity  
of youth1 they roll in one after        
another1 wave after wave2 and there is  
nothing before the eyes of the natives  
but an endless1 hopeless prospect of new
 flights of birds of prey and passage1  
with appetites continually renewing for 
a food that is continually wasting4     
,every rupee of profit made by an       
,englishman is lost forever to ,india4  
,with us are no retributory             
superstitions1 by which a foundation of 
charity compensates1 through ages1 to   
the poor1 for the rapine and injustice  
of a day4 ,with us no pride erects      
stately monuments which repair the      

mischiefs which pride had produced1 and 
which adorn a country out of its own    
spoils4 ,england has erected no         
churches1 no hospitals1#ef no palaces1  
no schools2 ,england has built no       
bridges1 made no high-roads1 cut no     
navigations1 dug out no reservoirs4     
,every other conqueror of every other   
description has left some monument1     
either of state or beneficence1 behind  
him4 ,were we to be driven out of ,india
 this day1 nothing would remain to tell 
that it had been possessed1 during the  
inglorious period of our dominion1 by   
anything better than the orang-outang or
 the tiger4  ,there is nothing in the   
boys we send to ,india worse than in the
 boys whom we are whipping at school1 or
 that we see trailing a pike or bending 
over a desk at home4 ,but as ,english   
youth in ,india drink the intoxicating  
draught of authority and dominion before
 their heads are able to bear it1 and as
 they are full grown in fortune long    
before they are ripe in principle1      

neither ,nature nor reason have any     
opportunity to exert themselves for     
remedy of the excesses of their         
premature power4 ,the consequences of   
their conduct1 which in good minds 7and 
many of theirs are probably such7 might 
produce penitence or amendment1 are     
unable to pursue the rapidity of their  
flight4 ,their prey is lodged in        
,england2 and the cries of ,india are   
given to seas and winds1 to be blown    
about1 in every breaking up of the      
monsoon1 over a remote and unhearing    
ocean4 ,in ,india all the vices operate 
by which sudden fortune is acquired3 in 
,england are often displayed1 by the    
same persons1 the virtues which dispense
 hereditary wealth4 ,arrived in         
,england1 the destroyers of the nobility
 and gentry of a whole kingdom will find
 the best company in this nation at a   
board of elegance and hospitality4 ,here
 the manufacturer and husbandman will   
bless the just and punctual hand that in
 ,india has torn the cloth from the     

loom1 or wrested the scanty portion of  
rice and salt from the peasant of       
,bengal1 or wrung from him the very     
opium in which he forgot his oppressions
 and his oppressor4 ,they marry into    
your families2 they enter into your     
senate2 they ease your estates by loans2
 they raise their value by demand2 they 
cherish and protect your relations which
 lie heavy on your patronage2 and there 
is scarcely an house in the kingdom that
 does not feel some concern and interest
 that makes all reform of our ,eastern  
government appear officious and         
disgusting1 and1 on the whole1 a most   
discouraging attempt4 ,in such an       
attempt you hurt those who are able to  
return kindness or to resent injury4 ,if
 you succeed1 you save those who cannot 
so much as give you thanks4 ,all these  
things show the difficulty of the work  
we have on hand3 but they show its      
necessity1 too4 ,our ,indian government 
is in its best state a grievance4 ,it is
 necessary that the correctives should  

be uncommonly vigorous1 and the work of 
men sanguine1 warm1 and even impassioned
 in the cause4 ,but it is an arduous    
thing to plead against abuses of a power
 which originates from your own country1
 and affects those whom we are used to  
consider as strangers4  ,i shall        
certainly endeavor to modulate myself to
 this temper2 though ,i am sensible that
 a cold style of describing actions1    
which appear to me in a very affecting  
light1 is equally contrary to the       
justice due to the people and to all    
genuine human feelings about them4 ,i   
ask pardon of truth and ,nature for this
 compliance4 ,but ,i shall be very      
sparing of epithets either to persons or
 things4 ,it has been said1 7and1 with  
regard to one of them1 with truth17 that
 ,tacitus and ,machiavel1 by their cold 
way of relating enormous crimes1 have in
 some sort appeared not to disapprove   
them2 that they seem a sort of          
professors of the art of tyranny2 and   
that they corrupt the minds of their    

readers by not expressing the           
detestation and horror that naturally   
belong to horrible and detestable       
proceedings4 ,but we are in general1    
,sir1 so little acquainted with ,indian 
details1 the instruments of oppression  
under which the people suffer are so    
hard to be understood1 and even the very
 names of the sufferers are so uncouth  
and strange to our ears1 that it is very
 difficult for our sympathy to fix upon 
these objects4 ,i am sure that some of  
us have come down stairs from the       
committee-room with impressions on our  
minds which to us were the inevitable   
results of our discoveries1 yet1 if we  
should venture to express ourselves in  
the proper language of our sentiments to
 other gentlemen not at all prepared to 
enter into the cause of them1 nothing   
could appear more harsh and dissonant1  
more violent and unaccountable1 than our
 language and behavior4 ,all these      
circumstances are not1 ,i confess1 very 
favorable to the idea of our attempting 

to govern ,india at all4 ,but there we  
are2 there we are placed by the         
,sovereign ,disposer2 and we must do the
 best we can in our situation4 ,the     
situation of man is the preceptor of his
 duty4  ,upon the plan which ,i laid    
down1 and to which ,i beg leave to      
return1 ,i was considering the conduct  
of the ,company to those nations which  
are indirectly subject to their         
authority4 ,the most considerable of the
 dependent princes is the ,nabob of     
,oude4 ,my right honorable friend1#eg to
 whom we owe the remedial bills on your 
table1 has already pointed out to you1  
in one of the reports1 the condition of 
that prince1 and as it stood in the time
 he alluded to4 ,i shall only add a few 
circumstances that may tend to awaken   
some sense of the manner in which the   
condition of the people is affected by  
that of the prince1 and involved in     
it1--and to show you1 that1 when we talk
 of the sufferings of princes1 we do not
 lament the oppression of               

individuals1--and that in these cases   
the high and the low suffer together4   
,in the year #aggi1 the ,nabob of ,oude 
represented1 through the ,british       
resident at his court1 that the number  
of ,company's troops stationed in his   
dominions was a main cause of his       
distress1--and that all those which he  
was not bound by treaty to maintain     
should be withdrawn1 as they had greatly
 diminished his revenue and impoverished
 his country4 ,i will read you1 if you  
please1 a few extracts from these       
representations4  ,he states1 that the  
country and cultivation are abandoned1  
and this year in particular1 from the   
excessive drought of the season1        
deductions of many lacs having been     
allowed to the farmers1 who are still   
left unsatisfied2 and then he proceeds  
with a long detail of his own distress1 
and that of his family and all his      
dependants2 and adds1 that the          
new-raised brigade is not only quite    
useless to my government1 but is1       

moreover1 the cause of much loss both in
 revenues and customs4 ,the detached    
body of troops under ,european officers 
bring nothing but confusion to the      
affairs of my government1 and are       
entirely their own masters4 ,mr4        
,middleton1 ,mr4 ,hastings's            
confidential resident1 vouches for the  
truth of this representation in its     
fullest extent4 ,i am concerned to      
confess that there is too good ground   
for this plea4 ,the misfortune hat been 
general throughout the whole of the     
vizier's the ,nabob of ,oude dominions1 
obvious to everybody2 and so fatal have 
been its consequences1 that no person of
 either credit or character would enter 
into engagements with government for    
farming the country4 ,he then proceeds  
to give strong instances of the general 
calamity1 and its effects4  ,it was now 
to be seen what steps the               
,governor-,general and ,council took for
 the relief of this distressed country1 
long laboring under the vexations of    

men1 and now stricken by the hand of    
,god4 ,the case of a general famine is  
known to relax the severity even of the 
most rigorous government4--,mr4         
,hastings does not deny or show the     
least doubt of the fact4 ,the           
representation is humble1 and almost    
abject4 ,on this representation from a  
great prince of the distress of his     
subjects1 ,mr4 ,hastings falls into a   
violent passion1--such as 7it seems7    
would be unjustifiable in any one who   
speaks of any part of his conduct4 ,he  
declares that the demands1 the tone in  
which they were asserted1 and the season
 in which they were made1 are all       
equally alarming1 and appear to him to  
require an adequate degree of firmness  
in this board in opposition to them4 ,he
 proceeds to deal out very unreserved   
language on the person and character of 
the ,nabob and his ministers4 ,he       
declares1 that1 in a division between   
him and the ,nabob1 the strongest must  
decide4 ,with regard to the urgent and  

instant necessity from the failure of   
the crops1 he says1 that perhaps        
expedients may be found for affording a 
gradual relief from the burden of which 
he so heavily complains1 and it shall be
 my endeavor to seek them out3 and lest 
he should be suspected of too much haste
 to alleviate sufferings and to remove  
violence1 he says1 that these must be   
gradually applied1 and their complete   
effect may be distant2 and this1 ,i     
conceive1 is all he can claim of right4 
,this complete effect of his lenity is  
distant indeed4 ,rejecting this demand1 
7as he calls the ,nabob's abject        
supplication17 he attributes it1 as he  
usually does all things of the kind1 to 
the division in their government1 and   
says1 ,this is a powerful motive with me
 7however inclined ,i might be1 upon any
 other occasion1 to yield to some part  
of his demand7 to give them an absolute 
and unconditional refusal upon the      
present1--and even to bring to          
punishment1 if my influence can produce 

that effect1 those incendiaries who have
 endeavored to make themselves the      
instruments of division between us4     
,here1 ,sir1 is much heat and           
passion1--but no more consideration of  
the distress of the country1 from a     
failure of the means of subsistence1 and
 7if possible7 the worse evil of an     
useless and licentious soldiery1 than if
 they were the most contemptible of all 
trifles4 ,a letter is written1 in       
consequence1 in such a style of lofty   
despotism as ,i believe has hitherto    
been unexampled and unheard of in the   
records of the ,east4 ,the troops were  
continued4 ,the gradual relief1 whose   
effect was to be so distant1 has never  
been substantially and beneficially     
applied1--and the country is ruined4    
,mr4 ,hastings1 two years after1 when it
 was too late1 saw the absolute         
necessity of a removal of the           
intolerable grievance of this licentious
 soldiery1 which1 under pretence of     
defending it1 held the country under    

military execution4 ,a new treaty and   
arrangement1 according to the pleasure  
of ,mr4 ,hastings1 took place2 and this 
new treaty was broken in the old manner1
 in every essential article4 ,the       
soldiery were again sent1 and again set 
loose4 ,the effect of all his           
manoeuvres1 from which it seems he was  
sanguine enough to entertain hopes1 upon
 the state of the country1 he himself   
informs us1--,the event has proved the  
reverse of these hopes1 and accumulation
 of distress1 debasement1 and           
dissatisfaction to the ,nabob1 and      
disappointment and disgrace to          
me4--,every measure which he had himself
 proposed has been so conducted as to   
give him cause of displeasure4 ,there   
are no officers established by which his
 affairs could be regularly conducted3  
mean1 incapable1 and indigent men have  
been appointed4 ,a number of the        
districts without authority1 and without
 the means of personal protection2 some 
of them have been murdered by the       

zemindars1 and those zemindars1 instead 
of punishment1 have been permitted to   
retain their zemindaries1 with          
independent authority2 all the other    
zemindars suffered to rise up in        
rebellion1 and to insult the authority  
of the sircar1 without any attempt made 
to suppress them2 and the ,company's    
debt1 instead of being discharged by the
 assignments and extraordinary sources  
of money provided for that purpose1 is  
likely to exceed even the amount at     
which it stood at the time in which the 
arrangement with his ,excellency was    
concluded4 ,the ,house will smile at the
 resource on which the ,directors take  
credit as such a certainty in their     
curious account4  ,this is ,mr4         
,hastings's own narrative of the effects
 of his own settlement4 ,this is the    
state of the country which we have been 
told is in perfect peace and order2 and1
 what is curious1 he informs us1 that   
every part of this was foretold to him  
in the order and manner in which it     

happened1 at the very time he made his  
arrangement of men and measures4  ,the  
invariable course of the ,company's     
policy is this3 either they set up some 
prince too odious to maintain himself   
without the necessity of their          
assistance1 or they soon render him     
odious by making him the instrument of  
their government4 ,in that case troops  
are bountifully sent to him to maintain 
his authority4 ,that he should have no  
want of assistance1 a civil gentleman1  
called a ,resident1 is kept at his      
court1 who1 under pretence of providing 
duly for the pay of these troops1 gets  
assignments on the revenue into his     
hands4 ,under his provident management1 
debts soon accumulate2 new assignments  
are made for these debts2 until1 step by
 step1 the whole revenue1 and with it   
the whole power of the country1 is      
delivered into his hands4 ,the military 
do not behold without a virtuous        
emulation the moderate gains of the     
civil department4 ,they feel that in a  

country driven to habitual rebellion by 
the civil government the military is    
necessary2 and they will not permit     
their services to go unrewarded4 ,tracts
 of country are delivered over to their 
discretion4 ,then it is found proper to 
convert their commanding officers into  
farmers of revenue4 ,thus1 between the  
well-paid civil and well-rewarded       
military establishment1 the situation of
 the natives may be easily conjectured4 
,the authority of the regular and lawful
 government is everywhere and in every  
point extinguished4 ,disorders and      
violences arise2 they are repressed by  
other disorders and other violences4    
,wherever the collectors of the revenue 
and the farming colonels and majors     
move1 ruin is about them1 rebellion     
before and behind them4 ,the people in  
crowds fly out of the country2 and the  
frontier is guarded by lines of troops1 
not to exclude an enemy1 but to prevent 
the escape of the inhabitants4  ,by     
these means1 in the course of not more  

than four or five years1 this once      
opulent and flourishing country1 which1 
by the accounts given in the ,bengal    
consultations1 yielded more than three  
crore of sicca rupees1 that is1 above   
three millions sterling1 annually1 is   
reduced1 as far as ,i can discover1 in a
 matter purposely involved in the utmost
 perplexity1 to less than one million   
three hundred thousand pounds1 and that 
exacted by every mode of rigor that can 
be devised4 ,to complete the business1  
most of the wretched remnants of this   
revenue are mortgaged1 and delivered    
into the hands of the usurers at        
,benares 7for there alone are to be     
found some lingering remains of the     
ancient wealth of these regions7 at an  
interest of near thirty per cent per    
annum4  ,the revenues in this manner    
failing1 they seized upon the estates of
 every person of eminence in the        
country1 and1 under the name of         
resumption1 confiscated their property4 
,i wish1 ,sir1 to be understood         

universally and literally1 when ,i      
assert that there is not left one man of
 property and substance for his rank in 
the whole of these provinces1 in        
provinces which are nearly the extent of
 ,england and ,wales taken together3 not
 one landholder1 not one banker1 not one
 merchant1 not one even of those who    
usually perish last1 the ultimum moriens
 in a ruined state1 not one farmer of   
revenue4  ,one country for a while      
remained1 which stood as an island in   
the midst of the grand waste of the     
,company's dominion4 ,my right honorable
 friend1 in his admirable speech on     
moving the bill1 just touched the       
situation1 the offences1 and the        
punishment of a native prince1 called   
,fizulla ,khn4 ,this man1 by policy and 
force1 had protected himself from the   
general extirpation of the ,rohilla     
chiefs4 ,he was secured 7if that were   
any security7 by a treaty4 ,it was      
stated to you1 as it was stated by the  
enemies of that unfortunate man1 that   

the whole of his country is what the    
whole country of the ,rohillas was1     
cultivated like a garden1 without one   
neglected spot in it4 ,another accuser  
says1--,fyzoolah ,khan1 though a bad    
soldier1 that is the true source of his 
misfortune1 has approved himself a good 
aumil1--having1 it is supposed1 in the  
course of a few years1 at least doubled 
the population and revenue of his       
country4 ,in another part of the        
correspondence he is charged with making
 his country an asylum for the oppressed
 peasants who fly from the territories  
of ,oude4 ,the improvement of his       
revenue1 arising from this single crime1
 7which ,mr4 ,hastings considers as     
tantamount to treason17 is stated at an 
hundred and fifty thousand pounds a     
year4  ,dr4 ,swift somewhere says1 that 
he who could make two blades of grass   
grow where but one grew before was a    
greater benefactor to the human race    
than all the politicians that ever      
existed4 ,this prince1 who would have   

been deified by antiquity1 who would    
have been ranked with ,osiris1 and      
,bacchus1 and ,ceres1 and the divinities
 most propitious to men1 was1 for those 
very merits1 by name attacked by the    
,company's government1 as a cheat1 a    
robber1 a traitor4 ,in the same breath  
in which he was accused as a rebel1 he  
was ordered at once to furnish five     
thousand horse4 ,on delay1 or 7according
 to the technical phrase1 when any      
remonstrance is made to them7 on        
evasion1 he was declared a violator of  
treaties1 and everything he had was to  
be taken from him4 ,not one word1       
however1 of horse in this treaty4  ,the 
territory of this ,fizulla ,khn1 ,mr4   
,speaker1 is less than the ,county of   
,norfolk4 ,it is an inland country1 full
 seven hundred miles from any seaport1  
and not distinguished for any one       
considerable branch of manufacture      
whatsoever4 ,from this territory several
 very considerable sums had at several  
times been paid to the ,british         

resident4 ,the demand of cavalry1       
without a shadow or decent pretext of   
right1 amounted to three hundred        
thousand a year more1 at the lowest     
computation2 and it is stated1 by the   
last person sent to negotiate1 as a     
demand of little use1 if it could be    
complied with1--but that the compliance 
was impossible1 as it amounted to more  
than his territories could supply1 if   
there had been no other demand upon him4
 ,three hundred thousand pounds a year  
from an inland country not so large as  
,norfolk6  ,the thing most extraordinary
 was to hear the culprit defend himself 
from the imputation of his virtues1 as  
if they had been the blackest offences4 
,he extenuated the superior cultivation 
of his country4 ,he denied its          
population4 ,he endeavored to prove that
 he had often sent back the poor peasant
 that sought shelter with him4--,i can  
make no observation on this4  ,after a  
variety of extortions and vexations1 too
 fatiguing to you1 too disgusting to me1

 to go through with1 they found that    
they ought to be in a better state to   
warrant forcible means2 they therefore  
contented themselves with a gross sum of
 one hundred and fifty thousand pounds  
for their present demand4 ,they offered 
him1 indeed1 an indemnity from their    
exactions in future for three hundred   
thousand pounds more4 ,but he refused to
 buy their securities1--pleading        
7probably with truth7 his poverty2 but  
if the plea were not founded1 in my     
opinion very wisely3 not choosing to    
deal any more in that dangerous         
commodity of the ,company's faith2 and  
thinking it better to oppose distress   
and unarmed obstinacy to uncolored      
exaction than to subject himself to be  
considered as a cheat1 if he should make
 a treaty in the least beneficial to    
himself4  ,thus they executed an        
exemplary punishment on ,fizulla ,khn   
for the culture of his country4 ,but1   
conscious that the prevention of evils  
is the great object of all good         

regulation1 they deprived him of the    
means of increasing that criminal       
cultivation in future1 by exhausting his
 coffers2 and that the population of his
 country should no more be a standing   
reproach and libel on the ,company's    
government1 they bound him by a positive
 engagement not to afford any shelter   
whatsoever to the farmers and laborers  
who should seek refuge in his           
territories from the exactions of the   
,british residents in ,oude4 ,when they 
had done all this effectually1 they gave
 him a full and complete acquittance    
from all charges of rebellion1 or of any
 intention to rebel1 or of his having   
originally had any interest in1 or any  
means of1 rebellion4  ,these intended   
rebellions are one of the ,company's    
standing resources4 ,when money has been
 thought to be heaped up anywhere1 its  
owners are universally accused of       
rebellion1 until they are acquitted of  
their money and their treasons at once4 
,the money once taken1 all accusation1  

trial1 and punishment ends4 ,it is so   
settled a resource1 that ,i rather      
wonder how it comes to be omitted in the
 ,directors' account2 but ,i take it for
 granted this omission will be supplied 
in their next edition4  ,the ,company   
stretched this resource to the full     
extent1 when they accused two old women1
 in the remotest corner of ,india1 7who 
could have no possible view or motive to
 raise disturbances17 of being engaged  
in rebellion1 with an intent to drive   
out the ,english nation1 in whose       
protection1 purchased by money and      
secured by treaty1 rested the sole hope 
of their existence4 ,but the ,company   
wanted money1 and the old women must be 
guilty of a plot4 ,they were accused of 
rebellion1 and they were convicted of   
wealth4 ,twice had great sums been      
extorted from them1 and as often had the
 ,british faith guarantied the          
remainder4 ,a body of ,british troops1  
with one of the military farmers-general
 at their head1 was sent to seize upon  

the castle in which these helpless women
 resided4 ,their chief eunuchs1 who were
 their agents1 their guardians1         
protectors1 persons of high rank        
according to the ,eastern manners1 and  
of great trust1 were thrown into        
dungeons1 to make them discover their   
hidden treasures2 and there they lie at 
present4 ,the lands assigned for the    
maintenance of the women were seized and
 confiscated4 ,their jewels and effects 
were taken1 and set up to a pretended   
auction in an obscure place1 and bought 
at such a price as the gentlemen thought
 proper to give4 ,no account has ever   
been transmitted of the articles or     
produce of this sale4 ,what money was   
obtained is unknown1 or what terms were 
stipulated for the maintenance of these 
despoiled and forlorn creatures3 for by 
some particulars it appears as if an    
engagement of the kind was made4  ,let  
me here remark1 once for all1 that      
though the act of #aggc requires that an
 account of all proceedings should be   

diligently transmitted1 that this1 like 
all the other injunctions of the law1 is
 totally despised1 and that half at     
least of the most important papers are  
intentionally withheld4  ,i wish you1   
,sir1 to advert particularly1 in this   
transaction1 to the quality and the     
numbers of the persons spoiled1 and the 
instrument by whom that spoil was made4 
,these ancient matrons1 called the      
,begums1 or ,princesses1 were of the    
first birth and quality in ,india3 the  
one mother1 the other wife1 of the late 
,nabob of ,oude1 ,sujah ,dowlah1 a      
prince possessed of extensive and       
flourishing dominions1 and the second   
man in the ,mogul ,empire4 ,this prince 
7suspicious1 and not unjustly           
suspicious1 of his son and successor7 at
 his death committed his treasures and  
his family to the ,british faith4 ,that 
family and household consisted of two   
thousand women1 to which were added two 
other seraglios of near kindred1 and    
said to be extremely numerous1 and 7as  

