,,burke',s ,,writings ,,and ,,speeches  
,,volume ,,the ,,first   ,illustration3 
,,edmund ,,burke4     ,,the ,,works     
,,of  ,,the ,,right ,,honourable        
,,edmund ,,burke   ,,in ,,twelve        
,,volumes   ,,volume ,,the ,,first      
,illustration3 ,burke ,coat of ,arms4   
,london ,,john ,c4 ,,nimmo #ad1 ,,king  
,,william ,,street1 ,,strand1 ,w4,c4    
,,mdccclxxxvii     ,,contents ,,of      
,,vol4 ,i4   ,,advertisement ,,to ,,the 
,,reader1 ,,prefixed ,,to ,,the ,,first 
,,octavo ,,edition      v               
,,advertisement ,,to ,,the ,,second     
,,octavo ,,edition                      
xvii  ,a ,,vindication ,,of ,,natural   
,,society3 ,,or1 ,a ,,view ,,of ,,the   
,,miseries ,,and   ,,evils ,,arising    
,,to ,,mankind ,,from ,,every ,,species 
,,of ,,artificial ,,society    #a  ,a   
,,philosophical ,,inquiry ,,into ,,the  
,,origin ,,of ,,our ,,ideas ,,of ,,the  
,,sublime   ,,and ,,beautiful2 ,,with   
,,an ,,introductory ,,discourse         
,,concerning ,,taste      #fg  ,a       

,,short ,,account ,,of ,a ,,late ,,short
 ,,administration                       
#bfc  ,,observations ,,on ,a ,,late     
,,publication1 ,,intituled1   ,,the     
,,present ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,nation   
#bfi  ,,thoughts ,,on ,,the ,,cause ,,of
 ,,the ,,present ,,discontents          
#dcc     ,,advertisement  ,,to ,,the    
,,reader4#a   ,the late ,mr4 ,burke1    
from a principle of unaffected humility1
 which they who were the most intimately
 acquainted with his character best know
 to have been in his estimation one of  
the most important moral duties1 never  
himself made any collection of the      
various publications with which1 during 
a period of forty years1 he adorned and 
enriched the literature of this country4
 ,when1 however1 the rapid and          
unexampled demand for his ,reflections  
on the ,revolution in ,france had       
unequivocally testified his celebrity as
 a writer1 some of his friends so far   
prevailed upon him1 that he permitted   
them to put forth a regular edition of  

his works4 ,accordingly1 three volumes  
in quarto appeared under that title in  
#agib1 printed for the late ,mr4        
,dodsley4 ,that edition1 therefore1 has 
been made the foundation of the present1
 for which a form has been chosen better
 adapted to public convenience4 ,such   
errors of the press as have been        
discovered in it are here rectified3 in 
other respects it is faithfully         
followed1 except that in one instance an
 accident of little moment has          
occasioned a slight deviation from the  
strict chronological arrangement1 and   
that1 on the other hand1 a speech of    
conspicuous excellence1 on his declining
 the poll at ,bristol1 in #aghj1 is     
here1 for the first time1 inserted in   
its proper place4  ,as the activity of  
the author's mind1 and the lively       
interest which he took in the welfare of
 his country1 ceased only with his life1
 many subsequent productions issued from
 his pen1 which were received in a      
manner corresponding with his           

distinguished reputation4 ,he wrote also
 various tracts1 of a less popular      
description1 which he designed for      
private circulation in quarters where he
 supposed they might produce most       
benefit to the community1 but which1    
with some other papers1 have been       
printed since his death1 from copies    
which he left behind him fairly         
transcribed1 and most of them corrected 
as for the press4 ,all these1 now first 
collected together1 form the contents of
 the last two volumes4#b ,they are      
disposed in chronological order1 with   
the exception of the ,preface to        
,brissot's ,address1 which having       
appeared in the author's lifetime1 and  
from delicacy not being avowed by him1  
did not come within the plan of this    
edition1 but has been placed at the end 
of the last volume1 on its being found  
deficient in its just bulk4  ,the       
several posthumous publications1 as they
 from time to time made their           
appearance1 were accompanied by         

appropriate prefaces4 ,these1 however1  
as they were principally intended for   
temporary purposes1 have been omitted4  
,some few explanations only1 which they 
contained1 seem here to be necessary4   
,the ,observations on the ,conduct of   
the ,minority in the ,session of #agic  
had been written and sent by ,mr4 ,burke
 as a paper entirely and strictly       
confidential2 but it crept              
surreptitiously into the world1 through 
the fraud and treachery of the man whom 
he had employed to transcribe it1 and1  
as usually happens in such cases1 came  
forth in a very mangled state1 under a  
false title1 and without the            
introductory letter4 ,the friends of the
 author1 without waiting to consult him1
 instantly obtained an injunction from  
the ,court of ,chancery to stop the     
sale4 ,what he himself felt1 on         
receiving intelligence of the injury    
done him by one from whom his kindness  
deserved a very different return1 will  
be best conveyed in his own words4 ,the 

following is an extract of a letter to a
 friend1 which he dictated on this      
subject from a sick-bed4  ,,bath1 #aeth 
,feb41 #agig4  ,my ,dear ,laurence1--   
,on the appearance of the advertisement1
 all newspapers and all letters have    
been kept back from me till this time4  
,mrs4 ,burke opened yours1 and finding  
that all the measures in the power of   
,dr4 ,king1 yourself1 and ,mr4          
,woodford1 had been taken to suppress   
the publication1 she ventured to deliver
 me the letters to-day1 which were read 
to me in my bed1 about two o'clock4     
,this affair does vex me2 but ,i am not 
in a state of health at present to be   
deeply vexed at anything4 ,whenever this
 matter comes into discussion1 ,i       
authorize you to contradict the infamous
 reports which 7,i am informed7 have    
been given out1 that this paper had been
 circulated through the ministry1 and   
was intended gradually to slide into the
 press4 ,to the best of my recollection 
,i never had a clean copy of it but one1

 which is now in my possession2 ,i never
 communicated that1 but to the ,duke of 
,portland1 from whom ,i had it back     
again4 ,but the ,duke will set this     
matter to rights1 if in reality there   
were two copies1 and he has one4 ,i     
never showed it1 as they know1 to any   
one of the ministry4 ,if the ,duke has  
really a copy1 ,i believe his and mine  
are the only ones that exist1 except    
what was taken by fraud from loose and  
incorrect papers by ,s----1 to whom ,i  
gave the letter to copy4 ,as soon as ,i 
began to suspect him capable of any such
 scandalous breach of trust1 you know   
with what anxiety ,i got the loose      
papers out of his hands1 not having     
reason to think that he kept any other4 
,neither do ,i believe in fact 7unless  
he meditated this villany long ago7 that
 he did or does now possess any clean   
copy4 ,i never communicated that paper  
to any one out of the very small circle 
of those private friends from whom ,i   
concealed nothing4  ,but ,i beg you and 

my friends to be cautious how you let it
 be understood that ,i disclaim anything
 but the mere act and intention of      
publication4 ,i do not retract any one  
of the sentiments contained in that     
memorial1 which was and is my           
justification1 addressed to the friends 
for whose use alone ,i intended it4 ,had
 ,i designed it for the public1 ,i      
should have been more exact and full4   
,it was written in a tone of            
indignation1 in consequence of the      
resolutions of the ,whig ,club1 which   
were directly pointed against myself and
 others1 and occasioned our secession   
from that club2 which is the last act of
 my life that ,i shall under any        
circumstances repent4 ,many temperaments
 and explanations there would have been1
 if ,i had ever had a notion that it    
should meet the public eye4   ,in the   
mean time a large impression1 amounting1
 it is believed1 to three thousand      
copies1 had been dispersed over the     
country4 ,to recall these was           

impossible2 to have expected that any   
acknowledged production of ,mr4 ,burke1 
full of matter likely to interest the   
future historian1 could remain forever  
in obscurity1 would have been folly2 and
 to have passed it over in silent       
neglect1 on the one hand1 or1 on the    
other1 to have then made any            
considerable changes in it1 might have  
seemed an abandonment of the principles 
which it contained4 ,the author1        
therefore1 discovering1 that1 with the  
exception of the introductory letter1 he
 had not in fact kept any clean copy1 as
 he had supposed1 corrected one of the  
pamphlets with his own hand4 ,from this1
 which was found preserved with his     
other papers1 his friends afterwards    
thought it their duty to give an        
authentic edition4  ,the ,thoughts and  
,details on ,scarcity were originally   
presented in the form of a memorial to  
,mr4 ,pitt4 ,the author proposed        
afterwards to recast the same matter in 
a new shape4 ,he even advertised the    

intended work under the title of        
,letters on ,rural ,economics1 addressed
 to ,mr4 ,arthur ,young2 but he seems to
 have finished only two or three        
detached fragments of the first letter4 
,these being too imperfect to be printed
 alone1 his friends inserted them in the
 memorial1 where they seemed best to    
cohere4 ,the memorial had been fairly   
copied1 but did not appear to have been 
examined or corrected1 as some trifling 
errors of the transcriber were          
perceptible in it4 ,the manuscript of   
the fragments was a rough draft from the
 author's own hand1 much blotted and    
very confused4  ,the ,third ,letter on  
the ,proposals for ,peace was in its    
progress through the press when the     
author died4 ,about one half of it was  
actually revised in print by himself1   
though not in the exact order of the    
pages as they now stand4 ,he enlarged   
his first draft1 and separated one great
 member of his subject1 for the purpose 
of introducing some other matter        

between4 ,the different parcels of      
manuscript designed to intervene were   
discovered4 ,one of them he seemed to   
have gone over himself1 and to have     
improved and augmented4 ,the other      
7fortunately the smaller7 was much more 
imperfect1 just as it was taken from his
 mouth by dictation4 ,the former reaches
 from the two hundred and forty-sixth to
 near the end of the two hundred and    
sixty-second page2 the latter nearly    
occupies the twelve pages which         
follow4#c ,no important change1 none at 
all affecting the meaning of any        
passage1 has been made in either1 though
 in the more imperfect parcel some      
latitude of discretion in subordinate   
points was necessarily used4  ,there is1
 however1 a considerable member for the 
greater part of which ,mr4 ,burke's     
reputation is not responsible3 this is  
the inquiry into the condition of the   
higher classes1 which commences in the  
two hundred and ninety-fifth page4#d    
,the summary of the whole topic1 indeed1

 nearly as it stands in the three       
hundred and seventy-third and fourth    
pages1#e was found1 together with a     
marginal reference to the ,bankrupt     
,list1 in his own handwriting2 and the  
actual conclusion of the ,letter was    
dictated by him1 but never received his 
subsequent correction4 ,he had also     
preserved1 as materials for this branch 
of his subject1 some scattered hints1   
documents1 and parts of a correspondence
 on the state of the country4 ,he was1  
however1 prevented from working on them 
by the want of some authentic and       
official information1 for which he had  
been long anxiously waiting1 in order to
 ascertain1 to the satisfaction of the  
public1 what1 with his usual sagacity1  
he had fully anticipated from his own   
personal observation1 to his own private
 conviction4 ,at length the reports of  
the different committees which had been 
appointed by the two ,houses of         
,parliament amply furnished him with    
evidence for this purpose4 ,accordingly 

he read and considered them with        
attention3 but for anything beyond this 
the season was now past4 ,the ,supreme  
,disposer of ,all1 against whose        
inscrutable counsels it is vain as well 
as impious to murmur1 did not permit him
 to enter on the execution of the task  
which he meditated4 ,it was resolved1   
therefore1 by one of his friends1 after 
much hesitation1 and under a very       
painful responsibility1 to make such an 
attempt as he could at supplying the    
void2 especially because the            
insufficiency of our resources for the  
continuance of the war was understood to
 have been the principal objection urged
 against the two former ,letters on the 
,proposals for ,peace4 ,in performing   
with reverential diffidence this duty of
 friendship1 care has been taken not to 
attribute to ,mr4 ,burke any sentiment  
which is not most explicitly known1 from
 repeated conversations1 and from much  
correspondence1 to have been decidedly  
entertained by that illustrious man4    

,one passage of nearly three pages1     
containing a censure of our defensive   
system1 is borrowed from a private      
letter1 which he began to dictate with  
an intention of comprising in it the    
short result of his opinions1 but which 
he afterwards abandoned1 when1 a little 
time before his death1 his health       
appeared in some degree to amend1 and he
 hoped that ,providence might have      
spared him at least to complete the     
larger public letter1 which he then     
proposed to resume4  ,in the preface to 
the former edition of this ,letter a    
fourth was mentioned as being in        
possession of ,mr4 ,burke's friends4 ,it
 was in fact announced by the author    
himself1 in the conclusion of the       
second1 which it was then designed to   
follow4 ,he intended1 he said1 to       
proceed next on the question of the     
facilities possessed by the ,french     
,republic1 from the internal state of   
other nations1 and particularly of this1
 for obtaining her ends1--and as his    

notions were controverted1 to take      
notice of what1 in that way1 had been   
recommended to him4 ,the vehicle which  
he had chosen for this part of his plan 
was an answer to a pamphlet which was   
supposed to come from high authority1   
and was circulated by ministers with    
great industry1 at the time of its      
appearance1 in ,october1 #agie1         
immediately previous to that session of 
,parliament when his ,majesty for the   
first time declared that the appearance 
of any disposition in the enemy to      
negotiate for general peace should not  
fail to be met with an earnest desire to
 give it the fullest and speediest      
effect4 ,in truth1 the answer1 which is 
full of spirit and vivacity1 was written
 the latter end of the same year1 but   
was laid aside when the question assumed
 a more serious aspect1 from the        
commencement of an actual negotiation1  
which gave rise to the series of printed
 letters4 ,afterwards1 he began to      
rewrite it1 with a view of accommodating

 it to his new purpose4 ,the greater    
part1 however1 still remained in its    
original state2 and several heroes of   
the ,revolution1 who are there          
celebrated1 having in the interval      
passed off the public stage1 a greater  
liberty of insertion and alteration than
 his friends on consideration have      
thought allowable would be necessary to 
adapt it to that place in the series for
 which it was ultimately designed by the
 author4 ,this piece1 therefore1        
addressed1 as the title originally      
stood1 to his noble friend1 ,earl       
,fitzwilliam1 will be given the first in
 the supplemental volumes which will be 
hereafter added to complete this edition
 of the author's works4  ,the tracts1   
most of them in manuscript1 which have  
been already selected as fit for this   
purpose1 will probably furnish four or  
five volumes more1 to be printed        
uniformly with this edition4 ,the       
principal piece is an ,essay on the     
,history of ,england1 from the earliest 

period to the conclusion of the reign of
 ,king ,john4 ,it is written with much  
depth of antiquarian research1 directed 
by the mind of an intelligent statesman4
 ,this alone1 as far as can be          
conjectured1 will form more than one    
volume4 ,another entire volume also1 at 
least1 will be filled with his letters  
to public men on public affairs1        
especially those of ,france4 ,this      
supplement will be sent to the press    
without delay4  ,mr4 ,burke's more      
familiar correspondence will be reserved
 as authorities to accompany a narrative
 of his life1 which will conclude the   
whole4 ,the period during which he      
flourished was one of the most memorable
 of our annals4 ,it comprehended the    
acquisition of one empire in the ,east1 
the loss of another in the ,west1 and   
the total subversion of the ancient     
system of ,europe by the ,french        
,revolution1 with all which events the  
history of his life is necessarily and  
intimately connected1--as indeed it also

 is1 much more than is generally known1 
with the state of literature and the    
elegant arts4 ,such a subject of        
biography cannot be dismissed with a    
slight and rapid touch2 nor can it be   
treated in a manner worthy of it1 from  
the information1 however authentic and  
extensive1 which the industry of any one
 man may have accumulated4 ,many        
important communications have been      
received2 but some materials1 which     
relate to the pursuits of his early     
years1 and which are known to be in     
existence1 have been hitherto kept back1
 notwithstanding repeated inquiries and 
applications4 ,it is1 therefore1 once   
more earnestly requested1 that all      
persons who call themselves the friends 
or admirers of the late ,edmund ,burke  
will have the goodness to transmit1     
without delay1 any notices of that or of
 any other kind which may happen to be  
in their possession or within their     
reach1 to ,messrs4 ,rivingtons1--a      
respect and kindness to his memory which

 will be thankfully acknowledged by     
those friends to whom1 in dying1 he     
committed the sacred trust of his       
reputation4  ,,footnotes3  #a ,prefixed 
to the first octavo edition3 ,london1   
,f4 and ,c4 ,rivington1 #ahja3          
comprising ,vols4 ,i4-,,viii4 of the    
edition in sixteen volumes issued by    
these publishers at intervals between   
the years #ahja and #ahbg4  #b          
,comprising the last four papers of the 
fourth volume1 and the whole of the     
fifth volume1 of the present edition4   
#c ,the former comprising the matter    
included between the paragraph          
commencing1 ,i hear it has been said1   
c41 and that ending with the words1     
there were little or no materials2 and  
the latter extending through the        
paragraph concluding with the words1    
disgraced and plagued mankind4  #d ,at  
the paragraph commencing with the words1
 ,in turning our view from the lower to 
the higher classes1 c4  #e ,in the first
 half of the paragraph commencing1 ,if1 

then1 the real state of this nation1 c4 
,,advertisement  ,,to ,,the ,,second    
,,octavo ,,edition4#f   ,a new edition  
of the works of ,mr4 ,burke having been 
called for by the public1 the           
opportunity has been taken to make some 
slight changes1 it is hoped for the     
better4  ,a different distribution of   
the contents1 while it has made the     
volumes1 with the exception of the first
 and sixth1 more nearly equal in their  
respective bulk1 has1 at the same time1 
been fortunately found to produce a more
 methodical arrangement of the whole4   
,the first and second volumes1 as       
before1 severally contain those literary
 and philosophical works by which ,mr4  
,burke was known previous to the        
commencement of his public life as a    
statesman1 and the political pieces     
which were written by him between the   
time of his first becoming connected    
with the ,marquis of ,rockingham and his
 being chosen member for ,bristol4 ,in  
the third are comprehended all his      

speeches and pamphlets from his first   
arrival at ,bristol1 as a candidate1 in 
the year #aggd1 to his farewell address 
from the hustings of that city1 in the  
year #aghj4 ,what he himself published  
relative to the affairs of ,india       
occupies the fourth volume4 ,the        
remaining four comprise his works since 
the ,french ,revolution1 with the       
exception of the ,letter to ,lord       
,kenmare on the ,penal ,laws against    
,irish ,catholics1 which was probably   
inserted where it stands from its       
relation to the subject of the ,letter  
addressed by him1 at a later period1 to 
,sir ,hercules ,langrishe4 ,with the    
same exception1 too1 strict regard has  
been paid to chronological order1 which1
 in the last edition1 was in some       
instances broken1 to insert pieces that 
wore not discovered till it was too late
 to introduce them in their proper      
places4  ,in the ,appendix to the       
,speech on the ,nabob of ,arcot's ,debts
 the references were found to be        

confused1 and1 in many places1          
erroneous4 ,this probably had arisen    
from the circumstance that a larger and 
differently constructed appendix seems  
to have been originally designed by ,mr4
 ,burke1 which1 however1 he afterwards  
abridged and altered1 while the speech  
and the notes upon it remained as they  
were4 ,the text and the documents that  
support it have throughout been         
accommodated to each other4  ,the       
orthography has been in many cases      
altered1 and an attempt made to reduce  
it to some certain standard4 ,the rule  
laid down for the discharge of this task
 was1 that1 whenever ,mr4 ,burke could  
be perceived to have been uniform in his
 mode of spelling1 that was considered  
as decisive2 but where he varied1 7and  
as he was in the habit of writing by    
dictation1 and leaving to others the    
superintendence of the press1 he was    
peculiarly liable to variations of this 
sort7 the best received authorities were
 directed to be followed4 ,the reader1  

it is trusted1 will find this object1   
too much disregarded in modern books1   
has here been kept in view throughout4  
,the quotations which are interspersed  
through the works of ,mr ,burke1 and    
which were frequently made by him from  
memory1 have been generally compared    
with the original authors4 ,several     
mistakes in printing1 of one word for   
another1 by which the sense was either  
perverted or obscured1 are now          
rectified4 ,two or three small          
insertions have also been made from a   
quarto copy corrected by ,mr4 ,burke    
himself4 ,from the same source something
 more has been drawn in the shape of    
notes1 to which are subscribed his      
initials4 ,of this number is the        
explanation of that celebrated phrase1  
the swinish multitude3 an explanation   
which was uniformly given by him to his 
friends1 in conversation on the subject4
 ,but another note will probably        
interest the reader still more1 as being
 strongly expressive of that parental   

affection which formed so amiable a     
feature in the character of ,mr4 ,burke4
 ,it is in page #bjc of ,vol4 ,v41 where
 he points out a considerable passage as
 having been supplied by his lost son4#g
 ,several other parts1 possibly         
amounting altogether to a page or       
thereabout1 were indicated in the same  
manner2 but1 as they in general consist 
of single sentences1 and as the meaning 
of the mark by which they were          
distinguished was not actually          
expressed1 it has not been thought      
necessary to notice them particularly4  
,,footnotes3  #f ,london1 ,f4 and ,c4   
,rivington1 #ahjc4 #h vols4  #g ,in     
,reflections on the ,revolution in      
,france1--indicated by foot-note in     
loco4     ,a  ,,vindication ,,of        
,,natural ,,society3  ,,or1  ,a ,,view  
,,of ,,the ,,miseries ,,and ,,evils     
,,arising ,,to ,,mankind ,,from ,,every 
,,species ,,of ,,artificial ,,society4  
,,in ,a ,,letter ,,to ,,lord 999999991  
,,by ,a ,,late ,,noble ,,writer4  #agef4

     ,,preface4   ,before the           
philosophical works of ,lord            
,bolingbroke had appeared1 great things 
were expected from the leisure of a man1
 who1 from the splendid scene of action 
in which his talents had enabled him to 
make so conspicuous a figure1 had       
retired to employ those talents in the  
investigation of truth4 ,philosophy     
began to congratulate herself upon such 
a proselyte from the world of business1 
and hoped to have extended her power    
under the auspices of such a leader4 ,in
 the midst of these pleasing            
expectations1 the works themselves at   
last appeared in full body1 and with    
great pomp4 ,those who searched in them 
for new discoveries in the mysteries of 
nature2 those who expected something    
which might explain or direct the       
operations of the mind2 those who hoped 
to see morality illustrated and         
enforced2 those who looked for new helps
 to society and government2 those who   
desired to see the characters and       

passions of mankind delineated2 in      
short1 all who consider such things as  
philosophy1 and require some of them at 
least in every philosophical work1 all  
these were certainly disappointed2 they 
found the landmarks of science precisely
 in their former places3 and they       
thought they received but a poor        
recompense for this disappointment1 in  
seeing every mode of religion attacked  
in a lively manner1 and the foundation  
of every virtue1 and of all government1 
sapped with great art and much          
ingenuity4 ,what advantage do we derive 
from such writings8 ,what delight can a 
man find in employing a capacity which  
might be usefully exerted for the       
noblest purposes1 in a sort of sullen   
labor1 in which1 if the author could    
succeed1 he is obliged to own1 that     
nothing could be more fatal to mankind  
than his success8  ,i cannot conceive   
how this sort of writers propose to     
compass the designs they pretend to have
 in view1 by the instruments which they 

employ4 ,do they pretend to exalt the   
mind of man1 by proving him no better   
than a beast8 ,do they think to enforce 
the practice of virtue1 by denying that 
vice and virtue are distinguished by    
good or ill fortune here1 or by         
happiness or misery hereafter8 ,do they 
imagine they shall increase our piety1  
and our reliance on ,god1 by exploding  
his providence1 and insisting that he is
 neither just nor good8 ,such are the   
doctrines which1 sometimes concealed1   
sometimes openly and fully avowed1 are  
found to prevail throughout the writings
 of ,lord ,bolingbroke2 and such are the
 reasonings which this noble writer and 
several others have been pleased to     
dignify with the name of philosophy4 ,if
 these are delivered in a specious      
manner1 and in a style above the common1
 they cannot want a number of admirers  
of as much docility as can be wished for
 in disciples4 ,to these the editor of  
the following little piece has addressed
 it3 there is no reason to conceal the  

design of it any longer4  ,the design   
was to show that1 without the exertion  
of any considerable forces1 the same    
engines which were employed for the     
destruction of religion1 might be       
employed with equal success for the     
subversion of government2 and that      
specious arguments might be used against
 those things which they1 who doubt of  
everything else1 will never permit to be
 questioned4 ,it is an observation which
 ,i think ,isocrates makes in one of his
 orations against the sophists1 that it 
is far more easy to maintain a wrong    
cause1 and to support paradoxical       
opinions to the satisfaction of a common
 auditory1 than to establish a doubtful 
truth by solid and conclusive arguments4
 ,when men find that something can be   
said in favor of what1 on the very      
proposal1 they have thought utterly     
indefensible1 they grow doubtful of     
their own reason2 they are thrown into a
 sort of pleasing surprise2 they run    
along with the speaker1 charmed and     

captivated to find such a plentiful     
harvest of reasoning1 where all seemed  
barren and unpromising4 ,this is the    
fairy land of philosophy4 ,and it very  
frequently happens1 that those pleasing 
impressions on the imagination subsist  
and produce their effect1 even after the
 understanding has been satisfied of    
their unsubstantial nature4 ,there is a 
sort of gloss upon ingenious falsehoods 
that dazzles the imagination1 but which 
neither belongs to1 nor becomes the     
sober aspect of truth4 ,i have met with 
a quotation in ,lord ,coke's ,reports   
that pleased me very much1 though ,i do 
not know from whence he has taken it3   
,interdum fucata falsitas 7says he71 in 
multis est probabilior1 at spe          
rationibus vincit nudam veritatem4 ,in  
such cases the writer has a certain fire
 and alacrity inspired into him by a    
consciousness1 that1 let it fare how it 
will with the subject1 his ingenuity    
will be sure of applause2 and this      
alacrity becomes much greater if he acts

 upon the offensive1 by the impetuosity 
that always accompanies an attack1 and  
the unfortunate propensity which mankind
 have to the finding and exaggerating   
faults4 ,the editor is satisfied that a 
mind which has no restraint from a sense
 of its own weakness1 of its subordinate
 rank in the creation1 and of the       
extreme danger of letting the           
imagination loose upon some subjects1   
may very plausibly attack everything the
 most excellent and venerable2 that it  
would not be difficult to criticise the 
creation itself2 and that if we were to 
examine the divine fabrics by our ideas 
of reason and fitness1 and to use the   
same method of attack by which some men 
have assaulted revealed religion1 we    
might with as good color1 and with the  
same success1 make the wisdom and power 
of ,god in his creation appear to many  
no better than foolishness4 ,there is an
 air of plausibility which accompanies  
vulgar reasonings and notions1 taken    
from the beaten circle of ordinary      

experience1 that is admirably suited to 
the narrow capacities of some1 and to   
the laziness of others4 ,but this       
advantage is in a great measure lost1   
when a painful1 comprehensive survey of 
a very complicated matter1 and which    
requires a great variety of             
considerations1 is to be made2 when we  
must seek in a profound subject1 not    
only for arguments1 but for new         
materials of argument1 their measures   
and their method of arrangement2 when we
 must go out of the sphere of our       
ordinary ideas1 and when we can never   
walk surely1 but by being sensible of   
our blindness4 ,and this we must do1 or 
we do nothing1 whenever we examine the  
result of a reason which is not our own4
 ,even in matters which are1 as it were1
 just within our reach1 what would      
become of the world1 if the practice of 
all moral duties1 and the foundations of
 society1 rested upon having their      
reasons made clear and demonstrative to 
every individual8  ,the editor knows    

that the subject of this letter is not  
so fully handled as obviously it might2 
it was not his design to say all that   
could possibly be said4 ,it had been    
inexcusable to fill a large volume with 
the abuse of reason2 nor would such an  
abuse have been tolerable1 even for a   
few pages1 if some under-plot1 of more  
consequence than the apparent design1   
had not been carried on4  ,some persons 
have thought that the advantages of the 
state of nature ought to have been more 
fully displayed4 ,this had undoubtedly  
been a very ample subject for           
declamation2 but they do not consider   
the character of the piece4 ,the writers
 against religion1 whilst they oppose   
every system1 are wisely careful never  
to set up any of their own4 ,if some    
inaccuracies in calculation1 in         
reasoning1 or in method1 be found1      
perhaps these will not be looked upon as
 faults by the admirers of ,lord        
,bolingbroke2 who will1 the editor is   
afraid1 observe much more of his        

lordship's character in such particulars
 of the following letter1 than they are 
likely to find of that rapid torrent of 
an impetuous and overbearing eloquence1 
and the variety of rich imagery for     
which that writer is justly admired4    
,a ,,letter ,,to ,,lord 999999994       
,shall ,i venture to say1 my lord1 that 
in our late conversation1 you were      
inclined to the party which you adopted 
rather by the feelings of your good     
nature1 than by the conviction of your  
judgment8 ,we laid open the foundations 
of society2 and you feared that the     
curiosity of this search might endanger 
the ruin of the whole fabric4 ,you would
 readily have allowed my principle1 but 
you dreaded the consequences2 you       
thought1 that having once entered upon  
these reasonings1 we might be carried   
insensibly and irresistibly farther than
 at first we could either have imagined 
or wished4 ,but for my part1 my lord1 ,i
 then thought1 and am still of the same 
opinion1 that error1 and not truth of   

any kind1 is dangerous2 that ill        
conclusions can only flow from false    
propositions2 and that1 to know whether 
any proposition be true or false1 it is 
a preposterous method to examine it by  
its apparent consequences4  ,these were 
the reasons which induced me to go so   
far into that inquiry2 and they are the 
reasons which direct me in all my       
inquiries4 ,i had indeed often reflected
 on that subject before ,i could prevail
 on myself to communicate my reflections
 to anybody4 ,they were generally       
melancholy enough2 as those usually are 
which carry us beyond the mere surface  
of things2 and which would undoubtedly  
make the lives of all thinking men      
extremely miserable1 if the same        
philosophy which caused the grief1 did  
not at the same time administer the     
comfort4  ,on considering political     
societies1 their origin1 their          
constitution1 and their effects1 ,i have
 sometimes been in a good deal more than
 doubt1 whether the ,creator did ever   

really intend man for a state of        
happiness4 ,he has mixed in his cup a   
number of natural evils1 7in spite of   
the boasts of stoicism they are evils17 
and every endeavor which the art and    
policy of mankind has used from the     
beginning of the world to this day1 in  
order to alleviate or cure them1 has    
only served to introduce new mischiefs1 
or to aggravate and inflame the old4    
,besides this1 the mind of man itself is
 too active and restless a principle    
ever to settle on the true point of     
quiet4 ,it discovers every day some     
craving want in a body1 which really    
wants but little4 ,it every day invents 
some new artificial rule to guide that  
nature which1 if left to itself1 were   
the best and surest guide4 ,it finds out
 imaginary beings prescribing imaginary 
laws2 and then1 it raises imaginary     
terrors to support a belief in the      
beings1 and an obedience to the         
laws4--,many things have been said1 and 
very well undoubtedly1 on the subjection

 in which we should preserve our bodies 
to the government of our understanding2 
but enough has not been said upon the   
restraint which our bodily necessities  
ought to lay on the extravagant         
sublimities and eccentric rovings of our
 minds4 ,the body1 or as some love to   
call it1 our inferior nature1 is wiser  
in its own plain way1 and attends its   
own business more directly than the mind
 with all its boasted subtlety4  ,in the
 state of nature1 without question1     
mankind was subjected to many and great 
inconveniences4 ,want of union1 want of 
mutual assistance1 want of a common     
arbitrator to resort to in their        
differences4 ,these were evils which    
they could not but have felt pretty     
severely on many occasions4 ,the        
original children of the earth lived    
with their brethren of the other kinds  
in much equality4 ,their diet must have 
been confined almost wholly to the      
vegetable kind2 and the same tree1 which
 in its flourishing state produced them 

berries1 in its decay gave them an      
habitation4 ,the mutual desires of the  
sexes uniting their bodies and          
affections1 and the children which are  
the results of these intercourses1      
introduced first the notion of society1 
and taught its conveniences4 ,this      
society1 founded in natural appetites   
and instincts1 and not in any positive  
institution1 ,i shall call natural      
society4 ,thus far nature went and      
succeeded3 but man would go farther4    
,the great error of our nature is1 not  
to know where to stop1 not to be        
satisfied with any reasonable           
acquirement2 not to compound with our   
condition2 but to lose all we have      
gained by an insatiable pursuit after   
more4 ,man found a considerable         
advantage by this union of many persons 
to form one family2 he therefore judged 
that he would find his account          
proportionably in an union of many      
families into one body politic4 ,and as 
nature has formed no bond of union to   

hold them together1 he supplied this    
defect by laws4  ,this is political     
society4 ,and hence the sources of what 
are usually called states1 civil        
societies1 or governments2 into some    
form of which1 more extended or         
restrained1 all mankind have gradually  
fallen4 ,and since it has so happened1  
and that we owe an implicit reverence to
 all the institutions of our ancestors1 
we shall consider these institutions    
with all that modesty with which we     
ought to conduct ourselves in examining 
a received opinion2 but with all that   
freedom and candor which we owe to truth
 wherever we find it1 or however it may 
contradict our own notions1 or oppose   
our own interests4 ,there is a most     
absurd and audacious method of reasoning
 avowed by some bigots and enthusiasts1 
and through fear assented to by some    
wiser and better men2 it is this3 they  
argue against a fair discussion of      
popular prejudices1 because1 say they1  
though they would be found without any  

reasonable support1 yet the discovery   
might be productive of the most         
dangerous consequences4 ,absurd and     
blasphemous notion6 as if all happiness 
was not connected with the practice of  
virtue1 which necessarily depends upon  
the knowledge of truth2 that is1 upon   
the knowledge of those unalterable      
relations which ,providence has ordained
 that every thing should bear to every  
other4 ,these relations1 which are truth
 itself1 the foundation of virtue1 and  
consequently the only measures of       
happiness1 should be likewise the only  
measures by which we should direct our  
reasoning4 ,to these we should conform  
in good earnest2 and not think to force 
nature1 and the whole order of her      
system1 by a compliance with our pride  
and folly1 to conform to our artificial 
regulations4 ,it is by a conformity to  
this method we owe the discovery of the 
few truths we know1 and the little      
liberty and rational happiness we enjoy4
 ,we have something fairer play than a  

reasoner could have expected formerly2  
and we derive advantages from it which  
are very visible4  ,the fabric of       
superstition has in this our age and    
nation received much ruder shocks than  
it had ever felt before2 and through the
 chinks and breaches of our prison1 we  
see such glimmerings of light1 and feel 
such refreshing airs of liberty1 as     
daily raise our ardor for more4 ,the    
miseries derived to mankind from        
superstition under the name of religion1
 and of ecclesiastical tyranny under the
 name of church government1 have been   
clearly and usefully exposed4 ,we begin 
to think and to act from reason and from
 nature alone4 ,this is true of several1
 but by far the majority is still in the
 same old state of blindness and        
slavery2 and much is it to be feared    
that we shall perpetually relapse1      
whilst the real productive cause of all 
this superstitious folly1 enthusiastical
 nonsense1 and holy tyranny1 holds a    
reverend place in the estimation even of

 those who are otherwise enlightened4   
,civil government borrows a strength    
from ecclesiastical2 and artificial laws
 receive a sanction from artificial     
revelations4 ,the ideas of religion and 
government are closely connected2 and   
whilst we receive government as a thing 
necessary1 or even useful to our        
well-being1 we shall in spite of us draw
 in1 as a necessary1 though undesirable 
consequence1 an artificial religion of  
some kind or other4 ,to this the vulgar 
will always be voluntary slaves2 and    
even those of a rank of understanding   
superior1 will now and then             
involuntarily feel its influence4 ,it is
 therefore of the deepest concernment to
 us to be set right in this point2 and  
to be well satisfied whether civil      
government be such a protector from     
natural evils1 and such a nurse and     
increaser of blessings1 as those of warm
 imaginations promise4 ,in such a       
discussion1 far am ,i from proposing in 
the least to reflect on our most wise   

form of government2 no more than ,i     
would1 in the freer parts of my         
philosophical writings1 mean to object  
to the piety1 truth1 and perfection of  
our most excellent ,church4 ,both1 ,i am
 sensible1 have their foundations on a  
rock4 ,no discovery of truth can        
prejudice them4 ,on the contrary1 the   
more closely the origin of religion and 
government is examined1 the more clearly
 their excellences must appear4 ,they   
come purified from the fire4 ,my        
business is not with them4 ,having      
entered a protest against all objections
 from these quarters1 ,i may the more   
freely inquire1 from history and        
experience1 how far policy has          
contributed in all times to alleviate   
those evils which ,providence1 that     
perhaps has designed us for a state of  
imperfection1 has imposed2 how far our  
physical skill has cured our            
constitutional disorders2 and whether it
 may not have introduced new ones1      
curable perhaps by no skill4  ,in       

looking over any state to form a        
judgment on it1 it presents itself in   
two lights2 the external1 and the       
internal4 ,the first1 that relation     
which it bears in point of friendship or
 enmity to other states4 ,the second1   
that relation which its component parts1
 the governing and the governed1 bear to
 each other4 ,the first part of the     
external view of all states1 their      
relation as friends1 makes so trifling a
 figure in history1 that ,i am very     
sorry to say1 it affords me but little  
matter on which to expatiate4 ,the good 
offices done by one nation to its       
neighbor2#h the support given in public 
distress2 the relief afforded in general
 calamity2 the protection granted in    
emergent danger2 the mutual return of   
kindness and civility1 would afford a   
very ample and very pleasing subject for
 history4 ,but1 alas6 all the history of
 all times1 concerning all nations1 does
 not afford matter enough to fill ten   
pages1 though it should be spun out by  

the wire-drawing amplification of a     
,guicciardini himself4 ,the glaring side
 is that of enmity4 ,war is the matter  
which fills all history1 and            
consequently the only or almost the only
 view in which we can see the external  
of political society is in a hostile    
shape2 and the only actions to which we 
have always seen1 and still see all of  
them intent1 are such as tend to the    
destruction of one another4 ,war1 says  
,machiavel1 ought to be the only study  
of a prince2 and by a prince1 he means  
every sort of state1 however            
constituted4 ,he ought1 says this great 
political doctor1 to consider peace only
 as a breathing-time1 which gives him   
leisure to contrive1 and furnishes      
ability to execute military plans4 ,a   
meditation on the conduct of political  
societies made old ,hobbes imagine1 that
 war was the state of nature2 and truly1
 if a man judged of the individuals of  
our race by their conduct when united   
and packed into nations and kingdoms1 he

 might imagine that every sort of virtue
 was unnatural and foreign to the mind  
of man4  ,the first accounts we have of 
mankind are but so many accounts of     
their butcheries4 ,all empires have been
 cemented in blood2 and1 in those early 
periods1 when the race of mankind began 
first to form themselves into parties   
and combinations1 the first effect of   
the combination1 and indeed the end for 
which it seems purposely formed1 and    
best calculated1 was their mutual       
destruction4 ,all ancient history is    
dark and uncertain4 ,one thing1 however1
 is clear1--there were conquerors1 and  
conquests in those days2 and1           
consequently1 all that devastation by   
which they are formed1 and all that     
oppression by which they are maintained4
 ,we know little of ,sesostris1 but that
 he led out of ,egypt an army of above  
#gjj1jjj men2 that he overran the       
,mediterranean coast as far as ,colchis2
 that in some places he met but little  
resistance1 and of course shed not a    

great deal of blood2 but that he found  
in others a people who knew the value of
 their liberties1 and sold them dear4   
,whoever considers the army this        
conqueror headed1 the space he          
traversed1 and the opposition he        
frequently met1 with the natural        
accidents of sickness1 and the dearth   
and badness of provision to which he    
must have been subject in the variety of
 climates and countries his march lay   
through1 if he knows anything1 he must  
know that even the conqueror's army must
 have suffered greatly2 and that of this
 immense number but a very small part   
could have returned to enjoy the plunder
 accumulated by the loss of so many of  
their companions1 and the devastation of
 so considerable a part of the world4   
,considering1 ,i say1 the vast army     
headed by this conqueror1 whose unwieldy
 weight was almost alone sufficient to  
wear down its strength1 it will be far  
from excess to suppose that one half was
 lost in the expedition4 ,if this was   

the state of the victorious1 and from   
the circumstances it must have been this
 at the least2 the vanquished must have 
had a much heavier loss1 as the greatest
 slaughter is always in the flight1 and 
great carnage did in those times and    
countries ever attend the first rage of 
conquest4 ,it will1 therefore1 be very  
reasonable to allow on their account as 
much as1 added to the losses of the     
conqueror1 may amount to a million of   
deaths1 and then we shall see this      
conqueror1 the oldest we have on the    
records of history1 7though1 as we have 
observed before1 the chronology of these
 remote times is extremely uncertain71  
opening the scene by a destruction of at
 least one million of his species1      
unprovoked but by his ambition1 without 
any motives but pride1 cruelty1 and     
madness1 and without any benefit to     
himself 7for ,justin expressly tells us 
he did not maintain his conquests71 but 
solely to make so many people1 in so    
distant countries1 feel experimentally  

how severe a scourge ,providence intends
 for the human race1 when he gives one  
man the power over many1 and arms his   
naturally impotent and feeble rage with 
the hands of millions1 who know no      
common principle of action1 but a blind 
obedience to the passions of their      
ruler4  ,the next personage who figures 
in the tragedies of this ancient theatre
 is ,semiramis2 for we have no          
particulars of ,ninus1 but that he made 
immense and rapid conquests1 which      
doubtless were not compassed without the
 usual carnage4 ,we see an army of about
 three millions employed by this martial
 queen in a war against the ,indians4   
,we see the ,indians arming a yet       
greater2 and we behold a war continued  
with much fury1 and with various        
success4 ,this ends in the retreat of   
the queen1 with scarce a third of the   
troops employed in the expedition2 an   
expedition which1 at this rate1 must    
have cost two millions of souls on her  
part2 and it is not unreasonable to     

judge that the country which was the    
seat of war must have been an equal     
sufferer4 ,but ,i am content to detract 
from this1 and to suppose that the      
,indians lost only half so much1 and    
then the account stands thus3 in this   
war alone 7for ,semiramis had other     
wars7 in this single reign1 and in this 
one spot of the globe1 did three        
millions of souls expire1 with all the  
horrid and shocking circumstances which 
attend all wars1 and in a quarrel1 in   
which none of the sufferers could have  
the least rational concern4  ,the       
,babylonian1 ,assyrian1 ,median1 and    
,persian monarchies must have poured out
 seas of blood in their formation1 and  
in their destruction4 ,the armies and   
fleets of ,xerxes1 their numbers1 the   
glorious stand made against them1 and   
the unfortunate event of all his mighty 
preparations1 are known to everybody4   
,in this expedition1 draining half ,asia
 of its inhabitants1 he led an army of  
about two millions to be slaughtered1   

and wasted by a thousand fatal          
accidents1 in the same place where his  
predecessors had before by a similar    
madness consumed the flower of so many  
kingdoms1 and wasted the force of so    
extensive an empire4 ,it is a cheap     
calculation to say1 that the ,persian   
empire1 in its wars against the ,greeks 
and ,scythians1 threw away at least four
 millions of its subjects2 to say       
nothing of its other wars1 and the      
losses sustained in them4 ,these were   
their losses abroad2 but the war was    
brought home to them1 first by          
,agesilaus1 and afterwards by           
,alexander4 ,i have not1 in this        
retreat1 the books necessary to make    
very exact calculations2 nor is it      
necessary to give more than hints to one
 of your lordship's erudition4 ,you will
 recollect his uninterrupted series of  
success4 ,you will run over his battles4
 ,you will call to mind the carnage     
which was made4 ,you will give a glance 
at the whole1 and you will agree with   

me1 that to form this hero no less than 
twelve hundred thousand lives must have 
been sacrificed2 but no sooner had he   
fallen himself a sacrifice to his vices1
 than a thousand breaches were made for 
ruin to enter1 and give the last hand to
 this scene of misery and destruction4  
,his kingdom was rent and divided2 which
 served to employ the more distinct     
parts to tear each other to pieces1 and 
bury the whole in blood and slaughter4  
,the kings of ,syria and of ,egypt1 the 
kings of ,pergamus and ,macedon1 without
 intermission worried each other for    
above two hundred years2 until at last a
 strong power1 arising in the west1     
rushed in upon them and silenced their  
tumults1 by involving all the contending
 parties in the same destruction4 ,it is
 little to say1 that the contentions    
between the successors of ,alexander    
depopulated that part of the world of at
 least two millions4  ,the struggle     
between the ,macedonians and ,greeks1   
and1 before that1 the disputes of the   

,greek commonwealths among themselves1  
for an unprofitable superiority1 form   
one of the bloodiest scenes in history4 
,one is astonished how such a small spot
 could furnish men sufficient to        
sacrifice to the pitiful ambition of    
possessing five or six thousand more    
acres1 or two or three more villages2   
yet to see the acrimony and bitterness  
with which this was disputed between the
 ,athenians and ,lacedemonians2 what    
armies cut off2 what fleets sunk and    
burnt2 what a number of cities sacked1  
and their inhabitants slaughtered and   
captived2 one would be induced to       
believe the decision of the fate of     
mankind1 at least1 depended upon it6    
,but those disputes ended as all such   
ever have done1 and ever will do2 in a  
real weakness of all parties2 a         
momentary shadow1 and dream of power in 
some one2 and the subjection of all to  
the yoke of a stranger1 who knows how to
 profit of their divisions4 ,this1 at   
least1 was the case of the ,greeks2 and 

surely1 from the earliest accounts of   
them1 to their absorption into the      
,roman empire1 we cannot judge that     
their intestine divisions1 and their    
foreign wars1 consumed less than three  
millions of their inhabitants4  ,what an
 ,aceldama1 what a field of blood       
,sicily has been in ancient times1      
whilst the mode of its government was   
controverted between the republican and 
tyrannical parties1 and the possession  
struggled for by the natives1 the       
,greeks1 the ,carthaginians1 and the    
,romans1 your lordship will easily      
recollect4 ,you will remember the total 
destruction of such bodies as an army of
 #cjj1jjj men4 ,you will find every page
 of its history dyed in blood1 and      
blotted and confounded by tumults1      
rebellions1 massacres1 assassinations1  
proscriptions1 and a series of horror   
beyond the histories perhaps of any     
other nation in the world2 though the   
histories of all nations are made up of 
similar matter4 ,i once more excuse     

myself in point of exactness for want of
 books4 ,but ,i shall estimate the      
slaughters in this island but at two    
millions2 which your lordship will find 
much short of the reality4  ,let us pass
 by the wars1 and the consequences of   
them1 which wasted ,grecia-,magna1      
before the ,roman power prevailed in    
that part of ,italy4 ,they are perhaps  
exaggerated2 therefore ,i shall only    
rate them at one million4 ,let us hasten
 to open that great scene which         
establishes the ,roman empire1 and forms
 the grand catastrophe of the ancient   
drama4 ,this empire1 whilst in its      
infancy1 began by an effusion of human  
blood scarcely credible4 ,the           
neighboring little states teemed for new
 destruction3 the ,sabines1 the         
,samnites1 the qui1 the ,volsci1 the    
,hetrurians1 were broken by a series of 
slaughters which had no interruption1   
for some hundreds of years2 slaughters  
which upon all sides consumed more than 
two millions of the wretched people4    

,the ,gauls1 rushing into ,italy about  
this time1 added the total destruction  
of their own armies to those of the     
ancient inhabitants4 ,in short1 it were 
hardly possible to conceive a more      
horrid and bloody picture1 if that the  
,punic wars that ensued soon after did  
not present one that far exceeds it4    
,here we find that climax of            
devastation1 and ruin1 which seemed to  
shake the whole earth4 ,the extent of   
this war1 which vexed so many nations1  
and both elements1 and the havoc of the 
human species caused in both1 really    
astonishes beyond expression1 when it is
 nakedly considered1 and those matters  
which are apt to divert our attention   
from it1 the characters1 actions1 and   
designs of the persons concerned1 are   
not taken into the account4 ,these wars1
 ,i mean those called the ,punic wars1  
could not have stood the human race in  
less than three millions of the species4
 ,and yet this forms but a part only1   
and a very small part1 of the havoc     

caused by the ,roman ambition4 ,the war 
with ,mithridates was very little less  
bloody2 that prince cut off at one      
stroke #aej1jjj ,romans by a massacre4  
,in that war ,sylla destroyed #cjj1jjj  
men at ,cheronea4 ,he defeated          
,mithridates' army under ,dorilaus1 and 
slew #cjj1jjj4 ,this great and          
unfortunate prince lost another #cjj1jjj
 before ,cyzicum4 ,in the course of the 
war he had innumerable other losses2 and
 having many intervals of success1 he   
revenged them severely4 ,he was at last 
totally overthrown2 and he crushed to   
pieces the king of ,armenia1 his ally1  
by the greatness of his ruin4 ,all who  
had connections with him shared the same
 fate4 ,the merciless genius of ,sylla  
had its full scope2 and the streets of  
,athens were not the only ones which ran
 with blood4 ,at this period1 the sword1
 glutted with foreign slaughter1 turned 
its edge upon the bowels of the ,roman  
republic itself2 and presented a scene  
of cruelties and treasons enough almost 

to obliterate the memory of all the     
external devastations4 ,i intended1 my  
lord1 to have proceeded in a sort of    
method in estimating the numbers of     
mankind cut off in these wars which we  
have on record4 ,but ,i am obliged to   
alter my design4 ,such a tragical       
uniformity of havoc and murder would    
disgust your lordship as much as it     
would me2 and ,i confess ,i already feel
 my eyes ache by keeping them so long   
intent on so bloody a prospect4 ,i shall
 observe little on the ,servile1 the    
,social1 the ,gallic1 and ,spanish wars2
 nor upon those with ,jugurtha1 nor     
,antiochus1 nor many others equally     
important1 and carried on with equal    
fury4 ,the butcheries of ,julius ,csar  
alone are calculated by somebody else2  
the numbers he has been the means of    
destroying have been reckoned at        
#a1bjj1jjj4 ,but to give your lordship  
an idea that may serve as a standard1 by
 which to measure1 in some degree1 the  
others2 you will turn your eyes on      