,i am well informed7 of about fourscore 
of the ,nabob's children1 with all the  
eunuchs1 the ancient servants1 and a    
multitude of the dependants of his      
splendid court4 ,these were all to be   
provided1 for present maintenance and   
future establishment1 from the lands    
assigned as dower1 and from the         
treasures which he left to these        
matrons1 in trust for the whole family4 
,so far as to the objects of the spoil4 
,the instrument chosen by ,mr4 ,hastings
 to despoil the relict of ,sujah ,dowlah
 was her own son1 the reigning ,nabob of
 ,oude4 ,it was the pious hand of a son 
that was selected to tear from his      
mother and grandmother the provision of 
their age1 the maintenance of his       
brethren1 and of all the ancient        
household of his father4 ,here a laugh1 
from some young members4 ,the laugh is  
seasonable1 and the occasion decent and 
proper4  ,by the last advices1 something
 of the sum extorted remained unpaid4   
,the women1 in despair1 refuse to       

deliver more1 unless their lands are    
restored1 and their ministers released  
from prison2 but ,mr4 ,hastings and his 
council1 steady to their point1 and     
consistent to the last in their conduct1
 write to the resident to stimulate the 
son to accomplish the filial acts he had
 brought so near to their perfection4   
,we desire1 say they in their letter to 
the resident1 7written so late as ,march
 last17 that you will inform us if any1 
and what means1 have been taken for     
recovering the balance due from the     
,begum ,princess at ,fyzabad2 and that1 
if necessary1 you recommend it to the   
vizier to enforce the most effectual    
means for that purpose4  ,what their    
effectual means of enforcing demands on 
women of high rank and condition are ,i 
shall show you1 ,sir1 in a few minutes1 
when ,i represent to you another of     
these plots and rebellions1 which always
 in ,india1 though so rarely anywhere   
else1 are the offspring of an easy      
condition and hoarded riches4  ,benares 

is the capital city of the ,indian      
religion4 ,it is regarded as holy by a  
particular and distinguished sanctity2  
and the ,gentoos in general think       
themselves as much obliged to visit it  
once in their lives as the ,mahometans  
to perform their pilgrimage to ,mecca4  
,by this means that city grew great in  
commerce and opulence2 and so           
effectually was it secured by the pious 
veneration of that people1 that in all  
wars and in all violences of power there
 was so sure an asylum both for poverty 
and wealth1 7as it were under a divine  
protection17 that the wisest laws and   
best assured free constitution could not
 better provide for the relief of the   
one or the safety of the other2 and this
 tranquillity influenced to the greatest
 degree the prosperity of all the       
country1 and the territory of which it  
was the capital4 ,the interest of money 
there was not more than half the usual  
rate in which it stood in all other     
places4 ,the reports have fully informed

 you of the means and of the terms in   
which this city and the territory called
 ,ghazipoor1 of which it was the head1  
came under the sovereignty of the ,east 
,india ,company4  ,if ever there was a  
subordinate dominion pleasantly         
circumstanced to the superior power1 it 
was this4 ,a large rent or tribute1 to  
the amount of two hundred and sixty     
thousand pounds a year1 was paid in     
monthly instalments with the punctuality
 of a dividend at the ,bank4 ,if ever   
there was a prince who could not have an
 interest in disturbances1 it was its   
sovereign1 the ,rajah ,cheit ,sing4 ,he 
was in possession of the capital of his 
religion1 and a willing revenue was paid
 by the devout people who resorted to   
him from all parts4 ,his sovereignty and
 his independence1 except his tribute1  
was secured by every tie4 ,his territory
 was not much less than half of         
,ireland1 and displayed in all parts a  
degree of cultivation1 ease1 and plenty1
 under his frugal and paternal          

management1 which left him nothing to   
desire1 either for honor or             
satisfaction4  ,this was the light in   
which this country appeared to almost   
every eye4 ,but ,mr4 ,hastings beheld it
 askance4 ,mr4 ,hastings tells us that  
it was reported of this ,cheit ,sing1   
that his father left him a million      
sterling1 and that he made annual       
accessions to the hoard4 ,nothing could 
be so obnoxious to indigent power4 ,so  
much wealth could not be innocent4 ,the 
,house is fully acquainted with the     
unfounded and unjust requisitions which 
were made upon this prince4 ,the        
question has been most ably and         
conclusively cleared up in one of the   
reports of the select committee1 and in 
an answer of the ,court of ,directors to
 an extraordinary publication against   
them by their servant1 ,mr4 ,hastings4  
,but ,i mean to pass by these exactions 
as if they were perfectly just and      
regular2 and having admitted them1 ,i   
take what ,i shall now trouble you with 

only as it serves to show the spirit of 
the ,company's government1 the mode in  
which it is carried on1 and the maxims  
on which it proceeds4  ,mr4 ,hastings1  
from whom ,i take the doctrine1         
endeavors to prove that ,cheit ,sing was
 no sovereign prince1 but a mere        
zemindar1 or common subject1 holding    
land by rent4 ,if this be granted to    
him1 it is next to be seen under what   
terms he is of opinion such a           
landholder1 that is a ,british subject1 
holds his life and property under the   
,company's government4 ,it is proper to 
understand well the doctrines of the    
person whose administration has lately  
received such distinguished approbation 
from the ,company4 ,his doctrine        
is1--,that the ,company1 or the person  
delegated by it1 holds an absolute      
authority over such zemindars2--that he 
such a subject owes an implicit and     
unreserved obedience to its authority1  
at the forfeiture even of his life and  
property1 at the ,,discretion of those  

who held or fully represented the       
sovereign authority2--and that these    
rights are fully delegated to him1 ,mr4 
,hastings4  ,such is a ,british         
governor's idea of the condition of a   
great zemindar holding under a ,british 
authority2 and this kind of authority he
 supposes fully delegated to            
him1--though no such delegation appears 
in any commission1 instruction1 or act  
of ,parliament4 ,at his discretion he   
may demand of the substance of any      
zemindar1 over and above his rent or    
tribute1 even1 what he pleases1 with a  
sovereign authority2 and if he does not 
yield an implicit1 unreserved obedience 
to all his commands1 he forfeits his    
lands1 his life1 and his property1 at   
,mr4 ,hastings's discretion4 ,but1      
extravagant1 and even frantic1 as these 
positions appear1 they are less so than 
what ,i shall now read to you2 for he   
asserts1 that1 if any one should urge an
 exemption from more than a stated      
payment1 or should consider the deeds   

which passed between him and the ,board 
as bearing the quality and force of a   
treaty between equal states1 he says1   
that such an opinion is itself criminal 
to the state of which he is a subject2  
and that he was himself amenable to its 
justice1 if he gave countenance to such 
a belief4 ,here is a new species of     
crime invented1 that of countenancing a 
belief1--but a belief of what8 ,a belief
 of that which the ,court of ,directors1
 ,hastings's masters1 and a committee of
 this ,house1 have decided as this      
prince's indisputable right4  ,but      
supposing the ,rajah of ,benares to be a
 mere subject1 and that subject a       
criminal of the highest form2 let us see
 what course was taken by an upright    
,english magistrate4 ,did he cite this  
culprit before his tribunal8 ,did he    
make a charge8 ,did he produce          
witnesses8 ,these are not forms2 they   
are parts of substantial and eternal    
justice4 ,no1 not a word of all this4   
,mr4 ,hastings concludes him1 in his own

 mind1 to be guilty3 he makes this      
conclusion on reports1 on hearsays1 on  
appearances1 on rumors1 on conjectures1 
on presumptions2 and even these never   
once hinted to the party1 nor publicly  
to any human being1 till the whole      
business was done4  ,but the ,governor  
tells you his motive for this           
extraordinary proceeding1 so contrary to
 every mode of justice towards either a 
prince or a subject1 fairly and without 
disguise2 and he puts into your hands   
the key of his whole conduct3--,i will  
suppose1 for a moment1 that ,i have     
acted with unwarrantable rigor towards  
,cheit ,sing1 and even with             
injustice4--,let my ,,motive be         
consulted4 ,i left ,calcutta1 impressed 
with a belief that extraordinary means  
were necessary1 and those exerted with a
 steady hand1 to preserve the ,company's
 interests from sinking under the       
accumulated weight which oppressed them4
 ,i saw a political necessity for       
curbing the overgrown power of a great  

member of their dominion1 and for making
 it contribute to the relief of their   
pressing exigencies4 ,this is plain     
speaking2 after this1 it is no wonder   
that the ,rajah's wealth and his        
offence1 the necessities of the judge   
and the opulence of the delinquent1 are 
never separated1 through the whole of   
,mr4 ,hastings's apology4 ,the justice  
and policy of exacting a large pecuniary
 mulct4 ,the resolution to draw from his
 guilt the means of relief to the       
,company's distresses4 ,his             
determination to make him pay largely   
for his pardon1 or to execute a severe  
vengeance for past delinquency4 ,that as
 his wealth was great1 and the          
,company's exigencies pressing1 he      
thought it a measure of justice and     
policy to exact from him a large        
pecuniary mulct for their relief4--,the 
sum 7says ,mr4 ,wheler1 bearing         
evidence1 at his desire1 to his         
intentions7 to which the ,governor      
declared his resolution to extend his   

fine was forty or fifty lacs1 that is1  
four or five hundred thousand pounds2   
and that1 if he refused1 he was to be   
removed from his zemindary entirely2 or 
by taking possession of his forts1 to   
obtain1 out of the treasure deposited in
 them1 the above sum for the ,company4  
,crimes so convenient1 crimes so        
politic1 crimes so necessary1 crimes so 
alleviating of distress1 can never be   
wanting to those who use no process1 and
 who produce no proofs4  ,but there is  
another serious part 7what is not so87  
in this affair4 ,let us suppose that the
 power for which ,mr4 ,hastings         
contends1 a power which no sovereign    
ever did or ever can vest in any of his 
subjects1 namely1 his own sovereign     
authority1 to be conveyed by the act of 
,parliament to any man or body of men   
whatsoever2 it certainly was never given
 to ,mr4 ,hastings4 ,the powers given by
 the act of #aggc were formal and       
official2 they were given1 not to the   
,governor-,general1 but to the major    

vote of the board1 as a board1 on       
discussion amongst themselves1 in their 
public character and capacity2 and their
 acts in that character and capacity    
were to be ascertained by records and   
minutes of council4 ,the despotic acts  
exercised by ,mr4 ,hastings were done   
merely in his private character2 and1 if
 they had been moderate and just1 would 
still be the acts of an usurped         
authority1 and without any one of the   
legal modes of proceeding which could   
give him competence for the most trivial
 exertion of power4 ,there was no       
proposition or deliberation whatsoever  
in council1 no minute on record1 by     
circulation or otherwise1 to authorize  
his proceedings2 no delegation of power 
to impose a fine1 or to take any step to
 deprive the ,rajah of ,benares of his  
government1 his property1 or his        
liberty4 ,the minutes of consultation   
assign to his journey a totally         
different object1 duty1 and destination4
 ,mr4 ,wheler1 at his desire1 tells us  

long after1 that he had a confidential  
conversation with him on various        
subjects1 of which this was the         
principal1 in which ,mr4 ,hastings      
notified to him his secret intentions2  
and that he bespoke his support of the  
measures which he intended to pursue    
towards him 7the ,rajah74 ,this         
confidential discourse1 and bespeaking  
of support1 could give him no power1 in 
opposition to an express act of         
,parliament1 and the whole tenor of the 
orders of the ,court of ,directors4  ,in
 what manner the powers thus usurped    
were employed is known to the whole     
world4 ,all the ,house knows that the   
design on the ,rajah proved as          
unfruitful as it was violent4 ,the      
unhappy prince was expelled1 and his    
more unhappy country was enslaved and   
ruined2 but not a rupee was acquired4   
,instead of treasure to recruit the     
,company's finances1 wasted by their    
wanton wars and corrupt jobs1 they were 
plunged into a new war1 which shook     

their power in ,india to its foundation1
 and1 to use the ,governor's own happy  
simile1 might have dissolved it like a  
magic structure1 if the talisman had    
been broken4  ,but the success is no    
part of my consideration1 who should    
think just the same of this business1 if
 the spoil of one rajah had been fully  
acquired1 and faithfully applied to the 
destruction of twenty other rajahs4 ,not
 only the arrest of the ,rajah in his   
palace was unnecessary and              
unwarrantable1 and calculated to stir up
 any manly blood which remained in his  
subjects1 but the despotic style and the
 extreme insolence of language and      
demeanor1 used to a person of great     
condition among the politest people in  
the world1 was intolerable4 ,nothing    
aggravates tyranny so much as contumely4
 ,quicquid superbia in contumeliis was  
charged by a great man of antiquity1 as 
a principal head of offence against the 
,governor-,general of that day4 ,the    
unhappy people were still more insulted4

 ,a relation1 but an enemy to the       
family1 a notorious robber and villain1 
called ,ussaun ,sing1 kept as a hawk in 
a mew1 to fly upon this nation1 was set 
up to govern there1 instead of a prince 
honored and beloved4 ,but when the      
business of insult was accomplished1 the
 revenue was too serious a concern to be
 intrusted to such hands4 ,another was  
set up in his place1 as guardian to an  
infant4  ,but here1 ,sir1 mark the      
effect of all these extraordinary means1
 of all this policy and justice4 ,the   
revenues1 which had been hitherto paid  
with such astonishing punctuality1 fell 
into arrear4 ,the new prince guardian   
was deposed without ceremony1--and with 
as little1 cast into prison4 ,the       
government of that once happy country   
has been in the utmost confusion ever   
since such good order was taken about   
it4 ,but1 to complete the contumely     
offered to this undone people1 and to   
make them feel their servitude in all   
its degradation and all its bitterness1 

the government of their sacred city1 the
 government of that ,benares which had  
been so respected by ,persian and       
,tartar conquerors1 though of the       
,mussulman persuasion1 that1 even in the
 plenitude of their pride1 power1 and   
bigotry1 no magistrate of that sect     
entered the place1 was now delivered    
over by ,english hands to a ,mahometan2 
and an ,ali ,ibrahim ,khn was           
introduced1 under the ,company's        
authority1 with power of life and death1
 into the sanctuary of the ,gentoo      
religion4 ,after this1 the taking off a 
slight payment1 cheerfully made by      
pilgrims to a chief of their own rites1 
was represented as a mighty benefit4    
,it remains only to show1 through the   
conduct in this business1 the spirit of 
the ,company's government1 and the      
respect they pay towards other          
prejudices1 not less regarded in the    
,east than those of religion3 ,i mean   
the reverence paid to the female sex in 
general1 and particularly to women of   

high rank and condition4 ,during the    
general confusion of the country of     
,ghazipoor1 ,panna1 the mother of ,cheit
 ,sing1 was lodged with her train in a  
castle called ,bidg ,gur1 in which were 
likewise deposited a large portion of   
the treasures of her son1 or more       
probably her own4 ,to whomsoever they   
belonged was indifferent3 for1 though no
 charge of rebellion was made on this   
woman1 7which was rather singular1 as it
 would have cost nothing17 they were    
resolved to secure her with her fortune4
 ,the castle was besieged by ,major     
,popham4  ,there was no great reason to 
apprehend that soldiers ill paid1 that  
soldiers who thought they had been      
defrauded of their plunder on former    
services of the same kind1 would not    
have been sufficiently attentive to the 
spoil they were expressly come for2 but 
the gallantry and generosity of the     
profession was justly suspected1 as     
being likely to set bounds to military  
rapaciousness4 ,the ,company's first    

civil magistrate discovered the greatest
 uneasiness lest the women should have  
anything preserved to them4 ,terms      
tending to put some restraint on        
military violence were granted4 ,he     
writes a letter to ,mr4 ,popham1        
referring to some letter written before 
to the same effect1 which ,i do not     
remember to have seen2 but it shows his 
anxiety on this subject4 ,hear          
himself3--,i think every demand she has 
made on you1 except that of safety and  
respect to her person1 is unreasonable4 
,if the reports brought to me are true1 
your rejecting her offers1 or any       
negotiation1 would soon obtain you the  
fort upon your own terms4 ,i apprehend  
she will attempt to defraud the captors 
of a considerable part of their booty1  
by being suffered to retire without     
examination4 ,but this is your concern1 
not mine4 ,i should be very sorry that  
your officers and soldiers lost any part
 of the reward to which they are so well
 entitled2 but you must be the best     

judge of the promised indulgence to the 
,ranny3 what you have engaged for ,i    
will certainly ratify2 but as to        
suffering the ,ranny to hold the        
purgunna of ,hurlich1 or any other      
zemindary1 without being subject to the 
authority of the zemindar1 or any lands 
whatsoever1 or indeed making any        
condition with her for a provision1 ,i  
will never consent4  ,here your         
,governor stimulates a rapacious and    
licentious soldiery to the personal     
search of women1 lest these unhappy     
creatures should avail themselves of the
 protection of their sex to secure any  
supply for their necessities2 and he    
positively orders that no stipulation   
should be made for any provision for    
them4 ,the widow and mother of a prince1
 well informed of her miserable         
situation1 and the cause of it1 a woman 
of this rank became a suppliant to the  
domestic servant of ,mr4 ,hastings1     
7they are his own words that ,i read17  
imploring his intercession that she may 

be relieved from the hardships and      
dangers of her present situation1 and   
offering to surrender the fort1 and the 
treasure and valuable effects contained 
in it1 provided she can be assured of   
safety and protection to her person and 
honor1 and to that of her family and    
attendants4 ,he is so good as to consent
 to this1 provided she surrenders       
everything of value1 with the reserve   
only of such articles as you shall think
 necessary to her condition1 or as you  
yourself shall be disposed to indulge   
her with4--,but should she refuse to    
execute the promise she has made1 or    
delay it beyond the term of twenty-four 
hours1 it is my positive injunction that
 you immediately put a stop to any      
further intercourse or negotiation with 
her1 and on no pretext renew it4 ,if she
 disappoints or trifles with me1 after  
,i have subjected my duan to the        
disgrace of returning ineffectually1 and
 of course myself to discredit1 ,i shall
 consider it as a wanton affront and    

indignity which ,i can never forgive2   
nor will ,i grant her any conditions    
whatever1 but leave her exposed to those
 dangers which she has chosen to risk1  
rather than trust to the clemency and   
generosity of our government4 ,i think  
she cannot be ignorant of these         
consequences1 and will not venture to   
incur them2 and it is for this reason ,i
 place a dependence on her offers1 and  
have consented to send my duan to her4  
,the dreadful secret hinted at by the   
merciful ,governor in the latter part of
 the letter is well understood in       
,india1 where those who suffer corporeal
 indignities generally expiate the      
offences of others with their own blood4
 ,however1 in spite of all these1 the   
temper of the military did1 some way or 
other1 operate4 ,they came to terms     
which have never been transmitted4 ,it  
appears that a fifteenth per cent of the
 plunder was reserved to the captives1  
of which the unhappy mother of the      
,prince of ,benares was to have a share4

 ,this ancient matron1 born to better   
things ,a laugh from certain young      
gentlemen--,i see no cause for this     
mirth4 ,a good author of antiquity      
reckons among the calamities of his time
 nobilissimarum fminarum exilia et      
fugas4 ,i say1 ,sir1 this ancient lady  
was compelled to quit her house1 with   
three hundred helpless women and a      
multitude of children in her train4 ,but
 the lower sort in the camp1 it seems1  
could not be restrained4 ,they did not  
forget the good lessons of the          
,governor-,general4 ,they were unwilling
 to be defrauded of a considerable part 
of their booty by suffering them to pass
 without examination4--,they examined   
them1 ,sir1 with a vengeance2 and the   
sacred protection of that awful         
character1 ,mr4 ,hastings's matre       
d'htel1 could not secure them from      
insult and plunder4 ,here is ,popham's  
narrative of the affair3--  ,the ,ranny 
came out of the fort1 with her family   
and dependants1 the tenth1 at night1    

owing to which such attention was not   
paid to her as ,i wished2 and ,i am     
exceedingly sorry to inform you that the
 licentiousness of our followers was    
beyond the bounds of control2 for1      
notwithstanding all ,i could do1 her    
people were plundered on the road of    
most of the things which they brought   
out of the fort1 by which means one of  
the articles of surrender has been much 
infringed4 ,the distress ,i have felt   
upon this occasion cannot be expressed1 
and can only be allayed by a firm       
performance of the other articles of the
 treaty1 which ,i shall make it my      
business to enforce4--,the suspicions   
which the officers had of treachery1 and
 the delay made to our getting          
possession1 had enraged them1 as well as
 the troops1 so much1 that the treaty   
was at first regarded as void2 but this 
determination was soon succeeded by pity
 and compassion for the unfortunate     
besieged4--,after this comes1 in his due
 order1 ,mr4 ,hastings2 who is full of  

sorrow and indignation1 c41 c41 c41     
according to the best and most authentic
 precedents established upon such       
occasions4  ,the women being thus       
disposed of1 that is1 completely        
despoiled1 and pathetically lamented1   
,mr4 ,hastings at length recollected the
 great object of his enterprise1 which1 
during his zeal lest the officers and   
soldiers should lose any part of their  
reward1 he seems to have forgot1--that  
is to say1 to draw from the ,rajah's    
guilt the means of relief to the        
,company's distresses4 ,this was to be  
the stronghold of his defence4 ,this    
compassion to the ,company1 he knew by  
experience1 would sanctify a great deal 
of rigor towards the natives4 ,but the  
military had distresses of their own1   
which they considered first4 ,neither   
,mr4 ,hastings's authority1 nor his     
supplications1 could prevail on them to 
assign a shilling to the claim he made  
on the part of the ,company4 ,they      
divided the booty amongst themselves4   

,driven from his claim1 he was reduced  
to petition for the spoil as a loan4    
,but the soldiers were too wise to      
venture as a loan what the borrower     
claimed as a right4 ,in defiance of all 
authority1 they shared among themselves 
about two hundred thousand pounds       
sterling1 besides what had been taken   
from the women4  ,in all this there is  
nothing wonderful4 ,we may rest assured1
 that1 when the maxims of any government
 establish among its resources          
extraordinary means1 and those exerted  
with a strong hand1 that strong hand    
will provide those extraordinary means  
for itself4 ,whether the soldiers had   
reason or not1 7perhaps much might be   
said for them17 certain it is1 the      
military discipline of ,india was ruined
 from that moment2 and the same rage for
 plunder1 the same contempt of          
subordination1 which blasted all the    
hopes of extraordinary means from your  
strong hand at ,benares1 have very      
lately lost you an army in ,mysore4     

,this is visible enough from the        
accounts in the last gazette4  ,there is
 no doubt but that the country and city 
of ,benares1 now brought into the same  
order1 will very soon exhibit1 if it    
does not already display1 the same      
appearance with those countries and     
cities which are under better           
subjection4 ,a great master1 ,mr4       
,hastings1 has himself been at the pains
 of drawing a picture of one of these   
countries3 ,i mean the province and city
 of ,furruckabad4 ,there is no reason to
 question his knowledge of the facts2   
and his authority 7on this point at     
least7 is above all exception1 as well  
for the state of the country as for the 
cause4 ,in his minute of consultation1  
,mr4 ,hastings describes forcibly the   
consequences which arise from the       
degradation into which we have sunk the 
native government4 ,the total want 7says
 he7 of all order1 regularity1 or       
authority1 in his 7the ,nabob of        
,furruckabad's7 government1 and to      

which1 among other obvious causes1 it   
may no doubt be owing that the country  
of ,furruckabad is become almost an     
entire waste1 without cultivation or    
inhabitants1--that the capital1 which   
but a very short time ago was           
distinguished as one of the most        
populous and opulent commercial cities  
in ,hindostan1 at present exhibits      
nothing but scenes of the most wretched 
poverty1 desolation1 and misery1--and   
that the ,nabob himself1 though in the  
possession of a tract of country which1 
with only common care1 is notoriously   
capable of yielding an annual revenue of
 between thirty and forty lacs1 7three  
or four hundred thousand pounds17 with  
no military establishment to maintain1  
scarcely commands the means of a bare   
subsistence4  ,this is a true and       
unexaggerated picture1 not only of      
,furruckabad1 but of at least three     
fourths of the country which we possess1
 or rather lay waste1 in ,india4 ,now1  
,sir1 the ,house will be desirous to    

know for what purpose this picture was  
drawn4 ,it was for a purpose1 ,i will   
not say laudable1 but necessary3 that of
 taking the unfortunate prince and his  
country out of the hands of a           
sequestrator sent thither by the ,nabob 
of ,oude1 the mortal enemy of the prince
 thus ruined1 and to protect him by     
means of a ,british resident1 who might 
carry his complaints to the superior    
resident at ,oude1 or transmit them to  
,calcutta4 ,but mark how the reformer   
persisted in his reformation4 ,the      
effect of the measure was better than   
was probably expected4 ,the prince began
 to be at ease2 the country began to    
recover2 and the revenue began to be    
collected4 ,these were alarming         
circumstances4 ,mr4 ,hastings not only  
recalled the resident1 but he entered   
into a formal stipulation with the      
,nabob of ,oude never to send an        
,english subject again to ,furruckabad2 
and thus the country1 described as you  
have heard by ,mr4 ,hastings1 is given  

up forever to the very persons to whom  
he had attributed its ruin1--that is1 to
 the sezawals or sequestrators of the   
,nabob of ,oude4  ,such was the issue of
 the first attempt to relieve the       
distresses of the dependent provinces4  
,i shall close what ,i have to say on   
the condition of the northern           
dependencies with the effect of the last
 of these attempts4 ,you will recollect1
 ,sir1 the account ,i have not long ago 
stated to you1 as given by ,mr4         
,hastings1 of the ruined condition of   
the destroyer of others1 the ,nabob of  
,oude1 and of the recall1 in            
consequence1 of ,hannay1 ,middleton1 and
 ,johnson4 ,when the first little sudden
 gust of passion against these gentlemen
 was spent1 the sentiments of old       
friendship began to revive4 ,some       
healing conferences were held between   
them and the superior government4 ,mr4  
,hannay was permitted to return to      
,oude2 but death prevented the further  
advantages intended for him1 and the    

future benefits proposed for the country
 by the provident cars of the           
,council-,general4  ,one of these       
gentlemen was accused of the grossest   
peculations2 two of them by ,mr4        
,hastings himself1 of what he considered
 as very gross offences4 ,the ,court of 
,directors were informed1 by the        
,governor-,general and ,council1 that a 
severe inquiry would be instituted      
against the two survivors2 and they     
requested that court to suspend its     
judgment1 and to wait the event of their
 proceedings4 ,a mock inquiry has been  
instituted1 by which the parties could  
not be said to be either acquitted or   
condemned4 ,by means of the bland and   
conciliatory dispositions of the        
charter-governors1 and proper private   
explanations1 the public inquiry has in 
effect died away2 the supposed          
peculators and destroyers of ,oude      
repose in all security in the bosoms of 
their accusers2 whilst others succeed to
 them to be instructed by their example4

  ,it is only to complete the view ,i   
proposed of the conduct of the ,company 
with regard to the dependent provinces1 
that ,i shall say any thing at all of   
the ,carnatic1 which is the scene1 if   
possible1 of greater disorder than the  
northern provinces4 ,perhaps it were    
better to say of this centre and        
metropolis of abuse1 whence all the rest
 in ,india and in ,england diverge1 from
 whence they are fed and methodized1    
what was said of ,carthage1--,de        
,carthagine satius est silere quam parum
 dicere4 ,this country1 in all its      
denominations1 is about #df1jjj square  
miles4 ,it may be affirmed universally1 
that not one person of substance or     
property1 landed1 commercial1 or        
moneyed1 excepting two or three bankers1
 who are necessary deposits and         
distributors of the general spoil1 is   
left in all that region4 ,in that       
country1 the moisture1 the bounty of    
,heaven1 is given but at a certain      
season4 ,before the era of our          

influence1 the industry of man carefully
 husbanded that gift of ,god4 ,the      
,gentoos preserved1 with a provident and
 religious care1 the precious deposit of
 the periodical rain in reservoirs1 many
 of them works of royal grandeur2 and   
from these1 as occasion demanded1 they  
fructified the whole country4 ,to       
maintain these reservoirs1 and to keep  
up an annual advance to the cultivators 
for seed and cattle1 formed a principal 
object of the piety and policy of the   
priests and rulers of the ,gentoo       
religion4  ,this object required a      
command of money2 and there was no      
pollam1 or castle1 which in the happy   
days of the ,carnatic was without some  
hoard of treasure1 by which the         
governors were enabled to combat with   
the irregularity of the seasons1 and to 
resist or to buy off the invasion of an 
enemy4 ,in all the cities were          
multitudes of merchants and bankers1 for
 all occasions of moneyed assistance2   
and on the other hand1 the native       

princes were in condition to obtain     
credit from them4 ,the manufacturer was 
paid by the return of commodities1 or by
 imported money1 and not1 as at present1
 in the taxes that had been originally  
exacted from his industry4 ,in aid of   
casual distress1 the country was full of
 choultries1 which were inns and        
hospitals1 where the traveller and the  
poor were relieved4 ,all ranks of people
 had their place in the public concern1 
and their share in the common stock and 
common prosperity4 ,but the chartered   
rights of men1 and the right which it   
was thought proper to set up in the     
,nabob of ,arcot1 introduced a new      
system4 ,it was their policy to consider
 hoards of money as crimes1--to regard  
moderate rents as frauds on the         
sovereign1--and to view1 in the lesser  
princes1 any claim of exemption from    
more than settled tribute as an act of  
rebellion4 ,accordingly1 all the castles
 were1 one after the other1 plundered   
and destroyed2 the native princes were  

expelled2 the hospitals fell to ruin2   
the reservoirs of water went to decay2  
the merchants1 bankers1 and             
manufacturers disappeared2 and          
sterility1 indigence1 and depopulation  
overspread the face of these once       
flourishing provinces4  ,the ,company   
was very early sensible of these        
mischiefs1 and of their true cause4     
,they gave precise orders1 that the     
native princes1 called polygars1 should 
not be extirpated4 ,the rebellion 7so   
they choose to call it7 of the polygars 
may1 they fear1 with1 too much justice1 
be attributed to the maladministration  
of the ,nabob's collectors4 ,they       
observe with concern1 that their troops 
have been put to disagreeable services4 
,they might have used a stronger        
expression without impropriety4 ,but    
they make amends in another place4      
,speaking of the polygars1 the          
,directors say that it was repugnant to 
humanity to force them to such dreadful 
extremities as they underwent2 that some

 examples of severity might be          
necessary1 when they fell into the      
,nabob's hands1 and not by the          
destruction of the country2 that they   
fear his government is none of the      
mildest1 and that there is great        
oppression in collecting his revenues4  
,they state1 that the wars in which he  
has involved the ,carnatic had been a   
cause of its distresses2 that those     
distresses have been certainly great1   
but those by the ,nabob's oppressions   
they believe to be greater than all4    
,pray1 ,sir1 attend to the reason for   
their opinion that the government of    
this their instrument is more calamitous
 to the country than the ravages of     
war3--,because1 say they1 his           
oppressions are without intermission2   
the others are temporary2--by all which 
oppressions we believe the ,nabob has   
great wealth in store4 ,from this store 
neither he nor they could derive any    
advantage whatsoever1 upon the invasion 
of ,hyder ,ali1 in the hour of their    

greatest calamity and dismay4  ,it is   
now proper to compare these declarations
 with the ,company's conduct4 ,the      
principal reason which they assigned    
against the extirpation of the polygars 
was1 that the weavers were protected in 
their fortresses4 ,they might have      
added1 that the ,company itself1 which  
stung them to death1 had been warmed in 
the bosom of these unfortunate princes3 
for1 on the taking of ,madras by the    
,french1 it was in their hospitable     
pollams that most of the inhabitants    
found refuge and protection4 ,but       
notwithstanding all these orders1       
reasons1 and declarations1 they at      
length gave an indirect sanction1 and   
permitted the use of a very direct and  
irresistible force1 to measures which   
they had over and over again declared to
 be false policy1 cruel1 inhuman1 and   
oppressive4 ,having1 however1 forgot all
 attention to the princes and the       
people1 they remembered that they had   
some sort of interest in the trade of   

the country2 and it is matter of        
curiosity to observe the protection     
which they afforded to this their       
natural object4  ,full of anxious cares 
on this head1 they direct1 that1 in     
reducing the polygars1 they their       
servants were to be cautious not to     
deprive the weavers and manufacturers of
 the protection they often met with in  
the strongholds of the polygar          
countries2 and they write to their      
instrument1 the ,nabob of ,arcot1       
concerning these poor people in a most  
pathetic strain4 ,we entreat your       
,excellency1 7say they17 in particular1 
to make the manufacturers the object of 
your tenderest care2 particularly when  
you root out the polygars1 you do not   
deprive the weavers of the protection   
they enjoyed under them4 ,when they root
 out the protectors in favor of the     
oppressor1 they show themselves         
religiously cautious of the rights of   
the protected4 ,when they extirpate the 
shepherd and the shepherd's dog1 they   

piously recommend the helpless flock to 
the mercy1 and even to the tenderest    
care1 of the wolf4 ,this is the uniform 
strain of their policy1--strictly       
forbidding1 and at the same time        
strenuously encouraging and enforcing1  
every measure that can ruin and desolate
 the country committed to their charge4 
,after giving the ,company's idea of the
 government of this their instrument1 it
 may appear singular1 but it is         
perfectly consistent with their system1 
that1 besides wasting for him1 at two   
different times1 the most exquisite spot
 upon the earth1 ,tanjore1 and all the  
adjacent countries1 they have even      
voluntarily put their own territory1    
that is1 a large and fine country       
adjacent to ,madras1 called their       
jaghire1 wholly out of their            
protection1--and have continued to farm 
their subjects1 and their duties towards
 these subjects1 to that very ,nabob    
whom they themselves constantly         
represent as an habitual oppressor and a

 relentless tyrant4 ,this they have done
 without any pretence of ignorance of   
the objects of oppression for which this
 prince has thought fit to become their 
renter2 for he has again and again told 
them that it is for the sole purpose of 
exercising authority he holds the       
jaghire lands2 and he affirms 7and ,i   
believe with truth7 that he pays more   
for that territory than the revenues    
yield4 ,this deficiency he must make up 
from his other territories2 and thus1 in
 order to furnish the means of          
oppressing one part of the ,carnatic1 he
 is led to oppress all the rest4  ,the  
,house perceives that the livery of the 
,company's government is uniform4 ,i    
have described the condition of the     
countries indirectly1 but most          
substantially1 under the ,company's     
authority4 ,and now ,i ask1 whether1    
with this map of misgovernment before   
me1 ,i can suppose myself bound by my   
vote to continue1 upon any principles of
 pretended public faith1 the management 

of these countries in those hands4 ,if  
,i kept such a faith 7which in reality  
is no better than a fides latronum7 with
 what is called the ,company1 ,i must   
break the faith1 the covenant1 the      
solemn1 original1 indispensable oath1 in
 which ,i am bound1 by the eternal frame
 and constitution of things1 to the     
whole human race4  ,as ,i have dwelt so 
long on these who are indirectly under  
the ,company's administration1 ,i will  
endeavor to be a little shorter upon the
 countries immediately under this       
charter-government4 ,these are the      
,bengal provinces4 ,the condition of    
these provinces is pretty fully detailed
 in the ,sixth and ,ninth ,reports1 and 
in their ,appendixes4 ,i will select    
only such principles and instances as   
are broad and general4 ,to your own     
thoughts ,i shall leave it to furnish   
the detail of oppressions involved in   
them4 ,i shall state to you1 as shortly 
as ,i am able1 the conduct of the       
,company3--#ast1 towards the landed     

interests2--next1 the commercial        
interests2--#crdly1 the native          
government2--and lastly1 to their own   
government4  ,bengal1 and the provinces 
that are united to it1 are larger than  
the kingdom of ,france1 and once        
contained1 as ,france does contain1 a   
great and independent landed interest1  
composed of princes1 of great lords1 of 
a numerous nobility and gentry1 of      
freeholders1 of lower tenants1 of       
religious communities1 and public       
foundations4 ,so early as #agfi1 the    
,company's servants perceived the decay 
into which these provinces had fallen   
under ,english administration1 and they 
made a strong representation upon this  
decay1 and what they apprehended to be  
the causes of it4 ,soon after this      
representation1 ,mr4 ,hastings became   
,president of ,bengal4 ,instead of      
administering a remedy to this          
melancholy disorder1 upon the heels of a
 dreadful famine1 in the year #aggb1 the
 succor which the new ,president and the

 ,council lent to this afflicted nation 
was--shall ,i be believed in relating   
it8--the landed interest of a whole     
kingdom1 of a kingdom to be compared to 
,france1 was set up to public auction6  
,they set up 7,mr4 ,hastings set up7 the
 whole nobility1 gentry1 and freeholders
 to the highest bidder4 ,no preference  
was given to the ancient proprietors4   
,they must bid against every usurer1    
every temporary adventurer1 every jobber
 and schemer1 every servant of every    
,european1--or they were obliged to     
content themselves1 in lieu of their    
extensive domains1 with their house1 and
 such a pension as the state auctioneers
 thought fit to assign4 ,in this general
 calamity1 several of the first nobility
 thought 7and in all appearance justly7 
that they had better submit to the      
necessity of this pension1 than         
continue1 under the name of zemindars1  
the objects and instruments of a system 
by which they ruined their tenants and  
were ruined themselves4 ,another reform 

has since come upon the back of the     
first2 and a pension having been        
assigned to these unhappy persons1 in   
lieu of their hereditary lands1 a new   
scheme of economy has taken place1 and  
deprived them of that pension4  ,the    
menial servants of ,englishmen1 persons 
7to use the emphatical phrase of a      
ruined and patient ,eastern chief7 whose
 fathers they would not have set with   
the dogs of their flock entered into    
their patrimonial lands4 ,mr4           
,hastings's banian was1 after this      
auction1 found possessed of territories 
yielding a rent of one hundred and forty
 thousand pounds a year4  ,such an      
universal proscription1 upon any        
pretence1 has few examples4 ,such a     
proscription1 without even a pretence of
 delinquency1 has none4 ,it stands by   
itself4 ,it stands as a monument to     
astonish the imagination1 to confound   
the reason of mankind4 ,i confess to    
you1 when ,i first came to know this    
business in its true nature and extent1 

my surprise did a little suspend my     
indignation4 ,i was in a manner         
stupefied by the desperate boldness of a
 few obscure young men1 who1 having     
obtained1 by ways which they could not  
comprehend1 a power of which they saw   
neither the purposes nor the limits1    
tossed about1 subverted1 and tore to    
pieces1 as if it were in the gambols of 
a boyish unluckiness and malice1 the    
most established rights1 and the most   
ancient and most revered institutions1  
of ages and nations4 ,sir1 ,i will not  
now trouble you with any detail with    
regard to what they have since done with
 these same lands and landholders1 only 
to inform you that nothing has been     
suffered to settle for two seasons      
together upon any basis1 and that the   
levity and inconstancy of these mock    
legislators were not the least          
afflicting parts of the oppressions     
suffered under their usurpation2 nor    
will anything give stability to the     
property of the natives1 but an         

administration in ,england at once      
protecting and stable4 ,the country     
sustains1 almost every year1 the        
miseries of a revolution4 ,at present1  
all is uncertainty1 misery1 and         
confusion4 ,there is to be found through
 these vast regions no longer one landed
 man who is a resource for voluntary aid
 or an object for particular rapine4    
,some of them were not long since great 
princes2 they possessed treasures1 they 
levied armies4 ,there was a zemindar in 
,bengal1 7,i forget his name17 that1 on 
the threat of an invasion1 supplied the 
subah of these provinces with the loan  
of a million sterling4 ,the family at   
this day wants credit for a breakfast at
 the bazaar4  ,i shall now say a word or
 two on the ,company's care of the      
commercial interest of those kingdoms4  
,as it appears in the ,reports that     
persons in the highest stations in      
,bengal have adopted1 as a fixed plan of
 policy1 the destruction of all         
intermediate dealers between the        

,company and the manufacturer1 native   
merchants have disappeared of course4   
,the spoil of the revenues is the sole  
capital which purchases the produce and 
manufactures1 and through three or four 
foreign companies transmits the official
 gains of individuals to ,europe4 ,no   
other commerce has an existence in      
,bengal4 ,the transport of its plunder  
is the only traffic of the country4 ,i  
wish to refer you to the ,appendix to   
the ,ninth ,report for a full account of
 the manner in which the ,company have  
protected the commercial interests of   
their dominions in the ,east4  ,as to   
the native government and the           
administration of justice1 it subsisted 
in a poor1 tottering manner for some    
years4 ,in the year #agha a total       
revolution took place in that           
establishment4 ,in one of the usual     
freaks of legislation of the ,council of
 ,bengal1 the whole criminal            
jurisdiction of these courts1 called the
 ,phoujdary ,judicature1 exercised till 

then by the principal ,mussulmen1 was in
 one day1 without notice1 without       
consultation with the magistrates or the
 people there1 and without communication
 with the ,directors or ,ministers here1
 totally subverted4 ,a new institution  
took place1 by which this jurisdiction  
was divided between certain ,english    
servants of the ,company and the ,gentoo
 zemindars of the country1 the latter of
 whom never petitioned for it1 nor1 for 
aught that appears1 ever desired this   
boon4 ,but its natural use was made of  
it3 it was made a pretence for new      
extortions of money4  ,the natives had1 
however1 one consolation in the ruin of 
their judicature3 they soon saw that it 
fared no better with the ,english       
government itself4 ,that1 too1 after    
destroying every other1 came to its     
period4 ,this revolution may well be    
rated for a most daring act1 even among 
the extraordinary things that have been 
doing in ,bengal since our unhappy      
acquisition of the means of so much     

mischief4  ,an establishment of ,english
 government for civil justice1 and for  
the collection of revenue1 was planned  
and executed by the ,president and      
,council of ,bengal1 subject to the     
pleasure of the ,directors1 in the year 
#aggb4 ,according to this plan1 the     
country was divided into six districts1 
or provinces4 ,in each of these was     
established a provincial council1 which 
administered the revenue2 and of that   
council1 one member1 by monthly         
rotation1 presided in the courts of     
civil resort1 with an appeal to the     
council of the province1 and thence to  
,calcutta4 ,in this system 7whether in  
other respects good or evil7 there were 
some capital advantages4 ,there was1 in 
the very number of persons in each      
provincial council1 authority1          
communication1 mutual check1 and        
control4 ,they were obliged1 on their   
minutes of consultation1 to enter their 
reasons and dissents2 so that a man of  
diligence1 of research1 and tolerable   

sagacity1 sitting in ,london1 might1    
from these materials1 be enabled to form
 some judgment of the spirit of what was
 going on on the furthest banks of the  
,ganges and ,burrampooter4  ,the ,court 
of ,directors so far ratified this      
establishment1 7which was consonant     
enough to their general plan of         
government17 that they gave precise     
orders that no alteration should be made
 in it without their consent4 ,so far   
from being apprised of any design       
against this constitution1 they had     
reason to conceive that on trial it had 
been more and more approved by their    
,council-,general1 at least by the      
,governor-,general1 who had planned it4 
,at the time of the revolution1 the     
,council-,general was nominally in two  
persons1 virtually in one4 ,at that time
 measures of an arduous and critical    
nature ought to have been forborne1 even
 if1 to the fullest council1 this       
specific measure had not been prohibited
 by the superior authority4 ,it was in  

this very situation that one man had the
 hardiness to conceive and the temerity 
to execute a total revolution in the    
form and the persons composing the      
government of a great kingdom4 ,without 
any previous step1 at one stroke1 the   
whole constitution1 of ,bengal1 civil   
and criminal1 was swept away4 ,the      
counsellors were recalled from their    
provinces2 upwards of fifty of the      
principal officers of government were   
turned out of employ1 and rendered      
dependent on ,mr4 ,hastings for their   
immediate subsistence1 and for all hope 
of future provision4 ,the chief of each 
council1 and one ,european collector of 
revenue1 was left in each province4     
,but here1 ,sir1 you may imagine a new  
government1 of some permanent           
description1 was established in the     
place of that which had been thus       
suddenly overturned4 ,no such thing4    
,lest these chiefs1 without councils1   
should be conceived to form the         
ground-plan of some future government1  

it was publicly declared that their     
continuance was only temporary and      
permissive4 ,the whole subordinate      
,british administration of revenue was  
then vested in a committee in ,calcutta1
 all creatures of the                   
,governor-,general2 and the provincial  
management1 under the permissive chief1 
was delivered over to native officers4  
,but that the revolution and the        
purposes of the revolution might be     
complete1 to this committee were        
delegated1 not only the functions of all
 the inferior1 but1 what will surprise  
the ,house1 those of the supreme        
administration of revenue also4         
,hitherto the ,governor-,general and    
,council had1 in their revenue          
department1 administered the finances of
 those kingdoms4 ,by the new scheme they
 are delegated to this committee1 who   
are only to report their proceedings for
 approbation4  ,the key to the whole    
transaction is given in one of the      
instructions to the committee1--that it 

is not necessary that they should enter 
dissents4 ,by this means the ancient    
plan of the ,company's administration   
was destroyed2 but the plan of          
concealment was perfected4 ,to that     
moment the accounts of the revenues were
 tolerably clear1--or at least means    
were furnished for inquiries1 by which  
they might be rendered satisfactory4 ,in
 the obscure and silent gulf of this    
committee everything is now buried4 ,the
 thickest shades of night surround all  
their transactions4 ,no effectual means 
of detecting fraud1 mismanagement1 or   
misrepresentation exist4 ,the           
,directors1 who have dared to talk with 
such confidence on their revenues1 know 
nothing about them4 ,what used to fill  
volumes is now comprised under a few dry
 heads on a sheet of paper4 ,the        
natives1 a people habitually made to    
concealment1 are the chief managers of  
the revenue throughout the provinces4 ,i
 mean by natives such wretches as your  
rulers select out of them as most fitted

 for their purposes4 ,as a proper       
keystone to bind the arch1 a native1 one
 ,gunga ,govind ,sing1 a man turned out 
of his employment by ,sir ,john         
,clavering for malversation in office1  
is made the corresponding secretary1    
and1 indeed1 the great moving principle 
of their new board4  ,as the whole      
revenue and civil administration was    
thus subverted1 and a clandestine       
government substituted in the place of  
it1 the judicial institution underwent a
 like revolution4 ,in #aggb there had   
been six courts1 formed out of the six  
provincial councils4 ,eighteen new ones 
are appointed in their place1 with each 
a judge1 taken from the junior servants 
of the ,company4 ,to maintain these     
eighteen courts1 a tax is levied on the 
sums in litigation1 of two and one half 
per cent on the great1 and of five per  
cent on the less4 ,this money is all    
drawn from the provinces to ,calcutta4  
,the chief justice 7the same who stays  
in defiance of a vote of this ,house1   

and of his ,majesty's recall7 is        
appointed at once the treasurer and     
disposer of these taxes1 levied without 
any sort of authority from the ,company1
 from the ,crown1 or from ,parliament4  
,in effect1 ,sir1 every legal1 regular  
authority1 in matters of revenue1 of    
political administration1 of criminal   
law1 of civil law1 in many of the most  
essential parts of military discipline1 
is laid level with the ground2 and an   
oppressive1 irregular1 capricious1      
unsteady1 rapacious1 and peculating     
despotism1 with a direct disavowal of   
obedience to any authority at home1 and 
without any fixed maxim1 principle1 or  
rule of proceeding to guide them in     
,india1 is at present the state of your 
charter-government over great kingdoms4 
,as the ,company has made this use of   
their trust1 ,i should ill discharge    
mine1 if ,i refused to give my most     
cheerful vote for the redress of these  
abuses1 by putting the affairs of so    
large and valuable a part of the        

interests of this nation and of mankind 
into some steady hands1 possessing the  
confidence and assured of the support of
 this ,house1 until they can be restored
 to regularity1 order1 and consistency4 
,i have touched the heads of some of the
 grievances of the people and the abuses
 of government4 ,but ,i hope and trust  
you will give me credit1 when ,i        
faithfully assure you that ,i have not  
mentioned one fourth part of what has   
come to my knowledge in your committee2 
and further1 ,i have full reason to     
believe that not one fourth part of the 
abuses are come to my knowledge1 by that
 or by any other means4 ,pray consider  
what ,i have said only as an index to   
direct you in your inquiries4  ,if this1
 then1 ,sir1 has been the use made of   
the trust of political powers1 internal 
and external1 given by you in the       
charter1 the next thing to be seen is   
the conduct of the ,company with regard 
to the commercial trust4 ,and here ,i   
will make a fair offer3--,if it can be  

proved that they have acted wisely1     
prudently1 and frugally1 as merchants1  
,i shall pass by the whole mass of their
 enormities as statesmen4 ,that they    
have not done this their present        
condition is proof sufficient4 ,their   
distresses are said to be owing to their
 wars4 ,this is not wholly true4 ,but if
 it were1 is not that readiness to      
engage in wars1 which distinguishes     
them1 and for which the ,committee of   
,secrecy has so branded their politics1 
founded on the falsest principles of    
mercantile speculation8  ,the principle 
of buying cheap and selling dear is the 
first1 the great foundation of          
mercantile dealing4 ,have they ever     
attended to this principle8 ,nay1 for   
years have they not actually authorized 
in their servants a total indifference  
as to the prices they were to pay8  ,a  
great deal of strictness in driving     
bargains for whatever we contract is    
another of the principles of mercantile 
policy4 ,try the ,company by that test4 