,judea2 a very inconsiderable spot of   
the earth in itself1 though ennobled by 
the singular events which had their rise
 in that country4  ,this spot happened1 
it matters not here by what means1 to   
become at several times extremely       
populous1 and to supply men for         
slaughters scarcely credible1 if other  
well-known and well-attested ones had   
not given them a color4 ,the first      
settling of the ,jews here was attended 
by an almost entire extirpation of all  
the former inhabitants4 ,their own civil
 wars1 and those with their petty       
neighbors1 consumed vast multitudes     
almost every year for several centuries2
 and the irruptions of the kings of     
,babylon and ,assyria made immense      
ravages4 ,yet we have their history but 
partially1 in an indistinct1 confused   
manner2 so that ,i shall only throw the 
strong point of light upon that part    
which coincides with ,roman history1 and
 of that part only on the point of time 
when they received the great and final  

stroke which made them1 no more a       
nation2 a stroke which is allowed to    
have cut off little less than two       
millions of that people4 ,i say nothing 
of the loppings made from that stock    
whilst it stood2 nor from the suckers   
that grew out of the old root ever      
since4 ,but if1 in this inconsiderable  
part of the globe1 such a carnage has   
been made in two or three short reigns1 
and that this great carnage1 great as it
 is1 makes but a minute part of what the
 histories of that people inform us they
 suffered2 what shall we judge of       
countries more extended1 and which have 
waged wars by far more considerable8    
,instances of this sort compose the     
uniform of history4 ,but there have been
 periods when no less than universal    
destruction to the race of mankind seems
 to have been threatened4 ,such was that
 when the ,goths1 the ,vandals1 and the 
,huns1 poured into ,gaul1 ,italy1       
,spain1 ,greece1 and ,africa1 carrying  
destruction before them as they         

advanced1 and leaving horrid deserts    
every way behind them4 ,vastum ubique   
silentium1 secreti colles2 fumantia     
procul tecta2 nemo exploratoribus       
obvius1 is what ,tacitus calls facies   
victori4 ,it is always so2 but was here 
emphatically so4 ,from the north        
proceeded the swarms of ,goths1         
,vandals1 ,huns1 ,ostrogoths1 who ran   
towards the south1 into ,africa itself1 
which suffered as all to the north had  
done4 ,about this time1 another torrent 
of barbarians1 animated by the same     
fury1 and encouraged by the same        
success1 poured out of the south1 and   
ravaged all to the northeast and west1  
to the remotest parts of ,persia on one 
hand1 and to the banks of the ,loire or 
farther on the other2 destroying all the
 proud and curious monuments of human   
art1 that not even the memory might seem
 to survive of the former inhabitants4  
,what has been done since1 and what will
 continue to be done while the same     
inducements to war continue1 ,i shall   

not dwell upon4 ,i shall only in one    
word mention the horrid effects of      
bigotry and avarice1 in the conquest of 
,spanish ,america2 a conquest1 on a low 
estimation1 effected by the murder of   
ten millions of the species4 ,i shall   
draw to a conclusion of this part1 by   
making a general calculation of the     
whole4 ,i think ,i have actually        
mentioned above thirty-six millions4 ,i 
have not particularized any more4 ,i    
don't pretend to exactness2 therefore1  
for the sake of a general view1 ,i shall
 lay together all those actually slain  
in battles1 or who have perished in a no
 less miserable manner by the other     
destructive consequences of war from the
 beginning of the world to this day1 in 
the four parts of it1 at a thousand     
times as much2 no exaggerated           
calculation1 allowing for time and      
extent4 ,we have not perhaps spoke of   
the five-hundredth part2 ,i am sure ,i  
have not of what is actually ascertained
 in history2 but how much of these      

butcheries are only expressed in        
generals1 what part of time history has 
never reached1 and what vast spaces of  
the habitable globe it has not embraced1
 ,i need not mention to your lordship4  
,i need not enlarge on those torrents of
 silent and inglorious blood which have 
glutted the thirsty sands of ,afric1 or 
discolored the polar snow1 or fed the   
savage forests of ,america for so many  
ages of continual war4 ,shall ,i1 to    
justify my calculations from the charge 
of extravagance1 add to the account     
those skirmishes which happen in all    
wars1 without being singly of sufficient
 dignity in mischief1 to merit a place  
in history1 but which by their frequency
 compensate for this comparative        
innocence8 shall ,i inflame the account 
by those general massacres which have   
devoured whole cities and nations2 those
 wasting pestilences1 those consuming   
famines1 and all those furies that      
follow in the train of war8 ,i have no  
need to exaggerate2 and ,i have         

purposely avoided a parade of eloquence 
on this occasion4 ,i should despise it  
upon any occasion2 else in mentioning   
these slaughters1 it is obvious how much
 the whole might be heightened1 by an   
affecting description of the horrors    
that attend the wasting of kingdoms1 and
 sacking of cities4 ,but ,i do not write
 to the vulgar1 nor to that which only  
governs the vulgar1 their passions4 ,i  
go upon a naked and moderate            
calculation1 just enough1 without a     
pedantical exactness1 to give your      
lordship some feeling of the effects of 
political society4 ,i charge the whole  
of these effects on political society4  
,i avow the charge1 and ,i shall        
presently make it good to your          
lordship's satisfaction4 ,the numbers ,i
 particularized are about thirty-six    
millions4 ,besides those killed in      
battles ,i have said something1 not half
 what the matter would have justified1  
but something ,i have said concerning   
the consequences of war even more       

dreadful than that monstrous carnage    
itself which shocks our humanity1 and   
almost staggers our belief4 ,so that1   
allowing me in my exuberance one way for
 my deficiencies in the other1 you will 
find me not unreasonable4 ,i think the  
numbers of men now upon earth are       
computed at five hundred millions at the
 most4 ,here the slaughter of mankind1  
on what you will call a small           
calculation1 amounts to upwards of      
seventy times the number of souls this  
day on the globe3 a point which may     
furnish matter of reflection to one less
 inclined to draw consequences than your
 lordship4  ,i now come to show that    
political society is justly chargeable  
with much the greatest part of this     
destruction of the species4 ,to give the
 fairest play to every side of the      
question1 ,i will own that there is a   
haughtiness and fierceness in human     
nature1 which will cause innumerable    
broils1 place men in what situation you 
please2 but owning this1 ,i still insist

 in charging it to political            
regulations1 that these broils are so   
frequent1 so cruel1 and attended with   
consequences so deplorable4 ,in a state 
of nature1 it had been impossible to    
find a number of men1 sufficient for    
such slaughters1 agreed in the same     
bloody purpose2 or allowing that they   
might have come to such an agreement 7an
 impossible supposition71 yet the means 
that simple nature has supplied them    
with1 are by no means adequate to such  
an end2 many scratches1 many bruises    
undoubtedly would be received upon all  
hands2 but only a few1 a very few       
deaths4 ,society and politics1 which    
have given us these destructive views1  
have given us also the means of         
satisfying them4 ,from the earliest     
dawnings of policy to this day1 the     
invention of men has been sharpening and
 improving the mystery of murder1 from  
the first rude essays of clubs and      
stones1 to the present perfection of    
gunnery1 cannoneering1 bombarding1      

mining1 and all those species of        
artificial1 learned1 and refined        
cruelty1 in which we are now so expert1 
and which make a principal part of what 
politicians have taught us to believe is
 our principal glory4  ,how far mere    
nature would have carried us1 we may    
judge by the example of those animals   
who still follow her laws1 and even of  
those to whom she has given dispositions
 more fierce1 and arms more terrible    
than ever she intended we should use4   
,it is an incontestable truth that there
 is more havoc made in one year by men  
of men1 than has been made by all the   
lions1 tigers1 panthers1 ounces1        
leopards1 hyenas1 rhinoceroses1         
elephants1 bears and wolves1 upon their 
several species1 since the beginning of 
the world2 though these agree ill enough
 with each other1 and have a much       
greater proportion of rage and fury in  
their composition than we have4 ,but    
with respect to you1 ye legislators1 ye 
civilizers of mankind6 ye ,orpheuses1   

,moseses1 ,minoses1 ,solons1 ,theseuses1
 ,lycurguses1 ,numas6 with respect to   
you be it spoken1 your regulations have 
done more mischief in cold blood1 than  
all the rage of the fiercest animals in 
their greatest terrors1 or furies1 has  
ever done1 or ever could do6  ,these    
evils are not accidental4 ,whoever will 
take the pains to consider the nature of
 society will find that they result     
directly from its constitution4 ,for as 
subordination1 or1 in other words1 the  
reciprocation of tyranny and slavery1 is
 requisite to support these societies2  
the interest1 the ambition1 the malice1 
or the revenge1 nay1 even the whim and  
caprice of one ruling man among them1 is
 enough to arm all the rest1 without any
 private views of their own1 to the     
worst and blackest purposes3 and what is
 at once lamentable1 and ridiculous1    
these wretches engage under those       
banners with a fury greater than if they
 were animated by revenge for their own 
proper wrongs4  ,it is no less worth    

observing1 that this artificial division
 of mankind into separate societies is a
 perpetual source in itself of hatred   
and dissension among them4 ,the names   
which distinguish them are enough to    
blow up hatred and rage4 ,examine       
history2 consult present experience2 and
 you will find that far the greater part
 of the quarrels between several nations
 had scarce any other occasion than that
 these nations were different           
combinations of people1 and called by   
different names3 to an ,englishman1 the 
name of a ,frenchman1 a ,spaniard1 an   
,italian1 much more a ,turk1 or a       
,tartar1 raises of course ideas of      
hatred and contempt4 ,if you would      
inspire this compatriot of ours with    
pity or regard for one of these1 would  
you not hide that distinction8 ,you     
would not pray him to compassionate the 
poor ,frenchman1 or the unhappy ,german4
 ,far from it2 you would speak of him as
 a foreigner2 an accident to which all  
are liable4 ,you would represent him as 

a man2 one partaking with us of the same
 common nature1 and subject to the same 
law4 ,there is something so averse from 
our nature in these artificial political
 distinctions1 that we need no other    
trumpet to kindle us to war and         
destruction4 ,but there is something so 
benign and healing in the general voice 
of humanity that1 maugre all our        
regulations to prevent it1 the simple   
name of man applied properly1 never     
fails to work a salutary effect4  ,this 
natural unpremeditated effect of policy 
on the unpossessed passions of mankind  
appears on other occasions4 ,the very   
name of a politician1 a statesman1 is   
sure to cause terror and hatred2 it has 
always connected with it the ideas of   
treachery1 cruelty1 fraud1 and tyranny2 
and those writers who have faithfully   
unveiled the mysteries of               
state-freemasonry1 have ever been held  
in general detestation1 for even knowing
 so perfectly a theory so detestable4   
,the case of ,machiavel seems at first  

sight something hard in that respect4   
,he is obliged to bear the iniquities of
 those whose maxims and rules of        
government he published4 ,his           
speculation is more abhorred than their 
practice4  ,but if there were no other  
arguments against artificial society    
than this ,i am going to mention1       
methinks it ought to fall by this one   
only4 ,all writers on the science of    
policy are agreed1 and they agree with  
experience1 that1 all governments must  
frequently infringe the rules of justice
 to support themselves2 that truth must 
give way to dissimulation2 honesty to   
convenience2 and humanity itself to the 
reigning interest4 ,the whole of this   
mystery of iniquity is called the reason
 of state4 ,it is a reason which ,i own 
,i cannot penetrate4 ,what sort of a    
protection is this of the general right1
 that is maintained by infringing the   
rights of particulars8 ,what sort of    
justice is this1 which is enforced by   
breaches of its own laws8 ,these        

paradoxes ,i leave to be solved by the  
able heads of legislators and           
politicians4 ,for my part1 ,i say what a
 plain man would say on such an         
occasion4 ,i can never believe that any 
institution1 agreeable to nature1 and   
proper for mankind1 could find it       
necessary1 or even expedient1 in any    
case whatsoever1 to do what the best and
 worthiest instincts of mankind warn us 
to avoid4 ,but no wonder1 that what is  
set up in opposition to the state of    
nature should preserve itself by        
trampling upon the law of nature4  ,to  
prove that these sorts of policed       
societies are a violation offered to    
nature1 and a constraint upon the human 
mind1 it needs only to look upon the    
sanguinary measures1 and instruments of 
violence1 which are everywhere used to  
support them4 ,let us take a review of  
the dungeons1 whips1 chains1 racks1     
gibbets1 with which every society is    
abundantly stored2 by which hundreds of 
victims are annually offered up to      

support a dozen or two in pride and     
madness1 and millions in an abject      
servitude and dependence4 ,there was a  
time when ,i looked with a reverential  
awe on these mysteries of policy2 but   
age1 experience1 and philosophy1 have   
rent the veil2 and ,i view this sanctum 
sanctorum1 at least1 without any        
enthusiastic admiration4 ,i acknowledge1
 indeed1 the necessity of such a        
proceeding in such institutions2 but ,i 
must have a very mean opinion of        
institutions where such proceedings are 
necessary4  ,it is a misfortune that in 
no part of the globe natural liberty and
 natural religion are to be found pure1 
and free from the mixture of political  
adulterations4 ,yet we have implanted in
 us by ,providence1 ideas1 axioms1      
rules1 of what is pious1 just1 fair1    
honest1 which no political craft1 nor   
learned sophistry can entirely expel    
from our breasts4 ,by these we judge1   
and we cannot otherwise judge1 of the   
several artificial modes of religion and

 society1 and determine of them as they 
approach to or recede from this         
standard4  ,the simplest form of        
government is despotism1 where all the  
inferior orbs of power are moved merely 
by the will of the ,supreme1 and all    
that are subjected to them directed in  
the same manner1 merely by the          
occasional will of the magistrate4 ,this
 form1 as it is the most simple1 so it  
is infinitely the most general4         
,scarcely any part of the world is      
exempted from its power4 ,and in those  
few places where men enjoy what they    
call liberty1 it is continually in a    
tottering situation1 and makes greater  
and greater strides to that gulf of     
despotism which at last swallows up     
every species of government4 ,the manner
 of ruling being directed merely by the 
will of the weakest1 and generally the  
worst man in the society1 becomes the   
most foolish and capricious thing1 at   
the same time that it is the most       
terrible and destructive that well can  

be conceived4 ,in a despotism1 the      
principal person finds that1 let the    
want1 misery1 and indigence of his      
subjects be what they will1 he can yet  
possess abundantly of everything to     
gratify his most insatiable wishes4 ,he 
does more4 ,he finds that these         
gratifications increase in proportion to
 the wretchedness and slavery of his    
subjects4 ,thus encouraged both by      
passion and interest to trample on the  
public welfare1 and by his station      
placed above both shame and fear1 he    
proceeds to the most horrid and shocking
 outrages upon mankind4 ,their persons  
become victims of his suspicions4 ,the  
slightest displeasure is death2 and a   
disagreeable aspect is often as great a 
crime as high treason4 ,in the court of 
,nero1 a person of learning1 of         
unquestioned merit1 and of unsuspected  
loyalty1 was put to death for no other  
reason1 than that he had a pedantic     
countenance which displeased the        
emperor4 ,this very monster of mankind  

appeared in the beginning of his reign  
to be a person of virtue4 ,many of the  
greatest tyrants on the records of      
history have begun their reigns in the  
fairest manner4 ,but the truth is1 this 
unnatural power corrupts both the heart 
and the understanding4 ,and to prevent  
the least hope of amendment1 a king is  
ever surrounded by a crowd of infamous  
flatterers1 who find their account in   
keeping him from the least light of     
reason1 till all ideas of rectitude and 
justice are utterly erased from his     
mind4 ,when ,alexander had in his fury  
inhumanly butchered one of his best     
friends and bravest captains2 on the    
return of reason he began to conceive an
 horror suitable to the guilt of such a 
murder4 ,in this juncture his council   
came to his assistance4 ,but what did   
his council8 ,they found him out a      
philosopher who gave him comfort4 ,and  
in what manner did this philosopher     
comfort him for the loss of such a man1 
and heal his conscience1 flagrant with  

the smart of such a crime8 ,you have the
 matter at length in ,plutarch4 ,he told
 him1 that let a sovereign do what he   
wilt1 all his actions are just and      
lawful1 because they are his4 ,the      
palaces of all princes abound with such 
courtly philosophers4 ,the consequence  
was such as might be expected4 ,he grew 
every day a monster more abandoned to   
unnatural lust1 to debauchery1 to       
drunkenness1 and to murder4 ,and yet    
this was originally a great man1 of     
uncommon capacity1 and a strong         
propensity to virtue4 ,but unbounded    
power proceeds step by step1 until it   
has eradicated every laudable principle4
 ,it has been remarked1 that there is no
 prince so bad1 whose favorites and     
ministers are not worse4 ,there is      
hardly any prince without a favorite1 by
 whom he is governed in as arbitrary a  
manner as he governs the wretches       
subjected to him4 ,here the tyranny is  
doubled4 ,there are two courts1 and two 
interests2 both very different from the 

interests of the people4 ,the favorite  
knows that the regard of a tyrant is as 
unconstant and capricious as that of a  
woman2 and concluding his time to be    
short1 he makes haste to fill up the    
measure of his iniquity1 in rapine1 in  
luxury1 and in revenge4 ,every avenue to
 the throne is shut up4 ,he oppresses   
and ruins the people1 whilst he         
persuades the prince that those murmurs 
raised by his own oppression are the    
effects of disaffection to the prince's 
government4 ,then is the natural        
violence of despotism inflamed and      
aggravated by hatred and revenge4 ,to   
deserve well of the state is a crime    
against the prince4 ,to be popular1 and 
to be a traitor1 are considered as      
synonymous terms4 ,even virtue is       
dangerous1 as an aspiring quality1 that 
claims an esteem by itself1 and         
independent of the countenance of the   
court4 ,what has been said of the chief1
 is true of the inferior officers of    
this species of government2 each in his 

province exercising the same tyranny1   
and grinding the people by an           
oppression1 the more severely felt1 as  
it is near them1 and exercised by base  
and subordinate persons4 ,for the gross 
of the people1 they are considered as a 
mere herd of cattle2 and really in a    
little time become no better2 all       
principle of honest pride1 all sense of 
the dignity of their nature1 is lost in 
their slavery4 ,the day1 says ,homer1   
which makes a man a slave1 takes away   
half his worth2 and1 in fact1 he loses  
every impulse to action1 but that low   
and base one of fear4 ,in this kind of  
government human nature is not only     
abused and insulted1 but it is actually 
degraded and sunk into a species of     
brutality4 ,the consideration of this   
made ,mr4 ,locke say1 with great        
justice1 that a government of this kind 
was worse than anarchy3 indeed it is so 
abhorred and detested by all who live   
under forms that have a milder          
appearance1 that there is scarcely a    

rational man in ,europe that would not  
prefer death to ,asiatic despotism4     
,here then we have the acknowledgment of
 a great philosopher1 that an irregular 
state of nature is preferable to such a 
government2 we have the consent of all  
sensible and generous men1 who carry it 
yet further1 and avow that death itself 
is preferable2 and yet this species of  
government1 so justly condemned1 and so 
generally detested1 is what infinitely  
the greater part of mankind groan under1
 and have groaned under from the        
beginning4 ,so that1 by sure and        
uncontested principles1 the greatest    
part of the governments on earth must be
 concluded tyrannies1 impostures1       
violations of the natural rights of     
mankind1 and worse than the most        
disorderly anarchies4 ,how much other   
forms exceed this we shall consider     
immediately4  ,in all parts of the      
world1 mankind1 however debased1 retains
 still the sense of feeling2 the weight 
of tyranny at last becomes              

insupportable2 but the remedy is not so 
easy3 in general1 the only remedy by    
which they attempt to cure the tyranny  
is to change the tyrant4 ,this is1 and  
always was1 the case for the greater    
part4 ,in some countries1 however1 were 
found men of more penetration1 who      
discovered that to live by one man's    
will was the cause of all men's misery4 
,they therefore changed their former    
method1 and assembling the men in their 
several societies the most respectable  
for their understanding and fortunes1   
they confided to them the charge of the 
public welfare4 ,this originally formed 
what is called an aristocracy4 ,they    
hoped it would be impossible that such a
 number could ever join in any design   
against the general good2 and they      
promised themselves a great deal of     
security and happiness from the united  
counsels of so many able and experienced
 persons4 ,but it is now found by       
abundant experience1 that an            
aristocracy1 and a despotism1 differ but

 in name2 and that a people who are in  
general excluded from any share of the  
legislative1 are1 to all intents and    
purposes1 as much slaves1 when twenty1  
independent of them1 govern1 as when but
 one domineers4 ,the tyranny is even    
more felt1 as every individual of the   
nobles has the haughtiness of a sultan2 
the people are more miserable1 as they  
seem on the verge of liberty1 from which
 they are forever debarred2 this        
fallacious idea of liberty1 whilst it   
presents a vain shadow of happiness to  
the subject1 binds faster the chains of 
his subjection4 ,what is left undone by 
the natural avarice and pride of those  
who are raised above the others1 is     
completed by their suspicions1 and their
 dread of losing an authority1 which has
 no support in the common utility of the
 nation4 ,a ,genoese or a ,venetian     
republic is a concealed despotism2 where
 you find the same pride of the rulers1 
the same base subjection of the people1 
the same bloody maxims of a suspicious  

policy4 ,in one respect the aristocracy 
is worse than the despotism4 ,a body    
politic1 whilst it retains its          
authority1 never changes its maxims2 a  
despotism1 which is this day horrible to
 a supreme degree1 by the caprice       
natural to the heart of man1 may1 by the
 same caprice otherwise exerted1 be as  
lovely the next2 in a succession1 it is 
possible to meet with some good princes4
 ,if there have been ,tiberiuses1       
,caligulas1 ,neros1 there have been     
likewise the serener days of            
,vespasians1 ,tituses1 ,trajans1 and    
,antonines2 but a body politic is not   
influenced by caprice or whim1 it       
proceeds in a regular manner1 its       
succession is insensible2 and every man 
as he enters it1 either has1 or soon    
attains1 the spirit of the whole body4  
,never was it known that an aristocracy1
 which was haughty and tyrannical in one
 century1 became easy and mild in the   
next4 ,in effect1 the yoke of this      
species of government is so galling1    

that whenever the people have got the   
least power1 they have shaken it off    
with the utmost indignation1 and        
established a popular form4 ,and when   
they have not had strength enough to    
support themselves1 they have thrown    
themselves into the arms of despotism1  
as the more eligible of the two evils4  
,this latter was the case of ,denmark1  
who sought a refuge from the oppression 
of its nobility1 in the strong hold of  
arbitrary power4 ,poland has at present 
the name of republic1 and it is one of  
the aristocratic form2 but it is well   
known that the little finger of this    
government is heavier than the loins of 
arbitrary power in most nations4 ,the   
people are not only politically1 but    
personally slaves1 and treated with the 
utmost indignity4 ,the republic of      
,venice is somewhat more moderate2 yet  
even here1 so heavy is the aristocratic 
yoke1 that the nobles have been obliged 
to enervate the spirit of their subjects
 by every sort of debauchery2 they have 

denied them the liberty of reason1 and  
they have made them amends by what a    
base soul will think a more valuable    
liberty1 by not only allowing1 but      
encouraging them to corrupt themselves  
in the most scandalous manner4 ,they    
consider their subjects as the farmer   
does the hog he keeps to feast upon4 ,he
 holds him fast in his sty1 but allows  
him to wallow as much as he pleases in  
his beloved filth and gluttony4 ,so     
scandalously debauched a people as that 
of ,venice is to be met with nowhere    
else4 ,high1 low1 men1 women1 clergy1   
and laity1 are all alike4 ,the ruling   
nobility are no less afraid of one      
another than they are of the people2    
and1 for that reason1 politically       
enervate their own body by the same     
effeminate luxury by which they corrupt 
their subjects4 ,they are impoverished  
by every means which can be invented2   
and they are kept in a perpetual terror 
by the horrors of a state inquisition4  
,here you see a people deprived of all  

rational freedom1 and tyrannized over by
 about two thousand men2 and yet this   
body of two thousand are so far from    
enjoying any liberty by the subjection  
of the rest1 that they are in an        
infinitely severer state of slavery2    
they make themselves the most degenerate
 and unhappy of mankind1 for no other   
purpose than that they may the more     
effectually contribute to the misery of 
a whole nation4 ,in short1 the regular  
and methodical proceedings of an        
aristocracy are more intolerable than   
the very excesses of a despotism1 and1  
in general1 much further from any       
remedy4  ,thus1 my lord1 we have pursued
 aristocracy through its whole progress2
 we have seen the seeds1 the growth1 and
 the fruit4 ,it could boast none of the 
advantages of a despotism1 miserable as 
those advantages were1 and it was       
overloaded with an exuberance of        
mischiefs1 unknown even to despotism    
itself4 ,in effect1 it is no more than a
 disorderly tyranny4 ,this form1        

therefore1 could be little approved1    
even in speculation1 by those who were  
capable of thinking1 and could be less  
borne in practice by any who were       
capable of feeling4 ,however1 the       
fruitful policy of man was not yet      
exhausted4 ,he had yet another farthing 
candle to supply the deficiencies of the
 sun4 ,this was the third form1 known by
 political writers under the name of    
democracy4 ,here the people transacted  
all public business1 or the greater part
 of it1 in their own persons2 their laws
 were made by themselves1 and1 upon any 
failure of duty1 their officers were    
accountable to themselves1 and to them  
only4 ,in all appearance1 they had      
secured by this method the advantages of
 order and good government1 without     
paying their liberty for the purchase4  
,now1 my lord1 we are come to the       
masterpiece of ,grecian refinement1 and 
,roman solidity1--a popular government4 
,the earliest and most celebrated       
republic of this model was that of      

,athens4 ,it was constructed by no less 
an artist than the celebrated poet and  
philosopher1 ,solon4 ,but no sooner was 
this political vessel launched from the 
stocks1 than it overset1 even in the    
lifetime of the builder4 ,a tyranny     
immediately supervened2 not by a foreign
 conquest1 not by accident1 but by the  
very nature and constitution of a       
democracy4 ,an artful man became        
popular1 the people had power in their  
hands1 and they devolved a considerable 
share of their power upon their         
favorite2 and the only use he made of   
this power was1 to plunge those who gave
 it into slavery4 ,accident restored    
their liberty1 and the same good fortune
 produced men of uncommon abilities and 
uncommon virtues amongst them4 ,but     
these abilities were suffered to be of  
little service either to their          
possessors or to the state4 ,some of    
these men1 for whose sakes alone we read
 their history1 they banished2 others   
they imprisoned1 and all they treated   

with various circumstances of the most  
shameful ingratitude4 ,republics have   
many things in the spirit of absolute   
monarchy1 but none more than this4 ,a   
shining merit is ever hated or suspected
 in a popular assembly1 as well as in a 
court2 and all services done the state  
are looked upon as dangerous to the     
rulers1 whether sultans or senators4    
,the ostracism at ,athens was built upon
 this principle4 ,the giddy people whom 
we have now under consideration1 being  
elated with some flashes of success1    
which they owed to nothing less than any
 merit of their own1 began to tyrannize 
over their equals1 who had associated   
with them for their common defence4     
,with their prudence they renounced all 
appearance of justice4 ,they entered    
into wars rashly and wantonly4 ,if they 
were unsuccessful1 instead of growing   
wiser by their misfortune1 they threw   
the whole blame of their own misconduct 
on the ministers who had advised1 and   
the generals who had conducted1 those   

wars2 until by degrees they had cut off 
all who could serve them in their       
councils or their battles4 ,if at any   
time these wars had a happier issue1 it 
was no less difficult to deal with them 
on account of their pride and insolence4
 ,furious in their adversity1 tyrannical
 in their successes1 a commander had    
more trouble to concert his defence     
before the people1 than to plan the     
operations of the campaign4 ,it was not 
uncommon for a general1 under the horrid
 despotism of the ,roman emperors1 to be
 ill received in proportion to the      
greatness of his services4 ,agricola is 
a strong instance of this4 ,no man had  
done greater things1 nor with more      
honest ambition4 ,yet1 on his return to 
court1 he was obliged to enter ,rome    
with all the secrecy of a criminal4 ,he 
went to the palace1 not like a          
victorious commander who had merited and
 might demand the greatest rewards1 but 
like an offender who had come to        
supplicate a pardon for his crimes4 ,his

 reception was answerable2 ,exceptusque 
brevi osculo et nullo sermone1 turb     
servientium immixtus est4 ,yet in that  
worst season of this worst of           
monarchical#i tyrannies1 modesty1       
discretion1 and a coolness of temper1   
formed some kind of security1 even for  
the highest merit4 ,but at ,athens1 the 
nicest and best studied behavior was not
 a sufficient guard for a man of great  
capacity4 ,some of their bravest        
commanders were obliged to fly their    
country1 some to enter into the service 
of its enemies1 rather than abide a     
popular determination on their conduct1 
lest1 as one of them said1 their        
giddiness might make the people condemn 
where they meant to acquit2 to throw in 
a black bean even when they intended a  
white one4  ,the ,athenians made a very 
rapid progress to the most enormous     
excesses4 ,the people1 under no         
restraint1 soon grew dissolute1         
luxurious1 and idle4 ,they renounced all
 labor1 and began to subsist themselves 

from the public revenues4 ,they lost all
 concern for their common honor or      
safety1 and could bear no advice that   
tended to reform them4 ,at this time    
truth became offensive to those lords   
the people1 and most highly dangerous to
 the speaker4 ,the orators no longer    
ascended the rostrum1 but to corrupt    
them further with the most fulsome      
adulation4 ,these orators were all      
bribed by foreign princes on the one    
side or the other4 ,and besides its own 
parties1 in this city there were        
parties1 and avowed ones too1 for the   
,persians1 ,spartans1 and ,macedonians1 
supported each of them by one or more   
demagogues pensioned and bribed to this 
iniquitous service4 ,the people1        
forgetful of all virtue and public      
spirit1 and intoxicated with the        
flatteries of their orators 7these      
courtiers of republics1 and endowed with
 the distinguishing characteristics of  
all other courtiers71 this people1 ,i   
say1 at last arrived at that pitch of   

madness1 that they coolly and           
deliberately1 by an express law1 made it
 capital for any man to propose an      
application of the immense sums         
squandered in public shows1 even to the 
most necessary purposes of the state4   
,when you see the people of this        
republic banishing and murdering their  
best and ablest citizens1 dissipating   
the public treasure with the most       
senseless extravagance1 and spending    
their whole time1 as spectators or      
actors1 in playing1 fiddling1 dancing1  
and singing1 does it not1 my lord1      
strike your imagination with the image  
of a sort of complex ,nero8 ,and does it
 not strike you with the greater horror1
 when you observe1 not one man only1 but
 a whole city1 grown drunk with pride   
and power1 running with a rage of folly 
into the same mean and senseless        
debauchery and extravagance8 ,but if    
this people resembled ,nero in their    
extravagance1 much more did they        
resemble and even exceed him in cruelty 

and injustice4 ,in the time of          
,pericles1 one of the most celebrated   
times in the history of that            
commonwealth1 a king of ,egypt sent them
 a donation of corn4 ,this they were    
mean enough to accept4 ,and had the     
,egyptian prince intended the ruin of   
this city of wicked ,bedlamites1 he     
could not have taken a more effectual   
method to do it than by such an         
ensnaring largess4 ,the distribution of 
this bounty caused a quarrel2 the       
majority set on foot an inquiry into the
 title of the citizens2 and upon a vain 
pretence of illegitimacy1 newly and     
occasionally set up1 they deprived of   
their share of the royal donation no    
less than five thousand of their own    
body4 ,they went further2 they          
disfranchised them2 and1 having once    
begun with an act of injustice1 they    
could set no bounds to it4 ,not content 
with cutting them off from the rights of
 citizens1 they plundered these         
unfortunate wretches of all their       

substance2 and1 to crown this           
masterpiece of violence and tyranny1    
they actually sold every man of the five
 thousand as slaves in the public       
market4 ,observe1 my lord1 that the five
 thousand we here speak of were cut off 
from a body of no more than nineteen    
thousand2 for the entire number of      
citizens was no greater at that time4   
,could the tyrant who wished the ,roman 
people but one neck2 could the tyrant   
,caligula himself have done1 nay1 he    
could scarcely wish for1 a greater      
mischief than to have cut off1 at one   
stroke1 a fourth of his people8 ,or has 
the cruelty of that series of sanguine  
tyrants1 the ,csars1 ever presented such
 a piece of flagrant and extensive      
wickedness8 ,the whole history of this  
celebrated republic is but one tissue of
 rashness1 folly1 ingratitude1          
injustice1 tumult1 violence1 and        
tyranny1 and1 indeed1 of every species  
of wickedness that can well be imagined4
 ,this was a city of wise men1 in which 

a minister could not exercise his       
functions2 a warlike people1 amongst    
whom a general did not dare either to   
gain or lose a battle2 a learned nation1
 in which a philosopher could not       
venture on a free inquiry4 ,this was the
 city which banished ,themistocles1     
starved ,aristides1 forced into exile   
,miltiades1 drove out ,anaxagoras1 and  
poisoned ,socrates4 ,this was a city    
which changed the form of its government
 with the moon2 eternal conspiracies1   
revolutions daily1 nothing fixed and    
established4 ,a republic1 as an ancient 
philosopher has observed1 is no one     
species of government1 but a magazine of
 every species2 here you find every sort
 of it1 and that in the worst form4 ,as 
there is a perpetual change1 one rising 
and the other falling1 you have all the 
violence and wicked policy by which a   
beginning power must always acquire its 
strength1 and all the weakness by which 
falling states are brought to a complete
 destruction4  ,rome has a more         

venerable aspect than ,athens2 and she  
conducted her affairs1 so far as related
 to the ruin and oppression of the      
greatest part of the world1 with greater
 wisdom and more uniformity4 ,but the   
domestic economy of these two states was
 nearly or altogether the same4 ,an     
internal dissension constantly tore to  
pieces the bowels of the ,roman         
commonwealth4 ,you find the same        
confusion1 the same factions1 which     
subsisted at ,athens1 the same tumults1 
the same revolutions1 and1 in fine1 the 
same slavery2 if1 perhaps1 their former 
condition did not deserve that name     
altogether as well4 ,all other republics
 were of the same character4 ,florence  
was a transcript of ,athens4 ,and the   
modern republics1 as they approach more 
or less to the democratic form1 partake 
more or less of the nature of those     
which ,i have described4  ,we are now at
 the close of our review of the three   
simple forms of artificial society2 and 
we have shown them1 however they may    

differ in name1 or in some slight       
circumstances1 to be all alike in       
effect3 in effect1 to be all tyrannies4 
,but suppose we were inclined to make   
the most ample concessions2 let us      
concede ,athens1 ,rome1 ,carthage1 and  
two or three more of the ancient1 and as
 many of the modern1 commonwealths1 to  
have been1 or to be1 free and happy1 and
 to owe their freedom and happiness to  
their political constitution4 ,yet1     
allowing all this1 what defence does    
this make for artificial society in     
general1 that these inconsiderable spots
 of the globe have for some short space 
of time stood as exceptions to a charge 
so general8 ,but when we call these     
governments free1 or concede that their 
citizens were happier than those which  
lived under different forms1 it is      
merely ex abundanti4 ,for we should be  
greatly mistaken1 if we really thought  
that the majority of the people which   
filled these cities enjoyed even that   
nominal political freedom of which ,i   

have spoken so much already4 ,in        
reality1 they had no part of it4 ,in    
,athens there were usually from ten to  
thirty thousand freemen2 this was the   
utmost4 ,but the slaves usually amounted
 to four hundred thousand1 and sometimes
 to a great many more4 ,the freemen of  
,sparta and ,rome were not more numerous
 in proportion to those whom they held  
in a slavery even more terrible than the
 ,athenian4 ,therefore state the matter 
fairly3 the free states never formed1   
though they were taken altogether1 the  
thousandth part of the habitable globe2 
the freemen in these states were never  
the twentieth part of the people1 and   
the time they subsisted is scarce       
anything in that immense ocean of       
duration in which time and slavery are  
so nearly commensurate4 ,therefore call 
these free states1 or popular           
governments1 or what you please2 when we
 consider the majority of their         
inhabitants1 and regard the natural     
rights of mankind1 they must appear1 in 

reality and truth1 no better than       
pitiful and oppressive oligarchies4     
,after so fair an examen1 wherein       
nothing has been exaggerated2 no fact   
produced which cannot be proved1 and    
none which has been produced in any wise
 forced or strained1 while thousands    
have1 for brevity1 been omitted2 after  
so candid a discussion in all respects2 
what slave so passive1 what bigot so    
blind1 what enthusiast so headlong1 what
 politician so hardened1 as to stand up 
in defence of a system calculated for a 
curse to mankind8 a curse under which   
they smart and groan to this hour1      
without thoroughly knowing the nature of
 the disease1 and wanting understanding 
or courage to supply the remedy4  ,i    
need not excuse myself to your lordship1
 nor1 ,i think1 to any honest man1 for  
the zeal ,i have shown in this cause2   
for it is an honest zeal1 and in a good 
cause4 ,i have defended natural religion
 against a confederacy of atheists and  
divines4 ,i now plead for natural       

society against politicians1 and for    
natural reason against all three4 ,when 
the world is in a fitter temper than it 
is at present to hear truth1 or when ,i 
shall be more indifferent about its     
temper1 my thoughts may become more     
public4 ,in the mean time1 let them     
repose in my own bosom1 and in the      
bosoms of such men as are fit to be     
initiated in the sober mysteries of     
truth and reason4 ,my antagonists have  
already done as much as ,i could desire4
 ,parties in religion and politics make 
sufficient discoveries concerning each  
other1 to give a sober man a proper     
caution against them all4 ,the          
monarchic1 and aristocratical1 and      
popular partisans1 have been jointly    
laying their axes to the root of all    
government1 and have1 in their turns1   
proved each other absurd and            
inconvenient4 ,in vain you tell me that 
artificial government is good1 but that 
,i fall out only with the abuse4 ,the   
thing6 the thing itself is the abuse6   

,observe1 my lord1 ,i pray you1 that    
grand error upon which all artificial   
legislative power is founded4 ,it was   
observed1 that men had ungovernable     
passions1 which made it necessary to    
guard against the violence they might   
offer to each other4 ,they appointed    
governors over them for this reason4    
,but a worse and more perplexing        
difficulty arises1 how to be defended   
against the governors8 ,quis custodiet  
ipsos custodes8 ,in vain they change    
from a single person to a few4 ,these   
few have the passions of the one2 and   
they unite to strengthen themselves1 and
 to secure the gratification of their   
lawless passions at the expense of the  
general good4 ,in vain do we fly to the 
many4 ,the case is worse2 their passions
 are less under the government of       
reason1 they are augmented by the       
contagion1 and defended against all     
attacks by their multitude4  ,i have    
purposely avoided the mention of the    
mixed form of government1 for reasons   

that will be very obvious to your       
lordship4 ,but my caution can avail me  
but little4 ,you will not fail to urge  
it against me in favor of political     
society4 ,you will not fail to show how 
the errors of the several simple modes  
are corrected by a mixture of all of    
them1 and a proper balance of the       
several powers in such a state4 ,i      
confess1 my lord1 that this has been    
long a darling mistake of my own2 and   
that of all the sacrifices ,i have made 
to truth1 this has been by far the      
greatest4 ,when ,i confess that ,i think
 this notion a mistake1 ,i know to whom 
,i am speaking1 for ,i am satisfied that
 reasons are like liquors1 and there are
 some of such a nature as none but      
strong heads can bear4 ,there are few   
with whom ,i can communicate so freely  
as with ,pope4 ,but ,pope cannot bear   
every truth4 ,he has a timidity which   
hinders the full exertion of his        
faculties1 almost as effectually as     
bigotry cramps those of the general herd

 of mankind4 ,but whoever is a genuine  
follower of truth keeps his eye steady  
upon his guide1 indifferent whither he  
is led1 provided that she is the leader4
 ,and1 my lord1 if it be properly       
considered1 it were infinitely better to
 remain possessed by the whole legion of
 vulgar mistakes1 than to reject some1  
and at the same time to retain a        
fondness for others altogether as absurd
 and irrational4 ,the first has at least
 a consistency1 that makes a man1       
however erroneously1 uniform at least2  
but the latter way of proceeding is such
 an inconsistent chimera and jumble of  
philosophy and vulgar prejudice1 that   
hardly anything more ridiculous can be  
conceived4 ,let us therefore freely1 and
 without fear or prejudice1 examine this
 last contrivance of policy4 ,and1      
without considering how near the quick  
our instruments may come1 let us search 
it to the bottom4  ,first1 then1 all men
 are agreed that this junction of regal1
 aristocratic1 and popular power1 must  

form a very complex1 nice1 and intricate
 machine1 which being composed of such a
 variety of parts1 with such opposite   
tendencies and movements1 it must be    
liable on every accident to be          
disordered4 ,to speak without metaphor1 
such a government must be liable to     
frequent cabals1 tumults1 and           
revolutions1 from its very constitution4
 ,these are undoubtedly as ill effects  
as can happen in a society2 for in such 
a case1 the closeness acquired by       
community1 instead of serving for mutual
 defence1 serves only to increase the   
danger4 ,such a system is like a city1  
where trades that require constant fires
 are much exercised1 where the houses   
are built of combustible materials1 and 
where they stand extremely close4  ,in  
the second place1 the several           
constituent parts having their distinct 
rights1 and these many of them so       
necessary to be determined with         
exactness1 are yet so indeterminate in  
their nature1 that it becomes a new and 

constant source of debate and confusion4
 ,hence it is1 that whilst the business 
of government should be carrying on1 the
 question is1 ,who has a right to       
exercise this or that function of it1 or
 what men have power to keep their      
offices in any function8 ,whilst this   
contest continues1 and whilst the       
balance in any sort continues1 it has   
never any remission2 all manner of      
abuses and villanies in officers remain 
unpunished2 the greatest frauds and     
robberies in the public revenues are    
committed in defiance of justice2 and   
abuses grow1 by time and impunity1 into 
customs2 until they prescribe against   
the laws1 and grow too inveterate often 
to admit a cure1 unless such as may be  
as bad as the disease4  ,thirdly1 the   
several parts of this species of        
government1 though united1 preserve the 
spirit which each form has separately4  
,kings are ambitious2 the nobility      
haughty2 and the populace tumultuous and
 ungovernable4 ,each party1 however in  

appearance peaceable1 carries on a      
design upon the others2 and it is owing 
to this1 that in all questions1 whether 
concerning foreign or domestic affairs1 
the whole generally turns more upon some
 party-matter than upon the nature of   
the thing itself2 whether such a step   
will diminish or augment the power of   
the crown1 or how far the privileges of 
the subject are likely to be extended or
 restricted by it4 ,and these questions 
are constantly resolved1 without any    
consideration of the merits of the      
cause1 merely as the parties who uphold 
these jarring interests may chance to   
prevail2 and as they prevail1 the       
balance is overset1 now upon one side1  
now upon the other4 ,the government is1 
one day1 arbitrary power in a single    
person2 another1 a juggling confederacy 
of a few to cheat the prince and enslave
 the people2 and the third1 a frantic   
and unmanageable democracy4 ,the great  
instrument of all these changes1 and    
what infuses a peculiar venom into all  

of them1 is party4 ,it is of no         
consequence what the principles of any  
party1 or what their pretensions are2   
the spirit which actuates all parties is
 the same2 the spirit of ambition1 of   
self-interest1 of oppression and        
treachery4 ,this spirit entirely        
reverses all the principles which a     
benevolent nature has erected within us2
 all honesty1 all equal justice1 and    
even the ties of natural society1 the   
natural affections4 ,in a word1 my lord1
 we have all seen1 and1 if any outward  
considerations were worthy the lasting  
concern of a wise man1 we have some of  
us felt1 such oppression from party     
government as no other tyranny can      
parallel4 ,we behold daily the most     
important rights1 rights upon which all 
the others depend1 we behold these      
rights determined in the last resort1   
without the least attention even to the 
appearance or color of justice2 we      
behold this without emotion1 because we 
have grown up in the constant view of   

such practices2 and we are not surprised
 to hear a man requested to be a knave  
and a traitor1 with as much indifference
 as if the most ordinary favor were     
asked2 and we hear this request refused1
 not because it is a most unjust and    
unreasonable desire1 but because this   
worthy has already engaged his injustice
 to another4 ,these and many more points
 ,i am for from spreading to their full 
extent4 ,you are sensible that ,i do not
 put forth half my strength2 and you    
cannot be at a loss for the reason4 ,a  
man is allowed sufficient freedom of    
thought1 provided he knows how to choose
 his subject properly4 ,you may         
criticise freely upon the ,chinese      
constitution1 and observe with as much  
severity as you please upon the absurd  
tricks1 or destructive bigotry of the   
bonzees4 ,but the scene is changed as   
you come homeward1 and atheism or       
treason may be the names given in       
,britain1 to what would be reason and   
truth if asserted of ,china4 ,i submit  

to the condition1 and though ,i have a  
notorious advantage before me1 ,i waive 
the pursuit4 ,for else1 my lord1 it is  
very obvious what a picture might be    
drawn of the excesses of party even in  
our own nation4 ,i could show1 that the 
same faction has1 in one reign1 promoted
 popular seditions1 and1 in the next1   
been a patron of tyranny3 ,i could show 
that they have all of them betrayed the 
public safety at all times1 and have    
very frequently with equal perfidy made 
a market of their own cause and their   
own associates4 ,i could show how       
vehemently they have contended for      
names1 and how silently they have passed
 over things of the last importance4    
,and ,i could demonstrate that they have
 had the opportunity of doing all this  
mischief1 nay1 that they themselves had 
their origin and growth from that       
complex form of government1 which we are
 wisely taught to look upon as so great 
a blessing4 ,revolve1 my lord1 our      
history from the ,conquest4 ,we scarcely

 ever had a prince1 who1 by fraud or    
violence1 had not made some infringement
 on the constitution4 ,we scarcely ever 
had a ,parliament which knew1 when it   
attempted to set limits to the royal    
authority1 how to set limits to its own4
 ,evils we have had continually calling 
for reformation1 and reformations more  
grievous than any evils4 ,our boasted   
liberty sometimes trodden down1         
sometimes giddily set up1 and ever      
precariously fluctuating and unsettled2 
it has only been kept alive by the      
blasts of continual feuds1 wars1 and    
conspiracies4 ,in no country in ,europe 
has the scaffold so often blushed with  
the blood of its nobility4              
,confiscations1 banishments1 attainders1
 executions1 make a large part of the   
history of such of our families as are  
not utterly extinguished by them4       
,formerly1 indeed1 things had a more    
ferocious appearance than they have at  
this day4 ,in these early and unrefined 
ages1 the jarring part of a certain     

chaotic constitution supported their    
several pretensions by the sword4       
,experience and policy have since taught
 other methods4       ,at nunc res      
agitur tenui pulmone rubet4  ,but how   
far corruption1 venality1 the contempt  
of honor1 the oblivion of all duty to   
our country1 and the most abandoned     
public prostitution1 are preferable to  
the more glaring and violent effects of 
faction1 ,i will not presume to         
determine4 ,sure ,i am that they are    
very great evils4  ,i have done with the
 forms of government4 ,during the course
 of my inquiry you may have observed a  
very material difference between my     
manner of reasoning and that which is in
 use amongst the abettors of artificial 
society4 ,they form their plans upon    
what seems most eligible to their       
imaginations1 for the ordering of       
mankind4 ,i discover the mistakes in    
those plans1 from the real known        
consequences which have resulted from   
them4 ,they have enlisted reason to     

fight against itself1 and employ its    
whole force to prove that it is an      
insufficient guide to them in the       
conduct of their lives4 ,but unhappily  
for us1 in proportion as we have        
deviated from the plain rule of our     
nature1 and turned our reason against   
itself1 in that proportion have we      
increased the follies and miseries of   
mankind4 ,the more deeply we penetrate  
into the labyrinth of art1 the further  
we find ourselves from those ends for   
which we entered it4 ,this has happened 
in almost every species of artificial   
society1 and in all times4 ,we found1 or
 we thought we found1 an inconvenience  
in having every man the judge of his own
 cause4 ,therefore judges were set up1  
at first1 with discretionary powers4    
,but it was soon found a miserable      
slavery to have our lives and properties
 precarious1 and hanging upon the       
arbitrary determination of any one man1 
or set of men4 ,we fled to laws as a    
remedy for this evil4 ,by these we      

persuaded ourselves we might know with  
some certainty upon what ground we      
stood4 ,but lo6 differences arose upon  
the sense and interpretation of those   
laws4 ,thus we were brought back to our 
old incertitude4 ,new laws were made to 
expound the old2 and new difficulties   
arose upon the new laws2 as words       
multiplied1 opportunities of cavilling  
upon them multiplied also4 ,then        
recourse was had to notes1 comments1    
glosses1 reports1 responsa prudentum1   
learned readings3 eagle stood against   
eagle3 authority was set up against     
authority4 ,some were allured by the    
modern1 others reverenced the ancient4  
,the new were more enlightened1 the old 
were more venerable4 ,some adopted the  
comment1 others stuck to the text4 ,the 
confusion increased1 the mist thickened1
 until it could be discovered no longer 
what was allowed or forbidden1 what     
things were in property1 and what       
common4 ,in this uncertainty1 7uncertain
 even to the professors1 an ,egyptian   

darkness to the rest of mankind71 the   
contending parties felt themselves more 
effectually ruined by the delay1 than   
they could have been by the injustice of
 any decision4 ,our inheritances are    
become a prize for disputation2 and     
disputes and litigations are become an  
inheritance4  ,the professors of        
artificial law have always walked hand  
in hand with the professors of          
artificial theology4 ,as their end1 in  
confounding the reason of man1 and      
abridging his natural freedom1 is       
exactly the same1 they have adjusted the
 means to that end in a way entirely    
similar4 ,the divine thunders out his   
anathemas with more noise and terror    
against the breach of one of his        
positive institutions1 or the neglect of
 some of his trivial forms1 than against
 the neglect or breach of those duties  
and commandments of natural religion1   
which by these forms and institutions he
 pretends to enforce4 ,the lawyer has   
his forms1 and his positive institutions

 too1 and he adheres to them with a     
veneration altogether as religious4 ,the
 worst cause cannot be so prejudicial to
 the litigant1 as his advocate's or     
attorney's ignorance or neglect of these
 forms4 ,a lawsuit is like an           
ill-managed dispute1 in which the first 
object is soon out of sight1 and the    
parties end upon a matter wholly foreign
 to that on which they began4 ,in a     
lawsuit the question is1 who has a right
 to a certain house or farm8 ,and this  
question is daily determined1 not upon  
the evidence of the right1 but upon the 
observance or neglect of some forms of  
words in use with the gentlemen of the  
robe1 about which there is even amongst 
themselves such a disagreement1 that the
 most experienced veterans in the       
profession can never be positively      
assured that they are not mistaken4     
,let us expostulate with these learned  
sages1 these priests of the sacred      
temple of justice4 ,are we judges of our
 own property8 ,by no means4 ,you then1 

who are initiated into the mysteries of 
the blindfold goddess1 inform me whether
 ,i have a right to eat the bread ,i    
have earned by the hazard of my life or 
the sweat of my brow8 ,the grave doctor 
answers me in the affirmative2 the      
reverend serjeant replies in the        
negative2 the learned barrister reasons 
upon one side and upon the other1 and   
concludes nothing4 ,what shall ,i do8   
,an antagonist starts up and presses me 
hard4 ,i enter the field1 and retain    
these three persons to defend my cause4 
,my cause1 which two farmers from the   
plough could have decided in half an    
hour1 takes the court twenty years4 ,i  
am however at the end of my labor1 and  
have in reward for all my toil and      
vexation a judgment in my favor4 ,but   
hold--a sagacious commander1 in the     
adversary's army1 has found a flaw in   
the proceeding4 ,my triumph is turned   
into mourning4 ,i have used or1 instead 
of and1 or some mistake1 small in       
appearance1 but dreadful in its         

consequences2 and have the whole of my  
success quashed in a writ of error4 ,i  
remove my suit2 ,i shift from court to  
court2 ,i fly from equity to law1 and   
from law to equity2 equal uncertainty   
attends me everywhere2 and a mistake in 
which ,i had no share1 decides at once  
upon my liberty and property1 sending me
 from the court to a prison1 and        
adjudging my family to beggary and      
famine4 ,i am innocent1 gentlemen1 of   
the darkness and uncertainty of your    
science4 ,i never darkened it with      
absurd and contradictory notions1 nor   
confounded it with chicane and          
sophistry4 ,you have excluded me from   
any share in the conduct of my own      
cause2 the science was too deep for me2 
,i acknowledged it2 but it was too deep 
even for yourselves3 you have made the  
way so intricate1 that you are          
yourselves lost in it2 you err1 and you 
punish me for your errors4  ,the delay  
of the law is1 your lordship will tell  
me1 a trite topic1 and which of its     

abuses have not been too severely felt  
not to be complained of8 ,a man's       
property is to serve for the purposes of
 his support2 and therefore1 to delay a 
determination concerning that1 is the   
worst injustice1 because it cuts off the
 very end and purpose for which ,i      
applied to the judicature for relief4   
,quite contrary in the case of a man's  
life2 there the determination can hardly
 be too much protracted4 ,mistakes in   
this case are as often fallen into as   
many other2 and if the judgment is      
sudden1 the mistakes are the most       
irretrievable of all others4 ,of this   
the gentlemen of the robe are themselves
 sensible1 and they have brought it into
 a maxim4 ,de morte hominis nulla est   
cunctatio longa4 ,but what could have   
induced them to reverse the rules1 and  
to contradict that reason which dictated
 them1 ,i am utterly unable to guess4 ,a
 point concerning property1 which ought1
 for the reasons ,i have just mentioned1
 to be most speedily decided1 frequently

 exercises the wit of successions of    
lawyers1 for many generations4 ,multa   
virm volvens durando scula vincit4 ,but 
the question concerning a man's life1   
that great question in which no delay   
ought to be counted tedious1 is commonly
 determined in twenty-four hours at the 
utmost4 ,it is not to be wondered at1   
that injustice and absurdity should be  
inseparable companions4  ,ask of        
politicians the end for which laws were 
originally designed2 and they will      
answer1 that the laws were designed as a
 protection for the poor and weak1      
against the oppression of the rich and  
powerful4 ,but surely no pretence can be
 so ridiculous2 a man might as well tell
 me he has taken off my load1 because he
 has changed the burden4 ,if the poor   
man is not able to support his suit1    
according to the vexatious and expensive
 manner established in civilized        
countries1 has not the rich as great an 
advantage over him as the strong has    
over the weak in a state of nature8 ,but

 we will not place the state of nature1 
which is the reign of ,god1 in          
competition with political society1     
which is the absurd usurpation of man4  
,in a state of nature1 it is true that a
 man of superior force may beat or rob  
me2 but then it is true1 that ,i am at  
full liberty to defend myself1 or make  
reprisal by surprise or by cunning1 or  
by any other way in which ,i may be     
superior to him4 ,but in political      
society1 a rich man may rob me in       
another way4 ,i cannot defend myself2   
for money is the only weapon with which 
we are allowed to fight4 ,and if ,i     
attempt to avenge myself the whole force
 of that society is ready to complete my
 ruin4  ,a good parson once said1 that  
where mystery begins1 religion ends4    
,cannot ,i say1 as truly at least1 of   
human laws1 that where mystery begins1  
justice ends8 ,it is hard to say1       
whether the doctors of law or divinity  
have made the greater advances in the   
lucrative business of mystery4 ,the     

lawyers1 as well as the theologians1    
have erected another reason besides     
natural reason2 and the result has been1
 another justice besides natural        
justice4 ,they have so bewildered the   
world and themselves in unmeaning forms 
and ceremonies1 and so perplexed the    
plainest matters with metaphysical      
jargon1 that it carries the highest     
danger to a man out of that profession1 
to make the least step without their    
advice and assistance4 ,thus1 by        
confining to themselves the knowledge of
 the foundation of all men's lives and  
properties1 they have reduced all       
mankind into the most abject and servile
 dependence4 ,we are tenants at the will
 of these gentlemen for everything2 and 
a metaphysical quibble is to decide     
whether the greatest villain breathing  
shall meet his deserts1 or escape with  
impunity1 or whether the best man in the
 society shall not be reduced to the    
lowest and most despicable condition it 
affords4 ,in a word1 my lord1 the       

injustice1 delay1 puerility1 false      
refinement1 and affected mystery of the 
law are such1 that many who live under  
it come to admire and envy the          
expedition1 simplicity1 and equality of 
arbitrary judgments4 ,i need insist the 
less on this article to your lordship1  
as you have frequently lamented the     
miseries derived to us from artificial  
law1 and your candor is the more to be  
admired and applauded in this1 as your  
lordship's noble house has derived its  
wealth and its honors from that         
profession4  ,before we finish our      
examination of artificial society1 ,i   
shall lead your lordship into a closer  
consideration of the relations which it 
gives birth to1 and the benefits1 if    
such they are1 which result from these  
relations4 ,the most obvious division of
 society is into rich and poor2 and it  
is no less obvious1 that the number of  
the former bear a great disproportion to
 those of the latter4 ,the whole        
business of the poor is to administer to

 the idleness1 folly1 and luxury of the 
rich2 and that of the rich1 in return1  
is to find the best methods of          
confirming the slavery and increasing   
the burdens of the poor4 ,in a state of 
nature1 it is an invariable law1 that a 
man's acquisitions are in proportion to 
his labors4 ,in a state of artificial   
society1 it is a law as constant and as 
invariable1 that those who labor most   
enjoy the fewest things2 and that those 
who labor not at all have the greatest  
number of enjoyments4 ,a constitution of
 things this1 strange and ridiculous    
beyond expression6 ,we scarce believe a 
thing when we are told it1 which we     
actually see before our eyes every day  
without being in the least surprised4 ,i
 suppose that there are in ,great       
,britain upwards of a hundred thousand  
people employed in lead1 tin1 iron1     
copper1 and coal mines2 these unhappy   
wretches scarce ever see the light of   
the sun2 they are buried in the bowels  
of the earth2 there they work at a      

severe and dismal task1 without the     
least prospect of being delivered from  
it2 they subsist upon the coarsest and  
worst sort of fare2 they have their     
health miserably impaired1 and their    
lives cut short1 by being perpetually   
confined in the close vapor of these    
malignant minerals4 ,a hundred thousand 
more at least are tortured without      
remission by the suffocating smoke1     
intense fires1 and constant drudgery    
necessary in refining and managing the  
products of those mines4 ,if any man    
informed us that two hundred thousand   
innocent persons were condemned to so   
intolerable slavery1 how should we pity 
the unhappy sufferers1 and how great    
would be our just indignation against   
those who inflicted so cruel and        
ignominious a punishment6 ,this is an   
instance--,i could not wish a           
stronger--of the numberless things which
 we pass by in their common dress1 yet  
which shock us when they are nakedly    
represented4 ,but this number1          

considerable as it is1 and the slavery1 
with all its baseness and horror1 which 
we have at home1 is nothing to what the 
rest of the world affords of the same   
nature4 ,millions daily bathed in the   
poisonous damps and destructive effluvia
 of lead1 silver1 copper1 and arsenic4  
,to say nothing of those other          
employments1 those stations of          
wretchedness and contempt1 in which     
civil society has placed the numerous   
enfans perdus of her army4 ,would any   
rational man submit to one of the most  
tolerable of these drudgeries1 for all  
the artificial enjoyments which policy  
has made to result from them8 ,by no    
means4 ,and yet need ,i suggest to your 
lordship1 that those who find the means1
 and those who arrive at the end1 are   
not at all the same persons8 ,on        
considering the strange and             
unaccountable fancies and contrivances  
of artificial reason1 ,i have somewhere 
called this earth the ,bedlam of our    
system4 ,looking now upon the effects of

 some of those fancies1 may we not with 
equal reason call it likewise the       
,newgate and the ,bridewell of the      
universe8 ,indeed the blindness of one  
part of mankind co-operating with the   
frenzy and villany of the other1 has    
been the real builder of this           
respectable fabric of political society3
 and as the blindness of mankind has    
caused their slavery1 in return their   
state of slavery is made a pretence for 
continuing them in a state of blindness2
 for the politician will tell you       
gravely1 that their life of servitude   
disqualifies the greater part of the    
race of man for a search of truth1 and  
supplies them with no other than mean   
and insufficient ideas4 ,this is but too
 true2 and this is one of the reasons   
for which ,i blame such institutions4   
,in a misery of this sort1 admitting    
some few lenitives1 and those too but a 
few1 nine parts in ten of the whole race
 of mankind drudge through life4 ,it may
 be urged perhaps1 in palliation of     

this1 that at least the rich few find a 
considerable and real benefit from the  
wretchedness of the many4 ,but is this  
so in fact8 ,let us examine the point   
with a little more attention4 ,for this 
purpose the rich in all societies may he
 thrown into two classes4 ,the first is 
of those who are powerful as well as    
rich1 and conduct the operations of the 
vast political machine4 ,the other is of
 those who employ their riches wholly in
 the acquisition of pleasure4 ,as to the
 first sort1 their continual care and   
anxiety1 their toilsome days1 and       
sleepless nights1 are next to           
proverbial4 ,these circumstances are    
sufficient almost to level their        
condition to that of the unhappy        
majority2 but there are other           
circumstances which place them1 in a far
 lower condition4 ,not only their       
understandings labor continually1 which 
is the severest labor1 but their hearts 
are torn by the worst1 most troublesome1
 and insatiable of all passions1 by     

avarice1 by ambition1 by fear and       
jealousy4 ,no part of the mind has rest4
 ,power gradually extirpates from the   
mind every humane and gentle virtue4    
,pity1 benevolence1 friendship1 are     
things almost unknown in high stations4 
,ver amiciti rarissime inveniuntur in   
iis qui in honoribus reque publica      
versantur1 says ,cicero4 ,and indeed    
courts are the schools where cruelty1   
pride1 dissimulation1 and treachery are 
studied and taught in the most vicious  
perfection4 ,this is a point so clear   
and acknowledged1 that if it did not    
make a necessary part of my subject1 ,i 
should pass it by entirely4 ,and this   
has hindered me from drawing at full    
length1 and in the most striking colors1
 this shocking picture of the degeneracy
 and wretchedness of human nature1 in   
that part which is vulgarly thought its 
happiest and most amiable state4 ,you   
know from what originals ,i could copy  
such pictures4 ,happy are they who know 
enough of them to know the little value 

of the possessors of such things1 and of
 all that they possess2 and happy they  
who have been snatched from that post of
 danger which they occupy1 with the     
remains of their virtue2 loss of honors1
 wealth1 titles1 and even the loss of   
one's country1 is nothing in balance    
with so great an advantage4  ,let us now
 view the other species of the rich1    
those who devote their time and fortunes
 to idleness and pleasure4 ,how much    
happier are they8 ,the pleasures which  
are agreeable to nature are within the  
reach of all1 and therefore can form no 
distinction in favor of the rich4 ,the  
pleasures which art forces up are seldom
 sincere1 and never satisfying4 ,what is
 worse1 this constant application to    
pleasure takes away from the enjoyment1 
or rather turns it into the nature of a 
very burdensome and laborious business4 
,it has consequences much more fatal4   
,it produces a weak valetudinary state  
of body1 attended by all those horrid   
disorders1 and yet more horrid methods  

of cure1 which are the result of luxury 
on the one hand1 and the weak and       
ridiculous efforts of human art on the  
other4 ,the pleasures of such men are   
scarcely felt as pleasures2 at the same 
time that they bring on pains and       
diseases1 which are felt but too        
severely4 ,the mind has its share of the
 misfortune2 it grows lazy and enervate1
 unwilling and unable to search for     
truth1 and utterly uncapable of knowing1
 much less of relishing1 real happiness4
 ,the poor by their excessive labor1 and
 the rich by their enormous luxury1 are 
set upon a level1 and rendered equally  
ignorant of any knowledge which might   
conduce to their happiness4 ,a dismal   
view of the interior of all civil       
society6 ,the lower part broken and     
ground down by the most cruel           
oppression2 and the rich by their       
artificial method of life bringing worse
 evils on themselves than their tyranny 
could possibly inflict on those below   
them4 ,very different is the prospect of

 the natural state4 ,here there are no  
wants which nature gives1 and in this   
state men can be sensible of no other   
wants1 which are not to be supplied by a
 very moderate degree of labor2         
therefore there is no slavery4 ,neither 
is there any luxury1 because no single  
man can supply the materials of it4     
,life is simple1 and therefore it is    
happy4  ,i am conscious1 my lord1 that  
your politician will urge in his        
defence1 that this unequal state is     
highly useful4 ,that without dooming    
some part of mankind to extraordinary   
toil1 the arts which cultivate life     
could not be exercised4 ,but ,i demand  
of this politician1 how such arts came  
to be necessary8 ,he answers1 that civil
 society could not well exist without   
them4 ,so that these arts are necessary 
to civil society1 and civil society     
necessary again to these arts4 ,thus are
 we running in a circle1 without        
modesty1 and without end1 and making one
 error and extravagance an excuse for   

the other4 ,my sentiments about these   
arts and their cause1 ,i have often     
discoursed with my friends at large4    
,pope has expressed them in good verse1 
where he talks with so much force of    
reason and elegance of language1 in     
praise of the state of nature3     ,then
 was not pride1 nor arts that pride to  
aid1     ,man walked with beast1 joint  
tenant of the shade4   ,on the whole1 my
 lord1 if political society1 in whatever
 form1 has still made the many the      
property of the few2 if it has          
introduced labors unnecessary1 vices and
 diseases unknown1 and pleasures        
incompatible with nature2 if in all     
countries it abridges the lives of      
millions1 and renders those of millions 
more utterly abject and miserable1 shall
 we still worship so destructive an     
idol1 and daily sacrifice to it our     
health1 our liberty1 and our peace8 ,or 
shall we pass by this monstrous heap of 
absurd notions1 and abominable          
practices1 thinking we have sufficiently

 discharged our duty in exposing the    
trifling1 cheats1 and ridiculous juggles
 of a few mad1 designing1 or ambitious  
priests8 ,alas6 my lord1 we labor under 
a mortal consumption1 whilst we are so  
anxious about the cure of a sore finger4
 ,for has not this leviathan of civil   
power overflowed the earth with a deluge
 of blood1 as if he were made to disport
 and play therein8 ,we have shown that  
political society1 on a moderate        
calculation1 has been the means of      
murdering several times the number of   
inhabitants now upon the earth1 during  
its short existence1 not upwards of four
 thousand years in any accounts to be   
depended on4 ,but we have said nothing  
of the other1 and perhaps as bad1       
consequence of these wars1 which have   
spilled such seas of blood1 and reduced 
so many millions to a merciless slavery4
 ,but these are only the ceremonies     
performed in the porch of the political 
temple4 ,much more horrid ones are seen 
as you enter it4 ,the several species of

 government vie with each other in the  
absurdity of their constitutions1 and   
the oppression which they make their    
subjects endure4 ,take them under what  
form you please1 they are in effect but 
a despotism1 and they fall1 both in     
effect and appearance too1 after a very 
short period1 into that cruel and       
detestable species of tyranny3 which ,i 
rather call it1 because we have been    
educated under another form1 than that  
this is of worse consequences to        
mankind4 ,for the free governments1 for 
the point of their space1 and the moment
 of their duration1 have felt more      
confusion1 and committed more flagrant  
acts of tyranny1 than the most perfect  
despotic governments which we have ever 
known4 ,turn your eye next to the       
labyrinth of the law1 and the iniquity  
conceived in its intricate recesses4    
,consider the ravages committed in the  
bowels of all commonwealths by ambition1
 by avarice1 envy1 fraud1 open          
injustice1 and pretended friendship2    

vices which could draw little support   
from a state of nature1 but which       
blossom and flourish in the rankness of 
political society4 ,revolve our whole   
discourse2 add to it all those          
reflections which your own good         
understanding shall suggest1 and make a 
strenuous effort beyond the reach of    
vulgar philosophy1 to confess that the  
cause of artificial society is more     
defenceless even than that of artificial
 religion2 that it is as derogatory from
 the honor of the ,creator1 as          
subversive of human reason1 and         
productive of infinitely more mischief  
to the human race4  ,if pretended       
revelations have caused wars where they 
were opposed1 and slavery where they    
were received1 the pretended wise       
inventions of politicians have done the 
same4 ,but the slavery has been much    
heavier1 the wars far more bloody1 and  
both more universal by many degrees4    
,show me any mischief produced by the   
madness or wickedness of theologians1   

and ,i will show you a hundred resulting
 from the ambition and villany of       
conquerors and statesmen4 ,show me an   
absurdity in religion1 and ,i will      
undertake to show you a hundred for one 
in political laws and institutions4 ,if 
you say that natural religion is a      
sufficient guide without the foreign aid
 of revelation1 on what principle should
 political laws become necessary8 ,is   
not the same reason available in        
theology and in politics8 ,if the laws  
of nature are the laws of ,god1 is it   
consistent with the ,divine wisdom to   
prescribe rules to us1 and leave the    
enforcement of them to the folly of     
human institutions8 ,will you follow    
truth but to a certain point8  ,we are  
indebted for all our miseries to our    
distrust of that guide which ,providence
 thought sufficient for our condition1  
our own natural reason1 which rejecting 
both in human and divine things1 we have
 given our necks to the yoke of         
political and theological slavery4 ,we  

have renounced the prerogative of man1  
and it is no wonder that we should be   
treated like beasts4 ,but our misery is 
much greater than theirs1 as the crime  
we commit in rejecting the lawful       
dominion of our reason is greater than  
any which they can commit4 ,if1 after   
all1 you should confess all these       
things1 yet plead the necessity of      
political institutions1 weak and wicked 
as they are1 ,i can argue with equal1   
perhaps superior1 force1 concerning the 
necessity of artificial religion2 and   
every step you advance in your argument1
 you add a strength to mine4 ,so that if
 we are resolved to submit our reason1  
and our liberty to civil usurpation1 we 
have nothing to do but to conform as    
quietly as we can to the vulgar notions 
which are connected with this1 and take 
up the theology of the vulgar as well as
 their politics4 ,but if we think this  
necessity rather imaginary than real1 we
 should renounce their dreams of        
society1 together with their visions of 

religion1 and vindicate ourselves into  
perfect liberty4  ,you are1 my lord1 but
 just entering into the world2 ,i am    
going out of it4 ,i have played long    
enough to be heartily tired of the      
drama4 ,whether ,i have acted my part in
 it well or ill1 posterity will judge   
with more candor than ,i1 or than the   
present age1 with our present passions1 
can possibly pretend to4 ,for my part1  
,i quit it without a sigh1 and submit to
 the sovereign order without murmuring4 
,the nearer we approach to the goal of  
life1 the better we begin to understand 
the true value of our existence1 and the
 real weight of our opinions4 ,we set   
out much in love with both2 but we leave
 much behind us as we advance4 ,we first
 throw away the tales along with the    
rattles of our nurses3 those of the     
priest keep their hold a little longer2 
those of our governors the longest of   
all4 ,but the passions which prop these 
opinions are withdrawn one after        
another2 and the cool light of reason1  

at the setting of our life1 shows us    
what a false splendor played upon these 
objects during our more sanguine        
seasons4 ,happy1 my lord1 if instructed 
by my experience1 and even by my errors1
 you come early to make such an estimate
 of things1 as may give freedom and ease
 to your life4 ,i am happy that such an 
estimate promises me comfort at my      
death4   ,,footnotes3  #h ,had his      
lordship lived to our days1 to have seen
 the noble relief given by this nation  
to the distressed ,portuguese1 he had   
perhaps owned this part of his argument 
a little weakened2 but we do not think  
ourselves entitled to alter his         
lordship's words1 but that we are bound 
to follow him exactly4  #i ,sciant      
quibus moris illicita mirari1 posse     
etiam sub malis principibus magnos      
viros1 c4 ,see #db1 to the end of it4   
,a  ,,philosophical ,,inquiry  ,,into   
,,the ,,origin ,,of ,,our ,,ideas ,,of  
,,the ,,sublime ,,and ,,beautiful       
,,with  ,,an ,,introductory ,,discourse 

,,concerning  ,,taste1  ,,and ,,several 
,,other ,,additions  999999 ,the first  
edition of this work was published in   
#agef2      the second with large       
additions1 in the year #ageg4           
,,preface4   ,i have endeavored to make 
this edition something more full and    
satisfactory than the first4 ,i have    
sought with the utmost care1 and read   
with equal attention1 everything which  
has appeared in public against my       
opinions2 ,i have taken advantage of the
 candid liberty of my friends2 and if by
 these means ,i have been better enabled
 to discover the imperfections of the   
work1 the indulgence it has received1   
imperfect as it was1 furnished me with a
 new motive to spare no reasonable pains
 for its improvement4 ,though ,i have   
not found sufficient reason1 or what    
appeared to me sufficient1 for making   
any material change in my theory1 ,i    
have found it necessary in many places  
to explain1 illustrate1 and enforce it4 
,i have prefixed an introductory        

discourse concerning ,taste2 it is a    
matter curious in itself2 and it leads  
naturally enough to the principal       
inquiry4 ,this1 with the other          
explanations1 has made the work         
considerably larger2 and by increasing  
its bulk has1 ,i am afraid1 added to its
 faults2 so that notwithstanding all my 
attention1 it may stand in need of a yet
 greater share of indulgence than it    
required at its first appearance4  ,they
 who are accustomed to studies of this  
nature will expect1 and they will allow 
too for many faults4 ,they know that    
many of the objects of our inquiry are  
in themselves obscure and intricate2 and
 that many others have been rendered so 
by affected refinements1 or false       
learning2 they know that there are many 
impediments in the subject1 in the      
prejudices of others1 and even in our   
own1 that render it a matter of no small
 difficulty to show in a clear light the
 genuine face of nature4 ,they know that
 whilst the mind is intent on the       

general scheme of things1 some          
particular parts must be neglected2 that
 we must often submit the style to the  
matter1 and frequently give up the      
praise of elegance1 satisfied with being
 clear4  ,the characters of nature are  
legible1 it is true2 but they are not   
plain enough to enable those who run1 to
 read them4 ,we must make use of a      
cautious1 ,i had almost said1 a timorous
 method of proceeding4 ,we must not     
attempt to fly1 when we can scarcely    
pretend to creep4 ,in considering any   
complex matter1 we ought to examine     
every distinct ingredient in the        
composition1 one by one2 and reduce     
everything to the utmost simplicity2    
since the condition of our nature binds 
us to a strict law and very narrow      
limits4 ,we ought afterwards to         
re-examine the principles by the effect 
of the composition1 as well as the      
composition by that of the principles4  
,we ought to compare our subject with   
things of a similar nature1 and even    

with things of a contrary nature2 for   
discoveries may be1 and often are made  
by the contrast1 which would escape us  
on the single view4 ,the greater number 
of the comparisons we make1 the more    
general and the more certain our        
knowledge is likely to prove1 as built  
upon a more extensive and perfect       
induction4  ,if an inquiry thus         
carefully conducted should fail at last 
of discovering the truth1 it may answer 
an end perhaps as useful1 in discovering
 to us the weakness of our own          
understanding4 ,if it does not make us  
knowing1 it may make us modest4 ,if it  
does not preserve us from error1 it may 
at least from the spirit of error2 and  
may make us cautious of pronouncing with
 positiveness or with haste1 when so    
much labor may end in so much           
uncertainty4  ,i could wish that1 in    
examining this theory1 the same method  
were pursued which ,i endeavored to     
observe in forming it4 ,the objections1 
in my opinion1 ought to be proposed1    

either to the several principles as they
 are distinctly considered1 or to the   
justness of the conclusion which is     
drawn from them4 ,but it is common to   
pass over both the premises and         
conclusion in silence1 and to produce1  
as an objection1 some poetical passage  
which does not seem easily accounted for
 upon the principles ,i endeavor to     
establish4 ,this manner of proceeding ,i
 should think very improper4 ,the task  
would be infinite1 if we could establish
 no principle until we had previously   
unravelled the complex texture of every 
image or description to be found in     
poets and orators4 ,and though we should
 never be able to reconcile the effect  
of such images to our principles1 this  
can never overturn the theory itself1   
whilst it is founded on certain and     
indisputable facts4 ,a theory founded on
 experiment1 and not assumed1 is always 
good for so much as it explains4 ,our   
inability to push it indefinitely is no 
argument at all against it4 ,this       

inability may be owing to our ignorance 
of some necessary mediums2 to a want of 
proper application2 to many other causes
 besides a defect in the principles we  
employ4 ,in reality1 the subject        
requires a much closer attention than we
 dare claim from our manner of treating 
it4  ,if it should not appear on the    
face of the work1 ,i must caution the   
reader against imagining that ,i        
intended a full dissertation on the     
,sublime and ,beautiful4 ,my inquiry    
went no farther than to the origin of   
these ideas4 ,if the qualities which ,i 
have ranged under the head of the       
,sublime be all found consistent with   
each other1 and all different from those
 which ,i place under the head of       
,beauty2 and if those which compose the 
class of the ,beautiful have the same   
consistency with themselves1 and the    
same opposition to those which are      
classed under the denomination of       
,sublime1 ,i am in little pain whether  
anybody chooses to follow the name ,i   

give them or not1 provided he allows    
that what ,i dispose under different    
heads are in reality different things in
 nature4 ,the use ,i make of the words  
may be blamed1 as too confined or too   
extended2 my meaning cannot well be     
misunderstood4  ,to conclude3 whatever  
progress may be made towards the        
discovery of truth in this matter1 ,i do
 not repent the pains ,i have taken in  
it4 ,the use of such inquiries may be   
very considerable4 ,whatever turns the  
soul inward on itself1 tends to         
concentre its forces1 and to fit it for 
greater and stronger flights of science4
 ,by looking into physical causes our   
minds are opened and enlarged2 and in   
this pursuit1 whether we take or whether
 we lose our game1 the chase is         
certainly of service4 ,cicero1 true as  
he was to the academic philosophy1 and  
consequently led to reject the certainty
 of physical1 as of every other kind of 
knowledge1 yet freely confesses its     
great importance to the human           

understanding3 ,est animorum            
ingeniorumque nostrorum naturale quoddam
 quasi pabulum consideratio             
contemplatioque natur4 ,if we can direct
 the lights we derive from such exalted 
speculations upon the humbler field of  
the imagination1 whilst we investigate  
the springs1 and trace the courses of   
our passions1 we may not only           
communicate to the taste a sort of      
philosophical solidity1 but we may      
reflect back on the severer sciences    
some of the graces and elegances of     
taste1 without which the greatest       
proficiency in those sciences will      
always have the appearance of something 
illiberal4     ,,contents4              
,,introduction3 ,on ,taste              
#gi   ,,part ,i  ,i4     ,novelty       
#aja  ,,ii4    ,pain and ,pleasure      
#ajb  ,,iii4   ,the ,difference between 
the ,removal of ,pain and ,positive     
,pleasure                               
#ajd  ,,iv4    ,of ,delight and         
,pleasure1 as opposed to each other     

#ajf  ,v4     ,joy and ,grief           
#ajh  ,,vi4    ,of the ,passions which  
belong to ,self-,preservation           
#aaj  ,,vii4   ,of the ,sublime         
#aaj  ,,viii4  ,of the ,passions which  
belong to ,society                      
#aaa  ,,ix4    ,the ,final ,cause of the
 ,difference between the ,passions      
belonging to ,self-,preservation1 and   
those which regard        the ,society  
of the ,sexes                           
#aac  ,x4     ,of ,beauty               
#aad  ,,xi4    ,society and ,solitude   
#aae  ,,xii4   ,sympathy1 ,imitation1   
and ,ambition                           
#aaf  ,,xiii4  ,sympathy                
#aag  ,,xiv4   ,the ,effects of         
,sympathy in the ,distresses of ,others 
#aai  ,,xv4    ,of the ,effects of      
,tragedy                                
#abj  ,,xvi4   ,imitation               
#abb  ,,xvii4  ,ambition                
#abc  ,,xviii4 ,the ,recapitulation     
#abe  ,,xix4   ,the ,conclusion         
#abf   ,,part ,,ii4  ,i4     ,of the    

,passion caused by the ,sublime         
#acj  ,,ii4    ,terror                  
#acj  ,,iii4   ,obscurity               
#acb  ,,iv4    ,of the ,difference      
between ,clearness and ,obscurity       
with regard to the ,passions            
#acc  ,,iv4  ,the ,same ,subject        
continued                               
#acd  ,v4     ,power                    
#ach  ,,vi4    ,privation               
#adf  ,,vii4   ,vastness                
#adg  ,,viii4  ,infinity                
#adh  ,,ix4    ,succession and          
,uniformity                             
#adi  ,x4     ,magnitude in ,building   
#aeb  ,,xi4    ,infinity in ,pleasing   
,objects                                
#aec  ,,xii4   ,difficulty              
#aec  ,,xiii4  ,magnificence            
#aed  ,,xiv4   ,light                   
#aef  ,,xv4    ,light in ,building      
#aeg  ,,xvi4   ,color considered as     
productive of the ,sublime              
#aeh  ,,xvii4  ,sound and ,loudness     
#aei  ,,xviii4 ,suddenness              

#afj  ,,xix4   ,intermitting            
#afj  ,,xx4    ,the ,cries of ,animals  
#afa  ,,xxi4   ,smell and               
,taste--,bitters and ,stenches          
#afb  ,,xxii4  ,feeling4--,pain         
#afd   ,,part ,,iii4  ,i4     ,of       
,beauty                                 
#afe  ,,ii4    ,proportion not the      
,cause of ,beauty in ,vegetables        
#aff  ,,iii4   ,proportion not the      
,cause of ,beauty in ,animals           
#agj  ,,iv4    ,proportion not the      
,cause of ,beauty in the ,human ,species
       #agb  ,v4     ,proportion further
 considered                             
#agh  ,,vi4    ,fitness not the ,cause  
of ,beauty                              
#aha  ,,vii4   ,the ,real ,effects of   
,fitness                                
#ahd  ,,viii4  ,the ,recapitulation     
#ahg  ,,ix4    ,perfection not the      
,cause of ,beauty                       
#ahg  ,x4     ,how far the ,idea of     
,beauty may be applied to the           
,qualities of the ,mind                 

#ahh  ,,xi4    ,how far the ,idea of    
,beauty may be applied to ,virtue       
#aij  ,,xii4   ,the ,real ,cause of     
,beauty                                 
#aia  ,,xiii4  ,beautiful ,objects      
,small                                  
#aia  ,,xiv4   ,smoothness              
#aic  ,,xv4    ,gradual ,variation      
#aid  ,,xvi4   ,delicacy                
#aie  ,,xvii4  ,beauty in ,color        
#aif  ,,xviii4 ,recapitulation          
#aig  ,,xix4   ,the ,physiognomy        
#aih  ,,xx4    ,the ,eye                
#aih  ,,xxi4   ,ugliness                
#aii  ,,xxii4  ,grace                   
#bjj  ,,xxiii4 ,elegance and            
,speciousness                           
#bjj  ,,xxiv4  ,the ,beautiful in       
,feeling                                
#bja  ,,xxv4   ,the ,beautiful in       
,sounds                                 
#bjc  ,,xxvi4  ,taste and ,smell        
#bje  ,,xxvii4 ,the ,sublime and        
,beautiful compared                     
#bje   ,,part ,,iv4  ,i4     ,of the    

,efficient ,cause of the ,sublime and   
,beautiful           #bjh  ,,ii4        
,association                            
#bji  ,,iii4   ,cause of ,pain and ,fear
                                        
#baj  ,,iv4    ,continued               
#bab  ,v4     ,how the ,sublime is      
produced                                
#bae  ,,vi4    ,how ,pain can be a      
,cause of ,delight                      
#bae  ,,vii4   ,exercise necessary for  
the ,finer ,organs                      
#baf  ,,viii4  ,why ,things not         
,dangerous sometimes produce a          
,passion like ,terror                   
#bag  ,,ix4    ,why ,visual ,objects of 
,great ,dimensions are ,sublime         
#bag  ,x4     ,unity1 why requisite to  
,vastness                               
#bai  ,,xi4    ,the ,artificial         
,infinite                               
#bbj  ,,xii4   ,the ,vibrations must be 
,similar                                
#bbb  ,,xiii4  ,the ,effects of         
,succession in ,visual ,objects         

explained         #bbb  ,,xiv4          
,locke's ,opinion concerning ,darkness  
considered                #bbe  ,,xv4   
,darkness ,terrible in its own ,nature  
#bbf  ,,xvi4   ,why ,darkness is        
,terrible                               
#bbg  ,,xvii4  ,the ,effects of         
,blackness                              
#bbi  ,,xviii4 ,the ,effects of         
,blackness moderated                    
#bca  ,,xix4   ,the ,physical ,cause of 
,love                                   
#bcb  ,,xx4    ,why ,smoothness is      
,beautiful                              
#bcd  ,,xxi4   ,sweetness1 its ,nature  
#bce  ,,xxii4  ,sweetness relaxing      
#bcg  ,,xxiii4 ,variation1 why          
,beautiful                              
#bci  ,,xxiv4  ,concerning ,smallness   
#bdj  ,,xxv4   ,of ,color               
#bdd   ,,part ,v4  ,i4     ,of ,words   
#bdf  ,,ii4    ,the ,common ,effect of  
,poetry1 not by raising ,ideas of       
,things   #bdf  ,,iii4   ,general ,words
 before ,ideas                          

#bdi  ,,iv4    ,the ,effect of ,words   
#bej  ,v4     ,examples that ,words may 
affect without raising ,images          
#beb  ,,vi4    ,poetry not strictly an  
,imitative ,art                         
#beg  ,,vii4   ,how ,words influence the
 ,passions                              
#beh     ,,introduction4  ,,on ,,taste4 
,on a superficial view we may seem to   
differ very widely from each other in   
our reasonings1 and no less in our      
pleasures3 but1 notwithstanding this    
difference1 which ,i think to be rather 
apparent than real1 it is probable that 
the standard both of reason and taste is
 the same in all human creatures4 ,for  
if there were not some principles of    
judgment as well as of sentiment common 
to all mankind1 no hold could possibly  
be taken either on their reason or their
 passions1 sufficient to maintain the   
ordinary correspondence of life4 ,it    
appears1 indeed1 to be generally        
acknowledged1 that with regard to truth 
and falsehood there is something fixed4 

,we find people in their disputes       
continually appealing to certain tests  
and standards1 which are allowed on all 
sides1 and are supposed to be           
established in our common nature4 ,but  
there is not the same obvious           
concurrence in any uniform or settled   
principles which relate to taste4 ,it is
 even commonly supposed that this       
delicate and aerial faculty1 which seems
 too volatile to endure even the chains 
of a definition1 cannot be properly     
tried by any test1 nor regulated by any 
standard4 ,there is so continual a call 
for the exercise of the reasoning       
facility2 and it is so much strengthened
 by perpetual contention1 that certain  
maxims of right reason seem to be       
tacitly settled amongst the most        
ignorant4 ,the learned have improved on 
this rude science1 and reduced those    
maxims into a system4 ,if taste has not 
been so happily cultivated1 it was not  
that the subject was barren1 but that   
the laborers were few or negligent2 for1

 to say the truth1 there are not the    
same interesting motives to impel us to 
fix the one1 which urge us to ascertain 
the other4 ,and1 after all1 if men      
differ in their opinion concerning such 
matters1 their difference is not        
attended with the same important        
consequences2 else ,i make no doubt but 
that the logic of taste1 if ,i may be   
allowed the expression1 might very      
possibly be as well digested1 and we    
might come to discuss matters of this   
nature with as much certainty1 as those 
which seem more immediately within the  
province of mere reason4 ,and1 indeed1  
it is very necessary1 at the entrance   
into such an inquiry as our present1 to 
make this point as clear as possible2   
for if taste has no fixed principles1 if
 the imagination is not affected        
according to some invariable and certain
 laws1 our labor is likely to be        
employed to very little purpose2 as it  
must be judged an useless1 if not an    
absurd undertaking1 to lay down rules   

for caprice1 and to set up for a        
legislator of whims and fancies4  ,the  
term taste1 like all other figurative   
terms1 is not extremely accurate2 the   
thing which we understand by it is far  
from a simple and determinate idea in   
the minds of most men1 and it is        
therefore liable to uncertainty and     
confusion4 ,i have no great opinion of a
 definition1 the celebrated remedy for  
the cure of this disorder4 ,for1 when we
 define1 we seem in danger of           
circumscribing nature within the bounds 
of our own notions1 which we often take 
up by hazard or embrace on trust1 or    
form out of a limited and partial       
consideration of the object before us2  
instead of extending our ideas to take  
in all that nature comprehends1         
according to her manner of combining4   
,we are limited in our inquiry by the   
strict laws to which we have submitted  
at our setting out4          ,circa     
vilem patulumque morabimur orbem1       
,unde pudor proferre pedem vetat aut    

operis lex4   ,a definition may be very 
exact1 and yet go but a very little way 
towards informing us of the nature of   
the thing defined2 but let the virtue of
 a definition be what it will1 in the   
order of things1 it seems rather to     
follow than to precede our inquiry1 of  
which it ought to be considered as the  
result4 ,it must be acknowledged that   
the methods of disquisition and teaching
 may be sometimes different1 and on very
 good reason undoubtedly2 but1 for my   
part1 ,i am convinced that the method of
 teaching which approaches most nearly  
to the method of investigation is       
incomparably the best2 since1 not       
content with serving up a few barren and
 lifeless truths1 it leads to the stock 
on which they grew2 it tends to set the 
reader himself in the track of          
invention1 and to direct him into those 
paths in which the author has made his  
own discoveries1 if he should be so     
happy as to have made any that are      
valuable4  ,but to cut off all pretence 

for cavilling1 ,i mean by the word      
taste1 no more than that faculty or     
those faculties of the mind1 which are  
affected with1 or which form a judgment 
of1 the works of imagination and the    
elegant arts4 ,this is1 ,i think1 the   
most general idea of that word1 and what
 is the least connected with any        
particular theory4 ,and my point in this
 inquiry is1 to find whether there are  
any principles1 on which the imagination
 is affected1 so common to all1 so      
grounded and certain1 as to supply the  
means of reasoning satisfactorily about 
them4 ,and such principles of taste ,i  
fancy there are2 however paradoxical it 
may seem to those1 who on a superficial 
view imagine that there is so great a   
diversity of tastes1 both in kind and   
degree1 that nothing can be more        
indeterminate4  ,all the natural powers 
in man1 which ,i know1 that are         
conversant about external objects1 are  
the senses2 the imagination2 and the    
judgment4 ,and first with regard to the 

senses4 ,we do and we must suppose1 that
 as the conformation of their organs are
 nearly or altogether the same in all   
men1 so the manner of perceiving        
external objects is in all men the same1
 or with little difference4 ,we are     
satisfied that what appears to be light 
to one eye1 appears light to another2   
that what seems sweet to one palate1 is 
sweet to another2 that what is dark and 
bitter to this man1 is likewise dark and
 bitter to that2 and we conclude in the 
same manner of great and little1 hard   
and soft1 hot and cold1 rough and       
smooth2 and indeed of all the natural   
qualities and affections of bodies4 ,if 
we suffer ourselves to imagine1 that    
their senses present to different men   
different images of things1 this        
sceptical proceeding will make every    
sort of reasoning on every subject vain 
and frivolous1 even that sceptical      
reasoning itself which had persuaded us 
to entertain a doubt concerning the     
agreement of our perceptions4 ,but as   

there will be little doubt that bodies  
present similar images to the whole     
species1 it must necessarily be allowed1
 that the pleasures and the pains which 
every object excites in one man1 it must
 raise in all mankind1 whilst it        
operates naturally1 simply1 and by its  
proper powers only3 for if we deny this1
 we must imagine that the same cause1   
operating in the same manner1 and on    
subjects of the same kind1 will produce 
different effects2 which would be highly
 absurd4 ,let us first consider this    
point in the sense of taste1 and the    
rather as the faculty in question has   
taken its name from that sense4 ,all men
 are agreed to call vinegar sour1 honey 
sweet1 and aloes bitter2 and as they are
 all agreed in finding those qualities  
in those objects1 they do not in the    
least differ concerning their effects   
with regard to pleasure and pain4 ,they 
all concur in calling sweetness         
pleasant1 and sourness and bitterness   
unpleasant4 ,here there is no diversity 

in their sentiments2 and that there is  
not1 appears fully from the consent of  
all men in the metaphors which are      
taken1 from the souse of taste4 ,a sour 
temper1 bitter expressions1 bitter      
curses1 a bitter fate1 are terms well   
and strongly understood by all4 ,and we 
are altogether as well understood when  
we say1 a sweet disposition1 a sweet    
person1 a sweet condition and the like4 
,it is confessed1 that custom and some  
other causes have made many deviations  
from the natural pleasures or pains     
which belong to these several tastes2   
but then the power of distinguishing    
between the natural and the acquired    
relish remains to the very last4 ,a man 
frequently comes to prefer the taste of 
tobacco to that of sugar1 and the flavor
 of vinegar to that of milk2 but this   
makes no confusion in tastes1 whilst he 
is sensible that the tobacco and vinegar
 are not sweet1 and whilst he knows that
 habit alone has reconciled his palate  
to these alien pleasures4 ,even with    

such a person we may speak1 and with    
sufficient precision1 concerning tastes4
 ,but should any man be found who       
declares1 that to him tobacco has a     
taste like sugar1 and that he cannot    
distinguish between milk and vinegar2 or
 that tobacco and vinegar are sweet1    
milk bitter1 and sugar sour2 we         
immediately conclude that the organs of 
this man are out of order1 and that his 
palate is utterly vitiated4 ,we are as  
far from conferring with such a person  
upon tastes1 as from reasoning          
concerning the relations of quantity    
with one who should deny that all the   
parts together were equal to the whole4 
,we do not call a man of this kind wrong
 in his notions1 but absolutely mad4    
,exceptions of this sort1 in either way1
 do not at all impeach our general rule1
 nor make us conclude that men have     
various principles concerning the       
relations of quantity or the taste of   
things4 ,so that when it is said1 taste 
cannot be disputed1 it can only mean1   

that no one can strictly answer what    
pleasure or pain some particular man may
 find from the taste of some particular 
thing4 ,this indeed cannot be disputed2 
but we may dispute1 and with sufficient 
clearness too1 concerning the things    
which are naturally pleasing or         
disagreeable to the sense4 ,but when we 
talk of any peculiar or acquired relish1
 then we must know the habits1 the      
prejudices1 or the distempers of this   
particular man1 and we must draw our    
conclusion from those4  ,this agreement 
of mankind is not confined to the taste 
solely4 ,the principle of pleasure      
derived from sight is the same in all4  
,light is more pleasing than darkness4  
,summer1 when the earth is clad in      
green1 when the heavens are serene and  
bright1 is more agreeable than winter1  
when everything makes a different       
appearance4 ,i never remember that      
anything beautiful1 whether a man1 a    
beast1 a bird1 or a plant1 was ever     
shown1 though it were to a hundred      

people1 that they did not all           
immediately agree that it was beautiful1
 though some might have thought that it 
fell short of their expectation1 or that
 other things were still finer4 ,i      
believe no man thinks a goose to be more
 beautiful than a swan1 or imagines that
 what they call a ,friesland hen excels 
a peacock4 ,it must be observed too1    
that the pleasures of the sight are not 
near so complicated1 and confused1 and  
altered by unnatural habits and         
associations1 as the pleasures of the   
taste are2 because the pleasures of the 
sight more commonly acquiesce in        
themselves2 and are not so often altered
 by considerations which are independent
 of the sight itself4 ,but things do not
 spontaneously present themselves to the
 palate as they do to the sight2 they   
are generally applied to it1 either as  
food or as medicine2 and from the       
qualities which they possess for        
nutritive or medicinal purposes they    
often form the palate by degrees1 and by

 force of these associations4 ,thus     
opium is pleasing to ,turks1 on account 
of the agreeable delirium it produces4  
,tobacco is the delight of ,dutchmen1 as
 it diffuses a torpor and pleasing      
stupefaction4 ,fermented spirits please 
our common people1 because they banish  
care1 and all consideration of future or
 present evils4 ,all of these would lie 
absolutely neglected if their properties
 had originally gone no further than the
 taste2 but all these1 together with tea
 and coffee1 and some other things1 have
 passed from the apothecary's shop to   
our tables1 and were taken for health   
long before they were thought of for    
pleasure4 ,the effect of the drug has   
made us use it frequently2 and frequent 
use1 combined with the agreeable effect1
 has made the taste itself at last      
agreeable4 ,but this does not in the    
least perplex our reasoning2 because we 
distinguish to the last the acquired    
from the natural relish4 ,in describing 
the taste of an unknown fruit1 you would

 scarcely say that it had a sweet and   
pleasant flavor like tobacco1 opium1 or 
garlic1 although you spoke to those who 
were in the constant use of those drugs1
 and had great pleasure in them4 ,there 
is in all men a sufficient remembrance  
of the original natural causes of       
pleasure1 to enable them to bring all   
things offered to their senses to that  
standard1 and to regulate their feelings
 and opinions by it4 ,suppose one who   
had so vitiated his palate as to take   
more pleasure in the taste of opium than
 in that of butter or honey1 to be      
presented with a bolus of squills2 there
 is hardly any doubt but that he would  
prefer the butter or honey to this      
nauseous morsel1 or to any other bitter 
drug to which he had not been           
accustomed2 which proves that his palate
 was naturally like that of other men in
 all things1 that it is still like the  
palate of other men in many things1 and 
only vitiated in some particular points4
 ,for in judging of any new thing1 even 

of a taste similar to that which he has 
been formed by habit to like1 he finds  
his palate affected in the natural      
manner1 and on the common principles4   
,thus the pleasure of all the senses1 of
 the sight1 and even of the taste1 that 
most ambiguous of the senses1 is the    
same in all1 high and low1 learned and  
unlearned4  ,besides the ideas1 with    
their annexed pains and pleasures1 which
 are presented by the sense2 the mind of
 man possesses a sort of creative power 
of its own2 either in representing at   
pleasure the images of things in the    
order and manner in which they were     
received by the senses1 or in combining 
those images in a new manner1 and       
according to a different order4 ,this   
power is called imagination2 and to this
 belongs whatever is called wit1 fancy1 
invention1 and the like4 ,but it must be
 observed1 that this power of the       
imagination is incapable of producing   
anything absolutely new2 it can only    
vary the disposition of those ideas     

which it has received from the senses4  
,now the imagination is the most        
extensive province of pleasure and pain1
 as it is the region of our fears and   
our hopes1 and of all our passions that 
are connected with them2 and whatever is
 calculated to affect the imagination   
with these commanding ideas1 by force of
 any original natural impression1 must  
have the same power pretty equally over 
all men4 ,for since the imagination is  
only the representation of the senses1  
it can only be pleased or displeased    
with the images1 from the same principle
 on which the sense is pleased or       
displeased with the realities2 and      
consequently there must be just as close
 an agreement in the imaginations as in 
the senses of men4 ,a little attention  
will convince us that this must of      
necessity be the case4  ,but in the     
imagination1 besides the pain or        
pleasure arising from the properties of 
the natural object1 a pleasure is       
perceived from the resemblance which the

 imitation has to the original3 the     
imagination1 ,i conceive1 can have no   
pleasure but what results from one or   
other of these causes4 ,and these causes
 operate pretty uniformly upon all men1 
because they operate by principles in   
nature1 and which are not derived from  
any particular habits or advantages4    
,mr4 ,locke very justly and finely      
observes of wit1 that it is chiefly     
conversant in tracing resemblances2 he  
remarks1 at the same time1 that the     
business of judgment is rather in       
finding differences4 ,it may perhaps    
appear1 on this supposition1 that there 
is no material distinction between the  
wit and the judgment1 as they both seem 
to result from different operations of  
the same faculty of comparing4 ,but in  
reality1 whether they are or are not    
dependent on the same power of the mind1
 they differ so very materially in many 
respects1 that a perfect union of wit   
and judgment is one of the rarest things
 in the world4 ,when two distinct       

objects are unlike to each other1 it is 
only what we expect2 things are in their
 common way2 and therefore they make no 
impression on the imagination3 but when 
two distinct objects have a resemblance1
 we are struck1 we attend to them1 and  
we are pleased4 ,the mind of man has    
naturally a far greater alacrity and    
satisfaction in tracing resemblances    
than in searching for differences2      
because by making resemblances we       
produce new images2 we unite1 we create1
 we enlarge our stock2 but in making    
distinctions we offer no food at all to 
the imagination2 the task itself is more
 severe and irksome1 and what pleasure  
we derive from it is something of a     
negative and indirect nature4 ,a piece  
of news is told me in the morning2 this1
 merely as a piece of news1 as a fact   
added to my stock1 gives me some        
pleasure4 ,in the evening ,i find there 
was nothing in it4 ,what do ,i gain by  
this1 but the dissatisfaction to find   
that ,i had been imposed upon8 ,hence it

 is that men are much more naturally    
inclined to belief than to incredulity4 
,and it is upon this principle1 that the
 most ignorant and barbarous nations    
have frequently excelled in similitudes1
 comparisons1 metaphors1 and allegories1
 who have been weak and backward in     
distinguishing and sorting their ideas4 
,and it is for a reason of this kind1   
that ,homer and the oriental writers1   
though very fond of similitudes1 and    
though they often strike out such as are
 truly admirable1 seldom take care to   
have them exact2 that is1 they are taken
 with the general resemblance1 they     
paint it strongly1 and they take no     
notice of the difference which may be   
found between the things compared4  ,now
 as the pleasure of resemblance is that 
which principally flatters the          
imagination1 all men are nearly equal in
 this point1 as far as their knowledge  
of the things represented or compared   
extends4 ,the principle of this         
knowledge is very much accidental1 as it

 depends upon experience and            
observation1 and not on the strength or 
weakness of any natural faculty2 and it 
is from this difference in knowledge1   
that what we commonly1 though with no   
great exactness1 call a difference in   
taste proceeds4 ,a man to whom sculpture
 is new1 sees a barber's block1 or some 
ordinary piece of statuary2 he is       
immediately struck and pleased1 because 
he sees something like a human figure2  
and1 entirely taken up with this        
likeness1 he does not at all attend to  
its defects4 ,no person1 ,i believe1 at 
the first time of seeing a piece of     
imitation ever did4 ,some time after1 we
 suppose that this novice lights upon a 
more artificial work of the same nature2
 he now begins to look with contempt on 
what he admired at first2 not that he   
admired it even then for its unlikeness 
to a man1 but for that general though   
inaccurate resemblance which it bore to 
the human figure4 ,what he admired at   
different times in these so different   

figures1 is strictly the same2 and      
though his knowledge is improved1 his   
taste is not altered4 ,hitherto his     
mistake was from a want of knowledge in 
art1 and this arose from his            
inexperience2 but he may be still       
deficient from a want of knowledge in   
nature4 ,for it is possible that the man
 in question may stop here1 and that the
 masterpiece of a great hand may please 
him no more than the middling           
performance of a vulgar artist2 and this
 not for want of better or higher       
relish1 but because all men do not      
observe with sufficient accuracy on the 
human figure to enable them to judge    
properly of an imitation of it4 ,and    
that the critical taste does not depend 
upon a superior principle in men1 but   
upon superior knowledge1 may appear from
 several instances4 ,the story of the   
ancient painter and the shoemaker is    
very well known4 ,the shoemaker set the 
painter right with regard to some       
mistakes he had made in the shoe of one 

of his figures1 which the painter1 who  
had not made such accurate observations 
on shoes1 and was content with a general
 resemblance1 had never observed4 ,but  
this was no impeachment to the taste of 
the painter2 it only showed some want of
 knowledge in the art of making shoes4  
,let us imagine1 that an anatomist had  
come into the painter's working-room4   
,his piece is in general well done1 the 
figure in question in a good attitude1  
and the parts well adjusted to their    
various movements2 yet the anatomist1   
critical in his art1 may observe the    
swell of some muscle not quite just in  
the peculiar action of the figure4 ,here
 the anatomist observes what the painter
 had not observed2 and he passes by what
 the shoemaker had remarked4 ,but a want
 of the last critical knowledge in      
anatomy no more reflected on the natural
 good taste of the painter1 or of any   
common observer of his piece1 than the  
want of an exact knowledge in the       
formation of a shoe4 ,a fine piece of a 

decollated head of ,st4 ,john the       
,baptist was shown to a ,turkish        
emperor3 he praised many things1 but he 
observed one defect3 he observed that   
the skin did not shrink from the wounded
 part of the neck4 ,the sultan on this  
occasion1 though his observation was    
very just1 discovered no more natural   
taste than the painter who executed this
 piece1 or than a thousand ,european    
connoisseurs1 who probably never would  
have made the same observation4 ,his    
,turkish majesty had indeed been well   
acquainted with that terrible spectacle1
 which the others could only have       
represented in their imagination4 ,on   
the subject of their dislike there is a 
difference between all these people1    
arising from the different kinds and    
degrees of their knowledge2 but there is
 something in common to the painter1 the
 shoemaker1 the anatomist1 and the      
,turkish emperor1 the pleasure arising  
from a natural object1 so far as each   
perceives it justly imitated2 the       

satisfaction in seeing an agreeable     
figure2 the sympathy proceeding from a  
striking and affecting incident4 ,so far
 as taste is natural1 it is nearly      
common to all4  ,in poetry1 and other   
pieces of imagination1 the same parity  
may be observed4 ,it is true1 that one  
man is charmed with ,don ,bellianis1 and
 reads ,virgil coldly2 whilst another is
 transported with the neid1 and leaves  
,don ,bellianis to children4 ,these two 
men seem to have a taste very different 
from each other2 but in fact they differ
 very little4 ,in both these pieces1    
which inspire such opposite sentiments1 
a tale exciting admiration is told2 both
 are full of action1 both are           
passionate2 in both are voyages1        
battles1 triumphs1 and continual changes
 of fortune4 ,the admirer of ,don       
,bellianis perhaps does not understand  
the refined language of the neid1 who1  
if it was degraded into the style of the
 ,pilgrim's ,progress1 might feel it in 
all its energy1 on the same principle   

which made him an admirer of ,don       
,bellianis4  ,in his favorite author he 
is not shocked with the continual       
breaches of probability1 the confusion  
of times1 the offences against manners1 
the trampling upon geography2 for he    
knows nothing of geography and          
chronology1 and he has never examined   
the grounds of probability4 ,he perhaps 
reads of a shipwreck on the coast of    
,bohemia3 wholly taken up with so       
interesting an event1 and only          
solicitous for the fate of his hero1 he 
is not in the least troubled at this    
extravagant blunder4 ,for why should he 
be shocked at a shipwreck on the coast  
of ,bohemia1 who does not know but that 
,bohemia may be an island in the        
,atlantic ocean8 and after all1 what    
reflection is this on the natural good  
taste of the person here supposed8  ,so 
far then as taste belongs to the        
imagination1 its principle is the same  
in all men2 there is no difference in   
the manner of their being affected1 nor 

in the causes of the affection2 but in  
the degree there is a difference1 which 
arises from two causes principally2     
either from a greater degree of natural 
sensibility1 or from a closer and longer
 attention to the object4 ,to illustrate
 this by the procedure of the senses1 in
 which the same difference is found1 let
 us suppose a very smooth marble table  
to be set before two men2 they both     
perceive it to be smooth1 and they are  
both pleased with it because of this    
quality4 ,so far they agree4 ,but       
suppose another1 and after that another 
table1 the latter still smoother than   
the former1 to be set before them4 ,it  
is now very probable that these men1 who
 are so agreed upon what is smooth1 and 
in the pleasure from thence1 will       
disagree when they come to settle which 
table has the advantage in point of     
polish4 ,here is indeed the great       
difference between tastes1 when men come
 to compare the excess or diminution of 
things which are judged by degree and   

not by measure4 ,nor is it easy1 when   
such a difference arises1 to settle the 
point1 if the excess or diminution be   
not glaring4 ,if we differ in opinion   
about two quantities1 we can have       
recourse to a common measure1 which may 
decide the question with the utmost     
exactness2 and this1 ,i take it1 is what
 gives mathematical knowledge a greater 
certainty than any other4 ,but in things
 whose excess is not judged by greater  
or smaller1 as smoothness and roughness1
 hardness and softness1 darkness and    
light1 the shades of colors1 all these  
are very easily distinguished when the  
difference is any way considerable1 but 
not when it is minute1 for want of some 
common measures1 which perhaps may never
 come to be discovered4 ,in these nice  
cases1 supposing the acuteness of the   
sense equal1 the greater attention and  
habit in such things will have the      
advantage4 ,in the question about the   
tables1 the marble-polisher will        
unquestionably determine the most       

accurately4 ,but notwithstanding this   
want of a common measure for settling   
many disputes relative to the senses1   
and their representative the            
imagination1 we find that the principles
 are the same in all1 and that there is 
no disagreement until we come to examine
 into the pre-eminence or difference of 
things1 which brings us within the      
province of the judgment4  ,so long as  
we are conversant with the sensible     
qualities of things1 hardly any more    
than the imagination seems concerned2   
little more also than the imagination   
seems concerned when the passions are   
represented1 because by the force of    
natural sympathy they are felt in all   
men without any recourse to reasoning1  
and their justness recognized in every  
breast4 ,love1 grief1 fear1 anger1 joy1 
all these passions have1 in their turns1
 affected every mind2 and they do not   
affect it in an arbitrary or casual     
manner1 but upon certain1 natural1 and  
uniform principles4 ,but as many of the 

works of imagination are not confined to
 the representation of sensible objects1
 nor to efforts upon the passions1 but  
extend themselves to the manners1 the   
characters1 the actions1 and designs of 
men1 their relations1 their virtues and 
vices1 they come within the province of 
the judgment1 which is improved by      
attention1 and by the habit of          
reasoning4 ,all these make a very       
considerable part of what are considered
 as the objects of taste2 and ,horace   
sends us to the schools of philosophy   
and the world for our instruction in    
them4 ,whatever certainty is to be      
acquired in morality and the science of 
life2 just the same degree of certainty 
have we in what relates to them in works
 of imitation4 ,indeed it is for the    
most part in our skill in manners1 and  
in the observances of time and place1   
and of decency in general1 which is only
 to be learned in those schools to which
 ,horace recommends us1 that what is    
called taste1 by way of distinction1    

consists3 and which is in reality no    
other than a more refined judgment4 ,on 
the whole1 it appears to me1 that what  
is called taste1 in its most general    
acceptation1 is not a simple idea1 but  
is partly made up of a perception of the
 primary pleasures of sense1 of the     
secondary pleasures of the imagination1 
and of the conclusions of the reasoning 
faculty1 concerning the various         
relations of these1 and concerning the  
human passions1 manners1 and actions4   
,all this is requisite to form taste1   
and the groundwork of all these is the  
same in the human mind2 for as the      
senses are the great originals of all   
our ideas1 and consequently of all our  
pleasures1 if they are not uncertain and
 arbitrary1 the whole groundwork of     
taste is common to all1 and therefore   
there is a sufficient foundation for a  
conclusive reasoning on these matters4  
,whilst we consider taste merely        
according to its nature and species1 we 
shall find its principles entirely      

uniform2 but the degree in which these  
principles prevail1 in the several      
individuals of mankind1 is altogether as
 different as the principles themselves 
are similar4 ,for sensibility and       
judgment1 which are the qualities that  
compose what we commonly call a taste1  
vary exceedingly in various people4     
,from a defect in the former of these   
qualities arises a want of taste2 a     
weakness in the latter constitutes a    
wrong or a bad one4 ,there are some men 
formed with feelings so blunt1 with     
tempers so cold and phlegmatic1 that    
they can hardly be said to be awake     
during the whole course of their lives4 
,upon such persons the most striking    
objects make but a faint and obscure    
impression4 ,there are others so        
continually in the agitation of gross   
and merely sensual pleasures1 or so     
occupied in the low drudgery of avarice1
 or so heated in the chase of honors and
 distinction1 that their minds1 which   
had been used continually to the storms 

of these violent and tempestuous        
passions1 can hardly be put in motion by
 the delicate and refined play of the   
imagination4 ,these men1 though from a  
different cause1 become as stupid and   
insensible as the former2 but whenever  
either of these happen to be struck with
 any natural elegance or greatness1 or  
with these qualities in any work of art1
 they are moved upon the same principle4
  ,the cause of a wrong taste is a      
defect of judgment4 ,and this may arise 
from a natural weakness of understanding
 7in whatever the strength of that      
faculty may consist71 or1 which is much 
more commonly the case1 it may arise    
from a want of a proper and             
well-directed exercise1 which alone can 
make it strong and ready4 ,besides1 that
 ignorance1 inattention1 prejudice1     
rashness1 levity1 obstinacy1 in short1  
all those passions1 and all those vices1
 which pervert the judgment in other    
matters1 prejudice it no less in this   
its more refined and elegant province4  