,look at the contracts that are made for
 them4 ,is the ,company so much as a    
good commissary to their own armies8 ,i 
engage to select for you1 out of the    
innumerable mass of their dealings1 all 
conducted very nearly alike1 one        
contract only the excessive profits on  
which during a short term would pay the 
whole of their year's dividend4 ,i shall
 undertake to show that upon two others 
the inordinate profits given1 with the  
losses incurred in order to secure those
 profits1 would pay a year's dividend   
more4  ,it is a third property of       
trading-men to see that their clerks do 
not divert the dealings of the master to
 their own benefit4 ,it was the other   
day only1 when their ,governor and      
,council taxed the ,company's investment
 with a sum of fifty thousand pounds1 as
 an inducement to persuade only seven   
members of their ,board of ,trade to    
give their honor that they would abstain
 from such profits upon that investment1
 as they must have violated their oaths1

 if they had made at all4  ,it is a     
fourth quality of a merchant to be exact
 in his accounts4 ,what will be thought1
 when you have fully before you the mode
 of accounting made use of in the       
,treasury of ,bengal8 ,i hope you will  
have it soon4 ,with regard to one of    
their agencies1 when it came to the     
material part1 the prime cost of the    
goods on which a commission of fifteen  
per cent was allowed1 to the            
astonishment of the factory to whom the 
commodities were sent1 the              
,accountant-,general reports that he did
 not think himself authorized to call   
for vouchers relative to this and other 
particulars1--because the agent was upon
 his honor with regard to them4 ,a new  
principle of account upon honor seems to
 be regularly established in their      
dealings and their treasury1 which in   
reality amounts to an entire            
annihilation of the principle of all    
accounts4  ,it is a fifth property of a 
merchant1 who does not meditate a       

fraudulent bankruptcy1 to calculate his 
probable profits upon the money he takes
 up to vest in business4 ,did the       
,company1 when they bought goods on     
bonds bearing eight per cent interest1  
at ten and even twenty per cent         
discount1 even ask themselves a question
 concerning the possibility of advantage
 from dealing on these terms8  ,the last
 quality of a merchant ,i shall advert  
to is the taking care to be properly    
prepared1 in cash or goods in the       
ordinary course of sale1 for the bills  
which are drawn on them4 ,now ,i ask1   
whether they have ever calculated the   
clear produce of any given sales1 to    
make them tally with the four million of
 bills which are come and coming upon   
them1 so as at the proper periods to    
enable the one to liquidate the other4  
,no1 they have not4 ,they are now       
obliged to borrow money of their own    
servants to purchase their investment4  
,the servants stipulate five per cent on
 the capital they advance1 if their     

bills should not be paid at the time    
when they become due2 and the value of  
the rupee on which they charge this     
interest is taken at two shillings and a
 penny4 ,has the ,company ever troubled 
themselves to inquire whether their     
sales can bear the payment of that      
interest1 and at that rate of exchange8 
,have they once considered the dilemma  
in which they are placed1--the ruin of  
their credit in the ,east ,indies1 if   
they refuse the bills1--the ruin of     
their credit and existence in ,england1 
if they accept them8  ,indeed1 no trace 
of equitable government is found in     
their politics1 not one trace of        
commercial principle in their mercantile
 dealing3 and hence is the deepest and  
maturest wisdom of ,parliament demanded1
 and the best resources of this kingdom 
must be strained1 to restore them1--that
 is1 to restore the countries destroyed 
by the misconduct of the ,company1 and  
to restore the ,company itself1 ruined  
by the consequences of their plans for  

destroying what they were bound to      
preserve4  ,i required1 if you remember1
 at my outset1 a proof that these abuses
 were habitual4 ,but surely this is not 
necessary for me to consider as a       
separate head2 because ,i trust ,i have 
made it evident beyond a doubt1 in      
considering the abuses themselves1 that 
they are regular1 permanent1 and        
systematical4  ,i am now come to my last
 condition1 without which1 for one1 ,i  
will never readily lend my hand to the  
destruction of any established          
government1 which is1--that1 in its     
present state1 the government of the    
,east ,india ,company is absolutely     
incorrigible4  ,of this great truth ,i  
think there can be little doubt1 after  
all that has appeared in this ,house4   
,it is so very clear1 that ,i must      
consider the leaving any power in their 
hands1 and the determined resolution to 
continue and countenance every mode and 
every degree of peculation1 oppression1 
and tyranny1 to be one and the same     

thing4 ,i look upon that body           
incorrigible1 from the fullest          
consideration both of their uniform     
conduct and their present real and      
virtual constitution4  ,if they had not 
constantly been apprised of all the     
enormities committed in ,india under    
their authority1 if this state of things
 had been as much a discovery to them as
 it was to many of us1 we might flatter 
ourselves that the detection of the     
abuses would lead to their reformation4 
,i will go further4 ,if the ,court of   
,directors had not uniformly condemned  
every act which this ,house or any of   
its committees had condemned1 if the    
language in which they expressed their  
disapprobation against enormities and   
their authors had not been much more    
vehement and indignant than any ever    
used in this ,house1 ,i should entertain
 some hopes4 ,if they had not1 on the   
other hand1 as uniformly commended all  
their servants who had done their duty  
and obeyed their orders as they had     

heavily censured those who rebelled1 ,i 
might say1 ,these people have been in an
 error1 and when they are sensible of it
 they will mend4 ,but when ,i reflect on
 the uniformity of their support to the 
objects of their uniform censure1 and   
the state of insignificance and disgrace
 to which all of those have been reduced
 whom they approved1 and that even utter
 ruin and premature death have been     
among the fruits of their favor1 ,i must
 be convinced1 that in this case1 as in 
all others1 hypocrisy is the only vice  
that never can be cured4  ,attend1 ,i   
pray you1 to the situation and          
prosperity of ,benfield1 ,hastings1 and 
others of that sort4 ,the last of these 
has been treated by the ,company with an
 asperity of reprehension that has no   
parallel4 ,they lament that the power of
 disposing of their property for        
perpetuity should fall into such hands4 
,yet for fourteen years1 with little    
interruption1 he has governed all their 
affairs1 of every description1 with an  

absolute sway4 ,he has had himself the  
means of heaping up immense wealth2 and 
during that whole period1 the fortunes  
of hundreds have depended on his smiles 
and frowns4 ,he himself tells you he is 
incumbered with two hundred and fifty   
young gentlemen1 some of them of the    
best families in ,england1 all of whom  
aim at returning with vast fortunes to  
,europe in the prime of life4 ,he has1  
then1 two hundred and fifty of your     
children as his hostages for your good  
behavior2 and loaded for years1 as he   
has been1 with the execrations of the   
natives1 with the censures of the ,court
 of ,directors1 and struck and blasted  
with resolutions of this ,house1 he     
still maintains the most despotic power 
ever known in ,india4 ,he domineers with
 an overbearing sway in the assemblies  
of his pretended masters2 and it is     
thought in a degree rash to venture to  
name his offences in this ,house1 even  
as grounds of a legislative remedy4  ,on
 the other hand1 consider the fate of   

those who have met with the applauses of
 the ,directors4 ,colonel ,monson1 one  
of the best of men1 had his days        
shortened by the applauses1 destitute of
 the support1 of the ,company4 ,general 
,clavering1 whose panegyric was made in 
every dispatch from ,england1 whose     
hearse was bedewed with the tears and   
hung round with the eulogies of the     
,court of ,directors1 burst an honest   
and indignant heart at the treachery of 
those who ruined him by their praises4  
,uncommon patience and temper supported 
,mr4 ,francis a while longer under the  
baneful influence of the commendation of
 the ,court of ,directors4 ,his health1 
however1 gave way at length2 and in     
utter despair1 he returned to ,europe4  
,at his return1 the doors of the ,india 
,house were shut to this man who had    
been the object of their constant       
admiration4 ,he has1 indeed1 escaped    
with life2 but he has forfeited all     
expectation of credit1 consequence1     
party1 and following4 ,he may well say1 

,me nemo ministro fur erit1 atque ideo  
nulli comes exeo4 ,this man1 whose deep 
reach of thought1 whose large           
legislative conceptions1 and whose grand
 plans of policy make the most shining  
part of our ,reports1 from whence we    
have all learned our lessons1 if we have
 learned any good ones1--this man1 from 
whose materials those gentlemen who have
 least acknowledged it have yet spoken  
as from a brief1--this man1 driven from 
his employment1 discountenanced by the  
,directors1 has had no other reward1 and
 no other distinction1 but that inward  
sunshine of the soul which a good       
conscience can always bestow upon       
itself4 ,he has not yet had so much as a
 good word1 but from a person too       
insignificant to make any other return  
for the means with which he has been    
furnished for performing his share of a 
duty which is equally urgent on us all4 
,add to this1 that1 from the highest in 
place to the lowest1 every ,british     
subject1 who1 in obedience to the       

,company's orders1 has been active in   
the discovery of peculations1 has been  
ruined4 ,they have been driven from     
,india4 ,when they made their appeal at 
home1 they were not heard2 when they    
attempted to return1 they were stopped4 
,no artifice of fraud1 no violence of   
power1 has been omitted to destroy them 
in character as well as in fortune4     
,worse1 far worse1 has been the fate of 
the poor creatures1 the natives of      
,india1 whom the hypocrisy of the       
,company has betrayed into complaint of 
oppression and discovery of peculation4 
,the first women in ,bengal1 the ,ranny 
of ,rajeshahi1 the ,ranny of ,burdwan1  
the ,ranny of ,ambooah1 by their weak   
and thoughtless trust in the ,company's 
honor and protection1 are utterly       
ruined3 the first of these women1 a     
person of princely rank1 and once of    
correspondent fortune1 who paid above   
two hundred thousand a year quit-rent to
 the state1 is1 according to very       
credible information1 so completely     

beggared as to stand in need of the     
relief of alms4 ,mahomed ,reza ,khn1 the
 second ,mussulman in ,bengal1 for      
having been distinguished by the        
ill-omened honor of the countenance and 
protection of the ,court of ,directors1 
was1 without the pretence of any inquiry
 whatsoever into his conduct1 stripped  
of all his employments1 and reduced to  
the lowest condition4 ,his ancient rival
 for power1 the ,rajah ,nundcomar1 was1 
by an insult on everything which ,india 
holds respectable and sacred1 hanged in 
the face of all his nation by the judges
 you sent to protect that people3 hanged
 for a pretended crime1 upon an ex post 
facto ,british act of ,parliament1 in   
the midst of his evidence against ,mr4  
,hastings4 ,the accuser they saw hanged4
 ,the culprit1 without acquittal or     
inquiry1 triumphs on the ground of that 
murder3 a murder1 not of ,nundcomar     
only1 but of all living testimony1 and  
even of evidence yet unborn4 ,from that 
time not a complaint has been heard from

 the natives against their governors4   
,all the grievances of ,india have found
 a complete remedy4  ,men will not look 
to acts of ,parliament1 to regulations1 
to declarations1 to votes1 and          
resolutions4 ,no1 they are not such     
fools4 ,they will ask1 ,what is the road
 to power1 credit1 wealth1 and honors8  
,they will ask1 ,what conduct ends in   
neglect1 disgrace1 poverty1 exile1      
prison1 and gibbet8 ,these will teach   
them the course which they are to       
follow4 ,it is your distribution of     
these that will give the character and  
tone to your government4 ,all the rest  
is miserable grimace4  ,when ,i accuse  
the ,court of ,directors of this        
habitual treachery in the use of reward 
and punishment1 ,i do not mean to       
include all the individuals in that     
court4 ,there have been1 ,sir1 very     
frequently men of the greatest integrity
 and virtue amongst them2 and the       
contrariety in the declarations and     
conduct of that court has arisen1 ,i    

take it1 from this1--that the honest    
,directors have1 by the force of matter 
of fact on the records1 carried the     
reprobation of the evil measures of the 
servants in ,india4 ,this could not be  
prevented1 whilst these records stared  
them in the face2 nor were the          
delinquents1 either here or there1 very 
solicitous about their reputation1 as   
long as they were able to secure their  
power4 ,the agreement of their partisans
 to censure them blunted for a while the
 edge of a severe proceeding4 ,it       
obtained for them a character of        
impartiality1 which enabled them to     
recommend with some sort of grace1 what 
will always carry a plausible           
appearance1 those treacherous expedients
 called moderate measures4 ,whilst these
 were under discussion1 new matter of   
complaint came over1 which seemed to    
antiquate the first4 ,the same circle   
was here trod round once more2 and thus 
through years they proceeded in a       
compromise of censure for punishment1   

until1 by shame and despair1 one after  
another1 almost every man who preferred 
his duty to the ,company to the interest
 of their servants has been driven from 
that court4  ,this1 ,sir1 has been their
 conduct3 and it has been the result of 
the alteration which was insensibly made
 in their constitution4 ,the change was 
made insensibly2 but it is now strong   
and adult1 and as public and declared as
 it is fixed beyond all power of        
reformation3 so that there is none who  
hears me that is not as certain as ,i   
am1 that the ,company1 in the sense in  
which it was formerly understood1 has no
 existence4  ,the question is not1 what 
injury you may do to the proprietors of 
,india stock2 for there are no such men 
to be injured4 ,if the active1 ruling   
part of the ,company1 who form the      
,general ,court1 who fill the offices   
and direct the measures1 7the rest tell 
for nothing17 were persons who held     
their stock as a means of their         
subsistence1 who in the part they took  

were only concerned in the government of
 ,india for the rise or fall of their   
dividend1 it would be indeed a defective
 plan of policy4 ,the interest of the   
people who are governed by them would   
not be their primary object1--perhaps a 
very small part of their consideration  
at all4 ,but then they might well be    
depended on1 and perhaps more than      
persons in other respects preferable1   
for preventing the peculations of their 
servants to their own prejudice4 ,such a
 body would not easily have left their  
trade as a spoil to the avarice of those
 who received their wages4 ,but now     
things are totally reversed4 ,the stock 
is of no value1 whether it be the       
qualification of a ,director or         
,proprietor2 and it is impossible that  
it should4 ,a ,director's qualification 
may be worth about two thousand five    
hundred pounds1--and the interest1 at   
eight per cent1 is about one hundred and
 sixty pounds a year4 ,of what value is 
that1 whether it rise to ten1 or fall to

 six1 or to nothing2 to him whose son1  
before he is in ,bengal two months1 and 
before he descends the stops of the     
,council-,chamber1 sells the grant of a 
single contract for forty thousand      
pounds8 ,accordingly1 the stock is      
bought up in qualifications4 ,the vote  
is not to protect the stock1 but the    
stock is bought to acquire the vote2 and
 the end of the vote is to cover and    
support1 against justice1 some man of   
power who has made an obnoxious fortune 
in ,india1 or to maintain in power those
 who are actually employing it in the   
acquisition of such a fortune1--and to  
avail themselves1 in return1 of his     
patronage1 that he may shower the spoils
 of the ,east1 barbaric pearl and gold1 
on them1 their families1 and dependants4
 ,so that all the relations of the      
,company are not only changed1 but      
inverted4 ,the servants in ,india are   
not appointed by the ,directors1 but the
 ,directors are chosen by them4 ,the    
trade is carried on with their capitals4

 ,to them the revenues of the country   
are mortgaged4 ,the seat of the supreme 
power is in ,calcutta4 ,the house in    
,leadenhall ,street is nothing more than
 a 'change for their agents1 factors1   
and deputies to meet in1 to take care of
 their affairs and support their        
interests1--and this so avowedly1 that  
we see the known agents of the          
delinquent servants marshalling and     
disciplining their forces1 and the prime
 spokesmen in all their assemblies4     
,everything has followed in this order1 
and according to the natural train of   
events4 ,i will close what ,i have to   
say on the incorrigible condition of the
 ,company1 by stating to you a few facts
 that will leave no doubt of the        
obstinacy of that corporation1 and of   
their strength too1 in resisting the    
reformation of their servants4 ,by these
 facts you will be enabled to discover  
the sole grounds upon which they are    
tenacious of their charter4  ,it is now 
more than two years1 that upon account  

of the gross abuses and ruinous         
situation of the ,company's affairs1    
7which occasioned the cry of the whole  
world long before it was taken up here17
 that we instituted two committees to   
inquire into the mismanagements by which
 the ,company's affairs had been brought
 to the brink of ruin4 ,these inquiries 
had been pursued with unremitting       
diligence1 and a great body of facts was
 collected and printed for general      
information4 ,in the result of those    
inquiries1 although the committees      
consisted of very different             
descriptions1 they were unanimous4 ,they
 joined in censuring the conduct of the 
,indian administration1 and enforcing   
the responsibility upon two men1 whom   
this ,house1 in consequence of these    
reports1 declared it to be the duty of  
the ,directors to remove from their     
stations1 and recall to ,great          
,britain1--because they had acted in a  
manner repugnant to the honor and policy
 of this nation1 and thereby brought    

great calamities on ,india and enormous 
expenses on the ,east ,india ,company4  
,here was no attempt on the charter4    
,here was no question of their          
privileges4 ,to vindicate their own     
honor1 to support their own interests1  
to enforce obedience to their own       
orders1--these were the sole object of  
the monitory resolution of this ,house4 
,but as soon as the ,general ,court     
could assemble1 they assembled to       
demonstrate who they really were4       
,regardless of the proceedings of this  
,house1 they ordered the ,directors not 
to carry into effect any resolution they
 might come to for the removal of ,mr4  
,hastings and ,mr4 ,hornby4 ,the        
,directors1 still retaining some shadow 
of respect to this ,house1 instituted an
 inquiry themselves1 which continued    
from ,june to ,october1 and1 after an   
attentive perusal and full consideration
 of papers1 resolved to take steps for  
removing the persons who had been the   
objects of our resolution1 but not      

without a violent struggle against      
evidence4 ,seven ,directors went so far 
as to enter a protest against the vote  
of their court4 ,upon this the ,general 
,court takes the alarm3 it reassembles2 
it orders the ,directors to rescind     
their resolution1 that is1 not to recall
 ,mr4 ,hastings and ,mr4 ,hornby1 and to
 despise the resolution of the ,house of
 ,commons4 ,without so much as the      
pretence of looking into a single paper1
 without the formality of instituting   
any committee of inquiry1 they          
superseded all the labors of their own  
,directors and of this ,house4  ,it will
 naturally occur to ask1 how it was     
possible that they should not attempt   
some sort of examination into facts1 as 
a color for their resistance to a public
 authority proceeding so very           
deliberately1 and exerted1 apparently at
 least1 in favor of their own4 ,the     
answer1 and the only answer which can be
 given1 is1 that they were afraid that  
their true relation should be mistaken4 