,these causes produce different opinions
 upon everything which is an object of  
the understanding1 without inducing us  
to suppose that there are no settled    
principles of reason4 ,and indeed1 on   
the whole1 one may observe1 that there  
is rather less difference upon matters  
of taste among mankind1 than upon most  
of those which depend upon the naked    
reason2 and that men are far better     
agreed on the excellence of a           
description in ,virgil1 than on the     
truth or falsehood of a theory of       
,aristotle4  ,a rectitude of judgment in
 the arts1 which may be called a good   
taste1 does in a great measure depend   
upon sensibility2 because if the mind   
has no bent to the pleasures of the     
imagination1 it will never apply itself 
sufficiently to works of that species to
 acquire a competent knowledge in them4 
,but though a degree of sensibility is  
requisite to form a good judgment1 yet a
 good judgment does not necessarily     
arise from a quick sensibility of       

pleasure2 it frequently happens that a  
very poor judge1 merely by force of a   
greater complexional sensibility1 is    
more affected by a very poor piece1 than
 the best judge by the most perfect2 for
 as everything now1 extraordinary1      
grand1 or passionate1 is well calculated
 to affect such a person1 and that the  
faults do not affect him1 his pleasure  
is more pure and unmixed2 and as it is  
merely a pleasure of the imagination1 it
 is much higher than any which is       
derived from a rectitude of the         
judgment2 the judgment is for the       
greater part employed in throwing       
stumbling-blocks in the way of the      
imagination1 in dissipating the scenes  
of its enchantment1 and in tying us down
 to the disagreeable yoke of our reason3
 for almost the only pleasure that men  
have in judging better than others1     
consists in a sort of conscious pride   
and superiority1 which arises from      
thinking rightly2 but then this is an   
indirect pleasure1 a pleasure which does

 not immediately result from the object 
which is under contemplation4 ,in the   
morning of our days1 when the senses are
 unworn and tender1 when the whole man  
is awake in every part1 and the gloss of
 novelty fresh upon all the objects that
 surround us1 how lively at that time   
are our sensations1 but how false and   
inaccurate the judgments we form of     
things6 ,i despair of ever receiving the
 same degree of pleasure from the most  
excellent performances of genius1 which 
,i felt at that age from pieces which my
 present judgment regards as trifling   
and contemptible4 ,every trivial cause  
of pleasure is apt to affect the man of 
too sanguine a complexion3 his appetite 
is too keen to suffer his taste to be   
delicate2 and he is in all respects what
 ,ovid says of himself in love1         
,molle meum levibus cor est violabile   
telis1     ,et semper causa est1 cur ego
 semper amem4  ,one of this character   
can never be a refined judge2 never what
 the comic poet calls elegans formarum  

spectator4 ,the excellence and force of 
a composition must always he imperfectly
 estimated from its effect on the minds 
of any1 except we know the temper and   
character of those minds4 ,the most     
powerful effects of poetry and music    
have been displayed1 and perhaps are    
still displayed1 where these arts are   
but in a very low and imperfect state4  
,the rude hearer is affected by the     
principles which operate in these arts  
even in their rudest condition2 and he  
is not skilful enough to perceive the   
defects4 ,but as the arts advance       
towards their perfection1 the science of
 criticism advances with equal pace1 and
 the pleasure of judges is frequently   
interrupted by the faults which we      
discovered in the most finished         
compositions4  ,before ,i leave this    
subject1 ,i cannot help taking notice of
 an opinion which many persons          
entertain1 as if the taste were a       
separate faculty of the mind1 and       
distinct from the judgment and          

imagination2 a species of instinct1 by  
which we are struck naturally1 and at   
the first glance1 without any previous  
reasoning1 with the excellences or the  
defects of a composition4 ,so far as the
 imagination1 and the passions are      
concerned1 ,i believe it true1 that the 
reason is little consulted2 but where   
disposition1 where decorum1 where       
congruity are concerned1 in short1      
wherever the best taste differs from the
 worst1 ,i am convinced that the        
understanding operates1 and nothing     
else2 and its operation is in reality   
far from being always sudden1 or1 when  
it is sudden1 it is often far from being
 right4 ,men of the best taste by       
consideration come frequently to change 
these early and precipitate judgments1  
which the mind1 from its aversion to    
neutrality and doubt1 loves to form on  
the spot4 ,it is known that the taste   
7whatever it is7 is improved exactly as 
we improve our judgment1 by extending   
our knowledge1 by a steady attention to 

our object1 and by frequent exercise4   
,they who have not taken these methods1 
if their taste decides quickly1 it is   
always uncertainly2 and their quickness 
is owing to their presumption and       
rashness1 and not to any sudden         
irradiation1 that in a moment dispels   
all darkness from their minds4 ,but they
 who have cultivated that species of    
knowledge which makes the object of     
taste1 by degrees and habitually attain 
not only a soundness but a readiness of 
judgment1 as men do by the same methods 
on all other occasions4 ,at first they  
are obliged to spell1 but at last they  
read with ease and with celerity2 but   
this celerity of its operation is no    
proof that the taste is a distinct      
faculty4 ,nobody1 ,i believe1 has       
attended the course of a discussion     
which turned upon matters within the    
sphere of mere naked reason1 but must   
have observed the extreme readiness with
 which the whole process of the argument
 is carried on1 the grounds discovered1 

the objections raised and answered1 and 
the conclusions drawn from premises1    
with a quickness altogether as great as 
the taste can be supposed to work with2 
and yet where nothing but plain reason  
either is or can be suspected to        
operate4 ,to multiply principles for    
every different appearance is useless1  
and unphilosophical too in a high       
degree4  ,this matter might be pursued  
much farther2 but it is not the extent  
of the subject which must prescribe our 
bounds1 for what subject does not branch
 out to infinity8 ,it is the nature of  
our particular scheme1 and the single   
point of view in which we consider it1  
which ought to put a stop to our        
researches4     ,a  ,,philosophical     
,,inquiry  ,,into ,,the ,,origin ,,of   
,,our ,,ideas ,,of  ,,the ,,sublime     
,,and ,,beautiful   ,,part ,i4          
,,section ,i4  ,,novelty4  ,the first   
and the simplest emotion which we       
discover in the human mind is curiosity4
 ,by curiosity ,i mean whatever desire  

we have for1 or whatever pleasure we    
take in1 novelty4 ,we see children      
perpetually running from place to place1
 to hunt out something new3 they catch  
with great eagerness1 and with very     
little choice1 at whatever comes before 
them2 their attention is engaged by     
everything1 because everything has1 in  
that stage of life1 the charm of novelty
 to recommend it4 ,but as those things1 
which engage us merely by their novelty1
 cannot attach us for any length of     
time1 curiosity is the most superficial 
of all the affections2 it changes its   
object perpetually2 it has an appetite  
which is very sharp1 but very easily    
satisfied2 and it has always an         
appearance of giddiness1 restlessness1  
and anxiety4 ,curiosity1 from its       
nature1 is a very active principle2 it  
quickly runs over the greatest part of  
its objects1 and soon exhausts the      
variety which is commonly to be met with
 in nature2 the same things make        
frequent returns1 and they return with  

less and less of any agreeable effect4  
,in short1 the occurrences of life1 by  
the time we come to know it a little1   
would be incapable of affecting the mind
 with any other sensations than those of
 loathing and weariness1 if many things 
were not adapted to affect the mind by  
means of other powers besides novelty in
 them1 and of other passions besides    
curiosity in ourselves4 ,these powers   
and passions shall be considered in     
their place4 ,but1 whatever these powers
 are1 or upon what principle soever they
 affect the mind1 it is absolutely      
necessary that they should not be       
exerted in those things which a daily   
and vulgar use have brought into a stale
 unaffecting familiarity4 ,some degree  
of novelty must be one of the materials 
in every instrument which works upon the
 mind2 and curiosity blends itself more 
or less with all our passions4          
,,section ,,ii4  ,,pain ,,and           
,,pleasure4  ,it seems1 then1 necessary 
towards moving the passions of people   

advanced in life to any considerable    
degree1 that the objects designed for   
that purpose1 besides their being in    
some measure new1 should be capable of  
exciting pain or pleasure from other    
causes4 ,pain and pleasure are simple   
ideas1 incapable of definition4 ,people 
are not liable to be mistaken in their  
feelings1 but they are very frequently  
wrong in the names they give them1 and  
in their reasonings about them4 ,many   
are of opinion1 that pain arises        
necessarily from the removal of some    
pleasure2 as they think pleasure does   
from the ceasing or diminution of some  
pain4 ,for my part1 ,i am rather        
inclined to imagine1 that pain and      
pleasure1 in their most simple and      
natural manner of affecting1 are each of
 a positive nature1 and by no means     
necessarily dependent on each other for 
their existence4 ,the human mind is     
often1 and ,i think it is for the most  
part1 in a state neither of pain nor    
pleasure1 which ,i call a state of      

indifference4 ,when ,i am carried from  
this state into a state of actual       
pleasure1 it does not appear necessary  
that ,i should pass through the medium  
of any sort of pain4 ,if in such a state
 of indifference1 or ease1 or           
tranquillity1 or call it what you       
please1 you were to be suddenly         
entertained with a concert of music2 or 
suppose some object of a fine shape1 and
 bright1 lively colors1 to be presented 
before you2 or imagine your smell is    
gratified with the fragrance of a rose2 
or if1 without any previous thirst1 you 
were to drink of some pleasant kind of  
wine1 or to taste of some sweetmeat     
without being hungry2 in all the several
 senses1 of hearing1 smelling1 and      
tasting1 you undoubtedly find a         
pleasure2 yet1 if ,i inquire into the   
state of your mind previous to these    
gratifications1 you will hardly tell me 
that they found you in any kind of pain2
 or1 having satisfied these several     
senses with their several pleasures1    

will you say that any pain has          
succeeded1 though the pleasure is       
absolutely over8 ,suppose1 on the other 
hand1 a man in the same state of        
indifference to receive a violent blow1 
or to drink of some bitter potion1 or to
 have his ears wounded with some harsh  
and grating sound2 here is no removal of
 pleasure2 and yet here is felt1 his    
every sense which is affected1 a pain   
very distinguishable4 ,it may be said1  
perhaps1 that the pain in these cases   
had its rise from the removal of the    
pleasure which the man enjoyed before1  
though that pleasure was of so low a    
degree as to be perceived only by the   
removal4 ,but this seems to me a        
subtilty that is not discoverable in    
nature4 ,for if1 previous to the pain1  
,i do not feel any actual pleasure1 ,i  
have no reason to judge that any such   
thing exists2 since pleasure is only    
pleasure as it is felt4 ,the same may be
 said of pain1 and with equal reason4 ,i
 can never persuade myself that pleasure

 and pain are mere relations1 which can 
only exist as they are contrasted2 but  
,i think ,i can discern clearly that    
there are positive pains and pleasures1 
which do not at all depend upon each    
other4 ,nothing is more certain to my   
own feelings than this4 ,there is       
nothing which ,i can distinguish in my  
mind with more clearness than the three 
states1 of indifference1 of pleasure1   
and of pain4 ,every one of these ,i can 
perceive without any sort of idea of its
 relation to anything else4 ,caius is   
afflicted with a fit of the colic2 this 
man is actually in pain2 stretch ,caius 
upon the rack1 he will feel a much      
greater pain3 but does this pain of the 
rack arise from the removal of any      
pleasure8 or is the fit of the colic a  
pleasure or a pain just as we are       
pleased to consider it8   ,,section     
,,iii4  ,,the ,,difference ,,between    
,,the ,,removal ,,of ,,pain ,,and       
,,positive ,,pleasure4  ,we shall carry 
this proposition yet a step further4 ,we

 shall venture to propose1 that pain and
 pleasure are not only not necessarily  
dependent for their existence on their  
mutual diminution or removal1 but that1 
in reality1 the diminution or ceasing of
 pleasure does not operate like positive
 pain2 and that the removal or          
diminution of pain1 in its effect1 has  
very little resemblance to positive     
pleasure4#aj ,the former of these       
propositions will1 ,i believe1 be much  
more readily allowed than the latter2   
because it is very evident that         
pleasure1 when it has run its career1   
sets us down very nearly where it found 
us4 ,pleasure of every kind quickly     
satisfies2 and1 when it is over1 we     
relapse into indifference1 or1 rather1  
we fall into a soft tranquillity which  
is tinged with the agreeable color of   
the former sensation4 ,i own it is not  
at first view so apparent that the      
removal of a great pain does not        
resemble positive pleasure3 but let us  
recollect in what state we have found   

our minds upon escaping some imminent   
danger1 or on being released from the   
severity of some cruel pain4 ,we have on
 such occasions found1 if ,i am not much
 mistaken1 the temper of our minds in a 
tenor very remote from that which       
attends the presence of positive        
pleasure2 we have found them in a state 
of much sobriety1 impressed with a sense
 of awe1 in a sort of tranquillity      
shadowed with horror4 ,the fashion of   
the countenance and the gesture of the  
body on such occasions is so            
correspondent to this state of mind1    
that any person1 a stranger to the cause
 of the appearance1 would rather judge  
us under some consternation1 than in the
 enjoyment of anything like positive    
pleasure4      ,greek3     ,hs d' hotan 
andr' at pykin lab1 host' eni patr1     
,phta katakteinas1 alln exiketo dmon1   
,andros es aphneiou1 thambos d' echei   
eisorontas4                             
,iliad1 ,greek3 4 #dhj4     ,as when a  
wretch1 who1 conscious of his crime1    

,pursued for murder from his native     
clime1     ,just gains some frontier1   
breathless1 pale1 amazed2     ,all gaze1
 all wonder6  ,this striking appearance 
of the man whom ,homer supposes to have 
just escaped an imminent danger1 the    
sort of mixed passion of terror and     
surprise1 with which he affects the     
spectators1 paints very strongly the    
manner in which we find ourselves       
affected upon occasions any way similar4
 ,for when we have suffered from any    
violent emotion1 the mind naturally     
continues in something like the same    
condition1 after the cause which first  
produced it has ceased to operate4 ,the 
tossing of the sea remains after the    
storm2 and when this remain of horror   
has entirely subsided1 all the passion  
which the accident raised subsides along
 with it2 and the mind returns to its   
usual state of indifference4 ,in short1 
pleasure 7,i mean anything either in the
 inward sensation1 or in the outward    
appearance1 like pleasure from a        

positive cause7 has never1 ,i imagine1  
its origin from the removal of pain or  
danger4   ,,section ,,iv4  ,,of         
,,delight ,,and ,,pleasure1 ,,as        
,,opposed ,,to ,,each ,,other4  ,but    
shall we therefore say1 that the removal
 of pain or its diminution is always    
simply painful8 or affirm that the      
cessation or the lessening of pleasure  
is always attended itself with a        
pleasure8 ,by no means4 ,what ,i advance
 is no more than this2 first1 that there
 are pleasures and pains of a positive  
and independent nature2 and1 secondly1  
that the feeling which results from the 
ceasing or diminution of pain does not  
bear a sufficient resemblance to        
positive pleasure1 to have it considered
 as of the same nature1 or to entitle it
 to be known by the same name2 and      
thirdly1 that upon the same principle   
the removal or qualification of pleasure
 has no resemblance to positive pain4   
,it is certain that the former feeling  
7the removal or moderation of pain7 has 

something in it far from distressing1 or
 disagreeable in its nature4 ,this      
feeling1 in many cases so agreeable1 but
 in all so different from positive      
pleasure1 has no name which ,i know2 but
 that hinders not its being a very real 
one1 and very different from all others4
 ,it is most certain1 that every species
 of satisfaction or pleasure1 how       
different soever in its manner of       
affecting1 is of a positive nature in   
the mind of him who feels it4 ,the      
affection is undoubtedly positive2 but  
the cause may be1 as in this case it    
certainly is1 a sort of privation4 ,and 
it is very reasonable that we should    
distinguish by some term two things so  
distinct in nature1 as a pleasure that  
is such simply1 and without any         
relation1 from that pleasure which      
cannot exist without a relation1 and    
that1 too1 a relation to pain4 ,very    
extraordinary it would be1 if these     
affections1 so distinguishable in their 
causes1 so different in their effects1  

should be confounded with each other1   
because vulgar use has ranged them under
 the same general title4 ,whenever ,i   
have occasion to speak of this species  
of relative pleasure1 ,i call it        
delight2 and ,i shall take the best care
 ,i can to use that word in no other    
sense4 ,i am satisfied the word is not  
commonly used in this appropriated      
signification2 but ,i thought it better 
to take up a word already known1 and to 
limit its signification1 than to        
introduce a new one1 which would not    
perhaps incorporate so well with the    
language4 ,i should never have presumed 
the least alteration in our words1 if   
the nature of the language1 framed for  
the purposes of business rather than    
those of philosophy1 and the nature of  
my subject1 that leads me out of the    
common track of discourse1 did not in a 
manner necessitate me to it4 ,i shall   
make use of this liberty with all       
possible caution4 ,as ,i make use of the
 word delight to express the sensation  

which accompanies the removal of pain or
 danger1 so1 when ,i speak of positive  
pleasure1 ,i shall for the most part    
call it simply pleasure4   ,,section ,v4
  ,,joy ,,and ,,grief4  ,it must be     
observed1 that the cessation of pleasure
 affects the mind three ways4 ,if it    
simply ceases after having continued a  
proper time1 the effect is indifference2
 if it be abruptly broken off1 there    
ensues an uneasy sense called           
disappointment2 if the object be so     
totally lost that there is no chance of 
enjoying it again1 a passion arises in  
the mind which is called grief4 ,now    
there is none of these1 not even grief1 
which is the most violent1 that ,i think
 has any resemblance to positive pain4  
,the person who grieves suffers his     
passion to grow upon him2 he indulges   
it1 he loves it3 but this never happens 
in the case of actual pain1 which no man
 ever willingly endured for any         
considerable time4 ,that grief should be
 willingly endured1 though far from a   

simply pleasing sensation1 is not so    
difficult to be understood4 ,it is the  
nature of grief to keep its object      
perpetually in its eye1 to present it in
 its most pleasurable views1 to repeat  
all the circumstances that attend it1   
even to the last minuteness2 to go back 
to every particular enjoyment1 to dwell 
upon each1 and to find a thousand new   
perfections in all1 that were not       
sufficiently understood before2 in      
grief1 the pleasure is still uppermost2 
and the affliction we suffer has no     
resemblance to absolute pain1 which is  
always odious1 and which we endeavor to 
shake off as soon as possible4 ,the     
,odyssey of ,homer1 which abounds with  
so many natural and affecting images1   
has none more striking than those which 
,menelaus raises of the calamitous fate 
of his friends1 and his own manner of   
feeling it4 ,he owns1 indeed1 that he   
often gives himself some intermission   
from such melancholy reflections2 but he
 observes1 too1 that1 melancholy as they

 are1 they give him pleasure4           
,greek3     ,all emps pantas men        
odyromenos kai acheun1     ,pollakis en 
megaroisi kathmenos hmeteroisin1        
,allote men te go phrena terpomai1      
allote d' aute     ,pauomai2 aipsros de 
koros kryeroio gooio                    
,hom4 ,od4 ,greek3 ,d4 #ajj     ,still  
in short intervals of pleasing woe1     
,regardful of the friendly dues ,i owe1 
,i to the glorious dead1 forever dear1  
,indulge the tribute of a grateful tear4
  ,on the other hand1 when we recover   
our health1 when we escape an imminent  
danger1 is it with joy that we are      
affected8 ,the sense on these occasions 
is far from that smooth and voluptuous  
satisfaction which the assured prospect 
of pleasure bestows4 ,the delight which 
arises from the modifications of pain   
confesses the stock from whence it      
sprung1 in its solid1 strong1 and severe
 nature4   ,,section ,,vi4  ,,of ,,the  
,,passions ,,which ,,belong ,,to        
,,self-,,preservation4  ,most of the    

ideas which are capable of making a     
powerful impression on the mind1 whether
 simply of pain or pleasure1 or of the  
modifications of those1 may be reduced  
very nearly to these two heads1         
self-preservation1 and society2 to the  
ends of one or the other of which all   
our passions are calculated to answer4  
,the passions which concern             
self-preservation1 turn mostly on pain  
or danger4 ,the ideas of pain1 sickness1
 and death1 fill the mind with strong   
emotions of horror2 but life and health1
 though they put us in a capacity of    
being affected with pleasure1 make no   
such impression by the simple enjoyment4
 ,the passions therefore which are      
conversant about the preservation of the
 individual turn chiefly on pain and    
danger1 and they are the most powerful  
of all the passions4   ,,section ,,vii4 
,,of ,,the ,,sublime4  ,whatever is     
fitted in any sort to excite the ideas  
of pain and danger1 that is to say1     
whatever is in any sort terrible1 or is 

conversant about terrible objects1 or   
operates in a manner analogous to       
terror1 is a source of the sublime2 that
 is1 it is productive of the strongest  
emotion which the mind is capable of    
feeling4 ,i say the strongest emotion1  
because ,i am satisfied the ideas of    
pain are much more powerful than those  
which enter on the part of pleasure4    
,without all doubt1 the torments which  
we may be made to suffer are much       
greater in their effect on the body and 
mind1 than any pleasures which the most 
learned voluptuary could suggest1 or    
than the liveliest imagination1 and the 
most sound and exquisitely sensible     
body1 could enjoy4 ,nay1 ,i am in great 
doubt whether any man could be found1   
who would earn a life of the most       
perfect satisfaction at the price of    
ending it in the torments1 which justice
 inflicted in a few hours on the late   
unfortunate regicide in ,france4 ,but as
 pain is stronger in its operation than 
pleasure1 so death is in general a much 

more affecting idea than pain2 because  
there are very few pains1 however       
exquisite1 which are not preferred to   
death3 nay1 what generally makes pain   
itself1 if ,i may say so1 more painful1 
is1 that it is considered as an emissary
 of this king of terrors4 ,when danger  
or pain press too nearly1 they are      
incapable of giving any delight1 and are
 simply terrible2 but at certain        
distances1 and with certain             
modifications1 they may be1 and they    
are1 delightful1 as we every day        
experience4 ,the cause of this ,i shall 
endeavor to investigate hereafter4      
,,section ,,viii4  ,,of ,,the ,,passions
 ,,which ,,belong ,,to ,,society4  ,the 
other head under which ,i class our     
passions1 is that of society1 which may 
be divided into two sorts4 #a4 ,the     
society of the sexes1 which answers the 
purpose of propagation2 and next1 that  
more general society1 which we have with
 men and with other animals1 and which  
we may in some sort be said to have even

 with the inanimate world4 ,the passions
 belonging to the preservation of the   
individual turn wholly on pain and      
danger3 those which belong to generation
 have their origin in gratifications and
 pleasures2 the pleasure most directly  
belonging to this purpose is of a lively
 character1 rapturous and violent1 and  
confessedly the highest pleasure of     
sense2 yet the absence of this so great 
an enjoyment scarce amounts to an       
uneasiness2 and1 except at particular   
times1 ,i do not think it affects at    
all4 ,when men describe in what manner  
they are affected by pain and danger1   
they do not dwell on the pleasure of    
health and the comfort of security1 and 
then lament the loss of these           
satisfactions3 the whole turns upon the 
actual pains and horrors which they     
endure4 ,but if you listen to the       
complaints of a forsaken lover1 you     
observe that he insists largely on the  
pleasures which he enjoyed1 or hoped to 
enjoy1 and on the perfection of the     

object of his desires2 it is the loss   
which is always uppermost in his mind4  
,the violent effects produced by love1  
which has sometimes been even wrought up
 to madness1 is no objection to the rule
 which we seek to establish4 ,when men  
have suffered their imaginations to be  
long affected with any idea1 it so      
wholly engrosses them as to shut out by 
degrees almost every other1 and to break
 down every partition of the mind which 
would confine it4 ,any idea is          
sufficient for the purpose1 as is       
evident from the infinite variety of    
causes1 which give rise to madness3 but 
this at most can only prove1 that the   
passion of love is capable of producing 
very extraordinary effects1 not that its
 extraordinary emotions have any        
connection with positive pain4          
,,section ,,ix4  ,,the ,,final ,,cause  
,,of ,,the ,,difference ,,between ,,the 
,,passions ,,belonging ,,to             
,,self-,,preservation ,,and ,,those     
,,which ,,regard ,,the ,,society ,,of   

,,the ,,sexes4  ,the final cause of the 
difference in character between the     
passions which regard self-preservation1
 and those which are directed to the    
multiplication of the species1 will     
illustrate the foregoing remarks yet    
further2 and it is1 ,i imagine1 worthy  
of observation even upon its own        
account4 ,as the performance of our     
duties of every kind depends upon life1 
and the performing them with vigor and  
efficacy depends upon health1 we are    
very strongly affected with whatever    
threatens the destruction of either3 but
 as we were not made to acquiesce in    
life and health1 the simple enjoyment of
 them is not attended with any real     
pleasure1 lest1 satisfied with that1 we 
should give ourselves over to indolence 
and inaction4 ,on the other hand1 the   
generation of mankind is a great        
purpose1 and it is requisite that men   
should be animated to the pursuit of it 
by some great incentive4 ,it is         
therefore attended with a very high     

pleasure2 but as it is by no means      
designed to be our constant business1 it
 is not fit that the absence of this    
pleasure should be attended with any    
considerable pain4 ,the difference      
between men and brutes1 in this point1  
seems to be remarkable4 ,men are at all 
times pretty equally disposed to the    
pleasures of love1 because they are to  
be guided by reason in the time and     
manner of indulging them4 ,had any great
 pain arisen from the want of this      
satisfaction1 reason1 ,i am afraid1     
would find great difficulties in the    
performance of its office4 ,but brutes  
that obey laws1 in the execution of     
which their own reason has but little   
share1 have their stated seasons2 at    
such times it is not improbable that the
 sensation from the want is very        
troublesome1 because the end must be    
then answered1 or be missed in many1    
perhaps forever2 as the inclination     
returns only with its season4           
,,section ,x4  ,,of ,,beauty4  ,the     

passion which belongs to generation1    
merely as such1 is lust only4 ,this is  
evident in brutes1 whose passions are   
more unmixed1 and which pursue their    
purposes more directly than ours4 ,the  
only distinction they observe with      
regard to their mates1 is that of sex4  
,it is true1 that they stick severally  
to their own species in preference to   
all others4 ,but this preference1 ,i    
imagine1 does not arise from any sense  
of beauty which they find in their      
species1 as ,mr4 ,addison supposes1 but 
from a law of some other kind1 to which 
they are subject2 and this we may fairly
 conclude1 from their apparent want of  
choice amongst those objects to which   
the barriers of their species have      
confined them4 ,but man1 who is a       
creature adapted to a greater variety   
and intricacy of relation1 connects with
 the general passion the idea of some   
social qualities1 which direct and      
heighten the appetite which he has in   
common with all other animals2 and as he

 is not designed like them to live at   
large1 it is fit that he should have    
some thing to create a preference1 and  
fix his choice2 and this in general     
should be some sensible quality2 as no  
other can so quickly1 so powerfully1 or 
so surely produce its effect4 ,the      
object therefore of this mixed passion1 
which we call love1 is the beauty of the
 sex4 ,men are carried to the sex in    
general1 as it is the sex1 and by the   
common law of nature2 but they are      
attached to particulars by personal     
beauty4 ,i call beauty a social quality2
 for where women and men1 and not only  
they1 but when other animals give us a  
sense of joy and pleasure in beholding  
them 7and there are many that do so71   
they inspire us with sentiments of      
tenderness and affection towards their  
persons2 we like to have them near us1  
and we enter willingly into a kind of   
relation with them1 unless we should    
have strong reasons to the contrary4    
,but to what end1 in many cases1 this   

was designed1 ,i am unable to discover2 
for ,i see no greater reason for a      
connection between man and several      
animals who are attired in so engaging a
 manner1 than between him and some      
others who entirely want this           
attraction1 or possess it in a far      
weaker degree4 ,but it is probable that 
,providence did not make even this      
distinction1 but with a view to some    
great end2 though we cannot perceive    
distinctly what it is1 as his wisdom is 
not our wisdom1 nor our ways his ways4  
,,section ,,xi4  ,,society ,,and        
,,solitude4  ,the second branch of the  
social passions is that which           
administers to society in general4 ,with
 regard to this1 ,i observe1 that       
society1 merely as society1 without any 
particular heightenings1 gives us no    
positive pleasure in the enjoyment2 but 
absolute and entire solitude1 that is1  
the total and perpetual exclusion from  
all society1 is as great a positive pain
 as can almost be conceived4 ,therefore 

in the balance between the pleasure of  
general society1 and the pain of        
absolute solitude1 pain is the          
predominant idea4 ,but the pleasure of  
any particular social enjoyment         
outweighs very considerably the         
uneasiness caused by the want of that   
particular enjoyment2 so that the       
strongest sensations relative to the    
habitudes of particular society are     
sensations of pleasure4 ,good company1  
lively conversations1 and the           
endearments of friendship1 fill the mind
 with great pleasure2 a temporary       
solitude1 on the other hand1 is itself  
agreeable4 ,this may perhaps prove that 
we are creatures designed for           
contemplation as well as action2 since  
solitude as well as society has its     
pleasures2 as from the former           
observation we may discern1 that an     
entire life of solitude contradicts the 
purposes of our being1 since death      
itself is scarcely an idea of more      
terror4   ,,section ,,xii4  ,,sympathy1 

,,imitation1 ,,and ,,ambition4  ,under  
this denomination of society1 the       
passions are of a complicated kind1 and 
branch out into a variety of forms1     
agreeably to that variety of ends they  
are to serve in the great chain of      
society4 ,the three principal links in  
this chain are sympathy1 imitation1 and 
ambition4   ,,section ,,xiii4           
,,sympathy4  ,it is by the first of     
these passions that we enter into the   
concerns of others2 that we are moved as
 they are moved1 and are never suffered 
to be indifferent spectators of almost  
anything which men can do or suffer4    
,for sympathy must be considered as a   
sort of substitution1 by which we are   
put into the place of another man1 and  
affected in many respects as he is      
affected3 so that this passion may      
either partake of the nature of those   
which regard self-preservation1 and     
turning upon pain may be a source of the
 sublime2 or it may turn upon ideas of  
pleasure2 and then whatever has been    

said of the social affections1 whether  
they regard society in general1 or only 
some particular modes of it1 may be     
applicable here4 ,it is by this         
principle chiefly that poetry1 painting1
 and other affecting arts1 transfuse    
their passions from one breast to       
another1 and are often capable of       
grafting a delight on wretchedness1     
misery1 and death itself4 ,it is a      
common observation1 that objects which  
in the reality would shock1 are in      
tragical1 and such like representations1
 the source of a very high species of   
pleasure4 ,this1 taken as a fact1 has   
been the cause of much reasoning4 ,the  
satisfaction has been commonly          
attributed1 first1 to the comfort we    
receive in considering that so          
melancholy a story is no more than a    
fiction2 and1 next1 to the contemplation
 of our own freedom from the evils which
 we see represented4 ,i am afraid it is 
a practice much too common in inquiries 
of this nature1 to attribute the cause  

of feelings which merely arise from the 
mechanical structure of our bodies1 or  
from the natural frame and constitution 
of our minds1 to certain conclusions of 
the reasoning faculty on the objects    
presented to us2 for ,i should imagine1 
that the influence of reason in         
producing our passions is nothing near  
so extensive as it is commonly believed4
   ,,section ,,xiv4  ,,the ,,effects    
,,of ,,sympathy ,,in ,,the ,,distresses 
,,of ,,others4  ,to examine this point  
concerning the effect of tragedy in a   
proper manner1 we must previously       
consider how we are affected by the     
feelings of our fellow creatures in     
circumstances of real distress4 ,i am   
convinced we have a degree of delight1  
and that no small one1 in the real      
misfortunes and pains of others2 for let
 the affection be what it will in       
appearance1 if it does not make us shun 
such objects1 if on the contrary it     
induces us to approach them1 if it makes
 us dwell upon them1 in this case ,i    

conceive we must have a delight or      
pleasure of some species or other in    
contemplating objects of this kind4 ,do 
we not read the authentic histories of  
scenes of this nature with as much      
pleasure as romances or poems1 where the
 incidents are fictitious8 ,the         
prosperity of no empire1 nor the        
grandeur of no king1 can so agreeably   
affect in the reading1 as the ruin of   
the state of ,macedon1 and the distress 
of its unhappy prince4 ,such a          
catastrophe touches us in history as    
much as the destruction of ,troy does in
 fable4 ,our delight1 in cases of this  
kind1 is very greatly heightened1 if the
 sufferer be some excellent person who  
sinks under an unworthy fortune4 ,scipio
 and ,cato are both virtuous characters2
 but we are more deeply affected by the 
violent death of the one1 and the ruin  
of the great cause he adhered to1 than  
with the deserved triumphs and          
uninterrupted prosperity of the other3  
for terror is a passion which always    

produces delight when it does not press 
too closely2 and pity is a passion      
accompanied with pleasure1 because it   
arises from love and social affection4  
,whenever we are formed by nature to any
 active purpose1 the passion which      
animates us to it is attended with      
delight1 or a pleasure of some kind1 let
 the subject-matter be what it will2 and
 as our ,creator has designed that we   
should be united by the bond of         
sympathy1 he has strengthened that bond 
by a proportionable delight2 and there  
most where our sympathy is most         
wanted1--in the distresses of others4   
,if this passion was simply painful1 we 
would shun with the greatest care all   
persons and places that could excite    
such a passion2 as some1 who are so far 
gone in indolence as not to endure any  
strong impression1 actually do4 ,but the
 case is widely different with the      
greater part of mankind2 there is no    
spectacle we so eagerly pursue1 as that 
of some uncommon and grievous calamity2 

so that whether the misfortune is before
 our eyes1 or whether they are turned   
back to it in history1 it always touches
 with delight4 ,this is not an unmixed  
delight1 but blended with no small      
uneasiness4 ,the delight we have in such
 things hinders us from shunning scenes 
of misery2 and the pain we feel prompts 
us to relieve ourselves in relieving    
those who suffer2 and all this          
antecedent to any reasoning1 by an      
instinct that works us to its own       
purposes without our concurrence4       
,,section ,,xv4  ,,of ,,the ,,effects   
,,of ,,tragedy4  ,it is thus in real    
calamities4 ,in imitated distresses the 
only difference is the pleasure         
resulting from the effects of imitation2
 for it is never so perfect1 but we can 
perceive it is imitation1 and on that   
principle are somewhat pleased with it4 
,and indeed in some cases we derive as  
much or more pleasure from that source  
than from the thing itself4 ,but then ,i
 imagine we shall be much mistaken if we

 attribute any considerable part of our 
satisfaction in tragedy to the          
consideration that tragedy is a deceit1 
and its representations no realities4   
,the nearer it approaches the reality1  
and the further it removes us from all  
idea of fiction1 the more perfect is its
 power4 ,but be its power of what kind  
it will1 it never approaches to what it 
represents4 ,choose a day on which to   
represent the most sublime and affecting
 tragedy we have2 appoint the most      
favorite actors2 spare no cost upon the 
scenes and decorations2 unite the       
greatest efforts of poetry1 painting1   
and music2 and when you have collected  
your audience1 just at the moment when  
their minds are erect with expectation1 
let it be reported that a state criminal
 of high rank is on the point of being  
executed in the adjoining square2 in a  
moment the emptiness of the theatre     
would demonstrate the comparative       
weakness of the imitative arts1 and     
proclaim the triumph of the real        

sympathy4 ,i believe that this notion of
 our having a simple pain in the        
reality1 yet a delight in the           
representation1 arises from hence1 that 
we do not sufficiently distinguish what 
we would by no means choose to do1 from 
what we should be eager enough to see if
 it was once done4 ,we delight in seeing
 things1 which so far from doing1 our   
heartiest wishes would be to see        
redressed4 ,this noble capital1 the     
pride of ,england and of ,europe1 ,i    
believe no man is so strangely wicked as
 to desire to see destroyed by a        
conflagration or an earthquake1 though  
he should be removed himself to the     
greatest distance from the danger4 ,but 
suppose such a fatal accident to have   
happened1 what numbers from all parts   
would crowd to behold the ruins1 and    
amongst them many who would have been   
content never to have seen ,london in   
its glory6 ,nor is it1 either in real or
 fictitious distresses1 our immunity    
from them which produces our delight2 in

 my own mind ,i can discover nothing    
like it4 ,i apprehend that this mistake 
is owing to a sort of sophism1 by which 
we are frequently imposed upon2 it      
arises from our not distinguishing      
between what is indeed a necessary      
condition to our doing or suffering     
anything in general1 and what is the    
cause of some particular act4 ,if a man 
kills me with a sword1 it is a necessary
 condition to this that we should have  
been both of us alive before the fact2  
and yet it would be absurd to say that  
our being both living creatures was the 
cause of his crime and of my death4 ,so 
it is certain that it is absolutely     
necessary my life should be out of any  
imminent hazard1 before ,i can take a   
delight in the sufferings of others1    
real or imaginary1 or indeed in anything
 else from any cause whatsoever4 ,but   
then it is a sophism to argue from      
thence that this immunity is the cause  
of my delight either on these or on any 
occasions4 ,no one can distinguish such 

a cause of satisfaction in his own mind1
 ,i believe2 nay1 when we do not suffer 
any very acute pain1 nor are exposed to 
any imminent danger of our lives1 we can
 feel for others1 whilst we suffer      
ourselves2 and often then most when we  
are softened by affliction2 we see with 
pity even distresses which we would     
accept in the place of our own4         
,,section ,,xvi4  ,,imitation4  ,the    
second passion belonging to society is  
imitation1 or1 if you will1 a desire of 
imitating1 and consequently a pleasure  
in it4 ,this passion arises from much   
the same cause with sympathy4 ,for as   
sympathy makes us take a concern in     
whatever men feel1 so this affection    
prompts us to copy whatever they do2 and
 consequently we have a pleasure in     
imitating1 and in whatever belongs to   
imitation merely as it is such1 without 
any intervention of the reasoning       
faculty1 but solely from our natural    
constitution1 which ,providence has     
framed in such a manner as to find      

either pleasure or delight1 according to
 the nature of the object1 in whatever  
regards the purposes of our being4 ,it  
is by imitation far more than by        
precept1 that we learn everything2 and  
what we learn thus1 we acquire not only 
more effectually1 but more pleasantly4  
,this forms our manners1 our opinions1  
our lives4 ,it is one of the strongest  
links of society2 it is a species of    
mutual compliance1 which all men yield  
to each other1 without constraint to    
themselves1 and which is extremely      
flattering to all4 ,herein it is that   
painting and many other agreeable arts  
have laid one of the principal          
foundations of their power4 ,and since1 
by its influence on our manners and our 
passions1 it is of such great           
consequence1 ,i shall here venture to   
lay down a rule1 which may inform us    
with a good degree of certainty when we 
are to attribute the power of the arts  
to imitation1 or to our pleasure in the 
skill of the imitator merely1 and when  

to sympathy1 or some other cause in     
conjunction1 with it4 ,when the object  
represented in poetry or painting is    
such as we could have no desire of      
seeing in the reality1 then ,i may be   
sure that its power in poetry or        
painting is owing to the power of       
imitation1 and to no cause operating in 
the thing itself4 ,so it is with most of
 the pieces which the painters call     
still-life4 ,in these a cottage1 a      
dung-hill1 the meanest and most ordinary
 utensils of the kitchen1 are capable of
 giving us pleasure4 ,but when the      
object of the painting or poem is such  
as we should run to see if real1 let it 
affect us with what odd sort of sense it
 will1 we may rely upon it that the     
power of the poem or picture is more    
owing to the nature of the thing itself 
than to the mere effect of imitation1 or
 to a consideration of the skill of the 
imitator1 however excellent4 ,aristotle 
has spoken so much and so solidly upon  
the force of imitation in his ,poetics1 

that it makes any further discourse upon
 this subject the less necessary4       
,,section ,,xvii4  ,,ambition4          
,although imitation is one of the great 
instruments used by ,providence in      
bringing our nature towards its         
perfection1 yet if men gave themselves  
up to imitation entirely1 and each      
followed the other1 and so on in an     
eternal circle1 it is easy to see that  
there never could be any improvement    
amongst them4 ,men must remain as brutes
 do1 the same at the end that they are  
at this day1 and that they were in the  
beginning of the world4 ,to prevent     
this1 ,god has planted in man a sense of
 ambition1 and a satisfaction arising   
from the contemplation of his excelling 
his fellows in something deemed valuable
 amongst them4 ,it is this passion that 
drives men to all the ways we see in use
 of signalizing themselves1 and that    
tends to make whatever excites in a man 
the idea of this distinction so very    
pleasant4 ,it has been so strong as to  

make very miserable men take comfort1   
that they were supreme in misery2 and   
certain it is that1 where we cannot     
distinguish ourselves by something      
excellent1 we begin to take a           
complacency in some singular            
infirmities1 follies1 or defects of one 
kind or other4 ,it is on this principle 
that flattery is so prevalent2 for      
flattery is no more than what raises in 
a man's mind an idea of a preference    
which he has not4 ,now1 whatever1 either
 on good or upon bad grounds1 tends to  
raise a man in his own opinion1 produces
 a sort of swelling and triumph1 that is
 extremely grateful to the human mind2  
and this swelling is never more         
perceived1 nor operates with more force1
 than when without danger we are        
conversant with terrible objects2 the   
mind always claiming to itself some part
 of the dignity and importance of the   
things which it contemplates4 ,hence    
proceeds what ,longinus has observed of 
that glorying and sense of inward       

greatness1 that always fills the reader 
of such passages in poets and orators as
 are sublime3 it is what every man must 
have felt in himself upon such          
occasions4   ,,section ,,xviii4  ,,the  
,,recapitulation4  ,to draw the whole of
 what has been said into a few distinct 
points3--,the passions which belong to  
self-preservation turn on pain and      
danger2 they are simply painful when    
their causes immediately affect us2 they
 are delightful when we have an idea of 
pain and danger1 without being actually 
in such circumstances2 this delight ,i  
have not called pleasure1 because it    
turns on pain1 and because it is        
different enough from any idea of       
positive pleasure4 ,whatever excites    
this delight1 ,i call sublime4 ,the     
passions belonging to self-preservation 
are the strongest of all the passions4  
,the second head to which the passions  
are referred with relation to their     
final cause1 is society4 ,there are two 
sorts of societies4 ,the first is1 the  

society of sex4 ,the passion belonging  
to this is called love1 and it contains 
a mixture of lust2 its object is the    
beauty of women4 ,the other is the great
 society with man and all other animals4
 ,the passion subservient to this is    
called likewise love1 but it has no     
mixture of lust1 and its object is      
beauty2 which is a name ,i shall apply  
to all such qualities in things as      
induce in us a sense of affection and   
tenderness1 or some other passion the   
most nearly resembling these4 ,the      
passion of love has its rise in positive
 pleasure2 it is1 like all things which 
grow out of pleasure1 capable of being  
mixed with a mode of uneasiness1 that   
is1 when an idea of its object is       
excited in the mind with an idea at the 
same time of having irretrievably lost  
it4 ,this mixed sense of pleasure ,i    
have not called pain1 because it turns  
upon actual pleasure1 and because it is1
 both in its cause and in most of its   
effects1 of a nature altogether         

different4  ,next to the general passion
 we have for society1 to a choice in    
which we are directed by the pleasure we
 have in the object1 the particular     
passion under this head called sympathy 
has the greatest extent4 ,the nature of 
this passion is1 to put us in the place 
of another in whatever circumstance he  
is in1 and to affect us in a like       
manner2 so that this passion may1 as the
 occasion requires1 turn either on pain 
or pleasure2 but with the modifications 
mentioned in some cases in ,sect4 #aa4  
,as to imitation and preference1 nothing
 more need be said4   ,,section ,,xix4  
,,the ,,conclusion4  ,i believed that an
 attempt to range and methodize some of 
our most leading passions would be a    
good preparative to such an inquiry as  
we are going to make in the ensuing     
discourse4 ,the passions ,i have        
mentioned are almost the only ones which
 it can be necessary to consider in our 
present design2 though the variety of   
the passions is great1 and worthy1 in   

every branch of that variety1 of an     
attentive investigation4 ,the more      
accurately we search into the human     
mind1 the stronger traces we everywhere 
find of ,his wisdom who made it4 ,if a  
discourse on the use of the parts of the
 body may be considered as a hymn to the
 ,creator2 the use of the passions1     
which are the organs of the mind1 cannot
 be barren of praise to him1 nor        
unproductive to ourselves of that noble 
and uncommon union of science and       
admiration1 which a contemplation of the
 works of infinite wisdom alone can     
afford to a rational mind2 whilst1      
referring to him whatever we find of    
right or good or fair in ourselves1     
discovering his strength and wisdom even
 in our own weakness and imperfection1  
honoring them where we discover them    
clearly1 and adoring their profundity   
where we are lost in our search1 we may 
be inquisitive without impertinence1 and
 elevated without pride2 we may be      
admitted1 if ,i may dare to say so1 into

 the counsels of the ,almighty by a     
consideration of his works4 ,the        
elevation of the mind ought to be the   
principal end of all our studies2 which1
 if they do not in some measure effect1 
they are of very little service to us4  
,but1 besides this great purpose1 a     
consideration of the rationale of our   
passions seems to me very necessary for 
all who would affect them upon solid and
 sure principles4 ,it is not enough to  
know them in general2 to affect them    
after a delicate manner1 or to judge    
properly of any work designed to affect 
them1 we should know the exact          
boundaries of their several             
jurisdictions2 we should pursue them    
through all their variety of operations1
 and pierce into the inmost1 and what   
might appear inaccessible parts of our  
nature1       ,quod latet arcan non     
enarrabile fibr4  ,without all this it  
is possible for a man1 after a confused 
manner sometimes to satisfy his own mind
 of the truth of his work2 but he can   

never have a certain determinate rule to
 go by1 nor can he ever make his        
propositions sufficiently clear to      
others4 ,poets1 and orators1 and        
painters1 and those who cultivate other 
branches of the liberal arts1 have1     
without this critical knowledge1        
succeeded well in their several         
provinces1 and will succeed3 as among   
artificers there are many machines made 
and even invented without any exact     
knowledge of the principles they are    
governed by4 ,it is1 ,i own1 not        
uncommon to be wrong in theory1 and     
right in practice3 and we are happy that
 it is so4 ,men often act right from    
their feelings1 who afterwards reason   
but ill on them from principle2 but as  
it is impossible to avoid an attempt at 
such reasoning1 and equally impossible  
to prevent its having some influence on 
our practice1 surely it is worth taking 
some pains to have it just1 and founded 
on the basis of sure experience4 ,we    
might expect that the artists themselves

 would have been our surest guides2 but 
the artists have been too much occupied 
in the practice3 the philosophers have  
done little2 and what they have done1   
was mostly with a view to their own     
schemes and systems2 and as for those   
called critics1 they have generally     
sought the rule of the arts in the wrong
 place2 they sought it among poems1     
pictures1 engravings1 statues1 and      
buildings4 ,but art can never give the  
rules that make an art4 ,this is1 ,i    
believe1 the reason why artists in      
general1 and poets1 principally1 have   
been confined in so narrow a circle3    
they have been rather imitators of one  
another than of nature2 and this with so
 faithful an uniformity1 and to so      
remote an antiquity1 that it is hard to 
say who gave the first model4 ,critics  
follow them1 and therefore can do little
 as guides4 ,i can judge but poorly of  
anything1 whilst ,i measure it by no    
other standard than itself4 ,the true   
standard of the arts is in every man's  

power2 and an easy observation of the   
most common1 sometimes of the meanest   
things in nature1 will give the truest  
lights1 where the greatest sagacity and 
industry1 that slights such observation1
 must leave us in the dark1 or1 what is 
worse1 amuse and mislead us by false    
lights4 ,in an inquiry it is almost     
everything to be once in a right road4  
,i am satisfied ,i have done but little 
by these observations considered in     
themselves2 and ,i never should have    
taken the pains to digest them1 much    
less should ,i have ever ventured to    
publish them1 if ,i was not convinced   
that nothing tends more to the          
corruption of science than to suffer it 
to stagnate4 ,these waters must be      
troubled1 before they can exert their   
virtues4 ,a man who works beyond the    
surface of things1 though he may be     
wrong himself1 yet he clears the way for
 others1 and may chance to make even his
 errors subservient to the cause of     
truth4 ,in the following parts ,i shall 

inquire what things they are that cause 
in us the affections of the sublime and 
beautiful1 as in this ,i have considered
 the affections themselves4 ,i only     
desire one favor1--that no part of this 
discourse may be judged of by itself1   
and independently of the rest2 for ,i am
 sensible ,i have not disposed my       
materials to abide the test of a        
captious controversy1 but of a sober and
 even forgiving examination2 that they  
are not armed at all points for battle1 
but dressed to visit those who are      
willing to give a peaceful entrance to  
truth4  ,,footnotes3  #aj ,mr4 ,locke   
,essay on ,human ,understanding1 l4 ii4 
c4 #bj1 sect4 #af1 thinks that the      
removal or lessening of a pain is       
considered and operates as a pleasure1  
and the loss or diminishing of pleasure 
as a pain4 ,it is this opinion which we 
consider here4     ,,part ,,ii4         
,,section ,i4  ,,of ,,the ,,passion     
,,caused ,,by ,,the ,,sublime4  ,the    
passion caused by the great and sublime 

in nature1 when those causes operate    
most powerfully1 is astonishment3 and   
astonishment is that state of the soul  
in which all its motions are suspended1 
with some degree of horror4#aa ,in this 
case the mind is so entirely filled with
 its object1 that it cannot entertain   
any other1 nor by consequence reason on 
that object which employs it4 ,hence    
arises the great power of the sublime1  
that1 far from being produced by them1  
it anticipates our reasonings1 and      
hurries us on by an irresistible force4 
,astonishment1 as ,i have said1 is the  
effect of the sublime in its highest    
degree2 the inferior effects are        
admiration1 reverence1 and respect4     
,,section ,,ii4  ,,terror4  ,no passion 
so effectually robs the mind of all its 
powers of acting and reasoning as       
fear4#ab ,for fear being an apprehension
 of pain or death1 it operates in a     
manner that resembles actual pain4      
,whatever therefore is terrible1 with   
regard to sight1 is sublime too1 whether

 this cause of terror be endued with    
greatness of dimensions or not2 for it  
is impossible to look on anything as    
trifling1 or contemptible1 that may be  
dangerous4 ,there are many animals1 who1
 though far from being large1 are yet   
capable of raising ideas of the sublime1
 because they are considered as objects 
of terror4 ,as serpents and poisonous   
animals of almost all kinds4 ,and to    
things of great dimensions1 if we annex 
an adventitious idea of terror1 they    
become without comparison greater4 ,a   
level plain of a vast extent on land1 is
 certainly no mean idea2 the prospect of
 such a plain may be as extensive as a  
prospect of the ocean2 but can it ever  
fill the mind with anything so great as 
the ocean itself8 ,this is owing to     
several causes2 but it is owing to none 
more than this1 that the ocean is an    
object of no small terror4 ,indeed      
terror is in all cases whatsoever1      
either more openly or latently1 the     
ruling principle of the sublime4        

,several languages bear a strong        
testimony to the affinity of these      
ideas4 ,they frequently use the same    
word to signify indifferently the modes 
of astonishment or admiration and those 
of terror4 ,greek3 ,thambos is in ,greek
 either fear or wonder2 ,greek3 deinos  
is terrible or respectable2 ,greek3     
ahideo1 to reverence or to fear4 ,vereor
 in ,latin is what ,greek3 ahideo is in 
,greek4 ,the ,romans used the verb      
stupeo1 a term which strongly marks the 
state of an astonished mind1 to express 
the effect either of simple fear1 or of 
astonishment2 the word attonitus        
7thunderstruck7 is equally expressive of
 the alliance of these ideas2 and do not
 the ,french tonnement1 and the ,english
 astonishment and amazement1 point out  
as clearly the kindred emotions which   
attend fear and wonder8 ,they who have a
 more general knowledge of languages1   
could produce1 ,i make no doubt1 many   
other and equally striking examples4    
,,section ,,iii4  ,,obscurity4  ,to make

 anything very terrible1 obscurity#ac   
seems in general to be necessary4 ,when 
we know the full extent of any danger1  
when we can accustom our eyes to it1 a  
great deal of the apprehension vanishes4
 ,every one will be sensible of this1   
who considers how greatly night adds to 
our dread1 in all cases of danger1 and  
how much the notions of ghosts and      
goblins1 of which none can form clear   
ideas1 affect minds which give credit to
 the popular tales concerning such sorts
 of beings4 ,those despotic governments 
which are founded on the passions of    
men1 and principally upon the passion of
 fear1 keep their chief as much as may  
be from the public eye4 ,the policy has 
been the same in many cases of religion4
 ,almost all the heathen temples were   
dark4 ,even in the barbarous temples of 
the ,americans at this day1 they keep   
their idol in a dark part of the hut1   
which is consecrated to his worship4    
,for this purpose too the ,druids       
performed all their ceremonies in the   

bosom of the darkest woods1 and in the  
shade of the oldest and most spreading  
oaks4 ,no person seems better to have   
understood the secret of heightening1 or
 of setting terrible things1 if ,i may  
use the expression1 in their strongest  
light1 by the force of a judicious      
obscurity than ,milton4 ,his description
 of death in the second book is         
admirably studied2 it is astonishing    
with what a gloomy pomp1 with what a    
significant and expressive uncertainty  
of strokes and coloring1 he has finished
 the portrait of the king of terrors3   
,the other shape1     ,if shape it might
 be called that shape had none          
,distinguishable1 in member1 joint1 or  
limb2     ,or substance might be called 
that shadow seemed2     ,for each seemed
 either2 black he stood as night2       
,fierce as ten furies2 terrible as hell2
     ,and shook a deadly dart4 ,what    
seemed his head     ,the likeness of a  
kingly crown had on4  ,in this          
description all is dark1 uncertain1     

confused1 terrible1 and sublime to the  
last degree4   ,,section ,,iv4  ,,of    
,,the ,,difference ,,between ,,clearness
 ,,and ,,obscurity ,,with ,,regard ,,to 
,,the ,,passions4  ,it is one thing to  
make an idea clear1 and another to make 
it affecting to the imagination4 ,if ,i 
make a drawing of a palace1 or a temple1
 or a landscape1 ,i present a very clear
 idea of those objects2 but then        
7allowing for the effect of imitation   
which is something7 my picture can at   
most affect only as the palace1 temple1 
or landscape1 would have affected in the
 reality4 ,on the other hand1 the most  
lively and spirited verbal description  
,i can give raises a very obscure and   
imperfect idea of such objects2 but then
 it is in my power to raise a stronger  
emotion by the description than ,i could
 do by the best painting4 ,this         
experience constantly evinces4 ,the     
proper manner of conveying the          
affections of the mind from one to      
another is by words2 there is a great   

insufficiency in all other methods of   
communication2 and so far is a clearness
 of imagery from being absolutely       
necessary to an influence upon the      
passions1 that they may be considerably 
operated upon1 without presenting any   
image at all1 by certain sounds adapted 
to that purpose2 of which we have a     
sufficient proof in the acknowledged and
 powerful effects of instrumental music4
 ,in reality1 a great clearness helps   
but little towards affecting the        
passions1 as it is in some sort an enemy
 to all enthusiasms whatsoever4         
,,section ,,iv4  ,,the ,,same ,,subject 
,,continued4  ,there are two verses in  
,horace's ,art of ,poetry that seem to  
contradict this opinion2 for which      
reason ,i shall take a little more pains
 in clearing it up4 ,the verses are1    
,segnius irritant animos demissa per    
aures1     ,quam qu sunt oculis subjecta
 fidelibus4   ,on this the ,abb du ,bos 
founds a criticism1 wherein he gives    
painting the preference to poetry in the

 article of moving the passions2        
principally on account of the greater   
clearness of the ideas it represents4 ,i
 believe this excellent judge was led   
into this mistake 7if it be a mistake7  
by his system2 to which he found it more
 conformable than ,i imagine it will be 
found to experience4 ,i know several who
 admire and love painting1 and yet who  
regard the objects of their admiration  
in that art with coolness enough in     
comparison of that warmth with which    
they are animated by affecting pieces of
 poetry or rhetoric4 ,among the common  
sort of people1 ,i never could perceive 
that painting had much influence on     
their passions4 ,it is true that the    
best sorts of painting1 as well as the  
best sorts of poetry1 are not much      
understood in that sphere4 ,but it is   
most certain that their passions are    
very strongly roused by a fanatic       
preacher1 or by the ballads of ,chevy   
,chase1 or the ,children in the ,wood1  
and by other little popular poems and   

tales that are current in that rank of  
life4 ,i do not know of any paintings1  
bad or good1 that produce the same      
effect4 ,so that poetry1 with all its   
obscurity1 has a more general1 as well  
as a more powerful dominion over the    
passions1 than the other art4 ,and ,i   
think there are reasons in nature1 why  
the obscure idea1 when properly         
conveyed1 should be more affecting than 
the clear4 ,it is our ignorance of      
things that causes all our admiration1  
and chiefly excites our passions4       
,knowledge and acquaintance make the    
most striking causes affect but little4 
,it is thus with the vulgar2 and all men
 are as the vulgar in what they do not  
understand4 ,the ideas of eternity1 and 
infinity1 are among the most affecting  
we have3 and yet perhaps there is       
nothing of which we really understand so
 little1 as of infinity and eternity4   
,we do not anywhere meet a more sublime 
description than this justly-celebrated 
one of ,milton1 wherein he gives the    

portrait of ,satan with a dignity so    
suitable to the subject3                
,he above the rest     ,in shape and    
gesture proudly eminent     ,stood like 
a tower2 his form had yet not lost      
,all her original brightness1 nor       
appeared     ,less than archangel       
ruined1 and th' excess     ,of glory    
obscured3 as when the sun new risen     
,looks through the horizontal misty air 
,shorn of his beams2 or from behind the 
moon     ,in dim eclipse disastrous     
twilight sheds     ,on half the nations2
 and with fear of change     ,perplexes 
monarchs4  ,here is a very noble        
picture2 and in what does this poetical 
picture consist8 ,in images of a tower1 
an archangel1 the sun rising through    
mists1 or in an eclipse1 the ruin of    
monarchs and the revolutions of         
kingdoms4 ,the mind is hurried out of   
itself1 by a crowd of great and confused
 images2 which affect because they are  
crowded and confused4 ,for separate     
them1 and you lose much of the          

greatness2 and join them1 and you       
infallibly lose the clearness4 ,the     
images raised by poetry are always of   
this obscure kind2 though in general the
 effects of poetry are by no means to be
 attributed to the images it raises2    
which point we shall examine more at    
large hereafter4#ad ,but painting1 when 
we have allowed for the pleasure of     
imitation1 can only affect simply by the
 images it presents2 and even in        
painting1 a judicious obscurity in some 
things contributes to the effect of the 
picture2 because the images in painting 
are exactly similar to those in nature2 
and in nature1 dark1 confused1 uncertain
 images have a greater power on the     
fancy to form the grander passions1 than
 those have which are more clear and    
determinate4 ,but where and when this   
observation may be applied to practice1 
and how far it shall be extended1 will  
be better deduced from the nature of the
 subject1 and from the occasion1 than   
from any rules that can be given4  ,i am

 sensible that this idea has met with   
opposition1 and is likely still to be   
rejected by several4 ,but let it be     
considered that hardly anything can     
strike the mind with its greatness1     
which does not make some sort of        
approach towards infinity2 which nothing
 can do whilst we are able to perceive  
its bounds2 but to see an object        
distinctly1 and to perceive its bounds1 
is one and the same thing4 ,a clear idea
 is therefore another name for a little 
idea4 ,there is a passage in the book of
 ,job amazingly sublime1 and this       
sublimity is principally due to the     
terrible uncertainty of the thing       
described3 ,in thoughts from the visions
 of the night1 when deep sleep falleth  
upon men1 fear came upon me and         
trembling1 which made all my bones to   
shake4 ,then a spirit passed before my  
face4 ,the hair of my flesh stood up4   
,it stood still1 but ,i could not       
discern the form thereof2 an image was  
before mine eyes2 there was silence2 and

 ,i heard a voice1--,shall mortal man be
 more just than ,god8 ,we are first     
prepared with the utmost solemnity for  
the vision2 we are first terrified1     
before we are let even into the obscure 
cause of our emotion3 but when this     
grand cause of terror makes its         
appearance1 what is it8 ,is it not wrapt
 up in the shades of its own            
incomprehensible darkness1 more awful1  
more striking1 more terrible1 than the  
liveliest description1 than the clearest
 painting1 could possibly represent it8 
,when painters have attempted to give us
 clear representations of these very    
fanciful and terrible ideas1 they have1 
,i think1 almost always failed2 insomuch
 that ,i have been at a loss1 in all the
 pictures ,i have seen of hell1 to      
determine whether the painter did not   
intend something ludicrous4 ,several    
painters have handled a subject of this 
kind1 with a view of assembling as many 
horrid phantoms as their imagination    
could suggest2 but all the designs ,i   

have chanced to meet of the temptations 
of ,st4 ,anthony were rather a sort of  
odd1 wild grotesques1 than any thing    
capable of producing a serious passion4 
,in all these subjects poetry is very   
happy4 ,its apparitions1 its chimeras1  
its harpies1 its allegorical figures1   
are grand and affecting2 and though     
,virgil's ,fame and ,homer's ,discord   
are obscure1 they are magnificent       
figures4 ,these figures in painting     
would be clear enough1 but ,i fear they 
might become ridiculous4   ,,section ,v4
  ,,power4  ,besides those things which 
directly suggest the idea of danger1 and
 those which produce a similar effect   
from a mechanical cause1 ,i know of     
nothing sublime1 which is not some      
modification of power4 ,and this branch 
rises1 as naturally as the other two    
branches1 from terror1 the common stock 
of everything that is sublime4 ,the idea
 of power1 at first view1 seems of the  
class of those indifferent ones1 which  
may equally belong to pain or to        

pleasure4 ,but in reality1 the affection
 arising from the idea of vast power is 
extremely remote from that neutral      
character4 ,for first1 we must          
remember#ae that the idea of pain1 in   
its highest degree1 is much stronger    
than the highest degree of pleasure2 and
 that it preserves the same superiority 
through all the subordinate gradations4 
,from hence it is1 that where the       
chances for equal degrees of suffering  
or enjoyment are in any sort equal1 the 
idea of the suffering must always be    
prevalent4 ,and indeed the ideas of     
pain1 and1 above all1 of death1 are so  
very affecting1 that whilst we remain in
 the presence of whatever is supposed to
 have the power of inflicting either1 it
 is impossible to be perfectly free from
 terror4 ,again1 we know by experience1 
that1 for the enjoyment of pleasure1 no 
great efforts of power are at all       
necessary2 nay1 we know that such       
efforts would go a great way towards    
destroying our satisfaction3 for        

pleasure must be stolen1 and not forced 
upon us2 pleasure follows the will2 and 
therefore we are generally affected with
 it by many things of a force greatly   
inferior to our own4 ,but pain is always
 inflicted by a power in some way       
superior1 because we never submit to    
pain willingly4 ,so that strength1      
violence1 pain1 and terror1 are ideas   
that rush in upon the mind together4    
,look at a man1 or any other animal of  
prodigious strength1 and what is your   
idea before reflection8 ,is it that this
 strength will be subservient to you1 to
 your ease1 to your pleasure1 to your   
interest in any sense8 ,no2 the emotion 
you feel is1 lest this enormous strength
 should be employed to the purposes     
of#af rapine and destruction4 ,that     
power derives all its sublimity from the
 terror with which it is generally      
accompanied1 will appear evidently from 
its effect in the very few cases1 in    
which it may be possible to strip a     
considerable degree of strength of its  

ability to hurt4 ,when you do this1 you 
spoil it of everything sublime1 and it  
immediately becomes contemptible4 ,an ox
 is a creature of vast strength2 but he 
is an innocent creature1 extremely      
serviceable1 and not at all dangerous2  
for which reason the idea of an ox is by
 no means grand4 ,a bull is strong too2 
but his strength is of another kind2    
often very destructive1 seldom 7at least
 amongst us7 of any use in our business2
 the idea of a bull is therefore great1 
and it has frequently a place in sublime
 descriptions1 and elevating            
comparisons4 ,let us look at another    
strong animal1 in the two distinct      
lights in which we may consider him4    
,the horse in the light of an useful    
beast1 fit for the plough1 the road1 the
 draft2 in every social useful light1   
the horse has nothing sublime2 but is it
 thus that we are affected with him1    
whose neck is clothed with thunder1 the 
glory of whose nostrils is terrible1 who
 swalloweth the ground with fierceness  

and rage1 neither believeth that it is  
the sound of the trumpet8 ,in this      
description1 the useful character of the
 horse entirely disappears1 and the     
terrible and sublime blaze out together4
 ,we have continually about us animals  
of a strength that is considerable1 but 
not pernicious4 ,amongst these we never 
look for the sublime2 it comes upon us  
in the gloomy forest1 and in the howling
 wilderness1 in the form of the lion1   
the tiger1 the panther1 or rhinoceros4  
,whenever strength is only useful1 and  
employed for our benefit or our         
pleasure1 then it is never sublime2 for 
nothing can act agreeably to us1 that   
does not act in conformity to our will2 
but to act agreeably to our will1 it    
must be subject to us1 and therefore can
 never be the cause of a grand and      
commanding conception4 ,the description 
of the wild ass1 in ,job1 is worked up  
into no small sublimity1 merely by      
insisting on his freedom1 and his       
setting mankind at defiance2 otherwise  

the description of such an animal could 
have had nothing noble in it4 ,who hath 
loosed 7says he7 the bands of the wild  
ass8 whose house ,i have made the       
wilderness and the barren land his      
dwellings4 ,he scorneth the multitude of
 the city1 neither regardeth he the     
voice of the driver4 ,the range of the  
mountains is his pasture4 ,the          
magnificent description of the unicorn  
and of leviathan1 in the same book1 is  
full of the same heightening            
circumstances3 ,will the unicorn be     
willing to serve thee8 canst thou bind  
the unicorn with his band in the furrow8
 wilt thou trust him because his        
strength is great8--,canst thou draw out
 leviathan with an hook8 will he make a 
covenant with thee8 wilt thou take him  
for a servant forever8 shall not one be 
cast down even at the sight of him8 ,in 
short1 wheresoever we find strength1 and
 in what light soever we look upon      
power1 we shall all along observe the   
sublime the concomitant of terror1 and  

contempt the attendant on a strength    
that is subservient and innoxious4 ,the 
race of dogs1 in many of their kinds1   
have generally a competent degree of    
strength and swiftness2 and they exert  
these and other valuable qualities which
 they possess1 greatly to our           
convenience and pleasure4 ,dogs are     
indeed the most social1 affectionate1   
and amiable animals of the whole brute  
creation2 but love approaches much      
nearer to contempt than is commonly     
imagined2 and accordingly1 though we    
caress dogs1 we borrow from them an     
appellation of the most despicable kind1
 when we employ terms of reproach2 and  
this appellation is the common mark of  
the last vileness and contempt in every 
language4 ,wolves have not more strength
 than several species of dogs2 but1 on  
account of their unmanageable           
fierceness1 the idea of a wolf is not   
despicable2 it is not excluded from     
grand descriptions and similitudes4     
,thus we are affected by strength1 which

 is natural power4 ,the power which     
arises from institution in kings and    
commanders1 has the same connection with
 terror4 ,sovereigns are frequently     
addressed with the title of dread       
majesty4 ,and it may be observed1 that  
young persons1 little acquainted with   
the world1 and who have not been used to
 approach men in power1 are commonly    
struck with an awe which takes away the 
free use of their faculties4 ,when ,i   
prepared my seat in the street1 7says   
,job17 the young men saw me1 and hid    
themselves4 ,indeed so natural is this  
timidity with regard to power1 and so   
strongly does it inhere in our          
constitution1 that very few are able to 
conquer it1 but by mixing much in the   
business of the great world1 or by using
 no small violence to their natural     
dispositions4 ,i know some people are of
 opinion1 that no awe1 no degree of     
terror1 accompanies the idea of power2  
and have hazarded to affirm1 that we can
 contemplate the idea of ,god himself   

without any such emotion4 ,i purposely  
avoided1 when ,i first considered this  
subject1 to introduce the idea of that  
great and tremendous ,being1 as an      
example in an argument so light as this2
 though it frequently occurred to me1   
not as an objection to1 but as a strong 
confirmation of1 my notions in this     
matter4 ,i hope1 in what ,i am going to 
say1 ,i shall avoid presumption1 where  
it is almost impossible for any mortal  
to speak with strict propriety4 ,i say  
then1 that whilst we consider the       
,godhead merely as he is an object of   
the understanding1 which forms a complex
 idea of power1 wisdom1 justice1        
goodness1 all stretched to a degree far 
exceeding the bounds of our             
comprehension1 whilst we consider the   
divinity in this refined and abstracted 
light1 the imagination and passions are 
little or nothing affected4 ,but because
 we are bound1 by the condition of our  
nature1 to ascend to these pure and     
intellectual ideas1 through the medium  

of sensible images1 and to judge of     
these divine qualities by their evident 
acts and exertions1 it becomes extremely
 hard to disentangle our idea of the    
cause from the effect by which we are   
led to know it4 ,thus1 when we          
contemplate the ,deity1 his attributes  
and their operation1 coming united on   
the mind1 form a sort of sensible image1
 and as such are capable of affecting   
the imagination4 ,now1 though in a just 
idea of the ,deity1 perhaps none of his 
attributes are predominant1 yet1 to our 
imagination1 his power is by far the    
most striking4 ,some reflection1 some   
comparing1 is necessary to satisfy us of
 his wisdom1 his justice1 and his       
goodness4 ,to be struck with his power1 
it is only necessary that we should open
 our eyes4 ,but whilst we contemplate so
 vast an object1 under the arm1 as it   
were1 of almighty power1 and invested   
upon every side with omnipresence1 we   
shrink into the minuteness of our own   
nature1 and are1 in a manner1           

annihilated before him4 ,and though a   
consideration of his other attributes   
may relieve1 in some measure1 our       
apprehensions2 yet no conviction of the 
justice with which it is exercised1 nor 
the mercy with which it is tempered1 can
 wholly remove the terror that naturally
 arises from a force which nothing can  
withstand4 ,if we rejoice1 we rejoice   
with trembling2 and even whilst we are  
receiving benefits1 we cannot but       
shudder at a power which can confer     
benefits of such mighty importance4     
,when the prophet ,david contemplated   
the wonders of wisdom and power which   
are displayed in the economy of man1 he 
seems to be struck with a sort of divine
 horror1 and cries out1 fearfully and   
wonderfully am ,i made6 ,an heathen poet
 has a sentiment of a similar nature2   
,horace looks upon it as the last effort
 of philosophical fortitude1 to behold  
without terror and amazement1 this      
immense and glorious fabric of the      
universe3      ,hunc solem1 et stellas1 

et decedentia certis     ,tempora       
momentis1 sunt qui formidine nulla      
,imbuti spectent4  ,lucretius is a poet 
not to be suspected of giving way to    
superstitious terrors2 yet1 when he     
supposes the whole mechanism of nature  
laid open by the master of his          
philosophy1 his transport on this       
magnificent view1 which he has          
represented in the colors of such bold  
and lively poetry1 is overcast with a   
shade of secret dread and horror3       
,his ibi me rebus qudam divina voluptas 
,percipit1 atque horror2 quod sic       
natura1 tua vi     ,tam manifesta       
patens1 ex omni parte retecta est4  ,but
 the ,scripture alone can supply ideas  
answerable to the majesty of this       
subject4 ,in the ,scripture1 wherever   
,god is represented as appearing or     
speaking1 everything terrible in nature 
is called up to heighten the awe and    
solemnity of the ,divine presence4 ,the 
,psalms1 and the prophetical books1 are 
crowded with instances of this kind4    

,the earth shook1 7says the ,psalmist17 
the heavens also dropped at the presence
 of the ,lord4 ,and what is remarkable1 
the painting preserves the same         
character1 not only when he is supposed 
descending to take vengeance upon the   
wicked1 but even when he exerts the like
 plenitude of power in acts of          
beneficence to mankind4 ,tremble1 thou  
earth6 at the presence of the ,lord2 at 
the presence of the ,god of ,jacob2     
which turned the rock into standing     
water1 the flint into a fountain of     
waters6 ,it were endless to enumerate   
all the passages1 both in the sacred and
 profane writers1 which establish the   
general sentiment of mankind1 concerning
 the inseparable union of a sacred and  
reverential awe1 with our ideas of the  
divinity4 ,hence the common maxim1      
,primus in orbe deos fecit timor4 ,this 
maxim may be1 as ,i believe it is1 false
 with regard to the origin of religion4 
,the maker of the maxim saw how         
inseparable these ideas were1 without   

considering that the notion of some     
great power must be always precedent to 
our dread of it4 ,but this dread must   
necessarily follow the idea of such a   
power1 when it is once excited in the   
mind4 ,it is on this principle that true
 religion has1 and must have1 so large a
 mixture of salutary fear2 and that     
false religions have generally nothing  
else but fear to support them4 ,before  
the ,christian religion had1 as it were1
 humanized the idea of the ,divinity1   
and brought it somewhat nearer to us1   
there was very little said of the love  
of ,god4 ,the followers of ,plato have  
something of it1 and only something2 the
 other writers of pagan antiquity1      
whether poets or philosophers1 nothing  
at all4 ,and they who consider with what
 infinite attention1 by what a disregard
 of every perishable object1 through    
what long habits of piety and           
contemplation it is that any man is able
 to attain an entire love and devotion  
to the ,deity1 will easily perceive that

 it is not the first1 the most natural1 
and the most striking effect which      
proceeds from that idea4 ,thus we have  
traced power through its several        
gradations unto the highest of all1     
where our imagination is finally lost2  
and we find terror1 quite throughout the
 progress1 its inseparable companion1   
and growing along with it1 as far as we 
can possibly trace them4 ,now1 as power 
is undoubtedly a capital source of the  
sublime1 this will point out evidently  
from whence its energy is derived1 and  
to what class of ideas we ought to unite
 it4   ,,section ,,vi4  ,,privation4    
,,all general privations are great1     
because they are all terrible2 vacuity1 
darkness1 solitude1 and silence4 ,with  
what a fire of imagination1 yet with    
what severity of judgment1 has ,virgil  
amassed all these circumstances1 where  
he knows that all the images of a       
tremendous dignity ought to be united at
 the mouth of hell6 ,where1 before he   
unlocks the secrets of the great deep1  

he seems to be seized with a religious  
horror1 and to retire astonished at the 
boldness of his own design3      ,dii1  
quibus imperium est animarum1 umbrque   
silentes6     ,et ,chaos1 et            
,phlegethon6 loca nocte silentia late6  
,sit mihi fas audita loqui6 sit numine  
vestro     ,pandere res alta terra et   
caligine mersas6     ,ibant obscuri1    
sola sub nocte1 per umbram1     ,perque 
domos ,ditis vacuas1 et inania regus4   
,ye subterraneous gods6 whose awful sway
     ,the gliding ghosts1 and silent    
shades obey3     ,o ,chaos hoar6 and    
,phlegethon profound6     ,whose solemn 
empire stretches wide around2     ,give 
me1 ye great1 tremendous powers1 to tell
     ,of scenes and wonders in the depth
 of hell2     ,give me your mighty      
secrets to display     ,from those black
 realms of darkness to the day4         
,,pitt4     ,obscure they went through  
dreary shades that led     ,along the   
waste dominions of the dead4            
,,dryden4   ,,section ,,vii4            

,,vastness4  ,greatness#ag of dimension 
is a powerful cause of the sublime4     
,this is too evident1 and the           
observation too common1 to need any     
illustration2 it is not so common to    
consider in what ways greatness of      
dimension1 vastness of extent or        
quantity1 has the most striking effect4 
,for1 certainly1 there are ways and     
modes wherein the same quantity of      
extension shall produce greater effects 
than it is found to do in others4       
,extension is either in length1 height1 
or depth4 ,of these the length strikes  
least2 a hundred yards of even ground   
will never work such an effect as a     
tower a hundred yards high1 or a rock or
 mountain of that altitude4 ,i am apt to
 imagine1 likewise1 that height is less 
grand than depth2 and that we are more  
struck at looking down from a precipice1
 than looking up at an object of equal  
height2 but of that ,i am not very      
positive4 ,a perpendicular has more     
force in forming the sublime1 than an   

inclined plane1 and the effects of a    
rugged and broken surface seem stronger 
than where it is smooth and polished4   
,it would carry us out of our way to    
enter in this place into the cause of   
these appearances1 but certain it is    
they afford a large and fruitful field  
of speculation4 ,however1 it may not be 
amiss to add to these remarks upon      
magnitude1 that as the great extreme of 
dimension is sublime1 so the last       
extreme of littleness is in some measure
 sublime likewise2 when we attend to the
 infinite divisibility of matter1 when  
we pursue animal life into these        
excessively small1 and yet organized    
beings1 that escape the nicest          
inquisition of the sense2 when we push  
our discoveries yet downward1 and       
consider those creatures so many degrees
 yet smaller1 and the still diminishing 
scale of existence1 in tracing which the
 imagination is lost as well as the     
sense2 we become amazed and confounded  
at the wonders of minuteness2 nor can we

 distinguish in its effect this extreme 
of littleness from the vast itself4 ,for
 division must be infinite as well as   
addition2 because the idea of a perfect 
unity can no more be arrived at1 than   
that of a complete whole1 to which      
nothing may be added4   ,,section       
,,viii4  ,,infinity4  ,another source of
 the sublime is infinity2 if it does not
 rather belong to the last4 ,infinity   
has a tendency to fill the mind with    
that sort of delightful horror1 which is
 the most genuine effect1 and truest    
test of the sublime4 ,there are scarce  
any things which can become the objects 
of our senses1 that are really and in   
their own nature infinite4 ,but the eye 
not being able to perceive the bounds of
 many things1 they seem to be infinite1 
and they produce the same effects as if 
they were really so4 ,we are deceived in
 the like manner1 if the parts of some  
large object are so continued to any    
indefinite number1 that the imagination 
meets no check which may hinder its     

extending them at pleasure4  ,whenever  
we repeat any idea frequently1 the mind1
 by a sort of mechanism1 repeats it long
 after the first cause has ceased to    
operate4#ah ,after whirling about1 when 
we sit down1 the objects about us still 
seem to whirl4 ,after a long succession 
of noises1 as the fall of waters1 or the
 beating of forge-hammers1 the hammers  
beat and the waters roar in the         
imagination long after the first sounds 
have ceased to affect it2 and they die  
away at last by gradations which are    
scarcely perceptible4 ,if you hold up a 
straight pole1 with your eye to one end1
 it will seem extended to a length      
almost incredible4#ai ,place a number of
 uniform and equi-distant marks on this 
pole1 they will cause the same          
deception1 and seem multiplied without  
end4 ,the senses1 strongly affected in  
some one manner1 cannot quickly change  
their tenor1 or adapt themselves to     
other things2 but they continue in their
 old channel until the strength of the  

first mover decays4 ,this is the reason 
of an appearance very frequent in       
madmen2 that they remain whole days and 
nights1 sometimes whole years1 in the   
constant repetition of some remark1 some
 complaint1 or song2 which having struck
 powerfully on their disordered         
imagination1 in the beginning of their  
frenzy1 every repetition reinforces it  
with new strength1 and the hurry of     
their spirits1 unrestrained by the curb 
of reason1 continues it to the end of   
their lives4   ,,section ,,ix4          
,,succession ,,and ,,uniformity4        
,succession and uniformity of parts are 
what constitute the artificial infinite4
 #a4 ,succession2 which is requisite    
that the parts may be continued so long 
and in such a direction1 as by their    
frequent impulses on the sense to       
impress the imagination with an idea of 
their progress beyond their actual      
limits4 #b4 ,uniformity2 because1 if the
 figures of the parts should be changed1
 the imagination at every change finds a

 check2 you are presented at every      
alteration with the termination of one  
idea1 and the beginning of another2 by  
which means it becomes impossible to    
continue that uninterrupted progression1
 which alone can stamp on bounded       
objects the character of infinity4 ,it  
is in this kind of artificial infinity1 
,i believe1 we ought to look for the    
cause why a rotund has such a noble     
effect4#bj ,for in a rotund1 whether it 
be a building or a plantation1 you can  
nowhere fix a boundary2 turn which way  
you will1 the same object still seems to
 continue1 and the imagination has no   
rest4 ,but the parts must be uniform1 as
 well as circularly disposed1 to give   
this figure its full force2 because any 
difference1 whether it be in the        
disposition1 or in the figure1 or even  
in the color of the parts1 is highly    
prejudicial to the idea of infinity1    
which every change must check and       
interrupt1 at every alteration          
commencing a new series4 ,on the same   

principles of succession and uniformity1
 the grand appearance of the ancient    
heathen temples1 which were generally   
oblong forms1 with a range of uniform   
pillars on every side1 will be easily   
accounted for4 ,from the same cause also
 may be derived the grand effect of the 
aisles in many of our own old           
cathedrals4 ,the form of a cross used in
 some churches seems to me not so       
eligible as the parallelogram of the    
ancients2 at least1 ,i imagine it is not
 so proper for the outside4 ,for1       
supposing the arms of the cross every   
way equal1 if you stand in a direction  
parallel to any of the side walls1 or   
colonnades1 instead of a deception that 
makes the building more extended than it
 is1 you are cut off from a considerable
 part 7two thirds7 of its actual length2
 and1 to prevent all possibility of     
progression1 the arms of the cross      
taking a new direction1 make a right    
angle with the beam1 and thereby wholly 
turn the imagination from the repetition

 of the former idea4 ,or suppose the    
spectator placed where he may take a    
direct view of such a building1 what    
will be the consequence8 the necessary  
consequence will be1 that a good part of
 the basis of each angle formed by the  
intersection of the arms of the cross1  
must be inevitably lost2 the whole must 
of course assume a broken1 unconnected  
figure2 the lights must be unequal1 here
 strong1 and there weak2 without that   
noble gradation which the perspective   
always effects on parts disposed        
uninterruptedly in a right line4 ,some  
or all of these objections will lie     
against every figure of a cross1 in     
whatever view you take it4 ,i           
exemplified them in the ,greek cross1 in
 which these faults appear the most     
strongly2 but they appear in some degree
 in all sorts of crosses4 ,indeed1 there
 is nothing more prejudicial to the     
grandeur of buildings than to abound in 
angles2 a fault obvious in many2 and    
owing to an inordinate thirst for       

variety1 which1 whenever it prevails1 is
 sure to leave very little true taste4  
,,section ,x4  ,,magnitude ,,in         
,,building4  ,to the sublime in         
building1 greatness of dimension seems  
requisite2 for on a few parts1 and those
 small1 the imagination cannot rise to  
any idea of infinity4 ,no greatness in  
the manner can effectually compensate   
for the want of proper dimensions4      
,there is no danger of drawing men into 
extravagant designs by this rule2 it    
carries its own caution along with it4  
,because too great a length in buildings
 destroys the purpose of greatness1     
which it was intended to promote2 the   
perspective will lessen it in height as 
it gains in length2 and will bring it at
 last to a point2 turning the whole     
figure into a sort of triangle1 the     
poorest in its effect of almost any     
figure that can be presented to the eye4
 ,i have ever observed1 that colonnades 
and avenues of trees of a moderate      
length were1 without comparison1 far    

grander than when they were suffered to 
run to immense distances4 ,a true artist
 should put a generous deceit on the    
spectators1 and effect the noblest      
designs by easy methods4 ,designs that  
are vast only by their dimensions are   
always the sign of a common and low     
imagination4 ,no work of art can be     
great1 but as it deceives2 to be        
otherwise is the prerogative of nature  
only4 ,a good eye will fix the medium   
betwixt an excessive length or height   
7for the same objection lies against    
both71 and a short or broken quantity3  
and perhaps it might be ascertained to a
 tolerable degree of exactness1 if it   
was my purpose to descend far into the  
particulars of any art4   ,,section     
,,xi4  ,,infinity ,,in ,,pleasing       
,,objects4  ,infinity1 though of another
 kind1 causes much of our pleasure in   
agreeable1 as well as of our delight in 
sublime images4 ,the spring is the      
pleasantest of the seasons2 and the     
young of most animals1 though far from  

being completely fashioned1 afford a    
more agreeable sensation than the       
full-grown2 because the imagination is  
entertained with the promise of         
something more1 and does not acquiesce  
in the present object of the sense4 ,in 
unfinished sketches of drawing1 ,i have 
often seen something which pleased me   
beyond the best finishing2 and this ,i  
believe proceeds from the cause ,i have 
just now assigned4   ,,section ,,xii4   
,,difficulty4  ,another source of       
greatness is difficulty4#ba ,when any   
work seems to have required immense     
force and labor to effect it1 the idea  
is grand4 ,stonehenge1 neither for      
disposition nor ornament1 has anything  
admirable2 but those huge rude masses of
 stone1 set on end1 and piled each on   
other1 turn the mind on the immense     
force necessary for such a work4 ,nay1  
the rudeness of the work increases this 
cause of grandeur1 as it excludes the   
idea of art and contrivance2 for        
dexterity produces another sort of      

effect1 which is different enough from  
this4   ,,section ,,xiii4               
,,magnificence4  ,magnificence is       
likewise a source of the sublime4 ,a    
great profusion of things1 which are    
splendid or valuable in themselves1 is  
magnificent4 ,the starry heaven1 though 
it occurs so very frequently to our view
 never fails to excite an idea of       
grandeur4 ,this cannot be owing to the  
stars themselves1 separately considered4
 ,the number is certainly the cause4    
,the apparent disorder augments the     
grandeur1 for the appearance of care is 
highly contrary to our ideas of         
magnificence4 ,besides1 the stars lie in
 such apparent confusion1 as makes it   
impossible on ordinary occasions to     
reckon them4 ,this gives them the       
advantage of a sort of infinity4 ,in    
works of art1 this kind of grandeur     
which consists in multitude1 is to be   
very cautiously admitted2 because a     
profusion of excellent things is not to 
be attained1 or with too much           

difficulty2 and because in many cases   
this splendid confusion would destroy   
all use1 which should be attended to in 
most of the works of art with the       
greatest care2 besides1 it is to be     
considered1 that unless you can produce 
an appearance of infinity by your       
disorder1 you will have disorder only   
without magnificence4 ,there are1       
however1 a sort of fireworks1 and some  
other things1 that in this way succeed  
well1 and are truly grand4 ,there are   
also many descriptions in the poets and 
orators1 which owe their sublimity to a 
richness and profusion of images1 in    
which the mind is so dazzled as to make 
it impossible to attend to that exact   
coherence and agreement of the          
allusions1 which we should require on   
every other occasion4 ,i do not now     
remember a more striking example of     
this1 than the description which is     
given of the king's army in the play of 
,henry ,,iv43--                ,all     
furnished1 all in arms1     ,all plumed 

like ostriches that with the wind       
,baited like eagles having lately       
bathed3     ,as full of spirit us the   
month of ,may1     ,and gorgeous as the 
sun in midsummer1     ,wanton as        
youthful goats1 wild as young bulls4    
,i saw young ,harry with his beaver on  
,rise from the ground like feathered    
,mercury2     ,and vaulted with such    
ease into his seat1     ,as if an angel 
dropped down from the clouds     ,to    
turn and wind a fiery ,pegasus4   ,in   
that excellent book1 so remarkable for  
the vivacity of its descriptions1 as    
well as the solidity and penetration of 
its sentences1 the ,wisdom of the ,son  
of ,sirach1 there is a noble panegyric  
on the high-priest ,simon the son of    
,onias2 and it is a very fine example of
 the point before us3--      ,how was he
 honored in the midst of the people1 in 
his coming out of     the sanctuary6 ,he
 was as the morning star in the midst of
 a cloud1     and as the moon at the    
full2 as the sun shining upon the temple

 of     the ,most ,high1 and as the     
rainbow giving light in the bright      
clouds3     and as the flower of roses  
in the spring of the year1 as lilies by 
the rivers of waters1 and as the        
frankincense-tree in summer2 as     fire
 and incense in the censer1 and as a    
vessel of gold set with     precious    
stones2 as a fair olive-tree budding    
forth fruit1 and as a     cypress which 
groweth up to the clouds4 ,when he put  
on the robe of     honor1 and was       
clothed with the perfection of glory1   
when he went up     to the holy altar1  
he made the garment of holiness         
honorable4 ,he     himself stood by the 
hearth of the altar1 compassed with his 
brethren round about2 as a young cedar  
in ,libanus1 and as     palm-trees      
compassed they him about4 ,so were all  
the sons of ,aaron     in their glory1  
and the oblations of the ,lord in their 
hands1 c4   ,,section ,,xiv4  ,,light4  
,having considered extension1 so far as 
it is capable of raising ideas of       

greatness2 color comes next under       
consideration4 ,all colors depend on    
light4 ,light therefore ought previously
 to be examined2 and with it its        
opposite1 darkness4 ,with regard to     
light1 to make it a cause capable of    
producing the sublime1 it must be       
attended with some circumstances1       
besides its bare faculty of showing     
other objects4 ,mere light is too common
 a thing to make a strong impression on 
the mind1 and without a strong          
impression nothing can be sublime4 ,but 
such a light as that of the sun1        
immediately exerted on the eye1 as it   
overpowers the sense1 is a very great   
idea4 ,light of an inferior strength to 
this1 if it moves with great celerity1  
has the same power2 for lightning is    
certainly productive of grandeur1 which 
it owes chiefly to the extreme velocity 
of its motion4 ,a quick transition from 
light to darkness1 or from darkness to  
light1 has yet a greater effect4 ,but   
darkness is more productive of sublime  

ideas than light4 ,our great poet was   
convinced of this2 and indeed so full   
was he of this idea1 so entirely        
possessed with the power of a           
well-managed darkness1 that in          
describing the appearance of the ,deity1
 amidst that profusion of magnificent   
images1 which the grandeur of his       
subject provokes him to pour out upon   
every side1 he is far from forgetting   
the obscurity which surrounds the most  
incomprehensible of all beings1 but     
,with majesty of darkness round         
,circles his throne4  ,and what is no   
less remarkable1 our author had the     
secret of preserving this idea1 even    
when he seemed to depart the farthest   
from it1 when he describes the light and
 glory which flows from the ,divine     
presence2 a light which by its very     
excess is converted into a species of   
darkness3--     ,dark with excessive    
light thy skirts appear4  ,here is an   
idea not only poetical in a high degree1
 but strictly and philosophically just4 

,extreme light1 by overcoming the organs
 of sight1 obliterates all objects1 so  
as in its effect exactly to resemble    
darkness4 ,after looking for some time  
at the sun1 two black spots1 the        
impression which it leaves1 seem to     
dance before our eyes4 ,thus are two    
ideas as opposite as can be imagined    
reconciled in the extremes of both2 and 
both1 in spite of their opposite nature1
 brought to concur in producing the     
sublime4 ,and this is not the only      
instance wherein the opposite extremes  
operate equally in favor of the sublime1
 which in all things abhors mediocrity4 
,,section ,,xv4  ,,light ,,in           
,,building4  ,as the management of light
 is a matter of importance in           
architecture1 it is worth inquiring1 how
 far this remark is applicable to       
building4 ,i think1 then1 that all      
edifices calculated to produce an idea  
of the sublime1 ought rather to be dark 
and gloomy1 and this for two reasons2   
the first is1 that darkness itself on   

other occasions is known by experience  
to have a greater effect on the passions
 than light4 ,the second is1 that to    
make an object very striking1 we should 
make it as different as possible from   
the objects with which we have been     
immediately conversant2 when therefore  
you enter a building1 you cannot pass   
into a greater light than you had in the
 open air2 to go into one some few      
degrees less luminous1 can make only a  
trifling change2 but to make the        
transition thoroughly striking1 you     
ought to pass from the greatest light1  
to as much darkness as is consistent    
with the uses of architecture4 ,at night
 the contrary rule will hold1 but for   
the very same reason2 and the more      
highly a room is then illuminated1 the  
grander will the passion be4   ,,section
 ,,xvi4  ,,color ,,considered ,,as      
,,productive ,,of ,,the ,,sublime4      
,among colors1 such as are soft or      
cheerful 7except perhaps a strong red1  
which is cheerful7 are unfit to produce 

grand images4 ,an immense mountain      
covered with a shining green turf1 is   
nothing1 in this respect1 to one dark   
and gloomy2 the cloudy sky is more grand
 than the blue2 and night more sublime  
and solemn than day4 ,therefore in      
historical painting1 a gay or gaudy     
drapery can never have a happy effect3  
and in buildings1 when the highest      
degree of the sublime is intended1 the  
materials and ornaments ought neither to
 be white1 nor green1 nor yellow1 nor   
blue1 nor of a pale red1 nor violet1 nor
 spotted1 but of sad and fuscous colors1
 as black1 or brown1 or deep purple1 and
 the like4 ,much of gilding1 mosaics1   
painting1 or statues1 contribute but    
little to the sublime4 ,this rule need  
not be put in practice1 except where an 
uniform degree of the most striking     
sublimity is to be produced1 and that in
 every particular2 for it ought to be   
observed1 that this melancholy kind of  
greatness1 though it be certainly the   
highest1 ought not to be studied in all 

sorts of edifices1 where yet grandeur   
must be studied2 in such cases the      
sublimity must be drawn from the other  
sources2 with a strict caution however  
against anything light and riant2 as    
nothing so effectually deadens the whole
 taste of the sublime4   ,,section      
,,xvii4  ,,sound ,,and ,,loudness4  ,the
 eye is not the only organ of sensation 
by which a sublime passion may be       
produced4 ,sounds have a great power in 
these as in most other passions4 ,i do  
not mean words1 because words do not    
affect simply by their sounds1 but by   
means altogether different4 ,excessive  
loudness alone is sufficient to         
overpower the soul1 to suspend its      
action1 and to fill it with terror4 ,the
 noise of vast cataracts1 raging storms1
 thunder1 or artillery1 awakes a great  
and awful sensation in the mind1 though 
we can observe no nicety or artifice in 
those sorts of music4 ,the shouting of  
multitudes has a similar effect2 and by 
the sole strength of the sound1 so      

amazes and confounds the imagination1   
that1 in this staggering and hurry of   
the mind1 the best established tempers  
can scarcely forbear being borne down1  
and joining in the common cry1 and      
common resolution of the crowd4         
,,section ,,xviii4  ,,suddenness4  ,a   
sudden beginning1 or sudden cessation of
 sound of any considerable force1 has   
the same power4 ,the attention is roused
 by this2 and the faculties driven      
forward1 as it were1 on their guard4    
,whatever1 either in sights or sounds1  
makes the transition from one extreme to
 the other easy1 causes no terror1 and  
consequently can be no cause of         
greatness4 ,in everything sudden and    
unexpected1 we are apt to start2 that   
is1 we have a perception of danger1 and 
our nature rouses us to guard against   
it4 ,it may be observed that a single   
sound of some strength1 though but of   
short duration1 if repeated after       
intervals1 has a grand effect4 ,few     
things are more awful than the striking 

of a great clock1 when the silence of   
the night prevents the attention from   
being too much dissipated4 ,the same may
 be said of a single stroke on a drum1  
repeated with pauses2 and of the        
successive firing of cannon at a        
distance4 ,all the effects mentioned in 
this section have causes very nearly    
alike4   ,,section ,,xix4               
,,intermitting4  ,a low1 tremulous1     
intermitting sound1 though it seems1 in 
some respects1 opposite to that just    
mentioned1 is productive of the sublime4
 ,it is worth while to examine this a   
little4 ,the fact itself must be        
determined by every man's own experience
 and reflection4 ,i have already        
observed1 that night#bb increases our   
terror1 more perhaps than anything else2
 it is our nature1 when we do not know  
what may happen to us1 to fear the worst
 that can happen2 and hence it is that  
uncertainty is so terrible1 that we     
often seek to be rid of it1 at the      
hazard of a certain mischief4 ,now some 

low1 confused1 uncertain sounds1 leave  
us in the same fearful anxiety          
concerning their causes1 that no light1 
or an uncertain light1 does concerning  
the objects that surround us4           
,quale per incertam lunam sub luce      
maligna       ,est iter in sylvis4      
,a faint shadow of uncertain light1     
,like as a lamp1 whose life doth fade   
away2       ,or as the moon clothed with
 cloudy night     ,doth show to him who 
walks in fear and great affright4       
,,spenser4  ,but light now appearing1   
and now leaving us1 and so off and on1  
is even more terrible than total        
darkness2 and a sort of uncertain sounds
 are1 when the necessary dispositions   
concur1 more alarming than a total      
silence4   ,,section ,,xx4  ,,the       
,,cries ,,of ,,animals4  ,such sounds as
 imitate the natural inarticulate voices
 of men1 or any animals in pain or      
danger1 are capable of conveying great  
ideas2 unless it be the well-known voice
 of some creature1 on which we are used 

to look with contempt4 ,the angry tones 
of wild beasts are equally capable of   
causing a great and awful sensation4    
,hinc exaudiri gemitus1 irque leonum    
,vincia recusantum1 et sera sub nocte   
rudentum2     ,setigerique sues1 atque  
in prsepibus ursi     ,svire2 et form   
magnorum ululare luporam4  ,it might    
seem that those modulations of sound    
carry some connection with the nature of
 the things they represent1 and are not 
merely arbitrary2 because the natural   
cries of all animals1 even of those     
animals with whom we have not been      
acquainted1 never fail to make          
themselves sufficiently understood2 this
 cannot be said of language4 ,the       
modifications of sound1 which may be    
productive of the sublime1 are almost   
infinite4 ,those ,i have mentioned are  
only a few instances to show on what    
principles they are all built4          
,,section ,,xxi4  ,,smell ,,and         
,,taste4--,,bitters ,,and ,,stenches4   
,smells and tastes have some share too  

in ideas of greatness2 but it is a small
 one1 weak in its nature1 and confined  
in its operations4 ,i shall only observe
 that no smells or tastes can produce a 
grand sensation1 except excessive       
bitters1 and intolerable stenches4 ,it  
is true that these affections of the    
smell and taste1 when they are in their 
full force1 and lean directly upon the  
sensory1 are simply painful1 and        
accompanied with no sort of delight2 but
 when they are moderated1 as in a       
description or narrative1 they become   
sources of the sublime1 as genuine as   
any other1 and upon the very same       
principle of a moderated pain4 ,a cup of
 bitterness2 to drain the bitter cup of 
fortune2 the bitter apples of ,sodom2   
these are all ideas suitable to a       
sublime description4 ,nor is this       
passage of ,virgil without sublimity1   
where the stench of the vapor in        
,albunea conspires so happily with the  
sacred horror and gloominess of that    
prophetic forest3      ,at rex          

sollicitus monstris oracula ,fauni      
,fatidici genitoris adit1 lucosque sub  
alta     ,consulit ,albunea1 nemorum qu 
maxima sacro     ,fonte sonat2 svamque  
exhalat opaca ,mephitim4  ,in the sixth 
book1 and in a very sublime description1
 the poisonous exhalation of ,acheron is
 not forgotten1 nor does it at all      
disagree with the other images amongst  
which it is introduced3      ,spelunca  
alta fuit1 vastoque immanis hiatu       
,scrupea1 tuta lacu nigro1 nemorumque   
tenebris2     ,quam super haud ull      
poterant impune volantes     ,tendere   
iter pennis3 talis sese halitus atris   
,faucibus effundens supera ad convexa   
ferebat4  ,i have added these examples1 
because some friends1 for whose judgment
 ,i have great deference1 were of       
opinion that if the sentiment stood     
nakedly by itself1 it would be subject1 
at first view1 to burlesque and         
ridicule2 but this ,i imagine would     
principally arise from considering the  
bitterness and stench in company with   

mean and contemptible ideas1 with which 
it must be owned they are often united2 
such an union degrades the sublime in   
all other instances as well as in those4
 ,but it is one of the tests by which   
the sublimity of an image is to be      
tried1 not whether it becomes mean when 
associated with mean ideas2 but whether1
 when united with images of an allowed  
grandeur1 the whole composition is      
supported with dignity4 ,things which   
are terrible are always great2 but when 
things possess disagreeable qualities1  
or such as have indeed some degree of   
danger1 but of a danger easily overcome1
 they are merely odious2 as toads and   
spiders4   ,,section ,,xxii4            
,,feeling4--,,pain4  ,of feeling little 
more can be said than that the idea of  
bodily pain1 in all the modes and       
degrees of labor1 pain1 anguish1        
torment1 is productive of the sublime2  
and nothing else in this sense can      
produce it4 ,i need not give here any   
fresh instances1 as those given in the  

former sections abundantly illustrate a 
remark that1 in reality1 wants only an  
attention to nature1 to be made by      
everybody4  ,having thus run through the
 causes of the sublime with reference to
 all the senses1 my first observation   
7,sect4 #g7 will be found very nearly   
true2 that the sublime is an idea       
belonging to self-preservation2 that it 
is1 therefore1 one of the most affecting
 we have2 that its strongest emotion is 
an emotion of distress2 and that no     
pleasure#bc from a positive cause       
belongs to it4 ,numberless examples1    
besides those mentioned1 might be       
brought in support of these truths1 and 
many perhaps useful consequences drawn  
from them--      ,sed fugit interea1    
fugit irrevocabile tempus1     ,singula 
dum capti circumvectamur amore4         
,,footnotes3  #aa ,part ,i4 sect4 #c1   
#d1 #g4  #ab ,part ,,iv4 sect4 #c1 #d1  
#e1 #f4  #ac ,part ,,iv4 sect4 #ad1 #ae1
 #af4  #ad ,part ,v4  #ae ,part ,i4     
sect4 #g4  #af ,vide ,part ,,iii4 sect4 