,they were afraid that their patrons and
 masters in ,india should attribute     
their support of them to an opinion of  
their cause1 and not to an attachment to
 their power4 ,they were afraid it      
should be suspected that they did not   
mean blindly to support them in the use 
they made of that power4 ,they          
determined to show that they at least   
were set against reformation3 that they 
were firmly resolved to bring the       
territories1 the trade1 and the stock of
 the ,company to ruin1 rather than be   
wanting in fidelity to their nominal    
servants and real masters1 in the ways  
they took to their private fortunes4    
,even since the beginning of this       
session1 the same act of audacity was   
repeated1 with the same circumstances of
 contempt of all the decorum of inquiry 
on their part1 and of all the           
proceedings of this ,house4 ,they again 
made it a request to their favorite1 and
 your culprit1 to keep his post1--and   
thanked and applauded him1 without      

calling for a paper which could afford  
light into the merit or demerit of the  
transaction1 and without giving         
themselves a moment's time to consider1 
or even to understand1 the articles of  
the ,mahratta peace4 ,the fact is1 that 
for a long time there was a struggle1 a 
faint one indeed1 between the ,company  
and their servants4 ,but it is a        
struggle no longer4 ,for some time the  
superiority has been decided4 ,the      
interests abroad are become the settled 
preponderating weight both in the ,court
 of ,proprietors and the ,court of      
,directors4 ,even the attempt you have  
made to inquire into their practices and
 to reform abuses has raised and piqued 
them to a far more regular and steady   
support4 ,the ,company has made a common
 cause and identified themselves with   
the destroyers of ,india4 ,they have    
taken on themselves all that mass of    
enormity2 they are supporting what you  
have reprobated2 those you condemn they 
applaud1 those you order home to answer 

for their conduct they request to stay1 
and thereby encourage to proceed in     
their practices4 ,thus the servants of  
the ,east ,india ,company triumph1 and  
the representatives of the people of    
,great ,britain are defeated4  ,i       
therefore conclude1 what you all        
conclude1 that this body1 being totally 
perverted from the purposes of its      
institution1 is utterly incorrigible2   
and because they are incorrigible1 both 
in conduct and constitution1 power ought
 to be taken out of their hands1--just  
on the same principles on which have    
been made all the just changes and      
revolutions of government that have     
taken place since the beginning of the  
world4  ,i will now say a few words to  
the general principle of the plan which 
is set up against that of my right      
honorable friend4 ,it is to recommit the
 government of ,india to the ,court of  
,directors4 ,those who would commit the 
reformation of ,india to the destroyers 
of it are the enemies to that           

reformation4 ,they would make a         
distinction between ,directors and      
,proprietors1 which1 in the present     
state of things1 does not1 cannot exist4
 ,but a right honorable gentleman says1 
he would keep the present government of 
,india in the ,court of ,directors1 and 
would1 to curb them1 provide salutary   
regulations4 ,wonderful6 ,that is1 he   
would appoint the old offenders to      
correct the old offences2 and he would  
render the vicious and the foolish wise 
and virtuous by salutary regulations4   
,he would appoint the wolf as guardian  
of the sheep2 but he has invented a     
curious muzzle1 by which this protecting
 wolf shall not be able to open his jaws
 above an inch or two at the utmost4    
,thus his work is finished4 ,but ,i tell
 the right honorable gentleman1 that    
controlled depravity is not innocence1  
and that it is not the labor of         
delinquency in chains that will correct 
abuses4 ,will these gentlemen of the    
direction animadvert on the partners of 

their own guilt8 ,never did a serious   
plan of amending of any old tyrannical  
establishment propose the authors and   
abettors of the abuses as the reformers 
of them4 ,if the undone people of ,india
 see their old oppressors in confirmed  
power1 even by the reformation1 they    
will expect nothing but what they will  
certainly feel1--continuance1 or rather 
an aggravation1 of all their former     
sufferings4 ,they look to the seat of   
power1 and to the persons who fill it2  
and they despise those gentlemen's      
regulations as much as the gentlemen do 
who talk of them4  ,but there is a cure 
for everything4 ,take away1 say they1   
the ,court of ,proprietors1 and the     
,court of ,directors will do their duty4
 ,yes1--as they have done it hitherto4  
,that the evils in ,india have solely   
arisen from the ,court of ,proprietors  
is grossly false4 ,in many of them the  
,directors were heartily concurring2 in 
most of them they were encouraging1 and 
sometimes commanding2 in all they were  

conniving4  ,but who are to choose this 
well-regulated and reforming ,court of  
,directors8--,why1 the very ,proprietors
 who are excluded from all management1  
for the abuse of their power4 ,they will
 choose1 undoubtedly1 out of themselves1
 men like themselves2 and those who are 
most forward in resisting your          
authority1 those who are most engaged in
 faction or interest with the           
delinquents abroad1 will be the objects 
of their selection4 ,but gentlemen say1 
that1 when this choice is made1 the     
,proprietors are not to interfere in the
 measures of the ,directors1 whilst     
those ,directors are busy in the control
 of their common patrons and masters in 
,india4 ,no1 indeed1 ,i believe they    
will not desire to interfere4 ,they will
 choose those whom they know may be     
trusted1 safely trusted1 to act in      
strict conformity to their common       
principles1 manners1 measures1          
interests1 and connections4 ,they will  
want neither monitor nor control4 ,it is

 not easy to choose men to act in       
conformity to a public interest against 
their private2 but a sure dependence may
 be had on those who are chosen to      
forward their private interest at the   
expense of the public4 ,but if the      
,directors should slip1 and deviate into
 rectitude1 the punishment is in the    
hands of the ,general ,court1 and it    
will surely be remembered to them at    
their next election4  ,if the government
 of ,india wants no reformation1 but    
gentlemen are amusing themselves with a 
theory1 conceiving a more democratic or 
aristocratic mode of government for     
these dependencies1 or if they are in a 
dispute only about patronage1 the       
dispute is with me of so little concern 
that ,i should not take the pains to    
utter an affirmative or negative to any 
proposition in it4 ,if it be only for a 
theoretical amusement that they are to  
propose a bill1 the thing is at best    
frivolous and unnecessary4 ,but if the  
,company's government is not only full  

of abuse1 but is one of the most corrupt
 and destructive tyrannies that probably
 ever existed in the world1 7as ,i am   
sure it is17 what a cruel mockery would 
it be in me1 and in those who think like
 me1 to propose this kind of remedy for 
this kind of evil6  ,i now come to the  
third objection1--that this bill will   
increase the influence of the crown4 ,an
 honorable gentleman has demanded of me1
 whether ,i was in earnest when ,i      
proposed to this ,house a plan for the  
reduction of that influence4 ,indeed1   
,sir1 ,i was much1 very much1 in earnest
 my heart was deeply concerned in it2   
and ,i hope the public has not lost the 
effect of it4 ,how far my judgment was  
right1 for what concerned personal favor
 and consequence to myself1 ,i shall not
 presume to determine2 nor is its effect
 upon me1 of any moment4 ,but as to this
 bill1 whether it increases the         
influence of the crown1 or not1 is a    
question ,i should be ashamed to ask4   
,if ,i am not able to correct a system  

of oppression and tyranny1 that goes to 
the utter ruin of thirty millions of my 
fellow-creatures and fellow-subjects1   
but by some increase to the influence of
 the crown1 ,i am ready here to declare 
that ,i1 who have been active to reduce 
it1 shall be at least as active and     
strenuous to restore it again4 ,i am no 
lover of names2 ,i contend for the      
substance of good and protecting        
government1 let it come from what       
quarter it will4  ,but ,i am not obliged
 to have recourse to this expedient4    
,much1 very much1 the contrary4 ,i am   
sure that the influence of the crown    
will by no means aid a reformation of   
this kind1 which can neither be         
originated nor supported but by the     
uncorrupt public virtue of the          
representatives of the people of        
,england4 ,let it once get into the     
ordinary course of administration1 and  
to me all hopes of reformation are gone4
 ,i am far from knowing or believing    
that this bill will increase the        

influence of the crown4 ,we all know    
that the crown has ever had some        
influence in the ,court of ,directors1  
and that it has been extremely increased
 by the acts of #aggc and #aghj4 ,the   
gentlemen who1 as part of their         
reformation1 propose a more active      
control on the part of the crown1 which 
is to put the ,directors under a        
,secretary of ,state specially named for
 that purpose1 must know that their     
project will increase it further4 ,but  
that old influence has had1 and the new 
will have1 incurable inconveniences1    
which cannot happen under the           
,parliamentary establishment proposed in
 this bill4 ,an honorable gentleman1#eh 
not now in his place1 but who is well   
acquainted with the ,india ,company1 and
 by no means a friend to this bill1 has 
told you that a ministerial influence   
has always been predominant in that     
body1--and that to make the ,directors  
pliant to their purposes1 ministers     
generally caused persons meanly         

qualified to be chosen ,directors4      
,according to his idea1 to secure       
subserviency1 they submitted the        
,company's affairs to the direction of  
incapacity4 ,this was to ruin the       
,company in order to govern it4 ,this   
was certainly influence in the very     
worst form in which it could appear4 ,at
 best it was clandestine and            
irresponsible4 ,whether this was done so
 much upon system as that gentleman     
supposes1 ,i greatly doubt4 ,but such in
 effect the operation of government on  
that court unquestionably was2 and such1
 under a similar constitution1 it will  
be forever4 ,ministers must be wholly   
removed from the management of the      
affairs of ,india1 or they will have an 
influence in its patronage4 ,the thing  
is inevitable4 ,their scheme of a new   
,secretary of ,state1 with a more       
vigorous control1 is not much better    
than a repetition of the measure which  
we know by experience will not do4      
,since the year #aggc and the year      

#aghj1 the ,company has been under the  
control of the ,secretary of ,state's   
office1 and we had then three           
,secretaries of ,state4 ,if more than   
this is done1 then they annihilate the  
direction which they pretend to support2
 and they augment the influence of the  
crown1 of whose growth they affect so   
great an horror4 ,but in truth this     
scheme of reconciling a direction really
 and truly deliberative with an office  
really and substantially controlling is 
a sort of machinery that can be kept in 
order but a very short time4 ,either the
 ,directors will dwindle into clerks1 or
 the ,secretary of ,state1 as hitherto  
has been the course1 will leave         
everything to them1 often through       
design1 often through neglect4 ,if both 
should affect activity1 collision1      
procrastination1 delay1 and1 in the end1
 utter confusion1 must ensue4  ,but1    
,sir1 there is one kind of influence far
 greater than that of the nomination to 
office4 ,this gentlemen in opposition   

have totally overlooked1 although it now
 exists in its full vigor2 and it will  
do so1 upon their scheme1 in at least as
 much force as it does now4 ,that       
influence this bill cuts up by the      
roots4 ,i mean the influence of         
protection4 ,i shall explain            
myself4--,the office given to a young   
man going to ,india is of trifling      
consequence4 ,but he that goes out an   
insignificant boy in a few years returns
 a great nabob4 ,mr4 ,hastings says he  
has two hundred and fifty of that kind  
of raw materials1 who expect to be      
speedily manufactured into the          
merchantable quality ,i mention4 ,one of
 these gentlemen1 suppose1 returns      
hither laden with odium and with riches4
 ,when he comes to ,england1 he comes as
 to a prison1 or as to a sanctuary2 and 
either is ready for him1 according to   
his demeanor4 ,what is the influence in 
the grant of any place in ,india1 to    
that which is acquired by the protection
 or compromise with such guilt1 and with

 the command of such riches1 under the  
dominion of the hopes and fears which   
power is able to hold out to every man  
in that condition8 ,that man's whole    
fortune1 half a million perhaps1 becomes
 an instrument of influence1 without a  
shilling of charge to the civil list3   
and the influx of fortunes which stand  
in need of this protection is continual4
 ,it works both ways3 it influences the 
delinquent1 and it may corrupt the      
minister4 ,compare the influence        
acquired by appointing1 for instance1   
even a ,governor-,general1 and that     
obtained by protecting him4 ,i shall    
push this no further4 ,but ,i wish      
gentlemen to roll it a little in their  
own minds4  ,the bill before you cuts   
off this source of influence4 ,its      
design and main scope is1 to regulate   
the administration of ,india upon the   
principles of a court of                
judicature1--and to exclude1 as far as  
human prudence can exclude1 all         
possibility of a corrupt partiality1 in 

appointing to office1 or supporting in  
office1 or covering from inquiry and    
punishment1 any person who has abused or
 shall abuse his authority4 ,at the     
board1 as appointed and regulated by    
this bill1 reward and punishment cannot 
be shifted and reversed by a whisper4   
,that commission becomes fatal to cabal1
 to intrigue1 and to secret             
representation1 those instruments of the
 ruin of ,india4 ,he that cuts off the  
means of premature fortune1 and the     
power of protecting it when acquired1   
strikes a deadly blow at the great fund1
 the bank1 the capital stock of ,indian 
influence1 which cannot be vested       
anywhere1 or in any hands1 without most 
dangerous consequences to the public4   
,the third and contradictory objection  
is1 that this bill does not increase the
 influence of the crown2 on the         
contrary1 that the just power of the    
crown will be lessened1 and transferred 
to the use of a party1 by giving the    
patronage of ,india to a commission     

nominated by ,parliament and independent
 of the crown4 ,the contradiction is    
glaring1 and it has been too well       
exposed to make it necessary for me to  
insist upon it4 ,but passing the        
contradiction1 and taking it without any
 relation1 of all objections that is the
 most extraordinary4 ,do not gentlemen  
know that the crown has not at present  
the grant of a single office under the  
,company1 civil or military1 at home or 
abroad8 ,so far as the crown is         
concerned1 it is certainly rather a     
gainer2 for the vacant offices in the   
new commission are to be filled up by   
the king4  ,it is argued1 as a part of  
the bill derogatory to the prerogatives 
of the crown1 that the commissioners    
named in the bill are to continue for a 
short term of years1 too short in my    
opinion1--and because1 during that time1
 they are not at the mercy of every     
predominant faction of the court4 ,does 
not this objection lie against the      
present ,directors1--none of whom are   

named by the crown1 and a proportion of 
whom hold for this very term of four    
years8 ,did it not lie against the      
,governor-,general and ,council named in
 the act of #aggc1--who were invested by
 name1 as the present commissioners are 
to be appointed in the body of the act  
of ,parliament1 who were to hold their  
places for a term of years1 and were not
 removable at the discretion of the     
crown8 ,did it not lie against the      
reappointment1 in the year #aghj1 upon  
the very same terms8 ,yet at none of    
these times1 whatever other objections  
the scheme might be liable to1 was it   
supposed to be a derogation to the just 
prerogative of the crown1 that a        
commission created by act of ,parliament
 should have its members named by the   
authority which called it into          
existence4 ,this is not the disposal by 
,parliament of any office derived from  
the authority of the crown1 or now      
disposable by that authority4 ,it is so 
far from being anything new1 violent1 or

 alarming1 that ,i do not recollect1 in 
any ,parliamentary commission1 down to  
the commissioners of the land-tax1 that 
it has ever been otherwise4  ,the       
objection of the tenure for four years  
is an objection to all places that are  
not held during pleasure2 but in that   
objection ,i pronounce the gentlemen1   
from my knowledge of their complexion   
and of their principles1 to be perfectly
 in earnest4 ,the party 7say these      
gentlemen7 of the minister who proposes 
this scheme will be rendered powerful by
 it2 for he will name his party friends 
to the commission4 ,this objection      
against party is a party objection2 and 
in this1 too1 these gentlemen are       
perfectly serious4 ,they see1 that1 if1 
by any intrigue1 they should succeed to 
office1 they will lose the clandestine  
patronage1 the true instrument of       
clandestine influence1 enjoyed in the   
name of subservient ,directors1 and of  
wealthy1 trembling ,indian delinquents4 
,but as often as they are beaten off    

this ground1 they return to it again4   
,the minister will name his friends1 and
 persons of his own party4 ,whom should 
he name8 ,should he name his            
adversaries8 ,should he name those whom 
he cannot trust8 ,should he name those  
to execute his plans who are the        
declared enemies to the principles of   
his reform8 ,his character is here at   
stake4 ,if he proposes for his own ends 
7but he never will propose7 such names  
as1 from their want of rank1 fortune1   
character1 ability1 or knowledge1 are   
likely to betray or to fall short of    
their trust1 he is in an independent    
,house of ,commons1--in an ,house of    
,commons which has1 by its own virtue1  
destroyed the instruments of            
,parliamentary subservience4 ,this      
,house of ,commons would not endure the 
sound of such names4 ,he would perish by
 the means which he is supposed to      
pursue for the security of his power4   
,the first pledge he must give of his   
sincerity in this great reform will be  

in the confidence which ought to be     
reposed in those names4  ,for my part1  
,sir1 in this business ,i put all       
indirect considerations wholly out of my
 mind4 ,my sole question1 on each clause
 of the bill1 amounts to this3--,is the 
measure proposed required by the        
necessities of ,india8 ,i cannot consent
 totally to lose sight of the real wants
 of the people who are the objects of   
it1 and to hunt after every matter of   
party squabble that may be started on   
the several provisions4 ,on the question
 of the duration of the commission ,i am
 clear and decided4 ,can ,i1 can any one
 who has taken the smallest trouble to  
be informed concerning the affairs of   
,india1 amuse himself with so strange an
 imagination as that the habitual       
despotism and oppression1 that the      
monopolies1 the peculations1 the        
universal destruction of all the legal  
authority of this kingdom1 which have   
been for twenty years maturing to their 
present enormity1 combined with the     

distance of the scene1 the boldness and 
artifice of delinquents1 their          
combination1 their excessive wealth1 and
 the faction they have made in ,england1
 can be fully corrected in a shorter    
term than four years8 ,none has hazarded
 such an assertion2 none who has a      
regard for his reputation will hazard   
it4  ,sir1 the gentlemen1 whoever they  
are1 who shall be appointed to this     
commission1 have an undertaking of      
magnitude on their hands1 and their     
stability must not only be1 but it must 
be thought1 real2 and who is it will    
believe that anything short of an       
establishment made1 supported1 and fixed
 in its duration1 with all the authority
 of ,parliament1 can be thought secure  
of a reasonable stability8 ,the plan of 
my honorable friend is the reverse of   
that of reforming by the authors of the 
abuse4 ,the best we could expect from   
them is1 that they should not continue  
their ancient1 pernicious activity4 ,to 
those we could think of nothing but     

applying control2 as we are sure that   
even a regard to their reputation 7if   
any such thing exists in them7 would    
oblige them to cover1 to conceal1 to    
suppress1 and consequently to prevent   
all cure of the grievances of ,india4   
,for what can be discovered which is not
 to their disgrace8 ,every attempt to   
correct an abuse would be a satire on   
their former administration4 ,every man 
they should pretend to call to an       
account would be found their instrument1
 or their accomplice4 ,they can never   
see a beneficial regulation1 but with a 
view to defeat it4 ,the shorter the     
tenure of such persons1 the better would
 be the chance of some amendment4  ,but 
the system of the bill is different4 ,it
 calls in persons in no wise concerned  
with any act censured by                
,parliament1--persons generated with1   
and for1 the reform1 of which they are  
themselves the most essential part4 ,to 
these the chief regulations in the bill 
are helps1 not fetters3 they are        

authorities to support1 not regulations 
to restrain them4 ,from these we look   
for much more than innocence4 ,from     
these we expect zeal1 firmness1 and     
unremitted activity4 ,their duty1 their 
character1 binds them to proceedings of 
vigor2 and they ought to have a tenure  
in their office which precludes all     
fear1 whilst they are acting up to the  
purposes of their trust1--a tenure      
without which none will undertake plans 
that require a series and system of     
acts4 ,when they know that they cannot  
be whispered out of their duty1 that    
their public conduct cannot be censured 
without a public discussion1 that the   
schemes which they have begun will not  
be committed to those who will have an  
interest and credit in defeating and    
disgracing them1 then we may entertain  
hopes4 ,the tenure is for four years1 or
 during their good behavior4 ,that good 
behavior is as long as they are true to 
the principles of the bill2 and the     
judgment is in either ,house of         

,parliament4 ,this is the tenure of your
 judges2 and the valuable principle of  
the bill is to make a judicial          
administration for ,india4 ,it is to    
give confidence in the execution of a   
duty which requires as much perseverance
 and fortitude as can fall to the lot of
 any that is born of woman4  ,as to the 
gain by party from the right honorable  
gentleman's bill1 let it be shown that  
this supposed party advantage is        
pernicious to its object1 and the       
objection is of weight2 but until this  
is done1 7and this has not been         
attempted17 ,i shall consider the sole  
objection from its tendency to promote  
the interest of a party as altogether   
contemptible4 ,the kingdom is divided   
into parties1 and it ever has been so   
divided1 and it ever will be so divided2
 and if no system for relieving the     
subjects of this kingdom from           
oppression1 and snatching its affairs   
from ruin1 can be adopted1 until it is  
demonstrated that no party can derive an

 advantage from it1 no good can ever be 
done in this country4 ,if party is to   
derive an advantage from the reform of  
,india1 7which is more than ,i know or  
believe17 it ought to be that party     
which alone in this kingdom has its     
reputation1 nay1 its very being1 pledged
 to the protection and preservation of  
that part of the empire4 ,great fear is 
expressed that the commissioners named  
in this bill will show some regard to a 
minister out of place4 ,to men made like
 the objectors this must appear         
criminal4 ,let it1 however1 be          
remembered by others1 that1 if the      
commissioners should be his friends1    
they cannot be his slaves4 ,but         
dependants are not in a condition to    
adhere to friends1 nor to principles1   
nor to any uniform line of conduct4     
,they may begin censors1 and be obliged 
to end accomplices4 ,they may be even   
put under the direction of those whom   
they were appointed to punish4  ,the    
fourth and last objection is1 that the  

bill will hurt public credit4 ,i do not 
know whether this requires an answer4   
,but if it does1 look to your           
foundations4 ,the sinking fund is the   
pillar of credit in this country2 and   
let it not be forgot1 that the          
distresses1 owing to the mismanagement1 
of the ,east ,india ,company1 have      
already taken a million from that fund  
by the non-payment of duties4 ,the bills
 drawn upon the ,company1 which are     
about four millions1 cannot be accepted 
without the consent of the ,treasury4   
,the ,treasury1 acting under a          
,parliamentary trust and authority1     
pledges the public for these millions4  
,if they pledge the public1 the public  
must have a security in its hands for   
the management of this interest1 or the 
national credit is gone4 ,for otherwise 
it is not only the ,east ,india         
,company1 which is a great interest1    
that is undone1 but1 clinging to the    
security of all your funds1 it drags    
down the rest1 and the whole fabric     

perishes in one ruin4 ,if this bill does
 not provide a direction of integrity   
and of ability competent to that trust1 
the objection is fatal2 if it does1     
public credit must depend on the support
 of the bill4  ,it has been said1 ,if   
you violate this charter1 what security 
has the charter of the ,bank1 in which  
public credit is so deeply concerned1   
and even the charter of ,london1 in     
which the rights of so many subjects are
 involved8 ,i answer1 ,in the like case 
they have no security at all1--no1 no   
security at all4 ,if the ,bank should1  
by every species of mismanagement1 fall 
into a state similar to that of the     
,east ,india ,company1--if it should be 
oppressed with demands it could not     
answer1 engagements which it could not  
perform1 and with bills for which it    
could not procure payment1--no charter  
should protect the mismanagement from   
correction1 and such public grievances  
from redress4 ,if the city of ,london   
had the means and will of destroying an 

empire1 and of cruelly oppressing and   
tyrannizing over millions of men as good
 as themselves1 the charter of the city 
of ,london should prove no sanction to  
such tyranny and such oppression4       
,charters are kept1 when their purposes 
are maintained3 they are violated1 when 
the privilege is supported against its  
end and its object4  ,now1 ,sir1 ,i have
 finished all ,i proposed to say1 as my 
reasons for giving my vote to this bill4
 ,if ,i am wrong1 it is not for want of 
pains to know what is right4 ,this      
pledge1 at least1 of my rectitude ,i    
have given to my country4  ,and now1    
having done my duty to the bill1 let me 
say a word to the author4 ,i should     
leave him to his own noble sentiments1  
if the unworthy and illiberal language  
with which he has been treated1 beyond  
all example of ,parliamentary liberty1  
did not make a few words necessary1--not
 so much in justice to him as to my own 
feelings4 ,i must say1 then1 that it    
will be a distinction honorable to the  

age1 that the rescue of the greatest    
number of the human race that ever were 
so grievously oppressed from the        
greatest tyranny that was ever exercised
 has fallen to the lot of abilities and 
dispositions equal to the task1--that it
 has fallen to one who has the          
enlargement to comprehend1 the spirit to
 undertake1 and the eloquence to support
 so great a measure of hazardous        
benevolence4 ,his spirit is not owing to
 his ignorance of the state of men and  
things3 he well knows what snares are   
spread about his path1 from personal    
animosity1 from court intrigues1 and    
possibly from popular delusion4 ,but he 
has put to hazard his ease1 his         
security1 his interest1 his power1 even 
his darling popularity1 for the benefit 
of a people whom he has never seen4     
,this is the road that all heroes have  
trod before him4 ,he is traduced and    
abused for his supposed motives4 ,he    
will remember that obloquy is a         
necessary ingredient in the composition 

of all true glory3 he will remember that
 it was not only in the ,roman customs1 
but it is in the nature and constitution
 of things1 that calumny and abuse are  
essential parts of triumph4 ,these      
thoughts will support a mind which only 
exists for honor under the burden of    
temporary reproach4 ,he is doing1       
indeed1 a great good1--such as rarely   
falls to the lot1 and almost as rarely  
coincides with the desires1 of any man4 
,let him use his time4 ,let him give the
 whole length of the reins to his       
benevolence4 ,he is now on a great      
eminence1 where the eyes of mankind are 
turned to him4 ,he may live long1 he may
 do much2 but here is the summit3 he    
never can exceed what he does this day4 
,he has faults2 but they are faults     
that1 though they may in a small degree 
tarnish the lustre and sometimes impede 
the march of his abilities1 have nothing
 in them to extinguish the fire of great
 virtues4 ,in those faults there is no  
mixture of deceit1 of hypocrisy1 of     

pride1 of ferocity1 of complexional     
despotism1 or want of feeling for the   
distresses of mankind4 ,his are faults  
which might exist in a descendant of    
,henry the ,fourth of ,france1 as they  
did exist in that father of his country4
 ,henry the ,fourth wished that he might
 live to see a fowl in the pot of every 
peasant in his kingdom4 ,that sentiment 
of homely benevolence was worth all the 
splendid sayings that are recorded of   
kings4 ,but he wished perhaps for more  
than could be obtained1 and the goodness
 of the man exceeded the power of the   
king4 ,but this gentleman1 a subject1   
may this day say this at least with     
truth1--that he secures the rice in his 
pot to every man in ,india4 ,a poet of  
antiquity thought it one of the first   
distinctions to a prince whom he meant  
to celebrate1 that through a long       
succession of generations he had been   
the progenitor of an able and virtuous  
citizen who by force of the arts of     
peace had corrected governments of      

oppression and suppressed wars of       
rapine4      ,indole proh quanta        
juvenis1 quantumque daturus     ,ausoni 
populis ventura in scula civem6         
,ille super ,gangem1 super exauditus et 
,indos1     ,implebit terras voce1 et   
furialia bella     ,fulmine compescet   
lingu4--  ,this was what was said of the
 predecessor of the only person to whose
 eloquence it does not wrong that of the
 mover of this bill to be compared4 ,but
 the ,ganges and the ,indus are the     
patrimony of the fame of my honorable   
friend1 and not of ,cicero4 ,i confess  
,i anticipate with joy the reward of    
those whose whole consequence1 power1   
and authority exist only for the benefit
 of mankind2 and ,i carry my mind to all
 the people1 and all the names and      
descriptions1 that1 relieved by this    
bill1 will bless the labors of this     
,parliament1 and the confidence which   
the best ,house of ,commons has given to
 him who the best deserves it4 ,the     
little cavils of party will not be heard

 where freedom and happiness will be    
felt4 ,there is not a tongue1 a nation1 
or religion in ,india1 which will not   
bless the presiding care and manly      
beneficence of this ,house1 and of him  
who proposes to you this great work4    
,your names will never be separated     
before the throne of the ,divine        
,goodness1 in whatever language1 or with
 whatever rites1 pardon is asked for    
sin1 and reward for those who imitate   
the ,godhead in ,his universal bounty to
 ,his creatures4 ,these honors you      
deserve1 and they will surely be paid1  
when all the jargon of influence and    
party and patronage are swept into      
oblivion4  ,i have spoken what ,i think1
 and what ,i feel1 of the mover of this 
bill4 ,an honorable friend of mine1     
speaking of his merits1 was charged with
 having made a studied panegyric4 ,i    
don't know what his was4 ,mine1 ,i am   
sure1 is a studied panegyric1--the fruit
 of much meditation1 the result of the  
observation of near twenty years4 ,for  

my own part1 ,i am happy that ,i have   
lived to see this day2 ,i feel myself   
overpaid for the labors of eighteen     
years1 when1 at this late period1 ,i am 
able to take my share1 by one humble    
vote1 in destroying a tyranny that      
exists to the disgrace of this nation   
and the destruction of so large a part  
of the human species4  ,,footnotes3  #eb
 ,an allusion made by ,mr4 ,powis4  #ec 
,mr4 ,pitt4  #ed ,mr4 ,pitt4  #ee ,mr4  
,dundas1 ,lord ,advocate of ,scotland4  
#ef ,the paltry foundation at ,calcutta 
is scarcely worth naming as an          
exception4  #eg ,mr4 ,fox4  #eh         
,governor ,johnstone4     ,a            
,,representation ,,to ,,his ,,majesty1  
,,moved ,,in  ,,the ,,house ,,of        
,,commons  ,,by ,,the ,,right ,,hon4    
,,edmund ,,burke1 ,,and ,,seconded ,,by 
,,william ,,windham1 ,,esq41  ,,on      
,,monday1 ,,june #ad1 #aghd1  ,,and     
,,negatived4  ,,with ,a ,,preface ,,and 
,,notes4     ,,preface4   ,the          
representation now given to the public  

relates to some of the most essential   
privileges of the ,house of ,commons4   
,it would appear of little importance1  
if it were to be judged by its reception
 in the place where it was proposed4    
,there it was rejected without debate4  
,the subject matter may1 perhaps1       
hereafter appear to merit a more serious
 consideration4 ,thinking men will      
scarcely regard the penal dissolution of
 a ,parliament as a very trifling       
concern4 ,such a dissolution must       
operate forcibly as an example2 and it  
much imports the people of this kingdom 
to consider what lesson that example is 
to teach4  ,the late ,house of ,commons 
was not accused of an interested        
compliance to the will of a court4 ,the 
charge against them was of a different  
nature4 ,they were charged with being   
actuated by an extravagant spirit of    
independency4 ,this species of offence  
is so closely connected with merit1 this
 vice bears so near a resemblance to    
virtue1 that the flight of a ,house of  

,commons above the exact temperate      
medium of independence ought to be      
correctly ascertained1 lest we give     
encouragement to dispositions of a less 
generous nature1 and less safe for the  
people2 we ought to call for very solid 
and convincing proofs of the existence1 
and of the magnitude1 too1 of the evils 
which are charged to an independent     
spirit1 before we give sanction to any  
measure1 that1 by checking a spirit so  
easily damped1 and so hard to be        
excited1 may affect the liberty of a    
part of our ,constitution1 which1 if not
 free1 is worse than useless4  ,the     
,editor does not deny that by           
possibility such an abuse may exist3    
but1 prim fronte1 there is no reason to 
presume it4 ,the ,house of ,commons is  
not1 by its complexion1 peculiarly      
subject to the distempers of an         
independent habit4 ,very little         
compulsion is necessary1 on the part of 
the people1 to render it abundantly     
complaisant to ministers and favorites  

of all descriptions4 ,it required a     
great length of time1 very considerable 
industry and perseverance1 no vulgar    
policy1 the union of many men and many  
tempers1 and the concurrence of events  
which do not happen every day1 to build 
up an independent ,house of ,commons4   
,its demolition was accomplished in a   
moment2 and it was the work of ordinary 
hands4 ,but to construct is a matter of 
skill2 to demolish1 force and fury are  
sufficient4  ,the late ,house of        
,commons has been punished for its      
independence4 ,that example is made4    
,have we an example on record of a      
,house of ,commons punished for its     
servility8 ,the rewards of a senate so  
disposed are manifest to the world4     
,several gentlemen are very desirous of 
altering the constitution of the ,house 
of ,commons2 but they must alter the    
frame and constitution of human nature  
itself1 before they can so fashion it1  
by any mode of election1 that its       
conduct will not be influenced by reward

 and punishment1 by fame and by         
disgrace4 ,if these examples take root  
in the minds of men1 what members       
hereafter will be bold enough not to be 
corrupt1 especially as the king's       
highway of obsequiousness is so very    
broad and easy8 ,to make a passive      
member of ,parliament1 no dignity of    
mind1 no principles of honor1 no        
resolution1 no ability1 no industry1 no 
learning1 no experience1 are in the     
least degree necessary4 ,to defend a    
post of importance against a powerful   
enemy requires an ,eliot2 a drunken     
invalid is qualified to hoist a white   
flag1 or to deliver up the keys of the  
fortress on his knees4  ,the gentlemen  
chosen into this ,parliament1 for the   
purpose of this surrender1 were bred to 
better things1 and are no doubt         
qualified for other service4 ,but for   
this strenuous exertion of inactivity1  
for the vigorous task of submission and 
passive obedience1 all their learning   
and ability are rather a matter of      

personal ornament to themselves than of 
the least use in the performance of     
their duty4  ,the present surrender1    
therefore1 of rights and privileges     
without examination1 and the resolution 
to support any minister given by the    
secret advisers of the crown1 determines
 not only on all the power and authority
 of the ,house1 but it settles the      
character and description of the men who
 are to compose it1 and perpetuates that
 character as long as it may be thought 
expedient to keep up a phantom of       
popular representation4  ,it is for the 
chance of some amendment before this new
 settlement takes a permanent form1 and 
while the matter is yet soft and        
ductile1 that the ,editor has           
republished this piece1 and added some  
notes and explanations to it4 ,his      
intentions1 he hopes1 will excuse him to
 the original mover1 and to the world4  
,he acts from a strong sense of the     
incurable ill effects of holding out the
 conduct of the late ,house of ,commons 

as an example to be shunned by future   
representatives of the people4          
,,motion  ,,relative ,,to  ,,the        
,,speech ,,from ,,the ,,throne4   ,,lun1
 #ad ,,die ,,junii1 #aghd4   ,a motion  
was made1 ,that a representation be     
presented to his ,majesty1 most humbly  
to offer to his royal consideration1    
that the address of this ,house1 upon   
his ,majesty's speech from the throne1  
was dictated solely by our conviction of
 his ,majesty's own most gracious       
intentions towards his people1 which1 as
 we feel with gratitude1 so we are ever 
ready to acknowledge with cheerfulness  
and satisfaction4  ,impressed with these
 sentiments1 we were willing to separate
 from our general expressions of duty1  
respect1 and veneration to his          
,majesty's royal person and his princely
 virtues all discussion whatever with   
relation to several of the matters      
suggested and several of the expressions
 employed in that speech4  ,that it was 
not fit or becoming that any decided    

opinion should be formed by his faithful
 ,commons on that speech1 without a     
degree of deliberation adequate to the  
importance of the object4 ,having       
afforded ourselves due time for that    
deliberation1 we do now most humbly beg 
leave to represent to his ,majesty1     
that1 in the speech from the throne1 his
 ministers have thought proper to use a 
language of a very alarming import1     
unauthorized by the practice of good    
times1 and irreconcilable to the        
principles of this government4  ,humbly 
to express to his ,majesty1 that it is  
the privilege and duty of this ,house to
 guard the ,constitution from all       
infringement on the part of ministers1  
and1 whenever the occasion requires it1 
to warn them against any abuse of the   
authorities committed to them2 but it is
 very lately1#ei that1 in a manner not  
more unseemly than irregular and        
preposterous1 ministers have thought    
proper1 by admonition from the throne1  
implying distrust and reproach1 to      

convey the expectations of the people to
 us1 their sole representatives1#fj and 
have presumed to caution us1 the natural
 guardians of the ,constitution1 against
 any infringement of it on our parts4   
,this dangerous innovation we1 his      
faithful ,commons1 think it our duty to 
mark2 and as these admonitions from the 
throne1 by their frequent repetition1   
seem intended to lead gradually to the  
establishment of an usage1 we hold      
ourselves bound thus solemnly to protest
 against them4  ,this ,house will be1 as
 it ever ought to be1 anxiously         
attentive to the inclinations and       
interests of its constituents2 nor do we
 desire to straiten any of the avenues  
to the throne1 or to either ,house of   
,parliament4 ,but the ancient order in  
which the rights of the people have been
 exercised is not a restriction of these
 rights4 ,it is a method providently    
framed in favor of those privileges     
which it preserves and enforces1 by     
keeping in that course which has been   

found the most effectual for answering  
their ends4 ,his ,majesty may receive   
the opinions and wishes of individuals  
under their signatures1 and of bodies   
corporate under their seals1 as         
expressing their own particular sense2  
and he may grant such redress as the    
legal powers of the crown enable the    
crown to afford4 ,this1 and the other   
,house of ,parliament1 may also receive 
the wishes of such corporations and     
individuals by petition4 ,the collective
 sense of his people his ,majesty is to 
receive from his ,commons in ,parliament
 assembled4 ,it would destroy the whole 
spirit of the ,constitution1 if his     
,commons were to receive that sense from
 the ministers of the crown1 or to admit
 them to be a proper or a regular       
channel for conveying it4  ,that the    
ministers in the said speech declare1   
,his ,majesty has a just and confident  
reliance that we 7his faithful ,commons7
 are animated with the same sentiments  
of loyalty1 and the same attachment to  

our excellent ,constitution which he had
 the happiness to see so fully          
manifested in every part of the kingdom4
  ,to represent1 that his faithful      
,commons have never foiled in loyalty to
 his ,majesty4 ,it is new to them to be 
reminded of it4 ,it is unnecessary and  
invidious to press it upon them by any  
example4 ,this recommendation of        
loyalty1 after his ,majesty has sat for 
so many years1 with the full support of 
all descriptions of his subjects1 on the
 throne of this kingdom1 at a time of   
profound peace1 and without any pretence
 of the existence or apprehension of war
 or conspiracy1 becomes in itself a     
source of no small jealousy to his      
faithful ,commons2 as many circumstances
 lead us to apprehend that therein the  
ministers have reference to some other  
measures and principles of loyalty1 and 
to some other ideas of the              
,constitution1 than the laws require1 or
 the practice of ,parliament will admit4
  ,no regular communication of the      

proofs of loyalty and attachment to the 
,constitution1 alluded to in the speech 
from the throne1 have been laid before  
this ,house1 in order to enable us to   
judge of the nature1 tendency1 or       
occasion of them1 or in what particular 
acts they were displayed2 but if we are 
to suppose the manifestations of loyalty
 7which are held out to us as an example
 for imitation7 consist in certain      
addresses delivered to his ,majesty1    
promising support to his ,majesty in the
 exercise of his prerogative1 and       
thanking his ,majesty for removing      
certain of his ministers1 on account of 
the votes they have given upon bills    
depending in ,parliament1--if this be   
the example of loyalty alluded to in the
 speech from the throne1 then we must   
beg leave to express our serious concern
 for the impression which has been made 
on any of our fellow-subjects by        
misrepresentations which have seduced   
them into a seeming approbation of      
proceedings subversive of their own     

freedom4 ,we conceive that the opinions 
delivered in these papers were not well 
considered2 nor were the parties duly   
informed of the nature of the matters on
 which they were called to determine1   
nor of those proceedings of ,parliament 
which they were led to censure4  ,we    
shall act more advisedly4--,the loyalty 
we shall manifest will not be the same  
with theirs2 but1 we trust1 it will be  
equally sincere1 and more enlightened4  
,it is no slight authority which shall  
persuade us 7by receiving as proofs of  
loyalty the mistaken principles lightly 
taken up in these addresses7 obliquely  
to criminate1 with the heavy and        
ungrounded charge of disloyalty and     
disaffection1 an uncorrupt1 independent1
 and reforming ,parliament4#fa ,above   
all1 we shall take care that none of the
 rights and privileges1 always claimed1 
and since the accession of his          
,majesty's illustrious family constantly
 exercised by this ,house1 7and which we
 hold and exercise in trust for the     

,commons of ,great ,britain1 and for    
their benefit17 shall be constructively 
surrendered1 or even weakened and       
impaired1 under ambiguous phrases and   
implications of censure on the late     
,parliamentary proceedings4 ,if these   
claims are not well founded1 they ought 
to be honestly abandoned2 if they are   
just1 they ought to be steadily and     
resolutely maintained4  ,of his         
,majesty's own gracious disposition     
towards the true principles of our free 
,constitution his faithful ,commons     
never did or could entertain a doubt2   
but we humbly beg leave to express to   
his ,majesty our uneasiness concerning  
other new and unusual expressions of his
 ministers1 declaratory of a resolution 
to support in their just balance the    
rights and privileges of every branch of
 the legislature4  ,it were desirable   
that all hazardous theories concerning a
 balance of rights and privileges 7a    
mode of expression wholly foreign to    
,parliamentary usage7 might have been   

forborne4 ,his ,majesty's faithful      
,commons are well instructed in their   
own rights and privileges1 which they   
are determined to maintain on the       
footing upon which they were handed down
 from their ancestors2 they are not     
unacquainted with the rights and        
privileges of the ,house of ,peers2 and 
they know and respect the lawful        
prerogatives of the crown3 but they do  
not think it safe to admit anything     
concerning the existence of a balance of
 those rights1 privileges1 and          
prerogatives2 nor are they able to      
discern to what objects ministers would 
apply their fiction of a balance1 nor   
what they would consider as a just one4 
,these unauthorized doctrines have a    
tendency to stir improper discussions1  
and to lead to mischievous innovations  
in the ,constitution4#fb  ,that his     
faithful ,commons most humbly recommend1
 instead of the inconsiderate           
speculations of unexperienced men1 that1
 on all occasions1 resort should be had 

to the happy practice of ,parliament1   
and to those solid maxims of government 
which have prevailed since the accession
 of his ,majesty's illustrious family1  
as furnishing the only safe principles  
on which the crown and ,parliament can  
proceed4  ,we think it the more         
necessary to be cautious on this head1  
as1 in the last ,parliament1 the present
 ministers had thought proper to        
countenance1 if not to suggest1 an      
attack upon the most clear and undoubted
 rights and privileges of this          
,house4#fc  ,fearing1 from these        
extraordinary admonitions1 and from the 
new doctrines1 which seem to have       
dictated several unusual expressions1   
that his ,majesty has been abused by    
false representations of the late       
proceedings in ,parliament1 we think it 
our duty respectfully to inform his     
,majesty1 that no attempt whatever has  
been made against his lawful            
prerogatives1 or against the rights and 
privileges of the ,peers1 by the late   

,house of ,commons1 in any of their     
addresses1 votes1 or resolutions2       
neither do we know of any proceeding by 
bill1 in which it was proposed to       
abridge the extent of his royal         
prerogative3 but1 if such provision had 
existed in any bill1 we protest1 and we 
declare1 against all speeches1 acts1 or 
addresses1 from any persons whatsoever1 
which have a tendency to consider such  
bills1 or the persons concerned in them1
 as just objects of any kind of censure 
and punishment from the throne4         
,necessary reformations may hereafter   
require1 as they have frequently done in
 former times1 limitations and          
abridgments1 and in some cases an entire
 extinction1 of some branch of          
prerogative4 ,if bills should be        
improper in the form in which they      
appear in the ,house where they         
originate1 they are liable1 by the      
wisdom of this ,constitution1 to be     
corrected1 and even to be totally set   
aside1 elsewhere4 ,this is the known1   

the legal1 and the safe remedy2 but     
whatever1 by the manifestation of the   
royal displeasure1 tends to intimidate  
individual members from proposing1 or   
this ,house from receiving1 debating1   
and passing bills1 tends to prevent even
 the beginning of every reformation in  
the state1 and utterly destroys the     
deliberative capacity of ,parliament4   
,we therefore claim1 demand1 and insist 
upon it1 as our undoubted right1 that no
 persons shall be deemed proper objects 
of animadversion by the crown1 in any   
mode whatever1 for the votes which they 
give or the propositions which they make
 in ,parliament4  ,we humbly conceive1  
that besides its share of the           
legislative power1 and its right of     
impeachment1 that1 by the law and usage 
of ,parliament1 this ,house has other   
powers and capacities1 which it is bound
 to maintain4 ,this ,house is assured   
that our humble advice on the exercise  
of prerogative will be heard with the   
same attention with which it has ever   

been regarded1 and that it will be      
followed by the same effects which it   
has ever produced1 during the happy and 
glorious reigns of his ,majesty's royal 
progenitors1--not doubting but that1 in 
all those points1 we shall be considered
 as a council of wisdom and weight to   
advise1 and not merely as an accuser of 
competence to criminate4#fd ,this ,house
 claims both capacities2 and we trust   
that we shall be left to our free       
discretion which of them we shall employ
 as best calculated for his ,majesty's  
and the national service4 ,whenever we  
shall see it expedient to offer our     
advice concerning his ,majesty's        
servants1 who are those of the public1  
we confidently hope that the personal   
favor of any minister1 or any set of    
ministers1 will not be more dear to his 
,majesty than the credit and character  
of a ,house of ,commons4 ,it is an      
experiment full of peril to put the     
representative wisdom and justice of his
 ,majesty's people in the wrong2 it is a

 crooked and desperate design1 leading  
to mischief1 the extent of which no     
human wisdom can foresee1 to attempt to 
form a prerogative party in the nation1 
to be resorted to as occasion shall     
require1 in derogation1 from the        
authority of the ,commons of ,great     
,britain in ,parliament assembled2 it is
 a contrivance full of danger1 for      
ministers to set up the representative  
and constituent bodies of the ,commons  
of this kingdom as two separate and     
distinct powers1 formed to counterpoise 
each other1 leaving the preference in   
the hands of secret advisers of the     
crown4 ,in such a situation of things1  
these advisers1 taking advantage of the 
differences which may accidentally arise
 or may purposely be fomented between   
them1 will have it in their choice to   
resort to the one or the other1 as may  
best suit the purposes of their sinister
 ambition4 ,by exciting an emulation and
 contest between the representative and 
the constituent bodies1 as parties      