#ba4  #ag ,part ,,iv4 sect4 #i4  #ah    
,part ,,iv4 sect4 #aa4  #ai ,part ,,iv4 
sect4 #ac4  #bj ,mr4 ,addison1 in the   
,spectators concerning the pleasures of 
the imagination1 thinks it is because in
 the rotund at one glance you see half  
the building4 ,this ,i do not imagine to
 be the real cause4  #ba ,part ,,iv4    
sect4 #d1 #e1 #f4  #bb ,sect4 #c4  #bc  
,vide ,part ,i4 sect4 #f4     ,,part    
,,iii4   ,,section ,i4  ,,of ,,beauty4  
,it is my design to consider beauty as  
distinguished from the sublime2 and1 in 
the course of the inquiry1 to examine   
how far it is consistent with it4 ,but  
previous to this1 we must take a short  
review of the opinions already          
entertained of this quality2 which ,i   
think are hardly to be reduced to any   
fixed principles2 because men are used  
to talk of beauty in a figurative       
manner1 that is to say1 in a manner     
extremely uncertain1 and indeterminate4 
,by beauty1 ,i mean that quality1 or    
those qualities in bodies1 by which they

 cause love1 or some passion similar to 
it4 ,i confine this definition to the   
merely sensible qualities of things1 for
 the sake of preserving the utmost      
simplicity in a subject1 which must     
always distract us whenever we take in  
those various causes of sympathy which  
attach us to any persons or things from 
secondary considerations1 and not from  
the direct force which they have merely 
on being viewed4 ,i likewise distinguish
 love1 7by which ,i mean that           
satisfaction which arises to the mind   
upon contemplating anything beautiful1  
of whatsoever nature it may be17 from   
desire or lust2 which is an energy of   
the mind1 that hurries us on to the     
possession of certain objects1 that do  
not affect us as they are beautiful1 but
 by means altogether different4 ,we     
shall have a strong desire for a woman  
of no remarkable beauty2 whilst the     
greatest beauty in men1 or in other     
animals1 though it causes love1 yet     
excites nothing at all of desire4 ,which

 shows that beauty1 and the passion     
caused by beauty1 which ,i call love1 is
 different from desire1 though desire   
may sometimes operate along with it2 but
 it is to this latter that we must      
attribute those violent and tempestuous 
passions1 and the consequent emotions of
 the body which attend what is called   
love in some of its ordinary            
acceptations1 and not to the effects of 
beauty merely as it is such4   ,,section
 ,,ii4  ,,proportion ,,not ,,the ,,cause
 ,,of ,,beauty ,,in ,,vegetables4       
,beauty hath usually been said to       
consist in certain proportions of parts4
 ,on considering the matter1 ,i have    
great reason to doubt1 whether beauty be
 at all an idea belonging to proportion4
 ,proportion relates almost wholly to   
convenience1 as every idea of order     
seems to do2 and it must therefore be   
considered as a creature of the         
understanding1 rather than a primary    
cause acting on the senses and          
imagination4 ,it is not by the force of 

long attention and inquiry that we find 
any object to be beautiful2 beauty      
demands no assistance from our          
reasoning2 even the will is unconcerned2
 the appearance of beauty as effectually
 causes some degree of love in us1 as   
the application of ice or fire produces 
the ideas of heat or cold4 ,to gain     
something like a satisfactory conclusion
 in this point1 it were well to examine 
what proportion is2 since several who   
make use of that word do not always seem
 to understand very clearly the force of
 the term1 nor to have very distinct    
ideas concerning the thing itself4      
,proportion is the measure of relative  
quantity4 ,since all quantity is        
divisible1 it is evident that every     
distinct part into which any quantity is
 divided must bear some relation to the 
other parts1 or to the whole4 ,these    
relations give an origin to the idea of 
proportion4 ,they are discovered by     
mensuration1 and they are the objects of
 mathematical inquiry4 ,but whether any 

part of any determinate quantity be a   
fourth1 or a fifth1 or a sixth1 or a    
moiety of the whole2 or whether it be of
 equal length with any other part1 or   
double its length1 or but one half1 is a
 matter merely indifferent to the mind2 
it stands neuter in the question3 and it
 is from this absolute indifference and 
tranquillity of the mind1 that          
mathematical speculations derive some of
 their most considerable advantages2    
because there is nothing to interest the
 imagination2 because the judgment sits 
free and unbiassed to examine the point4
 ,all proportions1 every arrangement of 
quantity1 is alike to the understanding1
 because the same truths result to it   
from all2 from greater1 from lesser1    
from equality and inequality4 ,but      
surely beauty is no idea belonging to   
mensuration2 nor has it anything to do  
with calculation and geometry4 ,if it   
had1 we might then point out some       
certain measures which we could         
demonstrate to be beautiful1 either as  

simply considered1 or as related to     
others2 and we could call in those      
natural objects1 for whose beauty we    
have no voucher but the sense1 to this  
happy standard1 and confirm the voice of
 our passions by the determination of   
our reason4 ,but since we have not this 
help1 let us see whether proportion can 
in any sense be considered as the cause 
of beauty1 as hath been so generally1   
and1 by some1 so confidently affirmed4  
,if proportion be one of the            
constituents of beauty1 it must derive  
that power either from some natural     
properties inherent in certain measures1
 which operate mechanically2 from the   
operation of custom2 or from the fitness
 which some measures have to answer some
 particular ends of conveniency4 ,our   
business therefore is to inquire1       
whether the parts of those objects1     
which are found beautiful in the        
vegetable or animal kingdoms1 are       
constantly so formed according to such  
certain measures1 as may serve to       

satisfy us that their beauty results    
from those measures1 on the principle of
 a natural mechanical cause2 or from    
custom2 or1 in fine1 from their fitness 
for any determinate purposes4 ,i intend 
to examine this point under each of     
these heads in their order4 ,but before 
,i proceed further1 ,i hope it will not 
be thought amiss1 if ,i lay down the    
rules which governed me in this inquiry1
 and which have misled me in it1 if ,i  
have gone astray4 #a4 ,if two bodies    
produce the same or a similar effect on 
the mind1 and on examination they are   
found to agree in some of their         
properties1 and to differ in others2 the
 common effect is to be attributed to   
the properties in which they agree1 and 
not to those in which they differ4 #b4  
,not to account for the effect of a     
natural object from the effect of an    
artificial object4 #c4 ,not to account  
for the effect of any natural object    
from a conclusion of our reason         
concerning its uses1 if a natural cause 

may be assigned4 #d4 ,not to admit any  
determinate quantity1 or any relation of
 quantity1 as the cause of a certain    
effect1 if the effect is produced by    
different or opposite measures and      
relations2 or if these measures and     
relations may exist1 and yet the effect 
may not be produced4 ,these are the     
rules which ,i have chiefly followed1   
whilst ,i examined into the power of    
proportion considered as a natural      
cause2 and these1 if he thinks them     
just1 ,i request the reader to carry    
with him throughout the following       
discussion2 whilst we inquire1 in the   
first place1 in what things we find this
 quality of beauty2 next1 to see whether
 in these we can find any assignable    
proportions in such a manner as ought to
 convince us that our idea of beauty    
results from them4 ,we shall consider   
this pleasing power as it appears in    
vegetables1 in the inferior animals1 and
 in man4 ,turning our eyes to the       
vegetable creation1 we find nothing     

there so beautiful as flowers2 but      
flowers are almost of every sort of     
shape1 and of every sort of disposition2
 they are turned and fashioned into an  
infinite variety of forms2 and from     
these forms botanists have given them   
their names1 which are almost as        
various4 ,what proportion do we discover
 between the stalks and the leaves of   
flowers1 or between the leaves and the  
pistils8 ,how does the slender stalk of 
the rose agree with the bulky head under
 which it bends8 but the rose is a      
beautiful flower2 and can we undertake  
to say that it does not owe a great deal
 of its beauty even to that             
disproportion2 the rose is a large      
flower1 yet it grows upon a small shrub2
 the flower of the apple is very small1 
and grows upon a large tree2 yet the    
rose and the apple blossom are both     
beautiful1 and the plants that bear them
 are most engagingly attired1           
notwithstanding this disproportion4     
,what by general consent is allowed to  

be a more beautiful object than an      
orange-tree1 nourishing at once with its
 leaves1 its blossoms1 and its fruit8   
but it is in vain that we search here   
for any proportion between the height1  
the breadth1 or anything else concerning
 the dimensions of the whole1 or        
concerning the relation of the          
particular parts to each other4 ,i grant
 that we may observe in many flowers    
something of a regular figure1 and of a 
methodical disposition of the leaves4   
,the rose has such a figure and such a  
disposition of its petals2 but in an    
oblique view1 when this figure is in a  
good measure lost1 and the order of the 
leaves confounded1 it yet retains its   
beauty2 the rose is even more beautiful 
before it is full blown2 in the bud2    
before this exact figure is formed2 and 
this is not the only instance wherein   
method and exactness1 the soul of       
proportion1 are found rather prejudicial
 than serviceable to the cause of       
beauty4   ,,section ,,iii4  ,,proportion

 ,,not ,,the ,,cause ,,of ,,beauty ,,in 
,,animals4  ,that proportion has but a  
small share in the formation of beauty  
is full as evident among animals4 ,here 
the greatest variety of shapes and      
dispositions of parts are well fitted to
 excite this idea4 ,the swan1           
confessedly a beautiful bird1 has a neck
 longer than the rest of his body1 and  
but a very short tail3 is this a        
beautiful proportion8 ,we must allow    
that it is4 ,but then what shall we say 
to the peacock1 who has comparatively   
but a short neck1 with a tail longer    
than the neck and the rest of the body  
taken together8 ,how many birds are     
there that vary infinitely from each of 
these standards1 and from every other   
which you can fix2 with proportions     
different1 and often directly opposite  
to each other6 and yet many of these    
birds are extremely beautiful2 when upon
 considering them we find nothing in any
 one part that might determine us1      
priori1 to say what the others ought to 

be1 nor indeed to guess anything about  
them1 but what experience might show to 
be full of disappointment and mistake4  
,and with regard to the colors either of
 birds or flowers1 for there is         
something similar in the coloring of    
both1 whether they are considered in    
their extension or gradation1 there is  
nothing of proportion to be observed4   
,some are of but one single color2      
others have all the colors of the       
rainbow2 some are of the primary colors1
 others are of the mixed2 in short1 an  
attentive observer may soon conclude    
that there is as little of proportion in
 the coloring as in the shapes of these 
objects4 ,turn next to beasts2 examine  
the head of a beautiful horse2 find what
 proportion that bears to his body1 and 
to his limbs1 and what relation these   
have to each other2 and when you have   
settled these proportions as a standard 
of beauty1 then take a dog or cat1 or   
any other animal1 and examine how far   
the same proportions between their heads

 and their necks1 between those and the 
body1 and so on1 are found to hold2 ,i  
think we may safely say1 that they      
differ in every species1 yet that there 
are individuals1 found in a great many  
species so differing1 that have a very  
striking beauty4 ,now1 if it be allowed 
that very different1 and even contrary  
forms and dispositions are consistent   
with beauty1 it amounts ,i believe to a 
concession1 that no certain measures1   
operating from a natural principle1 are 
necessary to produce it2 at least so far
 as the brute species is concerned4     
,,section ,,iv4  ,,proportion ,,not     
,,the ,,cause ,,of ,,beauty ,,in ,,the  
,,human ,,species4  ,there are some     
parts of the human body that are        
observed to hold certain proportions to 
each other2 but before it can be proved 
that the efficient cause of beauty lies 
in these1 it must be shown that1        
wherever these are found exact1 the     
person to whom they belong is beautiful3
 ,i mean in the effect produced on the  

view1 either of any member distinctly   
considered1 or of the whole body        
together4 ,it must be likewise shown1   
that these parts stand in such a        
relation to each other1 that the        
comparison between them may be easily   
made1 and that the affection of the mind
 may naturally result from it4 ,for my  
part1 ,i have at several times very     
carefully examined many of those        
proportions1 and found them hold very   
nearly1 or altogether alike in many     
subjects1 which were not only very      
different from one another1 but where   
one has been very beautiful1 and the    
other very remote from beauty4 ,with    
regard to the parts which are found so  
proportioned1 they are often so remote  
from each other1 in situation1 nature1  
and office1 that ,i cannot see how they 
admit of any comparison1 nor            
consequently how any effect owing to    
proportion can result from them4 ,the   
neck1 say they1 in beautiful bodies1    
should measure with the calf of the leg2

 it should likewise be twice the        
circumference of the wrist4 ,and an     
infinity of observations of this kind   
are to be found in the writings and     
conversations of many4 ,but what        
relation has the calf of the leg to the 
neck2 or either of these parts to the   
wrist8 ,these proportions are certainly 
to be found in handsome bodies4 ,they   
are as certainly in ugly ones2 as any   
who will take the pains to try may find4
 ,nay1 ,i do not know but they may be   
least perfect in some of the most       
beautiful4 ,you may assign any          
proportions you please to every part of 
the human body2 and ,i undertake that a 
painter shall religiously observe them  
all1 and notwithstanding produce1 if he 
pleases1 a very ugly figure4 ,the same  
painter shall considerably deviate from 
these proportions1 and produce a very   
beautiful one4 ,and1 indeed1 it may be  
observed in the masterpieces of the     
ancient and modern statuary1 that       
several of them differ very widely from 

the proportions of others1 in parts very
 conspicuous and of great consideration2
 and that they differ no less from the  
proportions we find in living men1 of   
forms extremely striking and agreeable4 
,and after all1 how are the partisans of
 proportional beauty agreed amongst     
themselves about the proportions of the 
human body8 ,some hold it to be seven   
heads2 some make it eight2 whilst others
 extend it even to ten3 a vast          
difference in such a small number of    
divisions6 ,others take other methods of
 estimating the proportions1 and all    
with equal success4 ,but are these      
proportions exactly the same in all     
handsome men8 or are they at all the    
proportions found in beautiful women8   
,nobody will say that they are2 yet both
 sexes are undoubtedly capable of       
beauty1 and the female of the greatest2 
which advantage ,i believe will hardly  
be attributed to the superior exactness 
of proportion in the fair sex4 ,let us  
rest a moment on this point2 and        

consider how much difference there is   
between the measures that prevail in    
many similar parts of the body1 in the  
two sexes of this single species only4  
,if you assign any determinate          
proportions to the limbs of a man1 and  
if you limit human beauty to these      
proportions1 when you find a woman who  
differs in the make and measures of     
almost every part1 you must conclude her
 not to be beautiful1 in spite of the   
suggestions of your imagination2 or1 in 
obedience to your imagination1 you must 
renounce your rules2 you must lay by the
 scale and compass1 and look out for    
some other cause of beauty4 ,for if     
beauty be attached to certain measures  
which operate from a principle in       
nature1 why should similar parts with   
different measures of proportion be     
found to have beauty1 and this too in   
the very same species8 ,but to open our 
view a little1 it is worth observing1   
that almost all animals have parts of   
very much the same nature1 and destined 

nearly to the same purposes2 a head1    
neck1 body1 feet1 eyes1 ears1 nose1 and 
mouth2 yet ,providence1 to provide in   
the best manner for their several wants1
 and to display the riches of his wisdom
 and goodness in his creation1 has      
worked out of these few and similar     
organs1 and members1 a diversity hardly 
short of infinite in their disposition1 
measures and relation4 ,but1 as we have 
before observed1 amidst this infinite   
diversity1 one particular is common to  
many species3 several of the individuals
 which compose them are capable of      
affecting us with a sense of loveliness3
 and whilst they agree in producing this
 effect1 they differ extremely in the   
relative measures of those parts which  
have produced it4 ,these considerations 
were sufficient to induce me to reject  
the notion of any particular proportions
 that operated by nature to produce a   
pleasing effect2 but those who will     
agree with me with regard to a          
particular proportion1 are strongly     

prepossessed in favor of one more       
indefinite4 ,they imagine1 that although
 beauty in general is annexed to no     
certain measures common to the several  
kinds of pleasing plants and animals2   
yet that there is a certain proportion  
in each species absolutely essential to 
the beauty of that particular kind4 ,if 
we consider the animal world in general1
 we find beauty confined to no certain  
measures2 but as some peculiar measure  
and relation of parts is what           
distinguishes each peculiar class of    
animals1 it must of necessity be1 that  
the beautiful in each kind will be found
 in the measures and proportions of that
 kind2 for otherwise it would deviate   
from its proper species1 and become in  
some sort monstrous3 however1 no species
 is so strictly confined to any certain 
proportions1 that there is not a        
considerable variation amongst the      
individuals2 and as it has been shown of
 the human1 so it may be shown of the   
brute kinds1 that beauty is found       

indifferently in all the proportions    
which each kind can admit1 without      
quitting its common form2 and it is this
 idea of a common form that makes the   
proportion of parts at all regarded1 and
 not the operation of any natural cause3
 indeed a little consideration will make
 it appear1 that it is not measure1 but 
manner1 that creates all the beauty     
which belongs to shape4 ,what light do  
we borrow from these boasted            
proportions1 when we study ornamental   
design8 ,it seems amazing to me1 that   
artists1 if they were as well convinced 
as they pretend to be1 that proportion  
is a principal cause of beauty1 have not
 by them at all times accurate          
measurements of all sorts of beautiful  
animals to help them to proper          
proportions1 when they would contrive   
anything elegant2 especially as they    
frequently assert that it is from an    
observation of the beautiful in nature  
they direct their practice4 ,i know that
 it has been said long since1 and echoed

 backward and forward from one writer to
 another a thousand times1 that the     
proportions of building have been taken 
from those of the human body4 ,to make  
this forced analogy complete1 they      
represent a man with his arms raised and
 extended at full length1 and then      
describe a sort of square1 as it is     
formed by passing lines along the       
extremities of this strange figure4 ,but
 it appears very clearly to me that the 
human figure never supplied the         
architect with any of his ideas4 ,for1  
in the first place1 men are very rarely 
seen in this strained posture2 it is not
 natural to them2 neither is it at all  
becoming4 ,secondly1 the view of the    
human figure so disposed1 does not      
naturally suggest the idea of a square1 
but rather of a cross2 as that large    
space be tween the arms and the ground  
must be filled with something before it 
can make anybody think of a square4     
,thirdly1 several buildings are by no   
means of the form of that particular    

square1 which are notwithstanding       
planned by the best architects1 and     
produce an effect altogether as good1   
and perhaps a better4 ,and certainly    
nothing could he more unaccountably     
whimsical1 than for an architect to     
model his performance by the human      
figure1 since no two things can have    
less resemblance or analogy1 than a man1
 and a house or temple3 do we need to   
observe that their purposes are entirely
 different8 ,what ,i am apt to suspect  
is this3 that these analogies were      
devised to give a credit to the works of
 art1 by showing a conformity between   
them and the noblest works in nature2   
not that the latter served at all to    
supply hints for the perfection of the  
former4 ,and ,i am the more fully       
convinced1 that the patrons of          
proportion have transferred their       
artificial ideas to nature1 and not     
borrowed from thence the proportions    
they use in works of art2 because in any
 discussion of this subject they always 

quit as soon as possible the open field 
of natural beauties1 the animal and     
vegetable kingdoms1 and fortify         
themselves within the artificial lines  
and angles of architecture4 ,for there  
is in mankind an unfortunate propensity 
to make themselves1 their views1 and    
their works1 the measure of excellence  
in everything whatsoever4 ,therefore    
having observed that their dwellings    
were most commodious and firm when they 
were thrown into regular figures1 with  
parts answerable to each other2 they    
transferred these ideas to their        
gardens2 they turned their trees into   
pillars1 pyramids1 and obelisks2 they   
formed their hedges into so many green  
walls1 and fashioned their walks into   
squares1 triangles1 and other           
mathematical figures1 with exactness and
 symmetry2 and they thought1 if they    
were not imitating1 they were at least  
improving nature1 and teaching her to   
know her business4 ,but nature has at   
last escaped from their discipline and  

their fetters2 and our gardens1 if      
nothing else1 declare1 we begin to feel 
that mathematical ideas are not the true
 measures of beauty4 ,and surely they   
are full as little so in the animal as  
the vegetable world4 ,for is it not     
extraordinary1 that in these fine       
descriptive pieces1 these innumerable   
odes and elegies which are in the mouths
 of all the world1 and many of which    
have been the entertainment of ages1    
that in these pieces which describe love
 with such a passionate energy1 and     
represent its object in such an infinite
 variety of lights1 not one word is said
 of proportion1 if it be1 what some     
insist it is1 the principal component of
 beauty2 whilst1 at the same time1      
several other qualities are very        
frequently and warmly mentioned8 ,but if
 proportion has not this power1 it may  
appear odd how men came originally to be
 so prepossessed in its favor4 ,it      
arose1 ,i imagine1 from the fondness ,i 
have just mentioned1 which men bear so  

remarkably to their own works and       
notions2 it arose from false reasonings 
on the effects of the customary figure  
of animals2 it arose from the ,platonic 
theory of fitness and aptitude4 ,for    
which reason1 in the next section1 ,i   
shall consider the effects of custom in 
the figure of animals2 and afterwards   
the idea of fitness3 since if proportion
 does not operate by a natural power    
attending some measures1 it must be     
either by custom1 or the idea of        
utility2 there is no other way4         
,,section ,v4  ,,proportion ,,further   
,,considered4  ,if ,i am not mistaken1 a
 great deal of the prejudice in favor of
 proportion has arisen1 not so much from
 the observation of any certain measures
 found in beautiful bodies1 as from a   
wrong idea of the relation which        
deformity bears to beauty1 to which it  
has been considered as the opposite2 on 
this principle it was concluded that    
where the causes of deformity were      
removed1 beauty must naturally and      

necessarily be introduced4 ,this ,i     
believe is a mistake4 ,for deformity is 
opposed not to beauty1 but to the       
complete common form4 ,if one of the    
legs of a man be found shorter than the 
other1 the man is deformed2 because     
there is something wanting to complete  
the whole idea we form of a man2 and    
this has the same effect in natural     
faults1 as maiming and mutilation       
produce from accidents4 ,so if the back 
be humped1 the man is deformed2 because 
his back has an unusual figure1 and what
 carries with it the idea of some       
disease or misfortune2 ,so if a man's   
neck be considerably longer or shorter  
than usual1 we say he is deformed in    
that part1 because men are not commonly 
made in that manner4 ,but surely every  
hour's experience may convince us that a
 man may have his legs of an equal      
length1 and resembling each other in all
 respects1 and his neck of a just size1 
and his back quite straight1 without    
having at the same time the least       

perceivable beauty4 ,indeed beauty is so
 far from belonging to the idea of      
custom1 that in reality what affects us 
in that manner is extremely rare and    
uncommon4 ,the beautiful strikes us as  
much by its novelty as the deformed     
itself4 ,it is thus in those species of 
animals with which we are acquainted2   
and if one of a new species were        
represented1 we should by no means wait 
until custom had settled an idea of     
proportion1 before we decided concerning
 its beauty or ugliness3 which shows    
that the general idea of beauty can be  
no more owing to customary than to      
natural proportion4 ,deformity arises   
from the want of the common proportions2
 but the necessary result of their      
existence in any object is not beauty4  
,if we suppose proportion in natural    
things to be relative to custom and use1
 the nature of use and custom will show 
that beauty1 which is a positive and    
powerful quality1 cannot result from it4
 ,we are so wonderfully formed1 that1   

whilst we are creatures vehemently      
desirous of novelty1 we are as strongly 
attached to habit and custom4 ,but it is
 the nature of things which hold us by  
custom1 to affect us very little whilst 
we are in possession of them1 but       
strongly when they are absent4 ,i       
remember to have frequented a certain   
place1 every day for a long time        
together2 and ,i may truly say that1 so 
far from finding pleasure in it1 ,i was 
affected with a sort of weariness and   
disgust2 ,i came1 ,i went1 ,i returned1 
without pleasure2 yet if by any means ,i
 passed by the usual time of my going   
thither1 ,i was remarkably uneasy1 and  
was not quiet till ,i had got into my   
old track4 ,they who use snuff1 take it 
almost without being sensible that they 
take it1 and the acute sense of smell is
 deadened1 so as to feel hardly anything
 from so sharp a stimulus2 yet deprive  
the snuff-taker of his box1 and he is   
the most uneasy mortal in the world4    
,indeed so far are use and habit from   

being causes of pleasure merely as such1
 that the effect of constant use is to  
make all things of whatever kind        
entirely unaffecting4 ,for as use at    
last takes off the painful effect of    
many things1 it reduces the pleasurable 
effect in others in the same manner1 and
 brings both to a sort of mediocrity and
 indifference4 ,very justly is use      
called a second nature2 and our natural 
and common state is one of absolute     
indifference1 equally prepared for pain 
or pleasure4 ,but when we are thrown out
 of this state1 or deprived of anything 
requisite to maintain us in it2 when    
this chance does not happen by pleasure 
from some mechanical cause1 we are      
always hurt4 ,it is so with the second  
nature1 custom1 in all things which     
relate to it4 ,thus the want of the     
usual proportions in men and other      
animals is sure to disgust1 though their
 presence is by no means any cause of   
real pleasure4 ,it is true that the     
proportions laid down as causes of      

beauty in the human body1 are frequently
 found in beautiful ones1 because they  
are generally found in all mankind2 but 
if it can be shown too that they are    
found without beauty1 and that beauty   
frequently exists without them1 and that
 this beauty1 where it exists1 always   
can be assigned to other less equivocal 
causes1 it will naturally lead us to    
conclude that proportion and beauty are 
not ideas of the same nature4 ,the true 
opposite to beauty is not disproportion 
or deformity1 but ugliness3 and as it   
proceeds from causes opposite to those  
of positive beauty1 we cannot consider  
it until we come to treat of that4      
,between beauty and ugliness there is a 
sort of mediocrity1 in which the        
assigned proportions are most commonly  
found2 but this has no effect upon the  
passions4   ,,section ,,vi4  ,,fitness  
,,not ,,the ,,cause ,,of ,,beauty4  ,it 
is said that the idea of utility1 or of 
a part's being well adapted to answer   
its end1 is the cause of beauty1 or     

indeed beauty itself4 ,if it were not   
for this opinion1 it had been impossible
 for the doctrine of proportion to have 
held its ground very long2 the world    
would be soon weary of hearing of       
measures which related to nothing1      
either of a natural principle1 or of a  
fitness to answer some end2 the idea    
which mankind most commonly conceive of 
proportion1 is the suitableness of means
 to certain ends1 and1 where this is not
 the question1 very seldom trouble      
themselves about the effect of different
 measures of things4 ,therefore it was  
necessary for this theory to insist that
 not only artificial1 but natural       
objects took their beauty from the      
fitness of the parts for their several  
purposes4 ,but in framing this theory1  
,i am apprehensive that experience was  
not sufficiently consulted4 ,for1 on    
that principle1 the wedge-like snout of 
a swine1 with its tough cartilage at the
 end1 the little sunk eyes1 and the     
whole make of the head1 so well adapted 

to its offices of digging and rooting1  
would be extremely beautiful4 ,the great
 bag hanging to the bill of a pelican1 a
 thing highly useful to this animal1    
would be likewise as beautiful in our   
eyes4 ,the hedge-hog1 so well secured   
against all assaults by his prickly     
hide1 and the porcupine with his missile
 quills1 would be then considered as    
creatures of no small elegance4 ,there  
are few animals whose parts are better  
contrived than those of a monkey3 he has
 the hands of a man1 joined to the      
springy limbs of a beast2 he is         
admirably calculated for running1       
leaping1 grappling1 and climbing2 and   
yet there are few animals which seem to 
have less beauty in the eyes of all     
mankind4 ,i need say little on the trunk
 of the elephant1 of such various       
usefulness1 and which is so far from    
contributing to his beauty4 ,how well   
fitted is the wolf for running and      
leaping6 how admirably is the lion armed
 for battle6 but will any one therefore 

call the elephant1 the wolf1 and the    
lion1 beautiful animals8 ,i believe     
nobody will think the form of a man's   
leg so well adapted to running1 as those
 of a horse1 a dog1 a deer1 and several 
other creatures2 at least they have not 
that appearance3 yet1 ,i believe1 a     
well-fashioned human leg will be allowed
 to far exceed all these in beauty4 ,if 
the fitness of parts was what           
constituted the loveliness of their     
form1 the actual employment of them     
would undoubtedly much augment it2 but  
this1 though it is sometimes so upon    
another principle1 is far from being    
always the case4 ,a bird on the wing is 
not so beautiful as when it is perched2 
nay1 there are several of the domestic  
fowls which are seldom seen to fly1 and 
which are nothing the less beautiful on 
that account2 yet birds are so extremely
 different in their form from the beast 
and human kinds1 that you cannot1 on the
 principle of fitness1 allow them       
anything agreeable1 but in consideration

 of their parts being designed for quite
 other purposes4 ,i never in my life    
chanced to see a peacock fly2 and yet   
before1 very long before ,i considered  
any aptitude in his form for the arial  
life1 ,i was struck with the extreme    
beauty which raises that bird above many
 of the best flying fowls in the world2 
though1 for anything ,i saw1 his way of 
living was much like that of the swine1 
which fed in the farm-yard along with   
him4 ,the same may be said of cocks1    
hens1 and the like2 they are of the     
flying kind in figure2 in their manner  
of moving not very different from men   
and beasts4 ,to leave these foreign     
examples2 if beauty in our own species  
was annexed to use1 men would be much   
more lovely than women2 and strength and
 agility would be considered as the only
 beauties4 ,but to call strength by the 
name of beauty1 to have but one         
denomination for the qualities of a     
,venus and ,hercules1 so totally        
different in almost all respects1 is    

surely a strange confusion of ideas1 or 
abuse of words4 ,the cause of this      
confusion1 ,i imagine1 proceeds from our
 frequently perceiving the parts of the 
human and other animal bodies to be at  
once very beautiful1 and very well      
adapted to their purposes2 and we are   
deceived by a sophism1 which makes us   
take that for a cause which is only a   
concomitant3 this is the sophism of the 
fly2 who imagined he raised a great     
dust1 because he stood upon the chariot 
that really raised it4 ,the stomach1 the
 lungs1 the liver1 as well as other     
parts1 are incomparably well adapted to 
their purposes2 yet they are far from   
having any beauty4 ,again1 many things  
are very beautiful1 in which it is      
impossible to discern any idea of use4  
,and ,i appeal to the first and most    
natural feelings of mankind1 whether on 
beholding a beautiful eye1 or a         
well-fashioned mouth1 or a well-turned  
leg1 any ideas of their being well      
fitted for seeing1 eating1 or running1  

ever present themselves4 ,what idea of  
use is it that flowers excite1 the most 
beautiful part of the vegetable world8  
,it is true that the infinitely wise and
 good ,creator has1 of his bounty1      
frequently joined beauty to those things
 which he has made useful to us2 but    
this does not prove that an idea of use 
and beauty are the same thing1 or that  
they are any way dependent on each      
other4   ,,section ,,vii4  ,,the ,,real 
,,effects ,,of ,,fitness4  ,when ,i     
excluded proportion and fitness from any
 share in beauty1 ,i did not by any     
means intend to say that they were of no
 value1 or that they ought to be        
disregarded in works of art4 ,works of  
art are the proper sphere of their      
power2 and here it is that they have    
their full effect4 ,whenever the wisdom 
of our ,creator intended that we should 
be affected with anything1 he did not   
confide the execution of his design to  
the languid and precarious operation of 
our reason2 but he endued it with powers

 and properties that prevent the        
understanding1 and even the will2 which1
 seizing upon the senses and            
imagination1 captivate the soul1 before 
the understanding is ready either to    
join with them1 or to oppose them4 ,it  
is by a long deduction1 and much study1 
that we discover the adorable wisdom of 
,god in his works3 when we discover it  
the effect is very different1 not only  
in the manner of acquiring it1 but in   
its own nature1 from that which strikes 
us without any preparation from the     
sublime or the beautiful4 ,how different
 is the satisfaction of an anatomist1   
who discovers the use of the muscles and
 of the skin1 the excellent contrivance 
of the one for the various movements of 
the body1 and the wonderful texture of  
the other1 at once a general covering1  
and at once a general outlet as well as 
inlet2 how different is this from the   
affection which possesses an ordinary   
man at the sight of a delicate1 smooth  
skin1 and all the other parts of beauty1

 which require no investigation to be   
perceived6 ,in the former case1 whilst  
we look up to the ,maker with admiration
 and praise1 the object which causes it 
may be odious and distasteful2 the      
latter very often so touches us by its  
power on the imagination1 that we       
examine but little into the artifice of 
its contrivance2 and we have need of a  
strong effort of our reason to          
disentangle our minds from the          
allurements of the object1 to a         
consideration of that wisdom which      
invented so powerful a machine4 ,the    
effect of proportion and fitness1 at    
least so far as they proceed from a mere
 consideration of the work itself1      
produce approbation1 the acquiescence of
 the understanding1 but not love1 nor   
any passion of that species4 ,when we   
examine the structure of a watch1 when  
we come to know thoroughly the use of   
every part of it1 satisfied as we are   
with the fitness of the whole1 we are   
far enough from perceiving anything like

 beauty in the watch-work itself2 but   
let us look on the case1 the labor of   
some curious artist in engraving1 with  
little or no idea of use1 we shall have 
a much livelier idea of beauty than we  
ever could have had from the watch      
itself1 though the masterpiece of       
,graham4 ,in beauty1 as ,i said1 the    
effect is previous to any knowledge of  
the use2 but to judge of proportion1 we 
must know the end for which any work is 
designed4 ,according to the end1 the    
proportion varies4 ,thus there is one   
proportion of a tower1 another of a     
house2 one proportion of a gallery1     
another of a hall1 another of a chamber4
 ,to judge of the proportions of these1 
you must be first acquainted with the   
purposes for which they were designed4  
,good sense and experience acting       
together1 find out what is fit to be    
done in every work of art4 ,we are      
rational creatures1 and in all our works
 we ought to regard their end and       
purpose2 the gratification of any       

passion1 how innocent soever1 ought only
 to be of secondary consideration4      
,herein is placed the real power of     
fitness and proportion2 they operate on 
the understanding considering them1     
which approves the work and acquiesces  
in it4 ,the passions1 and the           
imagination which principally raises    
them1 have here very little to do4 ,when
 a room appears in its original         
nakedness1 bare walls and a plain       
ceiling3 let its proportion be ever so  
excellent1 it pleases very little2 a    
cold approbation is the utmost we can   
reach2 a much worse proportioned room   
with elegant mouldings and fine         
festoons1 glasses1 and other merely     
ornamental furniture1 will make the     
imagination revolt against the reason2  
it will please much more than the naked 
proportion of the first room1 which the 
understanding has so much approved1 as  
admirably fitted for its purposes4 ,what
 ,i have here said and before concerning
 proportion1 is by no means to persuade 

people absurdly to neglect the idea of  
use in the works of art4 ,it is only to 
show that these excellent things1 beauty
 and proportion1 are not the same2 not  
that they should either of them be      
disregarded4   ,,section ,,viii4  ,,the 
,,recapitulation4  ,on the whole2 if    
such parts in human bodies as are found 
proportioned1 were likewise constantly  
found beautiful1 as they certainly are  
not2 or if they were so situated1 as    
that a pleasure might flow from the     
comparison1 which they seldom are2 or if
 any assignable proportions were found1 
either in plants or animals1 which were 
always attended with beauty1 which never
 was the case2 or if1 where parts were  
well adapted to their purposes1 they    
were constantly beautiful1 and when no  
use appeared1 there was no beauty1 which
 is contrary to all experience2 we might
 conclude that beauty consisted in      
proportion or utility4 ,but since1 in   
all respects1 the case is quite         
otherwise2 we may be satisfied that     

beauty does not depend on these1 let it 
owe its origin to what else it will4    
,,section ,,ix4  ,,perfection ,,not     
,,the ,,cause ,,of ,,beauty4  ,there is 
another notion current1 pretty closely  
allied to the former2 that perfection is
 the constituent cause of beauty4 ,this 
opinion has been made to extend much    
further than to sensible objects4 ,but  
in these1 so far is perfection1         
considered as such1 from being the cause
 of beauty2 that this quality1 where it 
is highest1 in the female sex1 almost   
always carries with it an idea of       
weakness and imperfection4 ,women are   
very sensible of this2 for which reason 
they learn to lisp1 to totter in their  
walk1 to counterfeit weakness1 and even 
sickness4 ,in all this they are guided  
by nature4 ,beauty in distress is much  
the most affecting beauty4 ,blushing has
 little less power2 and modesty in      
general1 which is a tacit allowance of  
imperfection1 is itself considered as an
 amiable quality1 and certainly         

heightens every other that is so4 ,i    
know it is in every body's mouth1 that  
we ought to love perfection4 ,this is to
 me a sufficient proof1 that it is not  
the proper object of love4 ,who ever    
said we ought to love a fine woman1 or  
even any of these beautiful animals     
which please us8 ,here to be affected1  
there is no need of the concurrence of  
our will4   ,,section ,x4  ,,how ,,far  
,,the ,,idea ,,of ,,beauty ,,may ,,be   
,,applied ,,to ,,the ,,qualities ,,of   
,,the ,,mind4  ,nor is this remark in   
general less applicable to the qualities
 of the mind4 ,those virtues which cause
 admiration1 and are of the sublimer    
kind1 produce terror rather than love2  
such as fortitude1 justice1 wisdom1 and 
the like4 ,never was any man amiable by 
force of these qualities4 ,those which  
engage our hearts1 which impress us with
 a sense of loveliness1 are the softer  
virtues2 easiness of temper1 compassion1
 kindness1 and liberality2 though       
certainly those latter are of less      

immediate and momentous concern to      
society1 and of less dignity4 ,but it is
 for that reason that they are so       
amiable4 ,the great virtues turn        
principally on dangers1 punishments1 and
 troubles1 and are exercised1 rather in 
preventing the worst mischiefs1 than in 
dispensing favors2 and are therefore not
 lovely1 though highly venerable4 ,the  
subordinate turn on reliefs1            
gratifications1 and indulgences2 and are
 therefore more lovely1 though inferior 
in dignity4 ,those persons who creep    
into the hearts of most people1 who are 
chosen as the companions of their softer
 hours1 and their reliefs from care and 
anxiety1 are never persons of shining   
qualities or strong virtues4 ,it is     
rather the soft green of the soul on    
which we rest our eyes1 that are        
fatigued with beholding more glaring    
objects4 ,it is worth observing how we  
feel ourselves affected in reading the  
characters of ,csar and ,cato1 as they  
are so finely drawn and contrasted in   

,sallust4 ,in one the ignoscendo        
largiundo2 in the other1 nil largiundo4 
,in one1 the miseris perfugium2 in the  
other1 malis perniciem4 ,in the latter  
we have much to admire1 much to         
reverence1 and perhaps something to     
fear2 we respect him1 but we respect him
 at a distance4 ,the former makes us    
familiar with him2 we love him1 and he  
leads us whither he pleases4 ,to draw   
things closer to our first and most     
natural feelings1 ,i will add a remark  
made upon reading this section by an    
ingenious friend4 ,the authority of a   
father1 so useful to our well-being1 and
 so justly venerable upon all accounts1 
hinders us from having that entire love 
for him that we have for our mothers1   
where the parental authority is almost  
melted down into the mother's fondness  
and indulgence4 ,but we generally have a
 great love for our grandfathers1 in    
whom this authority is removed a degree 
from us1 and where the weakness of age  
mellows it into something of a feminine 

partiality4   ,,section ,,xi4  ,,how    
,,far ,,the ,,idea ,,of ,,beauty ,,may  
,,be ,,applied ,,to ,,virtue4  ,from    
what has been said in the foregoing     
section1 we may easily see how far the  
application of beauty to virtue may be  
made with propriety4 ,the general       
application of this quality to virtue   
has a strong tendency to confound our   
ideas of things1 and it has given rise  
to an infinite deal of whimsical theory2
 as the affixing the name of beauty to  
proportion1 congruity1 and perfection1  
as well as to qualities of things yet   
more remote from our natural ideas of   
it1 and from one another1 has tended to 
confound our ideas of beauty1 and left  
us no standard or rule to judge by1 that
 was not even more uncertain and        
fallacious than our own fancies4 ,this  
loose and inaccurate manner of speaking 
has therefore misled us both in the     
theory of taste and of morals2 and      
induced us to remove the science of our 
duties from their proper basis 7our     

reason1 our relations1 and our          
necessities71 to rest it upon1          
foundations altogether visionary and    
unsubstantial4   ,,section ,,xii4  ,,the
 ,,real ,,cause ,,of ,,beauty4  ,having 
endeavored to show what beauty is not1  
it remains that we should examine1 at   
least with equal attention1 in what it  
really consists4 ,beauty is a thing much
 too affecting not to depend upon some  
positive qualities4 ,and since it is no 
creature of our reason1 since it strikes
 us without any reference to use1 and   
even where no use at all can be         
discerned1 since the order and method of
 nature is generally very different from
 our measures and proportions1 we must  
conclude that beauty is1 for the greater
 part1 some quality in bodies acting    
mechanically upon the human mind by the 
intervention of the senses4 ,we ought1  
therefore1 to consider attentively in   
what manner those sensible qualities are
 disposed1 in such things as by         
experience we find beautiful1 or which  

excite in us the passion of love1 or    
some correspondent affection4           
,,section ,,xiii4  ,,beautiful ,,objects
 ,,small4  ,the most obvious point that 
presents itself to us in examining any  
object is its extent or quantity4 ,and  
what degree of extent prevails in bodies
 that are held beautiful1 may be        
gathered from the usual manner of       
expression concerning it4 ,i am told    
that1 in most languages1 the objects of 
love are spoken of under diminutive     
epithets4 ,it is so in all the languages
 of which ,i have any knowledge4 ,in    
,greek the ,greek3 ion and other        
diminutive terms are almost always the  
terms of affection and tenderness4      
,these diminutives were commonly added  
by the ,greeks to the names of persons  
with whom they conversed on terms of    
friendship and familiarity4 ,though the 
,romans were a people of less quick and 
delicate feelings1 yet they naturally   
slid into the lessening termination upon
 the same occasions4 ,anciently1 in the 

,english language1 the diminishing ling 
was added to the names of persons and   
things that were the objects of love4   
,some we retain still1 as darling 7or   
little dear71 and a few others4 ,but to 
this day1 in ordinary conversation1 it  
is usual to add the endearing name of   
little to everything we love2 the       
,french and ,italians make use of these 
affectionate diminutives even more than 
we4 ,in the animal creation1 out of our 
own species1 it is the small we are     
inclined to be fond of2 little birds1   
and some of the smaller kinds of beasts4
 ,a great beautiful thing is a manner of
 expression scarcely ever used2 but that
 of a great ugly thing is very common4  
,there is a wide difference between     
admiration and love4 ,the sublime1 which
 is the cause of the former1 always     
dwells on great objects1 and terrible2  
the latter on small ones1 and pleasing2 
we submit to what we admire1 but we love
 what submits to us2 in one case we are 
forced1 in the other we are flattered1  

into compliance4 ,in short1 the ideas of
 the sublime and the beautiful stand on 
foundations so different1 that it is    
hard1 ,i had almost said impossible1 to 
think of reconciling them in the same   
subject1 without considerably lessening 
the effect of the one or the other upon 
the passions4 ,so that1 attending to    
their quantity1 beautiful objects are   
comparatively small4   ,,section ,,xiv4 
,,smoothness4  ,the next property       
constantly observable in such objects is
 smoothness2#bd a quality so essential  
to beauty1 that ,i do not now recollect 
anything beautiful that is not smooth4  
,in trees and flowers1 smooth leaves are
 beautiful2 smooth slopes of earth in   
gardens2 smooth streams in the          
landscape2 smooth coats of birds and    
beasts in animal beauties2 in fine      
women1 smooth skins2 and in several     
sorts of ornamental furniture1 smooth   
and polished surfaces4 ,a very          
considerable part of the effect of      
beauty is owing to this quality2 indeed 

the most considerable4 ,for1 take any   
beautiful object1 and give it a broken1 
and rugged surface2 and1 however well   
formed it may be in other respects1 it  
pleases no longer4 ,whereas1 let it want
 ever so many of the other constituents1
 if it wants not this1 it becomes more  
pleasing than almost all the others     
without it4 ,this seems to me so        
evident1 that ,i am a good deal         
surprised that none who have handled the
 subject have made any mention of the   
quality of smoothness in the enumeration
 of those that go to the forming of     
beauty4 ,for1 indeed1 any ruggedness1   
any sudden1 projection1 any sharp angle1
 is in the highest degree contrary to   
that idea4   ,,section ,,xv4  ,,gradual 
,,variation4  ,but as perfectly         
beautiful bodies are not composed of    
angular parts1 so their parts never     
continue long in the same right line4#be
 ,they vary their direction every       
moment1 and they change under the eye by
 a deviation continually carrying on1   

but for whose beginning or end you will 
find it difficult to ascertain a point4 
,the view of a beautiful bird will      
illustrate this observation4 ,here we   
see the head increasing insensibly to   
the middle1 from whence it lessens      
gradually until it mixes with the neck2 
the neck loses itself in a larger swell1
 which continues to the middle of the   
body1 when the whole decreases again to 
the tail2 the tail takes a new          
direction1 but it soon varies its new   
course1 it blends again with the other  
parts1 and the line is perpetually      
changing1 above1 below1 upon every side4
 ,in this description ,i have before me 
the idea of a dove2 it agrees very well 
with most of the conditions of beauty4  
,it is smooth and downy2 its parts are  
7to use that expression7 melted into one
 another2 you are presented with no     
sudden protuberance through the whole1  
and yet the whole is continually        
changing4 ,observe that part of a       
beautiful woman where she is perhaps the

 most beautiful1 about the neck and     
breasts2 the smoothness1 the softness1  
the easy and insensible swell2 the      
variety of the surface1 which is never  
for the smallest space the same2 the    
deceitful maze through which the        
unsteady eye slides giddily1 without    
knowing where to fix1 or whither it is  
carried4 ,is not this a demonstration of
 that change of surface1 continual1 and 
yet hardly perceptible at any point1    
which forms one of the great            
constituents of beauty8 ,it gives me no 
small pleasure to find that ,i can      
strengthen my theory in this point by   
the opinion of the very ingenious ,mr4  
,hogarth1 whose idea of the line of     
beauty ,i take in general to be         
extremely just4 ,but the idea of        
variation1 without attending so         
accurately to the manner of the         
variation1 has led him to consider      
angular figures as beautiful2 these     
figures1 it is true1 vary greatly1 yet  
they vary in a sudden and broken manner1

 and ,i do not find any natural object  
which is angular1 and at the same time  
beautiful4 ,indeed1 few natural objects 
are entirely angular4 ,but ,i think     
those which approach the most nearly to 
it are the ugliest4 ,i must add1 too1   
that so for as ,i could observe of      
nature1 though the varied line is that  
alone in which complete beauty is found1
 yet there is no particular line which  
is always found in the most completely  
beautiful1 and which is therefore       
beautiful in preference to all other    
lines4 ,at least ,i never could observe 
it4   ,,section ,,xvi4  ,,delicacy4  ,an
 air of robustness and strength is very 
prejudicial to beauty4 ,an appearance of
 delicacy1 and even of fragility1 is    
almost essential to it4 ,whoever        
examines the vegetable or animal        
creation will find this observation to  
be founded in nature4 ,it is not the    
oak1 the ash1 or the elm1 or any of the 
robust trees of the forest which we     
consider as beautiful2 they are awful   

and majestic1 they inspire a sort of    
reverence4 ,it is the delicate myrtle1  
it is the orange1 it is the almond1 it  
is the jasmine1 it is the vine which we 
look on as vegetable beauties4 ,it is   
the flowery species1 so remarkable for  
its weakness and momentary duration1    
that gives us the liveliest idea of     
beauty and elegance4 ,among animals1 the
 greyhound is more beautiful than the   
mastiff1 and the delicacy of a jennet1 a
 barb1 or an ,arabian horse1 is much    
more amiable than the strength and      
stability of some horses of war or      
carriage4 ,i need here say little of the
 fair sex1 where ,i believe the point   
will be easily allowed me4 ,the beauty  
of women is considerably owing to their 
weakness or delicacy1 and is even       
enhanced by their timidity1 a quality of
 mind analogous to it4 ,i would not here
 be understood to say1 that weakness    
betraying very bad health has any share 
in beauty2 but the ill effect of this is
 not because it is weakness1 but because

 the ill state of health1 which produces
 such weakness1 alters the other        
conditions of beauty2 the parts in such 
a case collapse1 the bright color1 the  
lumen purpureum juvent is gone1 and the 
fine variation is lost in wrinkles1     
sudden breaks1 and right lines4         
,,section ,,xvii4  ,,beauty ,,in        
,,color4  ,as to the colors usually     
found in beautiful bodies1 it may be    
somewhat difficult to ascertain them1   
because1 in the several parts of nature1
 there is an infinite variety4 ,however1
 even in this variety1 we may mark out  
something on which to settle4 ,first1   
the colors of beautiful bodies must not 
be dusky or muddy1 but clean and fair4  
,secondly1 they must not be of the      
strongest kind4 ,those which seem most  
appropriated to beauty1 are the milder  
of every sort2 light greens2 soft blues2
 weak whites2 pink reds2 and violets4   
,thirdly1 if the colors be strong and   
vivid1 they are always diversified1 and 
the object is never of one strong color2

 there are almost always such a number  
of them 7as in variegated flowers7 that 
the strength and glare of each is       
considerably abated4 ,in a fine         
complexion there is not only some       
variety in the coloring1 but the colors3
 neither the red nor the white are      
strong and glaring4 ,besides1 they are  
mixed in such a manner1 and with such   
gradations1 that it is impossible to fix
 the bounds4 ,on the same principle it  
is that the dubious color in the necks  
and tails of peacocks1 and about the    
heads of drakes1 is so very agreeable4  
,in reality1 the beauty both of shape   
and coloring are as nearly related as we
 can well suppose it possible for things
 of such different natures to be4       
,,section ,,xviii4  ,,recapitulation4   
,on the whole1 the qualities of beauty1 
as they are merely sensible qualities1  
are the following3 ,first1 to be        
comparatively small4 ,secondly1 to be   
smooth4 ,thirdly1 to have a variety in  
the direction of the parts2 but1        

fourthly1 to have those parts not       
angular1 but melted1 as it were1 into   
each other4 ,fifthly1 to be of a        
delicate frame1 without any remarkable  
appearance of strength4 ,sixthly1 to    
have its colors clear and bright1 but   
not very strong and glaring4 ,seventhly1
 or if it should have any glaring color1
 to have it diversified with others4    
,these are1 ,i believe1 the properties  
on which beauty depends2 properties that
 operate by nature1 and are less liable 
to be altered by caprice1 or confounded 
by a diversity of tastes1 than any      
other4   ,,section ,,xix4  ,,the        
,,physiognomy4  ,the physiognomy has a  
considerable share in beauty1 especially
 in that of our own species4 ,the       
manners give a certain determination to 
the countenance2 which1 being observed  
to correspond pretty regularly with     
them1 is capable of joining the effect  
of certain agreeable qualities of the   
mind to those of the body4 ,so that to  
form a finished human beauty1 and to    

give it its full influence1 the face    
must be expressive of such gentle and   
amiable qualities1 as correspond with   
the softness1 smoothness1 and delicacy  
of the outward form4   ,,section ,,xx4  
,,the ,,eye4  ,i have hitherto purposely
 omitted to speak of the eye1 which has 
so great a share in the beauty of the   
animal creation1 as it did not fall so  
easily under the foregoing heads1 though
 in fact it is reducible to the same    
principles4 ,i think1 then1 that the    
beauty of the eye consists1 first1 in   
its clearness2 what colored eye shall   
please most1 depends a good deal on     
particular fancies2 but none are pleased
 with an eye whose water 7to use that   
term7 is dull and muddy4#bf ,we are     
pleased with the eye in this view1 on   
the principle upon which we like        
diamonds1 clear water1 glass1 and such  
like transparent substances4 ,secondly1 
the motion of the eye contributes to its
 beauty1 by continually shifting its    
direction2 but a slow and languid motion

 is more beautiful than a brisk one2 the
 latter is enlivening2 the former       
lovely4 ,thirdly1 with regard to the    
union of the eye with the neighboring   
parts1 it is to hold the same rule that 
is given of other beautiful ones2 it is 
not to make a strong deviation from the 
line of the neighboring parts2 nor to   
verge into any exact geometrical figure4
 ,besides all this1 the eye affects1 as 
it is expressive of some qualities of   
the mind1 and its principal power       
generally arises from this2 so that what
 we have just said of the physiognomy is
 applicable here4   ,,section ,,xxi4    
,,ugliness4  ,it may perhaps appear like
 a sort of repetition of what we have   
before said1 to insist here upon the    
nature of ugliness2 as ,i imagine it to 
be in all respects the opposite to those
 qualities which we have laid down for  
the constituents of beauty4 ,but though 
ugliness be the opposite to beauty1 it  
is not the opposite to proportion and   
fitness4 ,for it is possible that a     

thing may be very ugly with any         
proportions1 and with a perfect fitness 
to any uses4 ,ugliness ,i imagine       
likewise to be consistent enough with an
 idea of the sublime4 ,but ,i would by  
no means insinuate that ugliness of     
itself is a sublime idea1 unless united 
with such qualities as excite a strong  
terror4   ,,section ,,xxii4  ,,grace4   
,gracefulness is an idea not very       
different from beauty2 it consists in   
much the same things4 ,gracefulness is  
an idea belonging to posture and motion4
 ,in both these1 to be graceful1 it is  
requisite that there be no appearance of
 difficulty2 there is required a small  
inflection of the body2 and a composure 
of the parts in such a manner1 as not to
 incumber each other1 not to appear     
divided by sharp and sudden angles4 ,in 
this case1 this roundness1 this delicacy
 of attitude and motion1 it is that all 
the magic of grace consists1 and what is
 called its je ne sai quoi2 as will be  
obvious to any observer1 who considers  

attentively the ,venus de ,medicis1 the 
,antinous or any statue generally       
allowed to be graceful in a high degree4
   ,,section ,,xxiii4  ,,elegance ,,and 
,,speciousness4  ,when any body is      
composed of parts smooth and polished1  
without pressing upon each other1       
without showing any ruggedness or       
confusion1 and at the same time         
affecting some regular shape1 ,i call it
 elegant4 ,it is closely allied to the  
beautiful1 differing from it only in    
this regularity2 which1 however1 as it  
makes a very material difference in the 
affection produced1 may very well       
constitute another species4 ,under this 
head ,i rank those delicate and regular 
works of art1 that imitate no           
determinate object in nature1 as elegant
 buildings1 and pieces of furniture4    
,when any object partakes of the        
above-mentioned qualities1 or of those  
of beautiful bodies1 and is withal of   
great dimensions1 it is full as remote  
from the idea of mere beauty2 ,i call   

fine or specious4   ,,section ,,xxiv4   
,,the ,,beautiful ,,in ,,feeling4  ,the 
foregoing description of beauty1 so far 
as it is taken in by the eye1 may he    
greatly illustrated by describing the   
nature of objects1 which produce a      
similar effect through the touch4 ,this 
,i call the beautiful in feeling4 ,it   
corresponds wonderfully with what causes
 the same species of pleasure to the    
sight4 ,there is a chain in all our     
sensations2 they are all but different  
sorts of feelings calculated to be      
affected by various sorts of objects1   
but all to be affected after the same   
manner4 ,all bodies that are pleasant to
 the touch1 are so by the slightness of 
the resistance they make4 ,resistance is
 either to motion along the surface1 or 
to the pressure of the parts on one     
another3 if the former be slight1 we    
call the body smooth2 if the latter1    
soft4 ,the chief pleasure we receive by 
feeling1 is in the one or the other of  
these qualities2 and if there be a      

combination of both1 our pleasure is    
greatly increased4 ,this is so plain1   
that it is rather more fit to illustrate
 other things1 than to be illustrated   
itself by an example4 ,the next source  
of pleasure in this sense1 as in every  
other1 is the continually presenting    
somewhat new2 and we find that bodies   
which continually vary their surface1   
are much the most pleasant or beautiful 
to the feeling1 as any one that pleases 
may experience4 ,the third property in  
such objects is1 that though the surface
 continually varies its direction1 it   
never varies it suddenly4 ,the          
application of anything sudden1 even    
though the impression itself have little
 or nothing of violence1 is             
disagreeable4 ,the quick application of 
a finger a little warmer or colder than 
usual1 without notice1 makes us start2 a
 slight tap on the shoulder1 not        
expected1 has the same effect4 ,hence it
 is that angular bodies1 bodies that    
suddenly vary the direction of the      

outline1 afford so little pleasure to   
the feeling4 ,every such change is a    
sort of climbing or falling in          
miniature2 so that squares1 triangles1  
and other angular figures are neither   
beautiful to the sight nor feeling4     
,whoever compares his state of mind1 on 
feeling soft1 smooth1 variated1         
unangular bodies1 with that in which he 
finds himself1 on the view of a         
beautiful object1 will perceive a very  
striking analogy in the effects of both2
 and which may go a good way towards    
discovering their common cause4 ,feeling
 and sight1 in this respect1 differ in  
but a few points4 ,the touch takes in   
the pleasure of softness1 which is not  
primarily an object of sight2 the sight1
 on the other hand1 comprehends color1  
which can hardly he made perceptible to 
the touch3 the touch1 again1 has the    
advantage in a new idea of pleasure     
resulting from a moderate degree of     
warmth2 but the eye triumphs in the     
infinite extent and multiplicity of its 

objects4 ,but there is such a similitude
 in the pleasures of these senses1 that 
,i am apt to fancy1 if it were possible 
that one might discern color by feeling 
7as it is said some blind men have done7
 that the same colors1 and the same     
disposition of coloring1 which are found
 beautiful to the sight1 would be found 
likewise most grateful to the touch4    
,but1 setting aside conjectures1 let us 
pass to the other sense2 of hearing4    
,,section ,,xxv4  ,,the ,,beautiful ,,in
 ,,sounds4  ,in this sense we find an   
equal aptitude to be affected in a soft 
and delicate manner2 and how far sweet  
or beautiful sounds agree with our      
descriptions of beauty in other senses1 
the experience of every one must decide4
 ,milton has described this species of  
music in one of his juvenile poems4#bg  
,i need not say that ,milton was        
perfectly well versed in that art2 and  
that no man had a finer ear1 with a     
happier manner of expressing the        
affections of one sense by metaphors    

taken from another4 ,the description is 
as follows3--            ,and ever      
against eating cares1     ,lap me in    
soft ,lydian airs2     ,in notes with   
many a winding bout     ,of linked      
sweetness long drawn out2     ,with     
wanton heed1 and giddy cunning1     ,the
 melting voice through mazes running2   
,untwisting all the chains that tie     
,the hidden soul of harmony4  ,let us   
parallel this with the softness1 the    
winding surface1 the unbroken           
continuance1 the easy gradation of the  
beautiful in other things2 and all the  
diversities of the several senses1 with 
all their several affections1 will      
rather help to throw lights from one    
another to finish one clear1 consistent 
idea of the whole1 than to obscure it by
 their intricacy and variety4  ,to the  
above-mentioned description ,i shall add
 one or two remarks4 ,the first is2 that
 the beautiful in music will not hear   
that loudness and strength of sounds1   
which may be used to raise other        

passions2 nor notes which are shrill1 or
 harsh1 or deep2 it agrees best with    
such as are clear1 even1 smooth1 and    
weak4 ,the second is2 that great        
variety1 and quick transitions from one 
measure or tone to another1 are contrary
 to the genius of the beautiful in      
music4 ,such#bh transitions often excite
 mirth1 or other sudden or tumultuous   
passions2 but not that sinking1 that    
melting1 that languor1 which is the     
characteristical effect of the beautiful
 as it regards every sense4 ,the passion
 excited by beauty is in fact nearer to 
a species of melancholy1 than to jollity
 and mirth4 ,i do not here mean to      
confine music to any one species of     
notes1 or tones1 neither is it an art in
 which ,i can say ,i have any great     
skill4 ,my sole design in this remark is
 to settle a consistent idea of beauty4 
,the infinite variety of the affections 
of the soul will suggest to a good head1
 and skilful ear1 a variety of such     
sounds as are fitted to raise them4 ,it 

can be no prejudice to this1 to clear   
and distinguish some few particulars    
that belong to the same class1 and are  
consistent with each other1 from the    
immense crowd of different and sometimes
 contradictory ideas1 that rank vulgarly
 under the standard of beauty4 ,and of  
these it is my intention to mark such   
only of the leading points as show the  
conformity of the sense of hearing with 
all the other senses1 in the article of 
their pleasures4   ,,section ,,xxvi4    
,,taste ,,and ,,smell4  ,this general   
agreement of the senses is yet more     
evident on minutely considering those of
 taste and smell4 ,we metaphorically    
apply the idea of sweetness to sights   
and sounds2 but as the qualities of     
bodies by which they are fitted to      
excite either pleasure or pain in these 
senses are not so obvious as they are in
 the others1 we shall refer an          
explanation of their analogy1 which is a
 very close one1 to that part wherein we
 come to consider the common efficient  

cause of beauty1 as it regards all the  
senses4 ,i do not think anything better 
fitted to establish a clear and settled 
idea of visual beauty than this way of  
examining the similar pleasures of other
 senses2 for one part is sometimes clear
 in one of the senses that is more      
obscure in another2 and where there is a
 clear concurrence of all1 we may with  
more certainty speak of any one of them4
 ,by this means1 they bear witness to   
each other2 nature is1 as it were1      
scrutinized2 and we report nothing of   
her but what we receive from her own    
information4   ,,section ,,xxvii4  ,,the
 ,,sublime ,,and ,,beautiful ,,compared4
  ,on closing this general view of      
beauty1 it naturally occurs that we     
should compare it with the sublime2 and 
in this comparison there appears a      
remarkable contrast4 ,for sublime       
objects are vast in their dimensions1   
beautiful ones comparatively small2     
beauty should be smooth and polished2   
the great1 rugged and negligent3 beauty 

should shun the right line1 yet deviate 
from it insensibly2 the great in many   
cases loves the right line2 and when it 
deviates1 it often makes a strong       
deviation3 beauty should not be obscure2
 the great ought to be dark and gloomy3 
beauty should be light and delicate2 the
 great ought to be solid1 and even      
massive4 ,they are indeed ideas of a    
very different nature1 one being founded
 on pain1 the other on pleasure2 and1   
however they may vary afterwards from   
the direct nature of their causes1 yet  
these causes keep up an eternal         
distinction between them1 a distinction 
never to be forgotten by any whose      
business it is to affect the passions4  
,in the infinite variety of natural     
combinations1 we must expect to find the
 qualities of things the most remote    
imaginable from each other united in the
 same object4 ,we must expect also to   
find combinations of the same kind in   
the works of art4 ,but when we consider 
the power of an object upon our         

passions1 we must know that when        
anything is intended to affect the mind 
by the force of some predominant        
property1 the affection produced is like
 to be the more uniform and perfect1 if 
all the other properties or qualities of
 the object be of the same nature1 and  
tending to the same design as the       
principal4     ,if black and white      
blend1 soften1 and unite     ,a thousand
 ways1 are there no black and white8    
,if the qualities of the sublime and    
beautiful are sometimes found united1   
does this prove that they are the same2 
does it prove that they are any way     
allied2 does it prove even that they are
 not opposite and contradictory8 ,black 
and white may soften1 may blend2 but    
they are not therefore the same4 ,nor1  
when they are so softened and blended   
with each other1 or with different      
colors1 is the power of black as black1 
or of white as white1 so strong as when 
each stands uniform and distinguished4  
,,footnotes3  #bd ,part ,,iv4 sect4 #bj4

  #be ,part ,,iv4 sect4 #bc4  #bf ,part 
,,iv4 sect4 #be4  #bg ,l',allegro4  #bh 
,i ne'er am merry1 when ,i hear sweet   
music4                                  
,,shakespeare4     ,,part ,,iv4         
,,section ,i4  ,,of ,,the ,,efficient   
,,cause ,,of ,,the ,,sublime ,,and      
,,beautiful4  ,when ,i say1 ,i intend to
 inquire into the efficient cause of    
sublimity and beauty1 ,i would not be   
understood to say1 that ,i can come to  
the ultimate cause4 ,i do not pretend   
that ,i shall ever be able to explain   
why certain affections of the body      
produce such a distinct emotion of mind1
 and no other2 or why the body is at all
 affected by the mind1 or the mind by   
the body4 ,a little thought will show   
this to be impossible4 ,but ,i conceive1
 if we can discover what affections of  
the mind produce certain emotions of the
 body2 and what distinct feelings and   
qualities of body shall produce certain 
determinate passions in the mind1 and no
 others1 ,i fancy a great deal will be  

done2 something not unuseful towards a  
distinct knowledge of our passions1 so  
far at least as we have them at present 
under our consideration4 ,this is all1  
,i believe1 we can do4 ,if we could     
advance a step farther1 difficulties    
would still remain1 as we should be     
still equally distant from the first    
cause4 ,when ,newton first discovered   
the property of attraction1 and settled 
its laws1 he found it served very well  
to explain several of the most          
remarkable phenomena in nature2 but yet1
 with reference to the general system of
 things1 he could consider attraction   
but as an effect1 whose cause at that   
time he did not attempt to trace4 ,but  
when he afterwards began to account for 
it by a subtle elastic ether1 this great
 man 7if in so great a man it be not    
impious to discover anything like a     
blemish7 seemed to have quitted his     
usual cautious manner of philosophizing2
 since1 perhaps1 allowing all that has  
been advanced on this subject to be     

sufficiently proved1 ,i think it leaves 
us with as many difficulties as it found
 us4 ,that great chain of causes1 which1
 linking one to another1 even to the    
throne of ,god himself1 can never be    
unravelled by any industry of ours4     
,when we go but one step beyond the     
immediate sensible qualities of things1 
we go out of our depth4 ,all we do after
 is but a faint struggle1 that shows we 
are in an element which does not belong 
to us4 ,so that when ,i speak of cause1 
and efficient cause1 ,i only mean       
certain affections of the mind1 that    
cause certain changes in the body2 or   
certain powers and properties in bodies1
 that work a change in the mind4 ,as1 if
 ,i were to explain the motion of a body
 falling to the ground1 ,i would say it 
was caused by gravity2 and ,i would     
endeavor to show after what manner this 
power operated1 without attempting to   
show why it operated in this manner3 or1
 if ,i were to explain the effects of   
bodies striking one another by the      

common laws of percussion1 ,i should not
 endeavor to explain how motion itself  
is communicated4   ,,section ,,ii4      
,,association4  ,it is no small bar in  
the way of our inquiry into the cause of
 our passions1 that the occasions of    
many of them are given1 and that their  
governing motions are communicated at a 
time when we have not capacity to       
reflect on them2 at a time of which all 
sort of memory is worn out of our minds4
 ,for besides such things as affect us  
in various manners1 according to their  
natural powers1 there are associations  
made at that early season1 which we find
 it very hard afterwards to distinguish 
from natural effects4 ,not to mention   
the unaccountable antipathies which we  
find in many persons1 we all find it    
impossible to remember when a steep     
became more terrible than a plain2 or   
fire or water more terrible than a clod 
of earth2 though all these are very     
probably either conclusions from        
experience1 or arising from the         

premonitions of others2 and some of them
 impressed1 in all likelihood1 pretty   
late4 ,but as it must be allowed that   
many things affect us after a certain   
manner1 not by any natural powers they  
have for that purpose1 but by           
association2 so it would be absurd1 on  
the other hand1 to say that all things  
affect us by association only2 since    
some things must have been originally   
and naturally agreeable or disagreeable1
 from which the others derive their     
associated powers2 and it would be1 ,i  
fancy1 to little purpose to look for the
 cause of our passions in association1  
until we fail of it in the natural      
properties of things4   ,,section ,,iii4
  ,,cause ,,of ,,pain ,,and ,,fear4  ,i 
have before observed1#bi that whatever  
is qualified to cause terror is a       
foundation capable of the sublime2 to   
which ,i add1 that not only these1 but  
many things from which we cannot        
probably apprehend any danger1 have a   
similar effect1 because they operate in 

a similar manner4 ,i observed1 too1#cj  
that whatever produces pleasure1        
positive and original pleasure1 is fit  
to have beauty engrafted on it4         
,therefore1 to clear up the nature of   
these qualities1 it may be necessary to 
explain the nature of pain and pleasure 
on which they depend4 ,a man who suffers
 under violent bodily pain1 7,i suppose 
the most violent1 because the effect may
 be the more obvious17 ,i say a man in  
great pain has his teeth set1 his       
eyebrows are violently contracted1 his  
forehead is wrinkled1 his eyes are      
dragged inwards1 and rolled with great  
vehemence1 his hair stands on end1 the  
voice is forced out in short shrieks and
 groans1 and the whole fabric totters4  
,fear or terror1 which is an            
apprehension of pain or death1 exhibits 
exactly the same effects1 approaching in
 violence to those just mentioned1 in   
proportion to the nearness of the cause1
 and the weakness of the subject4 ,this 
is not only so in the human species3 but

 ,i have more than once observed in     
dogs1 under an apprehension of          
punishment1 that they have writhed their
 bodies1 and yelped1 and howled1 as if  
they had actually felt the blows4 ,from 
hence ,i conclude1 that pain and fear   
act upon the same parts of the body1 and
 in the same manner1 though somewhat    
differing in degree3 that pain and fear 
consist in an unnatural tension of the  
nerves2 that this is sometimes          
accompanied with an unnatural strength1 
which sometimes suddenly changes into an
 extraordinary weakness2 that these     
effects often come on alternately1 and  
are sometimes mixed with each other4    
,this is the nature of all convulsive   
agitations1 especially in weaker        
subjects1 which are the most liable to  
the severest impressions of pain and    
fear4 ,the only difference between pain 
and terror is1 that things which cause  
pain operate on the mind by the         
intervention of the body2 whereas things
 that cause terror generally affect the 

bodily organs by the operation of the   
mind suggesting the danger2 but both    
agreeing1 either primarily or           
secondarily1 in producing a tension1    
contraction1 or violent emotion of the  
nerves1#ca they agree likewise in       
everything else4 ,for it appears very   
clearly to me from this1 as well as from
 many other examples1 that when the body
 is disposed1 by any means whatsoever1  
to such emotions as it would acquire by 
the means of a certain passion2 it will 
of itself excite something very like    
that passion in the mind4   ,,section   
,,iv4  ,,continued4  ,to this purpose   
,mr4 ,spon1 in his ,rcherches           
d',antiquit1 gives us a curious story of
 the celebrated physiognomist           
,campanella4 ,this man1 it seems1 had   
not only made very accurate observations
 on human faces1 but was very expert in 
mimicking such as were any way          
remarkable4 ,when he had a mind to      
penetrate into the inclinations of those
 he had to deal with1 he composed his   

face1 his gesture1 and his whole body1  
as nearly as he could into the exact    
similitude of the person he intended to 
examine2 and then carefully observed    
what turn of mind he seemed to acquire  
by this change4 ,so that1 says my       
author1 he was able to enter into the   
dispositions and thoughts of people as  
effectually as if he had been changed   
into the very men4 ,i have often        
observed1 that on mimicking the looks   
and gestures of angry1 or placid1 or    
frighted1 or daring men1 ,i have        
involuntarily found my mind turned to   
that passion1 whose appearance ,i       
endeavored to imitate2 nay1 ,i am       
convinced it is hard to avoid it1 though
 one strove to separate the passion from
 its correspondent gestures4 ,our minds 
and bodies are so closely and intimately
 connected1 that one is incapable of    
pain or pleasure without the other4     
,campanella1 of whom we have been       
speaking1 could so abstract his         
attention from any sufferings of his    

body1 that he was able to endure the    
rack itself without much pain2 and in   
lesser pains everybody must have        
observed that1 when we can employ our   
attention on anything else1 the pain has
 been for a time suspended3 on the other
 hand1 if by any means the body is      
indisposed to perform such gestures1 or 
to be stimulated into such emotions as  
any passion usually produces in it1 that
 passion itself never can arise1 though 
its cause should be never so strongly in
 action2 though it should be merely     
mental1 and immediately affecting none  
of the senses4 ,as an opiate1 or        
spirituous liquors1 shall suspend the   
operation of grief1 or fear1 or anger1  
in spite of all our efforts to the      
contrary2 and this by inducing in the   
body a disposition contrary to that     
which it receives from these passions4  
,,section ,v4  ,,how ,,the ,,sublime    
,,is ,,produced4  ,having considered    
terror as producing an unnatural tension
 and certain violent emotions of the    

nerves2 it easily follows1 from what we 
have just said1 that whatever is fitted 
to produce such a tension must be       
productive of a passion similar to      
terror1#cb and consequently must be a   
source of the sublime1 though it should 
have no idea of danger connected with   
it4 ,so that little remains towards     
showing the cause of the sublime1 but to
 show that the instances we have given  
of it in the second part relate to such 
things1 as are fitted by nature to      
produce this sort of tension1 either by 
the primary operation of the mind or the
 body4 ,with regard to such things as   
affect by the associated idea of danger1
 there can be no doubt but that they    
produce terror1 and act by some         
modification of that passion2 and that  
terror1 when sufficiently violent1      
raises the emotions of the body just    
mentioned1 can as little be doubted4    
,but if the sublime is built on terror  
or some passion like it1 which has pain 
for its object1 it is previously proper 

to inquire how any species of delight   
can be derived from a cause so          
apparently contrary to it4 ,i say       
delight1 because1 as ,i have often      
remarked1 it is very evidently different
 in its cause1 and in its own nature1   
from actual and positive pleasure4      
,,section ,,vi4  ,,how ,,pain ,,can ,,be
 ,a ,,cause ,,of ,,delight4  ,providence
 has so ordered it1 that a state of rest
 and inaction1 however it may flatter   
our indolence1 should be productive of  
many inconveniences2 that it should     
generate such disorders1 as may force us
 to have recourse to some labor1 as a   
thing absolutely requisite to make us   
pass our lives with tolerable           
satisfaction2 for the nature of rest is 
to suffer all the parts of our bodies to
 fall into a relaxation1 that not only  
disables the members from performing    
their functions1 but takes away the     
vigorous tone of fibre which is         
requisite for carrying on the natural   
and necessary secretions4 ,at the same  

time1 that in this languid in active    
state1 the nerves are more liable to the
 most horrid convulsions1 than when they
 are sufficiently braced and            
strengthened4 ,melancholy1 dejection1   
despair1 and often self-murder1 is the  
consequence of the gloomy view we take  
of things in this relaxed state of body4
 ,the best remedy for all these evils is
 exercise or labor2 and labor is a      
surmounting of difficulties1 an exertion
 of the contracting power of the        
muscles2 and as such resembles pain1    
which consists in tension or            
contraction1 in everything but degree4  
,labor is not only requisite to preserve
 the coarser organs1 in a state fit for 
their functions2 but it is equally      
necessary to these finer and more       
delicate organs1 on which1 and by which1
 the imagination and perhaps the other  
mental powers act4 ,since it is         
probable1 that not only the inferior    
parts of the soul1 as the passions are  
called1 but the understanding itself    

makes use of some fine corporeal        
instruments in its operation2 though    
what they are1 and where they are1 may  
be somewhat hard to settle3 but that it 
does make use of such1 appears from     
hence2 that a long exercise of the      
mental powers induces a remarkable      
lassitude of the whole body2 and on the 
other hand1 that great bodily labor1 or 
pain1 weakens and sometimes actually    
destroys the mental faculties4 ,now1 as 
a due exercise is essential to the      
coarse muscular parts of the            
constitution1 and that without this     
rousing they would become languid and   
diseased1 the very same rule holds with 
regard to those finer parts we have     
mentioned2 to have them in proper order1
 they must be shaken and worked to a    
proper degree4   ,,section ,,vii4       
,,exercise ,,necessary ,,for ,,the      
,,finer ,,organs4  ,as common labor1    
which is a mode of pain1 is the exercise
 of the grosser1 a mode of terror is the
 exercise of the finer parts of the     

system2 and if a certain mode of pain be
 of such a nature as to act upon the eye
 or the ear1 as they are the most       
delicate organs1 the affection          
approaches more nearly to that which has
 a mental cause4 ,in all these cases1 if
 the pain and terror are so modified as 
not to be actually noxious2 if the pain 
is not carried to violence1 and the     
terror is not conversant about the      
present destruction of the person1 as   
these emotions clear the parts1 whether 
fine or gross1 of a dangerous and       
troublesome incumbrance1 they are       
capable of producing delight2 not       
pleasure1 but a sort of delightful      
horror1 a sort of tranquillity tinged   
with terror2 which1 as it belongs to    
self-preservation1 is one of the        
strongest of all the passions4 ,its     
object is the sublime4#cc ,its highest  
degree ,i call astonishment2 the        
subordinate degrees are awe1 reverence1 
and respect1 which1 by the very         
etymology of the words1 show from what  

source they are derived1 and how they   
stand distinguished from positive       
pleasure4   ,,section ,,viii4  ,,why    
,,things ,,not ,,dangerous ,,sometimes  
,,produce ,a ,,passion ,,like ,,terror4 
,a mode of terror or pain is always the 
cause of the sublime4#cd ,for terror or 
associated danger1 the foregoing        
explication is1 ,i believe1 sufficient4 
,it will require something more trouble 
to show1 that such examples as ,i have  
given of the sublime in the second part 
are capable of producing a mode of pain1
 and of being thus allied to terror1 and
 to be accounted for on the same        
principles4 ,and first of such objects  
as are great in their dimensions4 ,i    
speak of visual objects4   ,,section    
,,ix4  ,,why ,,visual ,,objects ,,of    
,,great ,,dimensions ,,are ,,sublime4   
,vision is performed by having a        
picture1 formed by the rays of light    
which are reflected from the object1    
painted in one piece1 instantaneously1  
on the retina1 or last nervous part of  

the eye4 ,or1 according to others1 there
 is but one point of any object painted 
on the eye in such a manner as to be    
perceived at once1 but by moving the    
eye1 we gather up1 with great celerity1 
the several parts of the object1 so as  
to form one uniform piece4 ,if the      
former opinion be allowed1 it will be   
considered1#ce that though all the light
 reflected from a large body should     
strike the eye in one instant2 yet we   
must suppose that the body itself is    
formed of a vast number of distinct     
points1 every one of which1 or the ray  
from every one1 makes an impression on  
the retina4 ,so that1 though the image  
of one point should cause but a small   
tension of this membrane1 another1 and  
another1 and another stroke1 must in    
their progress cause a very great one1  
until it arrives at last to the highest 
degree2 and the whole capacity of the   
eye1 vibrating in all its parts1 must   
approach near to the nature of what     
causes pain1 and consequently must      

produce an idea of the sublime4 ,again1 
if we take it1 that one point only of an
 object is distinguishable at once2 the 
matter will amount nearly to the same   
thing1 or rather it will make the origin
 of the sublime from greatness of       
dimension yet clearer4 ,for if but one  
point is observed at once1 the eye must 
traverse the vast space of such bodies  
with great quickness1 and consequently  
the fine nerves and muscles destined to 
the motion of that part must be very    
much strained2 and their great          
sensibility must make them highly       
affected by this straining4 ,besides1 it
 signifies just nothing to the effect   
produced1 whether a body has its parts  
connected and makes its impression at   
once2 or1 making but one impression of a
 point at a time1 it causes a succession
 of the same or others so quickly as to 
make them seem united2 as is evident    
from the common effect of whirling about
 a lighted torch or piece of wood3      
which1 if done with celerity1 seems a   

circle of fire4   ,,section ,x4  ,,unity
 ,,why ,,requisite ,,to ,,vastness4  ,it
 may be objected to this theory1 that   
the eye generally receives an equal     
number of rays at all times1 and that   
therefore a great object cannot affect  
it by the number of rays1 more than that
 variety of objects which the eye must  
always discern whilst it remains open4  
,but to this ,i answer1 that admitting  
an equal number of rays1 or an equal    
quantity of luminous particles to strike
 the eye at all times1 yet if these rays
 frequently vary their nature1 now to   
blue1 now to red1 and so on1 or their   
manner of termination1 as to a number of
 petty squares1 triangles1 or the like1 
at every change1 whether of color or    
shape1 the organ has a sort of          
relaxation or rest2 but this relaxation 
and labor so often interrupted1 is by no
 means productive of ease2 neither has  
it the effect of vigorous and uniform   
labor4 ,whoever has remarked the        
different effects of some strong        

exercise1 and some little piddling      
action1 will understand why a teasing1  
fretful employment1 which at once       
wearies and weakens the body1 should    
have nothing great2 these sorts of      
impulses1 which are rather teasing than 
painful1 by continually and suddenly    
altering their tenor and direction1     
prevent that full tension1 that species 
of uniform labor1 which is allied to    
strong pain1 and causes the sublime4    
,the sum total of things of various     
kinds1 though it should equal the number
 of the uniform parts composing some one
 entire object1 is not equal in its     
effect upon the organs of our bodies4   
,besides the one already assigned1 there
 is another very strong reason for the  
difference4 ,the mind in reality hardly 
ever can attend diligently to more than 
one thing at a time2 if this thing be   
little1 the effect is little1 and a     
number of other little objects cannot   
engage the attention2 the mind is       
bounded by the bounds of the object2 and

 what is not attended to1 and what does 
not exist1 are much the same in the     
effect2 but the eye or the mind1 7for in
 this case there is no difference17 in  
great1 uniform objects1 does not readily
 arrive at their bounds2 it has no rest1
 whilst it contemplates them2 the image 
is much the same everywhere4 ,so that   
everything great by its quantity must   
necessarily be one1 simple and entire4  
,,section ,,xi4  ,,the ,,artificial     
,,infinite4  ,we have observed that a   
species of greatness arises from the    
artificial infinite2 and that this      
infinite consists in an uniform         
succession of great parts3 we observed  
too1 that the same uniform succession   
had a like power in sounds4 ,but because
 the effects of many things are clearer 
in one of the senses than in another1   
and that all the senses bear analogy to 
and illustrate one another1 ,i shall    
begin with this power in sounds1 as the 
cause of the sublimity from succession  
is rather more obvious in the sense of  

hearing4 ,and ,i shall here1 once for   
all1 observe1 that an investigation of  
the natural and mechanical causes of our
 passions1 besides the curiosity of the 
subject1 gives1 if they are discovered1 
a double strength and lustre to any     
rules we deliver on such matters4 ,when 
the ear receives any simple sound1 it is
 struck by a single pulse of the air    
which makes the ear-drum and the other  
membranous parts vibrate according to   
the nature and species of the stroke4   
,if the stroke be strong1 the organ of  
hearing suffers a considerable degree of
 tension4 ,if the stroke be repeated    
pretty soon after1 the repetition causes
 an expectation of another stroke4 ,and 
it must be observed1 that expectation   
itself causes a tension4 ,this is       
apparent in many animals1 who1 when they
 prepare for hearing any sound1 rouse   
themselves1 and prick up their ears2 so 
that here the effect of the sounds is   
considerably augmented by a new         
auxiliary1 the expectation4 ,but though 

after a number of strokes1 we expect    
still more1 not being able to ascertain 
the exact time of their arrival1 when   
they arrive1 they produce a sort of     
surprise1 which increases this tension  
yet further4 ,for ,i have observed1 that
 when at any time ,i have waited very   
earnestly for some sound1 that returned 
at intervals1 7as the successive firing 
of cannon17 though ,i fully expected the
 return of the sound1 when it came it   
always made me start a little2 the      
ear-drum suffered a convulsion1 and the 
whole body consented with it4 ,the      
tension of the part thus increasing at  
every blow1 by the united forces of the 
stroke itself1 the expectation and the  
surprise1 it is worked up to such a     
pitch as to be capable of the sublime2  
it is brought just to the verge of pain4
 ,even when the cause has ceased1 the   
organs of hearing being often           
successively struck in a similar manner1
 continue to vibrate in that manner for 
some time longer2 this is an additional 

help to the greatness of the effect4    
,,section ,,xii4  ,,the ,,vibrations    
,,must ,,be ,,similar4  ,but if the     
vibration be not similar at every       
impression1 it can never be carried     
beyond the number of actual impressions2
 for1 move any body as a pendulum1 in   
one way1 and it will continue to        
oscillate in an arch of the same circle1
 until the known causes make it rest2   
but if1 after first putting it in motion
 in one direction1 you push it into     
another1 it can never reassume the first
 direction2 because it can never move   
itself1 and consequently it can have but
 the effect of that last motion2        
whereas1 if in the same direction you   
act upon it several times1 it will      
describe a greater arch1 and move a     
longer time4   ,,section ,,xiii4  ,,the 
,,effects ,,of ,,succession ,,in        
,,visual ,,objects ,,explained4  ,if we 
can comprehend clearly how things       
operate upon one of our senses1 there   
can be very little difficulty in        

conceiving in what manner they affect   
the rest4 ,to say a great deal therefore
 upon the corresponding affections of   
every sense1 would tend rather to       
fatigue us by an useless repetition1    
than to throw any new light upon the    
subject by that ample and diffuse manner
 of treating it2 but as in this         
discourse we chiefly attach ourselves to
 the sublime1 as it affects the eye1 we 
shall consider particularly why a       
successive disposition of uniform parts 
in the same right line should be        
sublime1#cf and upon what principle this
 disposition is enabled to make a       
comparatively small quantity of matter  
produce a grander effect1 than a much   
larger quantity disposed in another     
manner4 ,to avoid the perplexity of     
general notions2 let us set before our  
eyes1 a colonnade of uniform pillars    
planted in a right line2 let us take our
 stand in such a manner1 that the eye   
may shoot along this colonnade1 for it  
has its best effect in this view4 ,in   

our present situation it is plain1 that 
the rays from the first round pillar    
will cause in the eye a vibration of    
that species2 an image of the pillar    
itself4 ,the pillar immediately         
succeeding increases it2 that which     
follows renews and enforces the         
impression2 each in its order as it     
succeeds1 repeats impulse after impulse1
 and stroke after stroke1 until the eye1
 long exercised in one particular way1  
cannot lose that object immediately1    
and1 being violently roused by this     
continued agitation1 it presents the    
mind with a grand or sublime conception4
 ,but instead of viewing a rank of      
uniform pillars1 let us suppose that    
they succeed each other1 a round and a  
square one alternately4 ,in this case   
the vibration caused by the first round 
pillar perishes as soon as it is formed2
 and one of quite another sort 7the     
square7 directly occupies its place2    
which however it resigns as quickly to  
the round one2 and thus the eye         

proceeds1 alternately1 taking up one    
image1 and laying down another1 as long 
as the building continues4 ,from whence 
it is obvious that1 at the last pillar1 
the impression is as far from continuing
 as it was at the very first2 because1  
in fact1 the sensory can receive no     
distinct impression but from the last2  
and it can never of itself resume a     
dissimilar impression3 besides every    
variation of the object is a rest and   
relaxation to the organs of sight2 and  
these reliefs prevent that powerful     
emotion so necessary to produce the     
sublime4 ,to produce therefore a perfect
 grandeur in such things as we have been
 mentioning1 there should be a perfect  
simplicity1 an absolute uniformity in   
disposition1 shape1 and coloring4 ,upon 
this principle of succession and        
uniformity it may be asked1 why a long  
bare wall should not be a more sublime  
object than a colonnade2 since the      
succession is no way interrupted2 since 
the eye meets no check2 since nothing   

more uniform can be conceived8 ,a long  
bare wall is certainly not so grand an  
object as a colonnade of the same length
 and height4 ,it is not altogether      
difficult to account for this           
difference4 ,when we look at a naked    
wall1 from the evenness of the object1  
the eye runs along its whole space1 and 
arrives quickly at its termination2 the 
eye meets nothing which may interrupt   
its progress2 but then it meets nothing 
which may detain it a proper time to    
produce a very great and lasting effect4
 ,the view of a bare wall1 if it be of a
 great height and length1 is undoubtedly
 grand2 but this is only one idea1 and  
not a repetition of similar ideas3 it is
 therefore great1 not so much upon the  
principle of infinity1 as upon that of  
vastness4 ,but we are not so powerfully 
affected with any one impulse1 unless it
 be one of a prodigious force indeed1 as
 we are with a succession of similar    
impulses2 because the nerves of the     
sensory do not 7if ,i may use the       

expression7 acquire a habit of repeating
 the same feeling in such a manner as to
 continue it longer than its cause is in
 action2 besides1 all the effects which 
,i have attributed to expectation and   
surprise in ,sect4 #aa1 can have no     
place in a bare wall4   ,,section ,,xiv4
  ,,locke',s ,,opinion ,,concerning     
,,darkness ,,considered4  ,it is ,mr4   
,locke's opinion1 that darkness is not  
naturally an idea of terror2 and that1  
though an excessive light is painful to 
the sense1 the greatest excess of       
darkness is no ways troublesome4 ,he    
observes indeed in another place1 that a
 nurse or an old woman having once      
associated the ideas of ghosts and      
goblins with that of darkness1 night1   
ever after1 becomes painful and horrible
 to the imagination4 ,the authority of  
this great man is doubtless as great as 
that of any man can be1 and it seems to 
stand in the way of our general         
principle4#cg ,we have considered       
darkness as a cause of the sublime2 and 

we have all along considered the sublime
 as depending on some modification of   
pain or terror3 so that if darkness be  
no way painful or terrible to any1 who  
have not had their minds early tainted  
with superstitions1 it can be no source 
of the sublime to them4 ,but1 with all  
deference to such an authority1 it seems
 to me1 that an association of a more   
general nature1 an association which    
takes in all mankind1 may make darkness 
terrible2 for in utter darkness it is   
impossible to know in what degree of    
safety we stand2 we are ignorant of the 
objects that surround us2 we may every  
moment strike against some dangerous    
obstruction2 we may fall down a         
precipice the first step we take2 and if
 an enemy approach1 we know not in what 
quarter to defend ourselves2 in such a  
case strength is no sure protection2    
wisdom can only act by guess2 the       
boldest are staggered1 and he who would 
pray for nothing else towards his       
defence is forced to pray for light4    

,greek3     ,zeu pater1 alla su rusai up
 eros uias ,achain     ,poison d'       
aithrn1 dos d' ophthalmoisin idesthai   
,en de phaei kai olesson4444   ,as to   
the association of ghosts and goblins2  
surely it is more natural to think that 
darkness1 being originally an idea of   
terror1 was chosen as a fit scene for   
such terrible representations1 than that
 such representations have made darkness
 terrible4 ,the mind of man very easily 
slides into an error of the former sort2
 but it is very hard to imagine1 that   
the effect of an idea so universally    
terrible in all times1 and in all       
countries1 as darkness1 could possibly  
have been owing to a set of idle        
stories1 or to any cause of a nature so 
trivial1 and of an operation so         
precarious4   ,,section ,,xv4           
,,darkness ,,terrible ,,in ,,its ,,own  
,,nature4  ,perhaps it may appear on    
inquiry1 that blackness and darkness are
 in some degree painful by their natural
 operation1 independent of any          

associations whatsoever4 ,i must        
observe1 that the ideas of darkness and 
blackness are much the same2 and they   
differ only in this1 that blackness is a
 more confined idea4 ,mr4 ,cheselden has
 given us a very curious story of a boy 
who had been born blind1 and continued  
so until he was thirteen or fourteen    
years old2 he was then couched for a    
cataract1 by which operation he received
 his sight4 ,among many remarkable      
particulars that attended his first     
perceptions and judgments on visual     
objects1 ,cheselden tells us1 that the  
first time the boy saw a black object1  
it gave him great uneasiness2 and that  
some time after1 upon accidentally      
seeing a negro woman1 he was struck with
 great horror at the sight4 ,the horror1
 in this case1 can scarcely be supposed 
to arise from any association4 ,the boy 
appears by the account to have been     
particularly observing and sensible for 
one of his age2 and therefore it is     
probable1 if the great uneasiness he    

felt at the first sight of black had    
arisen from its connection with any     
other disagreeable ideas1 he would have 
observed and mentioned it4 ,for an idea1
 disagreeable only by association1 has  
the cause of its ill effect on the      
passions evident enough at the first    
impression2 in ordinary cases1 it is    
indeed frequently lost2 but this is     
because the original association was    
made very early1 and the consequent     
impression repeated often4 ,in our      
instance1 there was no time for such a  
habit2 and there is no reason to think  
that the ill effects of black on his    
imagination were more owing to its      
connection with any disagreeable ideas1 
than that the good effects of more      
cheerful colors were derived from their 
connection with pleasing ones4 ,they had
 both probably their effects from their 
natural operation4   ,,section ,,xvi4   
,,why ,,darkness ,,is ,,terrible4  ,it  
may be worth while to examine how       
darkness can operate in such a manner as

 to cause pain4 ,it is observable1 that 
still as we recede from the light1      
nature has so contrived it1 that the    
pupil is enlarged by the retiring of the
 iris1 in proportion to our recess4     
,now1 instead of declining from it but a
 little1 suppose that we withdraw       
entirely from the light2 it is          
reasonable to think that the contraction
 of the radial fibres of the iris is    
proportionally greater2 and that this   
part may by great darkness come to be so
 contracted1 as to strain the nerves    
that compose it beyond their natural    
tone2 and by this means to produce a    
painful sensation4 ,such a tension it   
seems there certainly is1 whilst we are 
involved in darkness2 for in such a     
state1 whilst the eye remains open1     
there is a continual nisus to receive   
light2 this is manifest from the flashes
 and luminous appearances which often   
seem in these circumstances to play     
before it2 and which can be nothing but 
the effect of spasms1 produced by its   

own efforts in pursuit of its object3   
several other strong impulses will      
produce the idea of light in the eye1   
besides the substance of light itself1  
as we experience on many occasions4     
,some1 who allow darkness to be a cause 
of the sublime1 would infer1 from the   
dilatation of the pupil1 that a         
relaxation may be productive of the     
sublime as well as a convulsion3 but    
they do not1 ,i believe1 consider1 that 
although the circular ring of the iris  
be in some sense a sphincter1 which may 
possibly be dilated by a simple         
relaxation1 yet in one respect it       
differs from most of the other          
sphincters of the body1 that it is      
furnished with antagonist muscles1 which
 are the radial fibres of the iris3 no  
sooner does the circular muscle begin to
 relax1 than these fibres1 wanting their
 counterpoise1 are forcibly drawn back1 
and open the pupil to a considerable    
wideness4 ,but though we were not       
apprised of this1 ,i believe any one    

will find1 if he opens his eyes and     
makes an effort to see in a dark place1 
that a very perceivable pain ensues4    
,and ,i have heard some ladies remark1  
that after having worked a long time    
upon a ground of black1 their eyes were 
so pained and weakened1 they could      
hardly see4 ,it may perhaps be objected 
to this theory of the mechanical effect 
of darkness1 that the ill effects of    
darkness or blackness seem rather mental
 than corporeal3 and ,i own it is true  
that they do so2 and so do all those    
that depend on the affections of the    
finer parts of our system4 ,the ill     
effects of bad weather appear often no  
otherwise than in a melancholy and      
dejection of spirits2 though without    
doubt1 in this case1 the bodily organs  
suffer first1 and the mind through these
 organs4   ,,section ,,xvii4  ,,the     
,,effects ,,of ,,blackness4  ,blackness 
is but a partial darkness2 and therefore
 it derives some of its powers from     
being mixed and surrounded with colored 

bodies4 ,in its own nature1 it cannot be
 considered as a color4 ,black bodies1  
reflecting none1 or but a few rays1 with
 regard to sight1 are but as so many    
vacant spaces1 dispersed among the      
objects we view4 ,when the eye lights on
 one of these vacuities1 after having   
been kept in some degree of tension by  
the play of the adjacent colors upon it1
 it suddenly falls into a relaxation2   
out of which it as suddenly recovers by 
a convulsive spring4 ,to illustrate     
this3 let us consider that when we      
intend to sit on a chair1 and find it   
much lower than was expected1 the shock 
is very violent2 much more violent than 
could be thought from so slight a fall  
as the difference between one chair and 
another can possibly make4 ,if1 after   
descending a flight of stairs1 we       
attempt inadvertently to take another   
step in the manner of the former ones1  
the shock is extremely rude and         
disagreeable3 and by no art can we cause
 such a shock by the same means when we 

expect and prepare for it4 ,when ,i say 
that this is owing to having the change 
made contrary to expectation2 ,i do not 
mean solely1 when the mind expects4 ,i  
mean likewise1 that when any organ of   
sense is for some time affected in some 
one manner1 if it be suddenly affected  
otherwise1 there ensues a convulsive    
motion2 such a convulsion as is caused  
when anything happens against the       
expectance of the mind4 ,and though it  
may appear strange that such a change as
 produces a relaxation should           
immediately produce a sudden convulsion2
 it is yet most certainly so1 and so in 
all the senses4 ,every one knows that   
sleep is a relaxation2 and that silence1
 where nothing keeps the organs of      
hearing in action1 is in general fittest
 to bring on this relaxation2 yet when a
 sort of murmuring sounds dispose a man 
to sleep1 let these sounds cease        
suddenly1 and the person immediately    
awakes2 that is1 the parts are braced up
 suddenly1 and he awakes4 ,this ,i have 

often experienced myself1 and ,i have   
heard the same from observing persons4  
,in like manner1 if a person in broad   
daylight were falling asleep1 to        
introduce a sudden darkness would       
prevent his sleep for that time1 though 
silence and darkness in themselves1 and 
not suddenly introduced1 are very       
favorable to it4 ,this ,i knew only by  
conjecture on the analogy of the senses 
when ,i first digested these            
observations2 but ,i have since         
experienced it4 ,and ,i have often      
experienced1 and so have a thousand     
others1 that on the first inclining     
towards sleep1 we have been suddenly    
awakened with a most violent start2 and 
that this start was generally preceded  
by a sort of dream of our falling down a
 precipice3 whence does this strange    
motion arise1 but from the too sudden   
relaxation of the body1 which by some   
mechanism in nature restores itself by  
as quick and vigorous an exertion of the
 contracting power of the muscles8 ,the 

dream itself is caused by this          
relaxation2 and it is of too uniform a  
nature to be attributed to any other    
cause4 ,the parts relax too suddenly1   
which is in the nature of falling2 and  
this accident of the body induces this  
image in the mind4 ,when we are in a    
confirmed state of health and vigor1 as 
all changes are then less sudden1 and   
less on the extreme1 we can seldom      
complain of this disagreeable sensation4
   ,,section ,,xviii4  ,,the ,,effects  
,,of ,,blackness ,,moderated4  ,though  
the effects of black be painful         
originally1 we must not think they      
always continue so4 ,custom reconciles  
us to everything4 ,after we have been   
used to the sight of black objects1 the 
terror abates1 and the smoothness and   
glossiness1 or some agreeable accident  
of bodies so colored1 softens in some   
measure the horror and sternness of     
their original nature2 yet the nature of
 the original impression still          
continues4 ,black will always have      

something melancholy in it1 because the 
sensory will always find the change to  
it from other colors too violent2 or if 
it occupy the whole compass of the      
sight1 it will then be darkness2 and    
what was said of darkness will be       
applicable here4 ,i do not purpose to go
 into all that might be said to         
illustrate this theory of the effects of
 light and darkness2 neither will ,i    
examine all the different effects       
produced by the various modifications   
and mixtures of these two causes4 ,if   
the foregoing observations have any     
foundation in nature1 ,i conceive them  
very sufficient to account for all the  
phenomena that can arise from all the   
combinations of black with other colors4
 ,to enter into every particular1 or to 
answer every objection1 would be an     
endless labor4 ,we have only followed   
the most leading roads2 and we shall    
observe the same conduct in our inquiry 
into the cause of beauty4   ,,section   
,,xix4  ,,the ,,physical ,,cause ,,of   