contending for credit and influence at  
the throne1 sacrifices will be made by  
both2 and the whole can end in nothing  
else than the destruction of the dearest
 rights and liberties of the nation4 ,if
 there must be another mode of conveying
 the collective sense of the people to  
the throne than that by the ,house of   
,commons1 it ought to be fixed and      
defined1 and its authority ought to be  
settled3 it ought not to exist in so    
precarious and dependent a state as that
 ministers should have it in their      
power1 at their own mere pleasure1 to   
acknowledge it with respect or to reject
 it with scorn4  ,it is the undoubted   
prerogative of the crown to dissolve    
,parliament2 but we beg leave to lay    
before his ,majesty1 that it is1 of all 
the trusts vested in his ,majesty1 the  
most critical and delicate1 and that in 
which this ,house has the most reason to
 require1 not only the good faith1 but  
the favor of the crown4 ,his ,commons   
are not always upon a par with his      

ministers in an application to popular  
judgment2 it is not in the power of the 
members of this ,house to go to their   
election at the moment the most         
favorable for them4 ,it is in the power 
of the crown to choose a time for their 
dissolution whilst great and arduous    
matters of state and legislation are    
depending1 which may be easily          
misunderstood1 and which cannot be fully
 explained before that misunderstanding 
may prove fatal to the honor that       
belongs and to the consideration that is
 due to members of ,parliament4  ,with  
his ,majesty is the gift of all the     
rewards1 the honors1 distinctions1      
favors1 and graces of the state2 with   
his ,majesty is the mitigation of all   
the rigors of the law3 and we rejoice to
 see the crown possessed of trusts      
calculated to obtain good-will1 and     
charged with duties which are popular   
and pleasing4 ,our trusts are of a      
different kind4 ,our duties are harsh   
and invidious in their nature2 and      

justice and safety is all we can expect 
in the exercise of them4 ,we are to     
offer salutary1 which is not always     
pleasing counsel3 we are to inquire and 
to accuse2 and the objects of our       
inquiry and charge will be for the most 
part persons of wealth1 power1 and      
extensive connections3 we are to make   
rigid laws for the preservation of      
revenue1 which of necessity more or less
 confine some action or restrain some   
function which before was free3 what is 
the most critical and invidious of all1 
the whole body of the public impositions
 originate from us1 and the hand of the 
,house of ,commons is seen and felt in  
every burden that presses on the people4
 ,whilst ultimately we are serving them1
 and in the first instance whilst we are
 serving his ,majesty1 it will be hard  
indeed1 if we should see a ,house of    
,commons the victim of its zeal and     
fidelity1 sacrificed by his ministers to
 those very popular discontents which   
shall be excited by our dutiful         

endeavors for the security and greatness
 of his throne4 ,no other consequence   
can result from such an example1 but    
that1 in future1 the ,house of ,commons1
 consulting its safety at the expense of
 its duties1 and suffering the whole    
energy of the state to be relaxed1 will 
shrink from every service which1 however
 necessary1 is of a great and arduous   
nature1--or that1 willing to provide for
 the public necessities1 and at the same
 time to secure the means of performing 
that task1 they will exchange           
independence for protection1 and will   
court a subservient existence through   
the favor of those ministers of state or
 those secret advisers who ought        
themselves to stand in awe of the       
,commons of this realm4  ,a ,house of   
,commons respected by his ministers is  
essential to his ,majesty's service3 it 
is fit that they should yield to        
,parliament1 and not that ,parliament   
should be new-modelled until it is      
fitted to their purposes4 ,if our       

authority is only to be held up when we 
coincide in opinion with his ,majesty's 
advisers1 but is to be set at nought the
 moment it differs from them1 the ,house
 of ,commons will sink into a mere      
appendage of administration1 and will   
lose that independent character which1  
inseparably connecting the honor and    
reputation with the acts of this ,house1
 enables us to afford a real1 effective1
 and substantial support to his         
government4 ,it is the deference shown  
to our opinion1 when we dissent from the
 servants of the crown1 which alone can 
give authority to the proceedings of    
this ,house1 when it concurs with their 
measures4  ,that authority once lost1   
the credit of his ,majesty's crown will 
be impaired in the eyes of all nations4 
,foreign powers1 who may yet wish to    
revive a friendly intercourse with this 
nation1 will look in vain for that hold 
which gave a connection with ,great     
,britain the preference to an affiance  
with any other state4 ,a ,house of      

,commons of which ministers were known  
to stand in awe1 where everything was   
necessarily discussed on principles fit 
to be openly and publicly avowed1 and   
which could not be retracted or varied  
without danger1 furnished a ground of   
confidence in the public faith which the
 engagement of no state dependent on the
 fluctuation of personal favor and      
private advice can ever pretend to4 ,if 
faith with the ,house of ,commons1 the  
grand security for the national faith   
itself1 can be broken with impunity1 a  
wound is given to the political         
importance of ,great ,britain which will
 not easily be healed4  ,that there was 
a great variance between the late ,house
 of ,commons and certain persons1 whom  
his ,majesty has been advised to make   
and continue as ministers1 in defiance  
of the advice of that ,house1 is        
notorious to the world4 ,that ,house did
 not confide in those ministers2 and    
they withheld their confidence from them
 for reasons for which posterity will   

honor and respect the names of those who
 composed that ,house of ,commons1      
distinguished for its independence4     
,they could not confide in persons who  
have shown a disposition to dark and    
dangerous intrigues4 ,by these intrigues
 they have weakened1 if not destroyed1  
the clear assurance which his ,majesty's
 people1 and which all nations1 ought to
 have of what are and what are not the  
real acts of his government4  ,if it    
should be seen that his ministers may   
continue in their offices without any   
signification to them of his ,majesty's 
displeasure at any of their measures1   
whilst persons considerable for their   
rank1 and known to have had access to   
his ,majesty's sacred person1 can with  
impunity abuse that advantage1 and      
employ his ,majesty's name to disavow   
and counteract the proceedings of his   
official servants1 nothing but distrust1
 discord1 debility1 contempt of all     
authority1 and general confusion1 can   
prevail in his government4  ,this we lay

 before his ,majesty1 with humility and 
concern1 as the inevitable effect of a  
spirit of intrigue in his executive     
government3 an evil which we have but   
too much reason to be persuaded exists  
and increases4 ,during the course of the
 last session it broke out in a manner  
the most alarming4 ,this evil was       
infinitely aggravated by the            
unauthorized1 but not disavowed1 use    
which has been made of his ,majesty's   
name1 for the purpose of the most       
unconstitutional1 corrupt1 and          
dishonorable influence on the minds of  
the members of ,parliament that ever was
 practised in this kingdom4 ,no         
attention even to exterior decorum1 in  
the practice of corruption and          
intimidation employed on peers1 was     
observed3 several peers were obliged    
under menaces to retract their          
declarations and to recall their        
proxies4  ,the ,commons have the deepest
 interest in the purity and integrity of
 the ,peerage4 ,the ,peers dispose of   

all the property in the kingdom1 in the 
last resort2 and they dispose of it on  
their honor1 and not on their oaths1 as 
all the members of every other tribunal 
in the kingdom must do1--though in them 
the proceeding is not conclusive4 ,we   
have1 therefore1 a right to demand that 
no application shall be made to peers of
 such a nature as may give room to call 
in question1 much less to attaint1 our  
sole security for all that we possess4  
,this corrupt proceeding appeared to the
 ,house of ,commons1 who are the natural
 guardians of the purity of ,parliament1
 and of the purity of every branch of   
judicature1 a most reprehensible and    
dangerous practice1 tending to shake the
 very foundation of the authority of the
 ,house of ,peers2 and they branded it  
as such by their resolution4  ,the      
,house had not sufficient evidence to   
enable them legally to punish this      
practice1 but they had enough to caution
 them against all confidence in the     
authors and abettors of it4 ,they       

performed their duty in humbly advising 
his ,majesty against the employment of  
such ministers2 but his ,majesty was    
advised to keep those ministers1 and to 
dissolve that ,parliament4 ,the ,house1 
aware of the importance and urgency of  
its duty with regard to the ,british    
interests in ,india1 which were and are 
in the utmost disorder1 and in the      
utmost peril1 most humbly requested his 
,majesty not to dissolve the ,parliament
 during the course of their very        
critical proceedings on that subject4   
,his ,majesty's gracious condescension  
to that request was conveyed in the     
royal faith1 pledged to a ,house of     
,parliament1 and solemnly delivered from
 the throne4 ,it was but a very few days
 after a committee had been1 with the   
consent and concurrence of the          
,chancellor of the ,exchequer1 appointed
 for an inquiry into certain accounts   
delivered to the ,house by the ,court of
 ,directors1 and then actually engaged  
in that inquiry1 that the ministers1    

regardless of the assurance given from  
the crown to a ,house of ,commons1 did  
dissolve that ,parliament4 ,we most     
humbly submit to his ,majesty's         
consideration the consequences of this  
their breach of public faith4  ,whilst  
the members of the ,house of ,commons1  
under that security1 were engaged in his
 ,majesty's and the national business1  
endeavors were industriously used to    
calumniate those whom it was found      
impracticable to corrupt4 ,the          
reputation of the members1 and the      
reputation of the ,house itself1 was    
undermined in every part of the kingdom4
  ,in the speech from the throne        
relative to ,india1 we are cautioned by 
the ministers not to lose sight of the  
effect any measure may have on the      
,constitution of our country4 ,we are   
apprehensive that a calumnious report1  
spread abroad1 of an attack upon his    
,majesty's prerogative by the late      
,house of ,commons1 may have made an    
impression on his royal mind1 and have  

given occasion to this unusual          
admonition to the present4 ,this attack 
is charged to have been made in the late
 ,parliament by a bill which passed the 
,house of ,commons1 in the late session 
of that ,parliament1 for the regulation 
of the affairs1 for the preservation of 
the commerce1 and for the amendment of  
the government of this nation1 in the   
,east ,indies4  ,that his ,majesty and  
his people may have an opportunity of   
entering into the ground of this        
injurious charge1 we beg leave humbly to
 acquaint his ,majesty1 that1 far from  
having made any infringement whatsoever 
on any part of his royal prerogative1   
that bill did1 for a limited time1 give 
to his ,majesty certain powers never    
before possessed by the crown2 and for  
this his present ministers 7who1 rather 
than fall short in the number of their  
calumnies1 employ some that are         
contradictory7 have slandered this      
,house1 as aiming at the extension of an
 unconstitutional influence in his      

,majesty's crown4 ,this pretended       
attempt to increase the influence of the
 crown they were weak enough to endeavor
 to persuade his ,majesty's people was  
amongst the causes which excited his    
,majesty's resentment against his late  
ministers4  ,further1 to remove the     
impressions of this calumny concerning  
an attempt in the ,house of ,commons    
against his prerogative1 it is proper to
 inform his ,majesty1 that the          
territorial possessions in the ,east    
,indies never have been declared by any 
public judgment1 act1 or instrument1 or 
any resolution of ,parliament           
whatsoever1 to be the subject matter of 
his ,majesty's prerogative2 nor have    
they ever been understood as belonging  
to his ordinary administration1 or to be
 annexed or united to his crown2 but    
that they are acquisitions of a new and 
peculiar description1#fe unknown to the 
ancient executive constitution of this  
country4  ,from time to time1 therefore1
 ,parliament provided for their         

government according to its discretion1 
and to its opinion of what was required 
by the public necessities4 ,we do not   
know that his ,majesty was entitled1 by 
prerogative1 to exercise any act of     
authority whatsoever in the ,company's  
affairs1 or that1 in effect1 such       
authority has ever been exercised4 ,his 
,majesty's patronage was not taken away 
by that bill2 because it is notorious   
that his ,majesty never originally had  
the appointment of a single officer1    
civil or military1 in the ,company's    
establishment in ,india3 nor has the    
least degree of patronage ever been     
acquired to the crown in any other      
manner or measure than as the power was 
thought expedient to be granted by act  
of ,parliament1--that is1 by the very   
same authority by which the offices were
 disposed of and regulated in the bill  
which his ,majesty's servants have      
falsely and injuriously represented as  
infringing upon the prerogative of the  
crown4  ,before the year #aggc the whole

 administration of ,india1 and the whole
 patronage to office there1 was in the  
hands of the ,east ,india ,company4 ,the
 ,east ,india ,company is not a branch  
of his ,majesty's prerogative           
administration1 nor does that body      
exercise any species of authority under 
it1 nor indeed from any ,british title  
that does not derive all its legal      
validity from acts of ,parliament4      
,when a claim was asserted to the ,india
 territorial possessions in the         
occupation of the ,company1 these       
possessions were not claimed as parcel  
of his ,majesty's patrimonial estate1 or
 as a fruit of the ancient inheritance  
of his crown3 they were claimed for the 
public4 ,and when agreements were made  
with the ,east ,india ,company          
concerning any composition for the      
holding1 or any participation of the    
profits1 of those territories1 the      
agreement was made with the public2 and 
the preambles of the several acts have  
uniformly so stated it4 ,these          

agreements were not made 7even          
nominally7 with his ,majesty1 but with  
,parliament3 and the bills making and   
establishing such agreements always     
originated in this ,house2 which        
appropriated the money to await the     
disposition of ,parliament1 without the 
ceremony of previous consent from the   
crown even so much as suggested by any  
of his ministers3 which previous consent
 is an observance of decorum1 not indeed
 of strict right1 but generally paid1   
when a new appropriation takes place in 
any part of his ,majesty's prerogative  
revenues4  ,in pursuance of a right thus
 uniformly recognized and uniformly     
acted on1 when ,parliament undertook the
 reformation of the ,east ,india        
,company in #aggc1 a commission was     
appointed1 as the commission in the late
 bill was appointed2 and it was made to 
continue for a term of years1 as the    
commission in the late bill was to      
continue2 all the commissioners were    
named in ,parliament1 as in the late    

bill they were named4 ,as they received1
 so they held their offices1 wholly     
independent of the crown2 they held them
 for a fixed term2 they were not        
removable by an address of either ,house
 or even of both ,houses of ,parliament1
 a precaution observed in the late bill 
relative to the commissioners proposed  
therein2 nor were they bound by the     
strict rules of proceeding which        
regulated and restrained the late       
commissioners against all possible abuse
 of a power which could not fail of     
being diligently and zealously watched  
by the ministers of the crown1 and the  
proprietors of the stock1 as well as by 
,parliament4 ,their proceedings were1 in
 that bill1 directed to be of such a    
nature as easily to subject them to the 
strictest revision of both1 in case of  
any malversation4  ,in the year #aghj1  
an act of ,parliament again made        
provision for the government of those   
territories for another four years1     
without any sort of reference to        

prerogative2 nor was the least objection
 taken at the second1 more than at the  
first of those periods1 as if an        
infringement had been made upon the     
rights of the crown3 yet his ,majesty's 
ministers have thought fit to represent 
the late commission as an entire        
innovation on the ,constitution1 and the
 setting up a new order and estate in   
the nation1 tending to the subversion of
 the monarchy itself4  ,if the          
government of the ,east ,indies1 other  
than by his ,majesty's prerogative1 be  
in effect a fourth order in the         
commonwealth1 this order has long       
existed2 because the ,east ,india       
,company has for many years enjoyed it  
in the fullest extent1 and does at this 
day enjoy the whole administration of   
those provinces1 and the patronage to   
offices throughout that great empire1   
except as it is controlled by act of    
,parliament4  ,it was the ill condition 
and ill administration of the ,company's
 affairs which induced this ,house      

7merely as a temporary establishment7 to
 vest the same powers which the ,company
 did before possess1 7and no other17 for
 a limited time1 and under very strict  
directions1 in proper hands1 until they 
could be restored1 or farther provision 
made concerning them4 ,it was therefore 
no creation whatever of a new power1 but
 the removal of an old power1 long since
 created1 and then existing1 from the   
management of those persons who had     
manifestly and dangerously abused their 
trust4 ,this ,house1 which well knows   
the ,parliamentary origin of all the    
,company's powers and privileges1 and is
 not ignorant or negligent of the       
authority which may vest those powers   
and privileges in others1 if justice and
 the public safety so require1 is       
conscious to itself that it no more     
creates a new order in the state1 by    
making occasional trustees for the      
direction of the ,company1 than it      
originally did in giving a much more    
permanent trust to the ,directors or to 

the ,general ,court of that body4 ,the  
monopoly of the ,east ,india ,company   
was a derogation from the general       
freedom of trade belonging to his       
,majesty's people4 ,the powers of       
government1 and of peace and war1 are   
parts of prerogative of the highest     
order4 ,of our competence to restrain   
the rights of all his subjects by act of
 ,parliament1 and to vest those high and
 eminent prerogatives even in a         
particular company of merchants1 there  
has been no question4 ,we beg leave most
 humbly to claim as our right1 and as a 
right which this ,house has always used1
 to frame such bills for the regulation 
of that commerce1 and of the territories
 held by the ,east ,india ,company1 and 
everything relating to them1 as to our  
discretion shall seem fit2 and we assert
 and maintain that therein we follow1   
and do not innovate on1 the             
,constitution4  ,that his ,majesty's    
ministers1 misled by their ambition1    
have endeavored1 if possible1 to form a 

faction in the country against the      
popular part of the ,constitution2 and  
have therefore thought proper to add to 
their slanderous accusation against a   
,house of ,parliament1 relative to his  
,majesty's prerogative1 another of a    
different nature1 calculated for the    
purpose of raising fears and jealousies 
among the corporate bodies of the       
kingdom1 and of persuading uninformed   
persons belonging to those corporations 
to look to and to make addresses to     
them1 as protectors of their rights1    
under their several charters1 from the  
designs which they1 without any ground1 
charged the then ,house of ,commons to  
have formed against charters in general4
 ,for this purpose they have not        
scrupled to assert that the exertion of 
his ,majesty's prerogative in the late  
precipitate change in his               
administration1 and the dissolution of  
the late ,parliament1 were measures     
adopted in order to rescue the people   
and their rights out of the hands of the

 ,house of ,commons1 their              
representatives4  ,we trust that his    
,majesty's subjects are not yet so far  
deluded as to believe that the charters1
 or that any other of their local or    
general privileges1 can have a solid    
security in any place but where that    
security has always been looked for1 and
 always found1--in the ,house of        
,commons4 ,miserable and precarious     
indeed would be the state of their      
franchises1 if they were to find no     
defence but from that quarter from      
whence they have always been            
attacked6#ff ,but the late ,house of    
,commons1 in passing that bill1 made no 
attack upon any powers or privileges1   
except such as a ,house of ,commons has 
frequently attacked1 and will attack1   
7and they trust1 in the end1 with their 
wonted success17--that is1 upon those   
which are corruptly and oppressively    
administered2 and this ,house do        
faithfully assure his ,majesty1 that we 
will correct1 and1 if necessary for the 

purpose1 as far as in us lies1 will     
wholly destroy1 every species of power  
and authority exercised by ,british     
subjects to the oppression1 wrong1 and  
detriment of the people1 and to the     
impoverishment and desolation of the    
countries subject to it4  ,the          
propagators of the calumnies against    
that ,house of ,parliament have been    
indefatigable in exaggerating the       
supposed injury done to the ,east ,india
 ,company by the suspension of the      
authorities which they have in every    
instance abused1--as if power had been  
wrested by wrong and violence from just 
and prudent hands2 but they have1 with  
equal care1 concealed the weighty       
grounds and reasons on which that ,house
 had adopted the most moderate of all   
possible expedients for rescuing the    
natives of ,india from oppression1 and  
for saving the interests of the real and
 honest proprietors of their stock1 as  
well as that great national1 commercial 
concern1 from imminent ruin4  ,the      

ministers aforesaid have also caused it 
to be reported that the ,house of       
,commons have confiscated the property  
of the ,east ,india ,company4 ,it is the
 reverse of truth4 ,the whole management
 was a trust for the proprietors1 under 
their own inspection1 7and it was so    
provided for in the bill17 and under the
 inspection of ,parliament4 ,that bill1 
so far from confiscating the ,company's 
property1 was the only one which1 for   
several years past1 did not1 in some    
shape or other1 affect their property1  
or restrain them in the disposition of  
it4  ,it is proper that his ,majesty and
 all his people should be informed that 
the ,house of ,commons have proceeded1  
with regard to the ,east ,india         
,company1 with a degree of care1        
circumspection1 and deliberation1 which 
has not been equalled in the history of 
,parliamentary proceedings4 ,for sixteen
 years the state and condition of that  
body has never been wholly out of their 
view4 ,in the year #agfg the ,house took

 those objects into consideration1 in a 
committee of the whole ,house4 ,the     
business was pursued in the following   
year4 ,in the year #aggb two committees 
were appointed for the same purpose1    
which examined into their affairs with  
much diligence1 and made very ample     
reports4 ,in the year #aggc the         
proceedings were carried to an act of   
,parliament1 which proved ineffectual to
 its purpose4 ,the oppressions and      
abuses in ,india have since rather      
increased than diminished1 on account of
 the greatness of the temptations1 and  
convenience of the opportunities1 which 
got the better of the legislative       
provisions calculated against ill       
practices then in their beginnings2     
insomuch that1 in #agha1 two committees 
were again instituted1 who have made    
seventeen reports4 ,it was upon the most
 minute1 exact1 and laborious collection
 and discussion of facts1 that the late 
,house of ,commons proceeded in the     
reform which they attempted in the      

administration of ,india1 but which has 
been frustrated by ways and means the   
most dishonorable to his ,majesty's     
government1 and the most pernicious to  
the ,constitution of this kingdom4 ,his 
,majesty was so sensible of the         
disorders in the ,company's             
administration1 that the consideration  
of that subject was no less than six    
times recommended to this ,house in     
speeches from the throne4  ,the result  
of the ,parliamentary inquiries has     
been1 that the ,east ,india ,company was
 found totally corrupted1 and totally   
perverted from the purposes of its      
institution1 whether political or       
commercial2 that the powers of war and  
peace given by the charter had been     
abused1 by kindling hostilities in every
 quarter for the purposes of rapine2    
that almost all the treaties of peace   
they have made have only given cause to 
so many breaches of public faith2 that  
countries once the most flourishing are 
reduced to a state of indigence1 decay1 

and depopulation1 to the diminution of  
our strength1 and to the infinite       
dishonor of our national character2 that
 the laws of this kingdom are           
notoriously1 and almost in every        
instance1 despised2 that the servants of
 the ,company1 by the purchase of       
qualifications to vote in the ,general  
,court1 and1 at length1 by getting the  
,company itself deeply in their debt1   
have obtained the entire and absolute   
mastery in the body by which they ought 
to have been ruled and coerced4 ,thus   
their malversations in office are       
supported1 instead of being checked by  
the ,company4 ,the whole of the affairs 
of that body are reduced to a most      
perilous situation2 and many millions of
 innocent and deserving men1 who are    
under the protection of this nation1 and
 who ought to be protected by it1 are   
oppressed by a most despotic and        
rapacious tyranny4 ,the ,company and    
their servants1 having strengthened     
themselves by this confederacy1 set at  

defiance the authority and admonitions  
of this ,house employed to reform them2 
and when this ,house had selected       
certain principal delinquents1 whom they
 declared it the duty of the ,company to
 recall1 the ,company held out its legal
 privileges against all reformation1    
positively refused to recall them1 and  
supported those who had fallen under the
 just censure of this ,house with new   
and stronger marks of countenance and   
approbation4  ,the late ,house1         
discovering the reversed situation of   
the ,company1 by which the nominal      
servants are really the masters1 and the
 offenders are become their own judges1 
thought fit to examine into the state of
 their commerce2 and they have also     
discovered that their commercial affairs
 are in the greatest disorder2 that     
their debts have accumulated beyond any 
present or obvious future means of      
payment1 at least under the actual      
administration of their affairs2 that   
this condition of the ,east ,india      

,company has begun to affect the sinking
 fund itself1 on which the public credit
 of the kingdom rests1--a million and   
upwards being due to the customs1 which 
that ,house of ,commons whose intentions
 towards the ,company have been so      
grossly misrepresented were indulgent   
enough to respite4 ,and thus1 instead of
 confiscating their property1 the       
,company received without interest      
7which in such a case had been before   
charged7 the use of a very large sum of 
the public money4 ,the revenues are     
under the peculiar care of this ,house1 
not only as the revenues originate from 
us1 but as1 on every failure if the     
funds set apart for the support of the  
national credit1 or to provide for the  
national strength and safety1 the task  
of supplying every deficiency falls upon
 his ,majesty's faithful ,commons1 this 
,house must1 in effect1 tax the people4 
,the ,house1 therefore1 at every moment1
 incurs the hazard of becoming obnoxious
 to its constituents4  ,the enemies of  

the late ,house of ,commons resolved1 if
 possible1 to bring on that event4 ,they
 therefore endeavored to misrepresent   
the provident means adopted by the      
,house of ,commons for keeping off this 
invidious necessity1 as an attack on the
 rights of the ,east ,india ,company3   
for they well knew1 that1 on the one    
hand1 if1 for want of proper regulation 
and relief1 the ,company should become  
insolvent1 or even stop payment1 the    
national credit and commerce would      
sustain a heavy blow2 and that calamity 
would be justly imputed to ,parliament1 
which1 after such long inquiries1 and   
such frequent admonitions from his      
,majesty1 had neglected so essential and
 so urgent an article of their duty3 on 
the other hand1 they knew1 that1 wholly 
corrupted as the ,company is1 nothing   
effectual could be done to preserve that
 interest from ruin1 without taking for 
a time the national objects of their    
trust out of their hands2 and then a cry
 would be industriously raised against  

the ,house of ,commons1 as depriving    
,british subjects of their legal        
privileges4 ,the restraint1 being plain 
and simple1 must be easily understood by
 those who would be brought with great  
difficulty to comprehend the intricate  
detail of matters of fact which rendered
 this suspension of the administration  
of ,india absolutely necessary on       
motives of justice1 of policy1 of public
 honor1 and public safety4  ,the ,house 
of ,commons had not been able to devise 
a method by which the redress of        
grievances could be effected through the
 authors of those grievances2 nor could 
they imagine how corruptions could be   
purified by the corrupters and the      
corrupted2 nor do we now conceive how   
any reformation can proceed from the    
known abettors and supporters of the    
persons who have been guilty of the     
misdemeanors which ,parliament has      
reprobated1 and who for their own ill   
purposes have given countenance to a    
false and delusive state of the         

,company's affairs1 fabricated to       
mislead ,parliament and to impose upon  
the nation4#fg  ,your ,commons feel1    
with a just resentment1 the inadequate  
estimate which your ministers have      
formed of the importance of this great  
concern4 ,they call on us to act upon   
the principles of those who have not    
inquired into the subject1 and to       
condemn those who with the most laudable
 diligence have examined and scrutinized
 every part of it4 ,the deliberations of
 ,parliament have been broken2 the      
season of the year is unfavorable2 many 
of us are new members1 who must be      
wholly unacquainted with the subject1   
which lies remote from the ordinary     
course of general information4  ,we are 
cautioned against an infringement of the
 ,constitution2 and it is impossible to 
know what the secret advisers of the    
crown1 who have driven out the late     
ministers for their conduct in          
,parliament1 and have dissolved the late
 ,parliament for a pretended attack upon

 prerogative1 will consider as such an  
infringement4 ,we are not furnished with
 a rule1 the observance of which can    
make us safe from the resentment of the 
crown1 even by an implicit obedience to 
the dictates of the ministers who have  
advised that speech2 we know not how    
soon those ministers may be disavowed1  
and how soon the members of this ,house1
 for our very agreement with them1 may  
be considered as objects of his         
,majesty's displeasure4 ,until by his   
,majesty's goodness and wisdom the late 
example is completely done away1 we are 
not free4  ,we are well aware1 in       
providing for the affairs of the ,east1 
with what an adult strength of abuse1   
and of wealth and influence growing out 
of that abuse1 his ,majesty's ,commons  
had1 in the last ,parliament1 and still 
have1 to struggle4 ,we are sensible that
 the influence of that wealth1 in a much
 larger degree and measure than at any  
former period1 may have penetrated into 
the very quarter from whence alone any  

real reformation can be expected4#fh    
,if1 therefore1 in the arduous affairs  
recommended to us1 our proceedings      
should be ill adapted1 feeble1 and      
ineffectual1--if no delinquency should  
be prevented1 and no delinquent should  
be called to account1--if every person  
should be caressed1 promoted1 and raised
 in power1 in proportion to the enormity
 of his offences1--if no relief should  
be given to any of the natives unjustly 
dispossessed of their rights1           
jurisdictions1 and properties1--if no   
cruel and unjust exactions should be    
forborne1--if the source of no          
peculation or oppressive gain should be 
cut off1--if1 by the omission of the    
opportunities that were in our hands1   
our ,indian empire should fall into ruin
 irretrievable1 and in its fall crush   
the credit and overwhelm the revenues of
 this country1--we stand acquitted to   
our honor and to our conscience1 who    
have reluctantly seen the weightiest    
interests of our country1 at times the  

most critical to its dignity and safety1
 rendered the sport of the inconsiderate
 and unmeasured ambition of individuals1
 and by that means the wisdom of his    
,majesty's government degraded in the   
public estimation1 and the policy and   
character of this renowned nation       
rendered contemptible in the eyes of all
 ,europe4         99       99       99  
99       99  ,it passed in the negative4
  ,,footnotes3  #ei ,see ,king's        
,speech1 ,dec4 #e1 #aghb1 and ,may #ai1 
#aghd4  #fj ,i shall never submit to the
 doctrines ,i have heard this day from  
the woolsack1 that the other ,house     
,house of ,commons are the only         
representatives and guardians of the    
people's rights4 ,i boldly maintain the 
contrary4 ,i say this ,house ,house of  
,lords is equally the representatives of
 the people4--,lord ,shelburne's        
,speech1 ,april #h1 #aggh4 ,vide        
,parliamentary ,register1 ,vol4 ,x4 p4  
#hib4  #fa ,in that ,parliament the     
,house of ,commons by two several       

resolutions put an end to the ,american 
war4 ,immediately on the change of      
ministry which ensued1 in order to      
secure their own independence1 and to   
prevent the accumulation of new burdens 
on the people by the growth of a civil  
list debt1 they passed the              
,establishment ,bill4 ,by that bill     
thirty-six offices tenable by members of
 ,parliament were suppressed1 and an    
order of payment was framed by which the
 growth of any fresh debt was rendered  
impracticable4 ,the debt on the civil   
list from the beginning of the present  
reign had amounted to one million three 
hundred thousand pounds and upwards4    
,another act was passed for regulating  
the office of the ,paymaster-,general   
and the offices subordinate to it4 ,a   
million of public money had sometimes   
been in the hands of the paymasters3    
this act prevented the possibility of   
any money whatsoever being accumulated  
in that office in future4 ,the offices  
of the ,exchequer1 whose emoluments in  

time of war were excessive1 and grew in 
exact proportion to the public burdens1 
were regulated1--some of them           
suppressed1 and the rest reduced to     
fixed salaries4 ,to secure the freedom  
of election against the crown1 a bill   
was passed to disqualify all officers   
concerned in the collection of the      
revenue in any of its branches from     
voting in elections3 a most important   
act1 not only with regard to its primary
 object1 the freedom of election1 but as
 materially forwarding the due          
collection of revenue4 ,for the same    
end1 7the preserving the freedom of     
election17 the ,house rescinded the     
famous judgment relative to the         
,middlesex election1 and expunged it    
from the journals4 ,on the principle of 
reformation of their own ,house1        
connected with a principle of public    
economy1 an act passed for rendering    
contractors with government incapable of
 a seat in ,parliament4 ,the ,india     
,bill 7unfortunately lost in the ,house 

of ,lords7 pursued the same idea to its 
completion1 and disabled all servants of
 the ,east ,india ,company from a seat  
in that ,house for a certain time1 and  
until their conduct was examined into   
and cleared4 ,the remedy of infinite    
corruptions and of infinite disorders   
and oppressions1 as well as the security
 of the most important objects of public
 economy1 perished with that bill and   
that ,parliament4 ,that ,parliament also
 instituted a committee to inquire into 
the collection of the revenue in all its
 branches1 which prosecuted its duty    
with great vigor1 and suggested several 
material improvements4  #fb ,if these   
speculations are let loose1 the ,house  
of ,lords may quarrel with their share  
of the legislature1 as being limited    
with regard to the origination of grants
 to the crown and the origination of    
money bills4 ,the advisers of the crown 
may think proper to bring its negative  
into ordinary use1--and even to dispute1
 whether a mere negative1 compared with 

the deliberative power exercised in the 
other ,houses1 be such a share in the   
legislature as to produce a due balance 
in favor of that branch1 and thus       
justify the previous interference of the
 crown in the manner lately used4 ,the  
following will serve to show how much   
foundation there is for great caution   
concerning these novel speculations4    
,lord ,shelburne1 in his celebrated     
speech1 ,april #hth1 #aggh1 expresses   
himself as follows4 7,vide              
,parliamentary ,register1 ,vol4 ,x47    
,the noble and learned lord on the      
woolsack1 in the debate which opened the
 business of this day1 asserted that    
your ,lordships were incompetent to make
 any alteration in a money bill or a    
bill of supply1 ,i should be glad to see
 the matter fairly and fully discussed1 
and the subject brought forward and     
argued upon precedent1 as well as all   
its collateral relations4 ,i should be  
pleased to see the question fairly      
committed1 were it for no other reason  

but to hear the sleek1 smooth           
contractors from the other ,house come  
to this bar and declare1 that they1 and 
they only1 could frame a money bill1 and
 they1 and they only1 could dispose of  
the property of the peers of ,great     
,britain4 ,perhaps some arguments more  
plausible than those ,i heard this day  
from the woolsack1 to show that the     
,commons have an uncontrollable1        
unqualified right to bind your          
,lordships' property1 may be urged by   
them4 ,at present1 ,i beg leave to      
differ from the noble and learned lord2 
for1 until the claim1 after a solemn    
discussion of this ,house1 is openly and
 directly relinquished1 ,i shall        
continue to be of opinion that your     
,lordships have a right to after1 amend1
 or reject a money bill4  ,the ,duke of 
,richmond also1 in his letter to the    
volunteers of ,ireland1 speaks of       
several of the powers exercised by the  
,house of ,commons in the light of      
usurpations2 and his ,grace is of       

opinion1 that1 when the people are      
restored to what he conceives to be     
their rights1 in electing the ,house of 
,commons1 the other branches of the     
legislature ought to be restored to     
theirs4--,vide ,remembrancer1 ,vol4     
,,xvi4  #fc ,by an act of ,parliament1  
the ,directors of the ,east ,india      
,company are restrained from acceptance 
of bills drawn1 from ,india1 beyond a   
certain amount1 without the consent of  
the ,commissioners of the ,treasury4    
,the late ,house of ,commons1 finding   
bills to an immense amount drawn upon   
that body by their servants abroad1 and 
knowing their circumstances to be       
exceedingly doubtful1 came to a         
resolution providently1 cautioning the  
,lords of the ,treasury against the     
acceptance of these bills1 until the    
,house should otherwise direct4 ,the    
,court ,lords then took occasion to     
declare against the resolution as       
illegal1 by the ,commons undertaking to 
direct in the execution of a trust      

created by act of ,parliament4 ,the     
,house1 justly alarmed at this          
resolution1 which went to the           
destruction of the whole of its         
superintending capacity1 and            
particularly in matters relative to its 
own province of money1 directed a       
committee to search the journals1 and   
they found a regular series of          
precedents1 commencing from the remotest
 of those records1 and carried on to    
that day1 by which it appeared that the 
,house interfered1 by an authoritative  
advice and admonition1 upon every act of
 executive government without exception1
 and in many much stronger cases than   
that which the ,lords thought proper to 
quarrel with4  #fd ,i observe1 at the   
same time1 that there is no charge or   
complaint suggested against my present  
ministers4--,the ,king's ,answer1 #beth 
,february1 #aghd1 to the ,address of the
 ,house of ,common4 ,vide ,resolutions  
of the ,house of ,commons1 printed for  
,debrett1 p4 #ca4  #fe ,the territorial 

possessions in the ,east ,indies were   
acquired to the ,company1 in virtue of  
grants from the ,great ,mogul1 in the   
nature of offices and jurisdictions1 to 
be held under him1 and dependent upon   
his crown1 with the express condition of
 being obedient to orders from his      
court1 and of paying an annual tribute  
to his treasury4 ,it is true that no    
obedience is yielded to these orders1   
and for some time past there has been no
 payment made of this tribute4 ,but it  
is under a grant so conditioned that    
they still hold4 ,to subject the ,king  
of ,great ,britain as tributary to a    
foreign power by the acts of his        
subjects2 to suppose the grant valid1   
and yet the condition void2 to suppose  
it good for the king1 and insufficient  
for the ,company2 to suppose it an      
interest divisible between the parties3 
these are some few of the many legal    
difficulties to be surmounted1 before   
the ,common ,law of ,england can        
acknowledge the ,east ,india ,company's 

,asiatic affairs to be a subject matter 
of prerogative1 so as to bring it within
 the verge of ,english jurisprudence4   
,it is a very anomalous species of power
 and property which is held by the ,east
 ,india ,company4 ,our ,english         
prerogative law does not furnish        
principles1 much less precedents1 by    
which it can be defined or adjusted4    
,nothing but the eminent dominion of    
,parliament over every ,british subject1
 in every concern1 and in every         
circumstance in which he is placed1 can 
adjust this new1 intricate matter4      
,parliament may act wisely or unwisely1 
justly or unjustly2 but ,parliament     
alone is competent to it4  #ff ,the     
attempt upon charters and the privileges
 of the corporate bodies of the kingdom 
in the reigns of ,charles the ,second   
and ,james the ,second was made by the  
crown4 ,it was carried on by the        
ordinary course of law1 in courts       
instituted for the security of the      
property and franchises of the people4  

,this attempt made by the crown was     
attended with complete success4 ,the    
corporate rights of the city of ,london1
 and of all the companies it contains1  
were by solemn judgment of law declared 
forfeited1 and all their franchises1    
privileges1 properties1 and estates were
 of course seized into the hands of the 
crown4 ,the injury was from the crown3  
the redress was by ,parliament4 ,a bill 
was brought into the ,house of ,commons1
 by which the judgment against the city 
of ,london1 and against the companies1  
was reversed3 and this bill passed the  
,house of ,lords without any complaint  
of trespass on their jurisdiction1      
although the bill was for a reversal of 
a judgment in law4 ,by this act1 which  
is in the second of ,william and ,mary1 
chap4 #h1 the question of forfeiture of 
that charter is forever taken out of the
 power of any court of law3 no          
cognizance can be taken of it except in 
,parliament4  ,although the act above   
mentioned has declared the judgment     

against the corporation of ,london to be
 illegal yet ,blackstone makes no       
scruple of asserting1 that1 perhaps1 in 
strictness of law1 the proceedings in   
most of them the ,quo ,warranto causes  
were sufficiently regular1 leaving it in
 doubt1 whether this regularity did not 
apply to the corporation of ,london1 as 
well as to any of the rest2 and he seems
 to blame the proceeding 7as most       
blamable it was7 not so much on account 
of illegality as for the crown's having 
employed a legal proceeding for         
political purposes4 ,he calls it an     
exertion of an act of law for the       
purposes of the state4  ,the same       
security which was given to the city of 
,london1 would have been extended to all
 the corporations1 if the ,house of     
,commons could have prevailed4 ,but the 
bill for that purpose passed but by a   
majority of one in the ,lords2 and it   
was entirely lost by a prorogation1     
which is the act of the crown4 ,small1  
indeed1 was the security which the      

corporation of ,london enjoyed before   
the act of ,william and ,mary1 and which
 all the other corporations1 secured by 
no statute1 enjoy at this hour1 if      
strict law was employed against them4   
,the use of strict law has always been  
rendered very delicate by the same means
 by which the almost unmeasured legal   
powers residing 7and in many instances  
dangerously residing7 in the crown are  
kept within due bounds3 ,i mean1 that   
strong superintending power in the      
,house of ,commons which inconsiderate  
people have been prevailed on to condemn
 as trenching on prerogative4 ,strict   
law is by no means such a friend to the 
rights of the subject as they have been 
taught to believe4 ,they who have been  
most conversant in this kind of learning
 will be most sensible of the danger of 
submitting corporate rights of high     
political importance to these           
subordinate tribunals4 ,the general     
heads of law on that subject are vulgar 
and trivial4 ,on them there is not much 

question4 ,but it is far from easy to   
determine what special acts1 or what    
special neglect of action1 shall subject
 corporations to a forfeiture4 ,there is
 so much laxity in this doctrine1 that  
great room is left for favor or         
prejudice1 which might give to the crown
 an entire dominion over those          
corporations4 ,on the other hand1 it is 
undoubtedly true that every subordinate 
corporate right ought to be subject to  
control1 to superior direction1 and even
 to forfeiture upon just cause4 ,in this
 reason and law agree4 ,in every        
judgment given on a corporate right of  
great political importance1 the policy  
and prudence make no small part of the  
question4 ,to these considerations a    
court of law is not competent2 and1     
indeed1 an attempt at the least         
intermixture of such ideas with the     
matter of law could have no other effect
 than wholly to corrupt the judicial    
character of the court in which such a  
cause should come to be tried4 ,it is   

besides to be remarked1 that1 if1 in    
virtue of a legal process1 a forfeiture 
should be adjudged1 the court of law has
 no power to modify or mitigate4 ,the   
whole franchise is annihilated1 and the 
corporate property goes into the hands  
of the crown4 ,they who hold the new    
doctrines concerning the power of the   
,house of ,commons ought well to        
consider in such a case by what means   
the corporate rights could be revived1  
or the property could be recovered out  
of the hands of the crown4 ,but         
,parliament can do what the courts      
neither can do nor ought to attempt4    
,parliament is competent to give due    
weight to all political considerations4 
,it may modify1 it may mitigate1 and it 
may render perfectly secure1 all that it
 does not think fit to take away4 ,it is
 not likely that ,parliament will ever  
draw to itself the cognizance of        
questions concerning ordinary           
corporations1 farther than to protect   
them1 in case attempts are made to      

induce a forfeiture of their franchises4
  ,the case of the ,east ,india ,company
 is different even from that of the     
greatest of these corporations4 ,no     
monopoly of trade1 beyond their own     
limits1 is vested in the corporate body 
of any town or city in the kingdom4     
,even within these limits the monopoly  
is not general4 ,the ,company has the   
monopoly of the trade of half the world4
 ,the first corporation of the kingdom  
has for the object of its jurisdiction  
only a few matters of subordinate       
police4 ,the ,east ,india ,company      
governs an empire1 through all its      
concerns and all its departments1 from  
the lowest office of economy to the     
highest councils of state1--an empire to
 which ,great ,britain is in comparison 
but a respectable province4 ,to leave   
these concerns without superior         
cognizance would be madness2 to leave   
them to be judged in the courts below1  
on the principles of a confined         
jurisprudence1 would be folly4 ,it is   

well1 if the whole legislative power is 
competent to the correction of abuses   
which are commensurate to the immensity 
of the object they affect4 ,the idea of 
an absolute power has1 indeed1 its      
terrors2 but that objection lies to     
every ,parliamentary proceeding2 and as 
no other can regulate the abuses of such
 a charter1 it is fittest that sovereign
 authority should be exercised1 where it
 is most likely to be attended with the 
most effectual correctives4 ,these      
correctives are furnished by the nature 
and course of ,parliamentary            
proceedings1 and by the infinitely      
diversified characters who compose the  
two ,houses4 ,in effect and virtually1  
they form a vast number1 variety1 and   
succession of judges and jurors4 ,the   
fulness1 the freedom1 and publicity of  
discussion leaves it easy to distinguish
 what are acts of power1 and what the   
determinations of equity and reason4    
,there prejudice corrects prejudice1 and
 the different asperities of party zeal 

mitigate and neutralize each other4 ,so 
far from violence being the general     
characteristic of the proceedings of    
,parliament1 whatever the beginnings of 
any ,parliamentary process may be1 its  
general fault in the end is1 that it is 
found incomplete and ineffectual4  #fg  
,the purpose of the misrepresentation   
being now completely answered1 there is 
no doubt but the committee in this      
,parliament1 appointed by the ministers 
themselves1 will justify the grounds    
upon which the last ,parliament         
proceeded1 and will lay open to the     
world the dreadful state of the         
,company's affairs1 and the grossness of
 their own calumnies upon this head4 ,by
 delay the new assembly is come into the
 disgraceful situation of allowing a    
dividend of eight per cent by act of    
,parliament1 without the least matter   
before them to justify the granting of  
any dividend at all4  #fh ,this will be 
evident to those who consider the number
 and description of ,directors and      

servants of the ,east ,india ,company   
chosen into the present ,parliament4    
,the light in which the present         
ministers hold the labors of the ,house 
of ,commons in searching into the       
disorders in the ,indian administration1
 and all its endeavors for the          
reformation of the government there1    
without any distinction of times1 or of 
the persons concerned1 will appear from 
the following extract from a speech of  
the present ,lord ,chancellor4 ,after   
making a high-flown panegyric on those  
whom the ,house of ,commons had         
condemned by their resolutions1 he      
said3--,let us not be misled by reports 
from committees of another ,house1 to   
which1 ,i again repeat1 ,i pay as much  
attention as ,i would do to the history 
of ,robinson ,crusoe1 ,let the conduct  
of the ,east ,india ,company be fairly  
and fully inquired into4 ,let it be     
acquitted or condemned by evidence      
brought to the bar of the ,house4       
,without entering very deeply into the  

subject1 let me reply in a few words to 
an observation which fell from a noble  
and learned lord1 that the ,company's   
finances are distressed1 and that they  
owe at this moment a million sterling to
 the nation4 ,when such a charge is     
brought1 will ,parliament in its justice
 forget that the ,company is restricted 
from employing that credit which its    
great and flourishing situation gives to
 it8    ,,end ,,of ,,vol4 ,,ii4