,,love4  ,when we have before us such   
objects as excite love and complacency1 
the body is affected1 so far as ,i could
 observe1 much in the following manner3 
the head reclines something on one side2
 the eyelids are more closed than usual1
 and the eyes roll gently with an       
inclination to the object2 the mouth is 
a little opened1 and the breath drawn   
slowly1 with now and then a low sigh2   
the whole body is composed1 and the     
hands fall idly to the sides4 ,all this 
is accompanied with an inward sense of  
melting and languor4 ,these appearances 
are always proportioned to the degree of
 beauty in the object1 and of           
sensibility in the observer4 ,and this  
gradation from the highest pitch of     
beauty and sensibility1 even to the     
lowest of mediocrity and indifference1  
and their correspondent effects1 ought  
to be kept in view1 else this           
description will seem exaggerated1 which
 it certainly is not4 ,but from this    
description it is almost impossible not 

to conclude that beauty acts by relaxing
 the solids of the whole system4 ,there 
are all the appearances of such a       
relaxation2 and a relaxation somewhat   
below the natural tone seems to me to be
 the cause of all positive pleasure4    
,who is a stranger to that manner of    
expression so common in all times and in
 all countries1 of being softened1      
relaxed1 enervated1 dissolved1 melted   
away by pleasure8 ,the universal voice  
of mankind1 faithful to their feelings1 
concurs in affirming this uniform and   
general effect3 and although some odd   
and particular instance may perhaps be  
found1 wherein there appears a          
considerable degree of positive         
pleasure1 without all the characters of 
relaxation1 we must not therefore reject
 the conclusion we had drawn from a     
concurrence of many experiments2 but we 
must still retain it1 subjoining the    
exceptions which may occur according to 
the judicious rule laid down by ,sir    
,isaac ,newton in the third book of his 

,optics4 ,our position will1 ,i         
conceive1 appear confirmed beyond any   
reasonable doubt1 if we can show that   
such things as we have already observed 
to be the genuine constituents of beauty
 have each of them1 separately taken1 a 
natural tendency to relax the fibres4   
,and if it must be allowed us1 that the 
appearance of the human body1 when all  
these constituents are united together  
before the sensory1 further favors this 
opinion1 we may venture1 ,i believe1 to 
conclude that the passion called love is
 produced by this relaxation4 ,by the   
same method of reasoning which we have  
used in the inquiry into the causes of  
the sublime1 we may likewise conclude1  
that as a beautiful object presented to 
the sense1 by causing a relaxation of   
the body1 produces the passion of love  
in the mind2 so if by any means the     
passion should first have its origin in 
the mind1 a relaxation of the outward   
organs will as certainly ensue in a     
degree proportioned to the cause4       

,,section ,,xx4  ,,why ,,smoothness ,,is
 ,,beautiful4  ,it is to explain the    
true cause of visual beauty that ,i call
 in the assistance of the other senses4 
,if it appears that smoothness is a     
principal cause of pleasure to the      
touch1 taste1 smell1 and hearing1 it    
will be easily admitted a constituent of
 visual beauty2 especially as we have   
before shown1 that this quality is found
 almost without exception in all bodies 
that are by general consent held        
beautiful4 ,there can be no doubt that  
bodies which are rough and angular1     
rouse and vellicate the organs of       
feeling1 causing a sense of pain1 which 
consists in the violent tension or      
contraction of the muscular fibres4 ,on 
the contrary1 the application of smooth 
bodies relaxes2 gentle stroking with a  
smooth hand allays violent pains and    
cramps1 and relaxes the suffering parts 
from their unnatural tension2 and it has
 therefore very often no mean effect in 
removing swellings and obstructions4    

,the sense of feeling is highly         
gratified with smooth bodies4 ,a bed    
smoothly laid1 and soft1 that is1 where 
the resistance is every way             
inconsiderable1 is a great luxury1      
disposing to an universal relaxation1   
and inducing beyond anything else that  
species of it called sleep4   ,,section 
,,xxi4  ,,sweetness1 ,,its ,,nature4    
,nor is it only in the touch that smooth
 bodies cause positive pleasure by      
relaxation4 ,in the smell and taste1 we 
find all things agreeable to them1 and  
which are commonly called sweet1 to be  
of a smooth nature1 and that they all   
evidently tend to relax their respective
 sensories4 ,let us first consider the  
taste4 ,since it is most easy to inquire
 into the property of liquids1 and since
 all things seem to want a fluid vehicle
 to make them tasted at all1 ,i intend  
rather to consider the liquid than the  
solid parts of our food4 ,the vehicles  
of all tastes are water and oil4 ,and   
what determines the taste is some salt1 

which affects variously according to its
 nature1 or its manner of being combined
 with other things4 ,water and oil1     
simply considered1 are capable of giving
 some pleasure to the taste4 ,water1    
when simple1 is insipid1 inodorous1     
colorless1 and smooth2 it is found1 when
 not cold1 to be a great resolver of    
spasms1 and lubricator of the fibres2   
this power it probably owes to its      
smoothness4 ,for as fluidity depends1   
according to the most general opinion1  
on the roundness1 smoothness1 and weak  
cohesion of the component parts of any  
body1 and as water acts merely as a     
simple fluid1 it follows that the cause 
of its fluidity is likewise the cause of
 its relaxing quality1 namely1 the      
smoothness and slippery texture of its  
parts4 ,the other fluid vehicle of      
tastes is oil4 ,this too1 when simple1  
is insipid1 inodorous1 colorless1 and   
smooth to the touch and taste4 ,it is   
smoother than water1 and in many cases  
yet more relaxing4 ,oil is in some      

degree pleasant to the eye1 the touch1  
and the taste1 insipid as it is4 ,water 
is not so grateful2 which ,i do not know
 on what principle to account for1 other
 than that water is not so soft and     
smooth4 ,suppose that to this oil or    
water were added a certain quantity of a
 specific salt1 which had a power of    
putting the nervous papill of the tongue
 into a gentle vibratory motion2 as     
suppose sugar dissolved in it4 ,the     
smoothness of the oil and the vibratory 
power of the salt cause the sense we    
call sweetness4 ,in all sweet bodies1   
sugar1 or a substance very little       
different from sugar1 is constantly     
found4 ,every species of salt1 examined 
by the microscope1 has its own distinct1
 regular1 invariable form4 ,that of     
nitre is a pointed oblong2 that of      
sea-salt an exact cube2 that of sugar a 
perfect globe4 ,if you have tried how   
smooth globular bodies1 as the marbles  
with which boys amuse themselves1 have  
affected the touch when they are rolled 

backward and forward and over one       
another1 you will easily conceive how   
sweetness1 which consists in a salt of  
such nature1 affects the taste2 for a   
single globe 7though somewhat pleasant  
to the feeling71 yet by the regularity  
of its form1 and the somewhat too sudden
 deviation of its parts from a right    
line1 is nothing near so pleasant to the
 touch as several globes1 where the hand
 gently rises to one and falls to       
another2 and this pleasure is greatly   
increased if the globes are in motion1  
and sliding over one another2 for this  
soft variety prevents that weariness1   
which the uniform disposition of the    
several globes would otherwise produce4 
,thus in sweet liquors1 the parts of the
 fluid vehicle1 though most probably    
round1 are yet so minute1 as to conceal 
the figure of their component parts from
 the nicest inquisition of the          
microscope2 and consequently1 being so  
excessively minute1 they have a sort of 
flat simplicity to the taste1 resembling

 the effects of plain smooth bodies to  
the touch2 for if a body be composed of 
round parts excessively small1 and      
packed pretty closely together1 the     
surface will be both to the sight and   
touch as if it were nearly plain and    
smooth4 ,it is clear from their         
unveiling their figure to the           
microscope1 that the particles of sugar 
are considerably larger than those of   
water or oil1 and consequently that     
their effects from their roundness will 
be more distinct and palpable to the    
nervous papill of that nice organ the   
tongue2 they will induce that sense     
called sweetness1 which in a weak manner
 we discover in oil1 and in a yet weaker
 in water2 for1 insipid as they are1    
water and oil are in some degree sweet2 
and it may be observed1 that insipid    
things of all kinds approach more nearly
 to the nature of sweetness than to that
 of any other taste4   ,,section ,,xxii4
  ,,sweetness ,,relaxing4  ,in the other
 senses we have remarked1 that smooth   

things are relaxing4 ,now it ought to   
appear that sweet things1 which are the 
smooth of taste1 are relaxing too4 ,it  
is remarkable1 that in some languages   
soft and sweet have but one name4 ,doux 
in ,french signifies soft as well as    
sweet4 ,the ,latin dulcis1 and the      
,italian dolce1 have in many cases the  
same double signification4 ,that sweet  
things are generally relaxing1 is       
evident2 because all such1 especially   
those which are most oily1 taken        
frequently1 or in a large quantity1 very
 much enfeeble the tone of the stomach4 
,sweet smells1 which bear a great       
affinity to sweet tastes1 relax very    
remarkably4 ,the smell of flowers       
disposes people to drowsiness2 and this 
relaxing effect is further apparent from
 the prejudice which people of weak     
nerves receive from their use4 ,it were 
worth while to examine1 whether tastes  
of this kind1 sweet ones1 tastes that   
are caused by smooth oils and a relaxing
 salt1 are not the originally pleasant  

tastes4 ,for many1 which use has        
rendered such1 were not at all agreeable
 at first4 ,the way to examine this is1 
to try what nature has originally       
provided for us1 which she has          
undoubtedly made originally pleasant2   
and to analyze this provision4 ,milk is 
the first support of our childhood4 ,the
 component parts of this are water1 oil1
 and a sort of a very sweet salt1 called
 the sugar of milk4 ,all these when     
blended have a great smoothness to the  
taste1 and a relaxing quality to the    
skin4 ,the next thing children covet is 
fruit1 and of fruits those principally  
which are sweet2 and every one knows    
that the sweetness of fruit is caused by
 a subtle oil1 and such a salt as that  
mentioned in the last section4          
,afterwards custom1 habit1 the desire of
 novelty1 and a thousand other causes1  
confound1 adulterate1 and change our    
palates1 so that we can no longer reason
 with any satisfaction about them4      
,before we quit this article1 we must   

observe1 that as smooth things are1 as  
such1 agreeable to the taste1 and are   
found of a relaxing quality2 so on the  
other hand1 things which are found by   
experience to be of a strengthening     
quality1 and fit to brace the fibres1   
are almost universally rough and pungent
 to the taste1 and in many cases rough  
even to the touch4 ,we often apply the  
quality of sweetness1 metaphorically1 to
 visual objects4 ,for the better        
carrying on this remarkable analogy of  
the senses1 we may here call sweetness  
the beautiful of the taste4   ,,section 
,,xxiii4  ,,variation1 ,,why            
,,beautiful4  ,another principal        
property of beautiful objects is1 that  
the line of their parts is continually  
varying its direction2 but it varies it 
by a very insensible deviation2 it never
 varies it so quickly as to surprise1 or
 by the sharpness of its angle to cause 
any twitching or convulsion of the optic
 nerve4 ,nothing long continued in the  
same manner1 nothing very suddenly      

varied1 can be beautiful2 because both  
are opposite to that agreeable          
relaxation which is the characteristic  
effect of beauty4 ,it is thus in all the
 senses4 ,a motion in a right line is   
that manner of moving1 next to a very   
gentle descent1 in which we meet the    
least resistance2 yet it is not that    
manner of moving1 which next to a       
descent1 wearies us the least4 ,rest    
certainly tends to relax3 yet there is a
 species of motion which relaxes more   
than rest2 a gentle oscillatory motion1 
a rising and falling4 ,rocking sets     
children to sleep better than absolute  
rest2 there is indeed scarcely anything 
at that age1 which gives more pleasure  
than to be gently lifted up and down2   
the manner of playing which their nurses
 use with children1 and the weighing and
 swinging used afterwards by themselves 
as a favorite amusement1 evince this    
very sufficiently4 ,most people must    
have observed the sort of sense they    
have had on being swiftly drawn in an   

easy coach on a smooth turf1 with       
gradual ascents and declivities4 ,this  
will give a better idea of the          
beautiful1 and point out its probable   
cause better1 than almost anything else4
 ,on the contrary1 when one is hurried  
over a rough1 rocky1 broken road1 the   
pain felt by these sudden inequalities  
shows why similar sights1 feelings1 and 
sounds1 are so contrary to beauty3 and  
with regard to the feeling1 it is       
exactly the same in its effect1 or very 
nearly the same1 whether1 for instance1 
,i move my hand along the surface of a  
body of a certain shape1 or whether such
 a body is moved along my hand4 ,but to 
bring this analogy of the senses home to
 the eye2 if a body presented to that   
sense has such a waving surface1 that   
the rays of light reflected from it are 
in a continual insensible deviation from
 the strongest to the weakest 7which is 
always the case in a surface gradually  
unequal71 it must be exactly similar in 
its effects on the eye and touch2 upon  

the one of which it operates directly1  
on the other indirectly4 ,and this body 
will be beautiful if the lines which    
compose its surface are not continued1  
even so varied1 in a manner that may    
weary or dissipate the attention4 ,the  
variation itself must be continually    
varied4   ,,section ,,xxiv4             
,,concerning ,,smallness4  ,to avoid a  
sameness which may arise from the too   
frequent repetition of the same         
reasonings1 and of illustrations of the 
same nature1 ,i will not enter very     
minutely into every particular that     
regards beauty1 as it is founded on the 
disposition of its quantity1 or its     
quantity itself4 ,in speaking of the    
magnitude of bodies there is great      
uncertainty1 because the ideas of great 
and small are terms almost entirely     
relative to the species of the objects1 
which are infinite4 ,it is true1 that   
having once fixed the species of any    
object1 and the dimensions common in the
 individuals of that species1 we may    

observe some that exceed1 and some that 
fall short of1 the ordinary standard3   
those which greatly exceed are1 by that 
excess1 provided the species itself be  
not very small1 rather great and        
terrible than beautiful2 but as in the  
animal world1 and in a good measure in  
the vegetable world likewise1 the       
qualities that constitute beauty may    
possibly be united to things of greater 
dimensions2 when they are so united1    
they constitute a species something     
different both from the sublime and     
beautiful1 which ,i have before called  
fine2 but this kind1 ,i imagine1 has not
 such a power on the passions1 either as
 vast bodies have which are endued with 
the correspondent qualities of the      
sublime2 or as the qualities of beauty  
have when united in a small object4 ,the
 affection produced by large bodies     
adorned with the spoils of beauty1 is a 
tension continually relieved2 which     
approaches to the nature of mediocrity4 
,but if ,i were to say how ,i find      

myself affected upon such occasions1 ,i 
should say that the sublime suffers less
 by being united to some of the         
qualities of beauty1 than beauty does by
 being joined to greatness of quantity1 
or any other properties of the sublime4 
,there is something so overruling in    
whatever inspires us with awe1 in all   
things which belong ever so remotely to 
terror1 that nothing else can stand in  
their presence4 ,there lie the qualities
 of beauty either dead or unoperative2  
or at most exerted to mollify the rigor 
and sternness of the terror1 which is   
the natural concomitant of greatness4   
,besides the extraordinary great in     
every species1 the opposite to this1 the
 dwarfish and diminutive1 ought to be   
considered4 ,littleness1 merely as such1
 has nothing contrary to the idea of    
beauty4 ,the humming-bird1 both in shape
 and coloring1 yields to none of the    
winged species1 of which it is the      
least2 and perhaps his beauty is        
enhanced by his smallness4 ,but there   

are animals1 which1 when they are       
extremely small1 are rarely 7if ever7   
beautiful4 ,there is a dwarfish size of 
men and women1 which is almost          
constantly so gross and massive in      
comparison of their height1 that they   
present us with a very disagreeable     
image4 ,but should a man be found not   
above two or three feet high1 supposing 
such a person to have all the parts of  
his body of a delicacy suitable to such 
a size1 and otherwise endued with the   
common qualities of other beautiful     
bodies1 ,i am pretty well convinced that
 a person of such a stature might be    
considered as beautiful2 might be the   
object of love2 might give us very      
pleasing ideas on viewing him4 ,the only
 thing which could possibly interpose to
 check our pleasure is1 that such       
creatures1 however formed1 are unusual1 
and are often therefore considered as   
something monstrous4 ,the large and     
gigantic1 though very compatible with   
the sublime1 is contrary to the         

beautiful4 ,it is impossible to suppose 
a giant the object of love4 ,when we let
 our imagination loose in romance1 the  
ideas we naturally annex to that size   
are those of tyranny1 cruelty1          
injustice1 and everything horrid and    
abominable4 ,we paint the giant ravaging
 the country1 plundering the innocent   
traveller1 and afterwards gorged with   
his half-living flesh3 such are         
,polyphemus1 ,cacus1 and others1 who    
make so great a figure in romances and  
heroic poems4 ,the event we attend to   
with the greatest satisfaction is their 
defeat and death4 ,i do not remember1 in
 all that multitude of deaths with which
 the ,iliad is filled1 that the fall of 
any man1 remarkable for his great       
stature and strength1 touches us with   
pity2 nor does it appear that the       
author1 so well read in human nature1   
ever intended it should4 ,it is         
,simoisius1 in the soft bloom of youth1 
torn from his parents1 who tremble for a
 courage so ill suited to his strength2 

it is another hurried by war from the   
new embraces of his bride1 young and    
fair1 and a novice to the field1 who    
melts us by his untimely fate4          
,achilles1 in spite of the many         
qualities of beauty which ,homer has    
bestowed on his outward form1 and the   
many great virtues with which he has    
adorned his mind1 can never make us love
 him4 ,it may be observed1 that ,homer  
has given the ,trojans1 whose fate he   
has designed to excite our compassion1  
infinitely more of the amiable1 social  
virtues than he has distributed among   
his ,greeks4 ,with regard to the        
,trojans1 the passion he chooses to     
raise is pity2 pity is a passion founded
 on love2 and these lesser1 and if ,i   
may say domestic virtues1 are certainly 
the most amiable4 ,but he has made the  
,greeks far their superiors in the      
politic and military virtues4 ,the      
councils of ,priam are weak2 the arms of
 ,hector comparatively feeble2 his      
courage far below that of ,achilles4    

,yet we love ,priam more than           
,agamemnon1 and ,hector more than his   
conqueror ,achilles4 ,admiration is the 
passion which ,homer would excite in    
favor of the ,greeks1 and he has done it
 by bestowing on them the virtues which 
have but little to do with love4 ,this  
short digression is perhaps not wholly  
beside our purpose1 where our business  
is to show that objects of great        
dimensions are incompatible with beauty1
 the more incompatible as they are      
greater2 whereas the small1 if ever they
 fail of beauty1 this failure is not to 
be attributed to their size4   ,,section
 ,,xxv4  ,,of ,,color4  ,with regard to 
color1 the disquisition is almost       
infinite2 but ,i conceive the principles
 laid down in the beginning of this part
 are sufficient to account for the      
effects of them all1 as well as for the 
agreeable effects of transparent bodies1
 whether fluid or solid4 ,suppose ,i    
look at a bottle of muddy liquor1 of a  
blue or red color2 the blue or red rays 

cannot pass clearly to the eye1 but are 
suddenly and unequally stopped by the   
intervention of little opaque bodies1   
which without preparation change the    
idea1 and change it too into one        
disagreeable in its own nature1         
conformably to the principles laid down 
in ,sect4 #bd4 ,but when the ray passes 
without such opposition through the     
glass or liquor1 when the glass or      
liquor is quite transparent1 the light  
is sometimes softened in the passage1   
which makes it more agreeable even as   
light2 and the liquor reflecting all the
 rays of its proper color evenly1 it has
 such an effect on the eye1 as smooth   
opaque bodies have on the eye and touch4
 ,so that the pleasure here is          
compounded of the softness of the       
transmitted1 and the evenness of the    
reflected light4 ,this pleasure may be  
heightened by the common principles in  
other things1 if the shape of the glass 
which holds the transparent liquor be so
 judiciously varied1 as to present the  

color gradually and interchangeably1    
weakened and strengthened with all the  
variety which judgment in affairs of    
this nature shall suggest4 ,on a review 
of all that has been said of the        
effects1 as well as the causes of both1 
it will appear that the sublime and     
beautiful are built on principles very  
different1 and that their affections are
 as different3 the great has terror for 
its basis1 which1 when it is modified1  
causes that emotion in the mind1 which  
,i have called astonishment2 the        
beautiful is founded on mere positive   
pleasure1 and excites in the soul that  
feeling which is called love4 ,their    
causes have made the subject of this    
fourth part4  ,,footnotes3  #bi ,part   
,i4 sect4 #g4  #cj ,part ,i4 sect4 #aj4 
#ca ,i do not here enter into the       
question debated among physiologists1   
whether pain be the effect of a         
contraction1 or a tension of the nerves4
 ,either will serve my purpose2 for by  
tension1 ,i mean no more than a violent 

pulling of the fibres which compose any 
muscle or membrane1 in whatever way this
 is done4  #cb ,part ,,ii4 sect4 #b4    
#cc ,part ,,ii4 sect4 #a4  #cd ,part ,i4
 sect4 #g4 ,part ,,ii4 sect4 #b4  #ce   
,part ,,ii4 sect4 #g4  #cf ,part ,,ii4  
sect4 #aj4  #cg ,part ,,ii4 sect4 #c4   
,,part ,v4   ,,section ,i4  ,,of        
,,words4  ,natural objects affect us by 
the laws of that connection which       
,providence has established between     
certain motions and configurations of   
bodies1 and certain consequent feelings 
in our mind4 ,painting affects in the   
same manner1 but with the superadded    
pleasure of imitation4 ,architecture    
affects by the laws of nature and the   
law of reason2 from which latter result 
the rules of proportion1 which make a   
work to be praised or censured1 in the  
whole or in some part1 when the end for 
which it was designed is or is not      
properly answered4 ,but as to words2    
they seem to me to affect us in a manner
 very different from that in which we   

are affected by natural objects1 or by  
painting or architecture2 yet words have
 as considerable a share in exciting    
ideas of beauty and of the sublime as   
many of those1 and sometimes a much     
greater than any of them2 therefore an  
inquiry into the manner by which they   
excite such emotions is far from being  
unnecessary in a discourse of this kind4
   ,,section ,,ii4  ,,the ,,common      
,,effects ,,of ,,poetry1 ,,not ,,by     
,,raising ,,ideas ,,of ,,things4  ,the  
common notion of the power of poetry and
 eloquence1 as well as that of words in 
ordinary conversation1 is1 that they    
affect the mind by raising in it ideas  
of those things for which custom has    
appointed them to stand4 ,to examine the
 truth of this notion1 it may be        
requisite to observe that words may be  
divided into three sorts4 ,the first are
 such as represent many simple ideas    
united by nature to form some one       
determinate composition1 as man1 horse1 
tree1 castle1 c4 ,these ,i call         

aggregate words4 ,the second are they   
that stand for one simple idea of such  
compositions1 and no more2 as red1 blue1
 round1 square1 and the like4 ,these ,i 
call simple abstract words4 ,the third  
are those which are formed by an union1 
an arbitrary union of both the others1  
and of the various relations between    
them in greater or lesser degrees of    
complexity2 as virtue1 honor1           
persuasion1 magistrate1 and the like4   
,these ,i call compound abstract words4 
,words1 ,i am sensible1 are capable of  
being classed into more curious         
distinctions2 but these seem to be      
natural1 and enough for our purpose2 and
 they are disposed in that order in     
which they are commonly taught1 and in  
which the mind gets the ideas they are  
substituted for4 ,i shall begin with the
 third sort of words2 compound          
abstracts1 such as virtue1 honor1       
persuasion1 docility4 ,of these ,i am   
convinced1 that whatever power they may 
have on the passions1 they do not derive

 it from any representation raised in   
the mind of the things for which they   
stand4 ,as compositions1 they are not   
real essences1 and hardly cause1 ,i     
think1 any real ideas4 ,nobody1 ,i      
believe1 immediately on hearing the     
sounds1 virtue1 liberty1 or honor1      
conceives any precise notions of the    
particular modes of action and thinking1
 together with the mixed and simple     
ideas1 and the several relations of them
 for which these words are substituted2 
neither has he any general idea         
compounded of them2 for if he had1 then 
some of those particular ones1 though   
indistinct perhaps1 and confused1 might 
come soon to be perceived4 ,but this1 ,i
 take it1 is hardly ever the case4 ,for1
 put yourself upon analyzing one of     
these words1 and you must reduce it from
 one set of general words to another1   
and then into the simple abstracts and  
aggregates1 in a much longer series than
 may be at first imagined1 before any   
real idea emerges to light1 before you  

come to discover anything like the first
 principles of such compositions2 and   
when you have made such a discovery of  
the original ideas1 the effect of the   
composition is utterly lost4 ,a train of
 thinking of this sort is much too long 
to be pursued in the ordinary ways of   
conversation2 nor is it at all necessary
 that it should4 ,such words are in     
reality but mere sounds2 but they are   
sounds which being used on particular   
occasions1 wherein we receive some good1
 or suffer some evil2 or see others     
affected with good or evil2 or which we 
hear applied to other interesting things
 or events2 and being applied in such a 
variety of cases1 that we know readily  
by habit to what things they belong1    
they produce in the mind1 whenever they 
are afterwards mentioned1 effects       
similar to those of their occasions4    
,the sounds being often used without    
reference to any particular occasion1   
and carrying still their first          
impressions1 they at last utterly lose  

their connection with the particular    
occasions that gave rise to them2 yet   
the sound1 without any annexed notion1  
continues to operate as before4         
,,section ,,iii4  ,,general ,,words     
,,before ,,ideas4  ,mr4 ,locke has      
somewhere observed1 with his usual      
sagacity1 that most general words1 those
 belonging to virtue and vice1 good and 
evil especially1 are taught before the  
particular modes of action to which they
 belong are presented to the mind2 and  
with them1 the love of the one1 and the 
abhorrence of the other2 for the minds  
of children are so ductile1 that a      
nurse1 or any person about a child1 by  
seeming pleased or displeased with      
anything1 or even any word1 may give the
 disposition of the child a similar     
turn4 ,when1 afterwards1 the several    
occurrences in life come to be applied  
to these words1 and that which is       
pleasant often appears under the name of
 evil2 and what is disagreeable to      
nature is called good and virtuous2 a   

strange confusion of ideas and          
affections arises in the minds of many2 
and an appearance of no small           
contradiction between their notions and 
their actions4 ,there are many who love 
virtue and who detest vice1 and this not
 from hypocrisy or affectation1 who     
notwithstanding very frequently act ill 
and wickedly in particulars without the 
least remorse2 because these particular 
occasions never came into view1 when the
 passions on the side of virtue were so 
warmly affected by certain words heated 
originally by the breath of others2 and 
for this reason1 it is hard to repeat   
certain sets of words1 though owned by  
themselves unoperative1 without being in
 some degree affected2 especially if a  
warm and affecting tone of voice        
accompanies them1 as suppose1    ,wise1 
valiant1 generous1 good1 and great4     
,these words1 by having no application1 
ought to be unoperative2 but when words 
commonly sacred to great occasions are  
used1 we are affected by them even      

without the occasions4 ,when words which
 have been generally so applied are put 
together without any rational view1 or  
in such a manner that they do not       
rightly agree with each other1 the style
 is called bombast4 ,and it requires in 
several cases much good sense and       
experience to be guarded against the    
force of such language2 for when        
propriety is neglected1 a greater number
 of these affecting words may be taken  
into the service1 and a greater variety 
may be indulged in combining them4      
,,section ,,iv4  ,,the ,,effect ,,of    
,,words4  ,if words have all their      
possible extent of power1 three effects 
arise in the mind of the hearer4 ,the   
first is1 the sound2 the second1 the    
picture1 or representation of the thing 
signified by the sound2 the third is1   
the affection of the soul produced by   
one or by both of the foregoing4        
,compounded abstract words1 of which we 
have been speaking1 7honor1 justice1    
liberty1 and the like17 produce the     

first and the last of these effects1 but
 not the second4 ,simple abstracts are  
used to signify some one simple idea    
without much adverting to others which  
may chance to attend it1 as blue1 green1
 hot1 cold1 and the like2 these are     
capable of affecting all three of the   
purposes of words2 as the aggregate     
words1 man1 castle1 horse1 c4 are in a  
yet higher degree4 ,but ,i am of        
opinion1 that the most general effect1  
even of these words1 does not arise from
 their forming pictures of the several  
things they would represent in the      
imagination2 because1 on a very diligent
 examination of my own mind1 and getting
 others to consider theirs1 ,i do not   
find that once in twenty times any such 
picture is formed1 and when it is1 there
 is most commonly a particular effort of
 the imagination for that purpose4 ,but 
the aggregate words operate1 as ,i said 
of the compound-abstracts1 not by       
presenting any image to the mind1 but by
 having from use the same effect on     

being mentioned1 that their original has
 when it is seen4 ,suppose we were to   
read a passage to this effect3 ,the     
river ,danube rises in a moist and      
mountainous soil in the heart of        
,germany1 where1 winding to and fro1 it 
waters several principalities1 until1   
turning into ,austria1 and laving the   
walls of ,vienna1 it passes into        
,hungary2 there with a vast flood1      
augmented by the ,save and the ,drave1  
it quits ,christendom1 and rolling      
through the barbarous countries which   
border on ,tartary1 it enters by many   
mouths in the ,black ,sea4 ,in this     
description many things are mentioned1  
as mountains1 rivers1 cities1 the sea1  
c4 ,but let anybody examine himself1 and
 see whether he has had impressed on his
 imagination any pictures of a river1   
mountain1 watery soil1 ,germany1 c4     
,indeed it is impossible1 in the        
rapidity and quick succession of words  
in conversation1 to have ideas both of  
the sound of the word1 and of the thing 

represented2 besides1 some words1       
expressing real essences1 are so mixed  
with others of a general and nominal    
import1 that it is impracticable to jump
 from sense to thought1 from particulars
 to generals1 from things to words1 in  
such a manner as to answer the purposes 
of life2 nor is it necessary that we    
should4   ,,section ,v4  ,,examples     
,,that ,,words ,,may ,,affect ,,without 
,,raising ,,images4  ,i find it very    
hard to persuade several that their     
passions are affected by words from     
whence they have no ideas2 and yet      
harder to convince them that in the     
ordinary course of conversation we are  
sufficiently understood without raising 
any images of the things concerning     
which we speak4 ,it seems to be an odd  
subject of dispute with any man1 whether
 he has ideas in his mind or not4 ,of   
this1 at first view1 every man1 in his  
own forum1 ought to judge without       
appeal4 ,but1 strange as it may appear1 
we are often at a loss to know what     

ideas we have of things1 or whether we  
have any ideas at all upon some         
subjects4 ,it even requires a good deal 
of attention to be thoroughly satisfied 
on this head4 ,since ,i wrote these     
papers1 ,i found two very striking      
instances of the possibility there is1  
that a man may hear words without having
 any idea of the things which they      
represent1 and yet afterwards be capable
 of returning them to others1 combined  
in a new way1 and with great propriety1 
energy1 and instruction4 ,the first     
instance is that of ,mr4 ,blacklock1 a  
poet blind from his birth4 ,few men     
blessed with the most perfect sight can 
describe visual objects with more spirit
 and justness than this blind man2 which
 cannot possibly be attributed to his   
having a clearer conception of the      
things he describes than is common to   
other persons4 ,mr4 ,spence1 in an      
elegant preface which he has written to 
the works of this poet1 reasons very    
ingeniously1 and1 ,i imagine1 for the   

most part1 very rightly1 upon the cause 
of this extraordinary phenomenon2 but ,i
 cannot altogether agree with him1 that 
some improprieties in language and      
thought1 which occur in these poems1    
have arisen from the blind poet's       
imperfect conception of visual objects1 
since such improprieties1 and much      
greater1 may be found in writers even of
 a higher class than ,mr4 ,blacklock1   
and who1 notwithstanding1 possessed the 
faculty of seeing in its full           
perfection4 ,here is a poet doubtless as
 much affected by his own descriptions  
as any that reads them can be2 and yet  
he is affected with this strong         
enthusiasm by things of which he neither
 has1 nor can possibly have1 any idea   
further than that of a bare sound3 and  
why may not those who read his works be 
affected in the same manner that he was2
 with as little of any real ideas of the
 things described8 ,the second instance 
is of ,mr4 ,saunderson1 professor of    
mathematics in the ,university of       

,cambridge4 ,this learned man had       
acquired great knowledge in natural     
philosophy1 in astronomy1 and whatever  
sciences depend upon mathematical skill4
 ,what was the most extraordinary and   
the most to my purpose1 he gave         
excellent lectures upon light and       
colors2 and this man taught others the  
theory of those ideas which they had1   
and which he himself undoubtedly had    
not4 ,but it is probable that the words 
red1 blue1 green1 answered to him as    
well as the ideas of the colors         
themselves2 for the ideas of greater or 
lesser degrees of refrangibility being  
applied to these words1 and the blind   
man being instructed in what other      
respects they were found to agree or to 
disagree1 it was as easy for him to     
reason upon the words as if he had been 
fully master of the ideas4 ,indeed it   
must be owned he could make no new      
discoveries in the way of experiment4   
,he did nothing but what we do every day
 in common discourse4 ,when ,i wrote    

this last sentence1 and used the words  
every day and common discourse1 ,i had  
no images in my mind of any succession  
of time2 nor of men in conference with  
each other2 nor do ,i imagine that the  
reader will have any such ideas on      
reading it4 ,neither when ,i spoke of   
red1 or blue1 and green1 as well as     
refrangibility1 had ,i these several    
colors1 or the rays of light passing    
into a different medium1 and there      
diverted from their course1 painted     
before me in the way of images4 ,i know 
very well that the mind possesses a     
faculty of raising such images at       
pleasure2 but then an act of the will is
 necessary to this2 and in ordinary     
conversation or reading it is very      
rarely that any image at all is excited 
in the mind4 ,if ,i say1 ,i shall go to 
,italy next summer1 ,i am well          
understood4 ,yet ,i believe nobody has  
by this painted in his imagination the  
exact figure of the speaker passing by  
land or by water1 or both2 sometimes on 

horseback1 sometimes in a carriage3 with
 all the particulars of the journey4    
,still less has he any idea of ,italy1  
the country to which ,i proposed to go2 
or of the greenness of the fields1 the  
ripening of the fruits1 and the warmth  
of the air1 with the change to this from
 a different season1 which are the ideas
 for which the word summer is           
substituted2 but least of all has he any
 image from the word next2 for this word
 stands for the idea of many summers1   
with the exclusion of all but one3 and  
surely the man who says next summer has 
no images of such a succession1 and such
 an exclusion4 ,in short1 it is not only
 of those ideas which are commonly      
called abstract1 and of which no image  
at all can be formed1 but even of       
particular1 real beings1 that we        
converse without having any idea of them
 excited in the imagination2 as will    
certainly appear on a diligent          
examination of our own minds4 ,indeed1  
so little does poetry depend for its    

effect on the power of raising sensible 
images1 that ,i am convinced it would   
lose a very considerable part of its    
energy1 if this were the necessary      
result of all description4 ,because that
 union of affecting words1 which is the 
most powerful of all poetical           
instruments1 would frequently lose its  
force along with its propriety and      
consistency1 if the sensible images were
 always excited4 ,there is not1 perhaps1
 in the whole neid a more grand and     
labored passage than the description of 
,vulcan's cavern in ,etna1 and the works
 that are there carried on4 ,virgil     
dwells particularly on the formation of 
the thunder which he describes          
unfinished under the hammers of the     
,cyclops4 ,but what are the principles  
of this extraordinary composition8      
,tres imbris torti radios1 tres nubis   
aquos     ,addiderant2 rutili tres      
ignis1 et alitis austri3     ,fulgores  
nunc terrificos1 sonitumque1 metumque   
,miscebant operi1 flammisque sequacibus 

iras4  ,this seems to me admirably      
sublime3 yet if we attend coolly to the 
kind of sensible images which a         
combination of ideas of this sort must  
form1 the chimeras of madmen cannot     
appear more wild and absurd than such a 
picture4 ,three rays of twisted showers1
 three of watery clouds1 three of fire1 
and three of the winged south wind2 then
 mixed they in the work terrific        
lightnings1 and sound1 and fear1 and    
anger1 with pursuing flames4 ,this      
strange composition is formed into a    
gross body2 it is hammered by the       
,cyclops1 it is in part polished1 and   
partly continues rough4 ,the truth is1  
if poetry gives us a noble assemblage of
 words corresponding to many noble      
ideas1 which are connected by           
circumstances of time or place1 or      
related to each other as cause and      
effect1 or associated in any natural    
way1 they may be moulded together in any
 form1 and perfectly answer their end4  
,the picturesque connection is not      

demanded2 because no real picture is    
formed2 nor is the effect of the        
description at all the less upon this   
account4 ,what is said of ,helen by     
,priam and the old men of his council1  
is generally thought to give us the     
highest possible idea of that fatal     
beauty4      ,greek3     ,ou nemesis1   
,tras kai euknmidas ',achaious          
,toid' amphi gunaiki polun chronon algea
 paschein     ,ains athanatsi thes eis  
pa eoiken4     ,they cried1 ,no wonder  
such celestial charms     ,for nine long
 years have set the world in arms2      
,what winning graces6 what majestic     
mien6     ,she moves a goddess1 and she 
looks a queen4                          
,,pope4  ,here is not one word said of  
the particulars of her beauty2 nothing  
which can in the least help us to any   
precise idea of her person2 but yet we  
are much more touched by this manner of 
mentioning her1 than by those long and  
labored descriptions of ,helen1 whether 
handed down by tradition1 or formed by  

fancy1 which are to be met with in some 
authors4 ,i am sure it affects me much  
more than the minute description which  
,spenser has given of ,belphebe2 though 
,i own that there are parts1 in that    
description1 as there are in all the    
descriptions of that excellent writer1  
extremely fine and poetical4 ,the       
terrible picture which ,lucretius has   
drawn of religion in order to display   
the magnanimity of his philosophical    
hero in opposing her1 is thought to be  
designed with great boldness and        
spirit3--      ,humana ante oculos foed 
cum vita jaceret1     ,in terris1       
oppressa gravi sub religione1     ,qu   
caput e coeli regionibus ostendebat     
,horribili super aspectu mortalibus     
instans2     ,primus ,graius homo       
mortales tollere contra     ,est oculos 
ausus4  ,what idea do you derive from so
 excellent a picture8 none at all1 most 
certainly3 neither has the poet said a  
single word which might in the least    
serve to mark a single limb or feature  

of the phantom1 which he intended to    
represent in all the horrors imagination
 can conceive4 ,in reality1 poetry and  
rhetoric do not succeed in exact        
description so well as painting does2   
their business is1 to affect rather by  
sympathy than imitation2 to display     
rather the effect of things on the mind 
of the speaker1 or of others1 than to   
present a clear idea of the things      
themselves4 ,this is their most         
extensive province1 and that in which   
they succeed the best4   ,,section ,,vi4
  ,,poetry ,,not ,,strictly ,,an        
,,imitative ,,art4  ,hence we may       
observe that poetry1 taken in its most  
general sense1 cannot with strict       
propriety be called an art of imitation4
 ,it is indeed an imitation so far as it
 describes the manners and passions of  
men which their words can express2 where
 animi motus effert interprete lingua4  
,there it is strictly imitation2 and all
 merely dramatic poetry is of this sort4
 ,but descriptive poetry operates       

chiefly by substitution2 by the means of
 sounds1 which by custom have the effect
 of realities4 ,nothing is an imitation 
further than as it resembles some other 
thing2 and words undoubtedly have no    
sort of resemblance to the ideas for    
which they stand4   ,,section ,,vii4    
,,how ,,words ,,influence ,,the         
,,passions4  ,now1 as words affect1 not 
by any original power1 but by           
representation1 it might be supposed1   
that their influence over the passions  
should be but light2 yet it is quite    
otherwise2 for we find by experience1   
that eloquence and poetry are as        
capable1 nay indeed much more capable1  
of making deep and lively impressions   
than any other arts1 and even than      
nature itself in very many cases4 ,and  
this arises chiefly from these three    
causes4 ,first1 that we take an         
extraordinary part in the passions of   
others1 and that we are easily affected 
and brought into sympathy by any tokens 
which are shown of them2 and there are  

no tokens which can express all the     
circumstances of most passions so fully 
as words2 so that if a person speaks    
upon any subject1 he can not only convey
 the subject to you1 but likewise the   
manner in which he is himself affected  
by it4 ,certain it is1 that the         
influence of most things on our passions
 is not so much from the things         
themselves1 as from our opinions        
concerning them2 and these again depend 
very much on the opinions of other men1 
conveyable for the most part by words   
only4 ,secondly1 there are many things  
of a very affecting nature1 which can   
seldom occur in the reality1 but the    
words that represent them often do2 and 
thus they have an opportunity of making 
a deep impression and taking root in the
 mind1 whilst the idea of the reality   
was transient2 and to some perhaps never
 really occurred in any shape1 to whom  
it is notwithstanding very affecting1 as
 war1 death1 famine1 c4 ,besides many   
ideas have never been at all presented  

to the senses of any men but by words1  
as ,god1 angels1 devils1 heaven1 and    
hell1 all of which have however a great 
influence over the passions4 ,thirdly1  
by words we have it in our power to make
 such combinations as we cannot possibly
 do otherwise4 ,by this power of        
combining we are able1 by the addition  
of well-chosen circumstances1 to give a 
new life and force to the simple object4
 ,in painting we may represent any fine 
figure we please2 but we never can give 
it those enlivening touches which it may
 receive from words4 ,to represent an   
angel in a picture1 you can only draw a 
beautiful young man winged3 but what    
painting can furnish out anything so    
grand as the addition of one word1 the  
angel of the ,lord8 ,it is true1 ,i have
 here no clear idea2 but these words    
affect the mind more than the sensible  
image did2 which is all ,i contend for4 
,a picture of ,priam dragged to the     
altar's foot1 and there murdered1 if it 
were well executed1 would undoubtedly be

 very moving2 but there are very        
aggravating circumstances1 which it     
could never represent3       ,sanguine  
foedantem quos ipse sacraverat ignes4   
,as a further instance1 let us consider 
those lines of ,milton1 where he        
describes the travels of the fallen     
angels through their dismal habitation3 
,o'er many a dark and dreary vale       
,they passed1 and many a region         
dolorous2     ,o'er many a frozen1 many 
a fiery ,alp2     ,rocks1 caves1 lakes1 
fens1 bogs1 dens1 and shades of death1  
,a universe of death4  ,here is         
displayed the force of union in         
,rocks1 caves1 lakes1 dens1 bogs1 fens1 
and shades  which yet would lose the    
greatest part of their effect1 if they  
were not the     ,rocks1 caves1 lakes1  
dens1 bogs1 fens1 and shades--of ,death4
   ,this idea or this affection caused  
by a word1 which nothing but a word     
could annex to the others1 raises a very
 great degree of the sublime1 and this  
sublime is raised yet higher by what    

follows1 a universe of death4 ,here are 
again two ideas not presentable but by  
language1 and an union of them great and
 amazing beyond conception2 if they may 
properly be called ideas which present  
no distinct image to the mind2 but still
 it will be difficult to conceive how   
words can move the passions which belong
 to real objects1 without representing  
these objects clearly4 ,this is         
difficult to us1 because we do not      
sufficiently distinguish1 in our        
observations upon language1 between a   
clear expression and a strong           
expression4 ,these are frequently       
confounded with each other1 though they 
are in reality extremely different4 ,the
 former regards the understanding1 the  
latter belongs to the passions4 ,the one
 describes a thing as it is1 the latter 
describes it as it is felt4 ,now1 as    
there is a moving tone of voice1 an     
impassioned countenance1 an agitated    
gesture1 which affect independently of  
the things about which they are exerted1

 so there are words1 and certain        
dispositions of words1 which being      
peculiarly devoted to passionate        
subjects1 and always used by those who  
are under the influence of any passion1 
touch and move us more than those which 
far more clearly and distinctly express 
the subject-matter4 ,we yield to        
sympathy what we refuse to description4 
,the truth is1 all verbal description1  
merely as naked description1 though     
never so exact1 conveys so poor and     
insufficient an idea of the thing       
described1 that it could scarcely have  
the smallest effect1 if the speaker did 
not call in to his aid those modes of   
speech that mark a strong and lively    
feeling in himself4 ,then1 by the       
contagion of our passions1 we catch a   
fire already kindled in another1 which  
probably might never have been struck   
out by the object described4 ,words1 by 
strongly conveying the passions by those
 means which we have already mentioned1 
fully compensate for their weakness in  

other respects4 ,it may be observed1    
that very polished languages1 and such  
as are praised for their superior       
clearness and perspicuity1 are generally
 deficient in strength4 ,the ,french    
language has that perfection and that   
defect4 ,whereas the ,oriental tongues1 
and in general the languages of most    
unpolished people1 have a great force   
and energy of expression1 and this is   
but natural4 ,uncultivated people are   
but ordinary observers of things1 and   
not critical in distinguishing them2    
but1 for that reason they admire more1  
and are more affected with what they    
see1 and therefore express themselves in
 a warmer and more passionate manner4   
,if the affection be well conveyed1 it  
will work its effect without any clear  
idea1 often without any idea at all of  
the thing which has originally given    
rise to it4  ,it might be expected1 from
 the fertility of the subject1 that ,i  
should consider poetry1 as it regards   
the sublime and beautiful1 more at      

large2 but it must be observed1 that in 
this light it has been often and well   
handled already4 ,it was not my design  
to enter into the criticism of the      
sublime and beautiful in any art1 but to
 attempt to lay down such principles as 
may tend to ascertain1 to distinguish1  
and to form a sort of standard for them2
 which purposes ,i thought might be best
 effected by an inquiry into the        
properties of such things in nature1 as 
raise love and astonishment in us2 and  
by showing in what manner they operated 
to produce these passions4 ,words were  
only so far to be considered as to show 
upon what principle they were capable of
 being the representatives of these     
natural things1 and by what powers they 
were able to affect us often as strongly
 as the things they represent1 and      
sometimes much more strongly4     ,a    
,,short ,,account  ,,of  ,a ,,late      
,,short ,,administration4  #agff4   ,the
 late administration came into          
employment1 under the mediation of the  

,duke of ,cumberland1 on the tenth day  
of ,july1 #agfe2 and was removed1 upon a
 plan settled by the ,earl of ,chatham1 
on the thirtieth day of ,july1 #agff1   
having lasted just one year and twenty  
days4  ,in that space of time  ,the     
distractions of the ,british empire were
 composed1 by the repeal of the         
,american stamp act2  ,but the          
constitutional superiority of ,great    
,britain was preserved by the act for   
securing the dependence of the colonies4
  ,private houses were relieved from the
 jurisdiction of the excise1 by the     
repeal of the cider tax4  ,the personal 
liberty of the subject was confirmed1 by
 the resolution against general         
warrants4  ,the lawful secrets of       
business and friendship were rendered   
inviolable1 by the resolution for       
condemning the seizure of papers4  ,the 
trade of ,america was set free from     
injudicious and ruinous                 
impositions1--its revenue was improved1 
and settled upon a rational             

foundation1--its commerce extended with 
foreign countries2 while all the        
advantages were secured to ,great       
,britain1 by the act for repealing      
certain duties1 and encouraging1        
regulating1 and securing the trade of   
this kingdom1 and the ,british dominions
 in ,america4  ,materials were provided 
and insured to our manufactures1--the   
sale of these manufactures was          
increased1--the ,african trade preserved
 and extended1--the principles of the   
act of navigation pursued1 and the plan 
improved1--and the trade for bullion    
rendered free1 secure1 and permanent1 by
 the act for opening certain ports in   
,dominica and ,jamaica4  ,that          
administration was the first which      
proposed and encouraged public meetings 
and free consultations of merchants from
 all parts of the kingdom2 by which     
means the truest lights have been       
received2 great benefits have been      
already derived to manufactures and     
commerce2 and the most extensive        

prospects are opened for further        
improvement4  ,under them1 the interests
 of our northern and southern colonies1 
before that time jarring and dissonant1 
were understood1 compared1 adjusted1 and
 perfectly reconciled4 ,the passions and
 animosities of the colonies1 by        
judicious and lenient measures1 were    
allayed and composed1 and the foundation
 laid for a lasting agreement amongst   
them4  ,whilst that administration      
provided for the liberty and commerce of
 their country1 as the true basis of its
 power1 they consulted its interests1   
they asserted its honor abroad1 with    
temper and with firmness2 by making an  
advantageous treaty of commerce with    
,russia2 by obtaining a liquidation of  
the ,canada bills1 to the satisfaction  
of the proprietors2 by reviving and     
raising from its ashes the negotiation  
for the ,manilla ransom1 which had been 
extinguished and abandoned by their     
predecessors4  ,they treated their      
sovereign with decency2 with reverence4 

,they discountenanced1 and1 it is hoped1
 forever abolished1 the dangerous and   
unconstitutional practice of removing   
military officers for their votes in    
,parliament4 ,they firmly adhered to    
those friends of liberty1 who had run   
all hazards in its cause2 and provided  
for them in preference to every other   
claim4  ,with the ,earl of ,bute they   
had no personal connection2 no          
correspondence of councils4 ,they       
neither courted him nor persecuted him4 
,they practised no corruption2 nor were 
they even suspected of it4 ,they sold no
 offices4 ,they obtained no reversions  
or pensions1 either coming in or going  
out1 for them selves1 their families1 or
 their dependents4  ,in the prosecution 
of their measures they were traversed by
 an opposition of a new and singular    
character2 an opposition of placemen and
 pensioners4 ,they were supported by the
 confidence of the nation4 ,and having  
held their offices under many           
difficulties and discouragements1 they  

left them at the express command1 as    
they had accepted them at the earnest   
request1 of their royal master4  ,these 
are plain facts2 of a clear and public  
nature2 neither extended by elaborate   
reasoning1 nor heightened by the        
coloring of eloquence4 ,they are the    
services of a single year4  ,the removal
 of that administration from power is   
not to them premature2 since they were  
in office long enough to accomplish many
 plans of public utility2 and1 by their 
perseverance and resolution1 rendered   
the way smooth and easy to their        
successors2 having left their king and  
their country in a much better condition
 than they found them4 ,by the temper   
they manifest1 they seem to have now no 
other wish than that their successors   
may do the public as real and as        
faithful service as they have done4     
,,observations  ,,on ,a ,,late          
,,publication1  ,,intituled  ,,the      
,,present ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,nation4  
,o ,tite1 si quid ego adjuvero curamve  

levasso1     ,qu nunc te coquit1 et     
versat sub pectore fixa1     ,ecquid    
erit pretii8                            
,,enn4 ap4 ,,cic4  #agfi4   ,party      
divisions1 whether on the whole         
operating for good or evil1 are things  
inseparable from free government4 ,this 
is a truth which1 ,i believe1 admits    
little dispute1 having been established 
by the uniform experience of all ages4  
,the part a good citizen ought to take  
in these divisions has been a matter of 
much deeper controversy4 ,but ,god      
forbid that any controversy relating to 
our essential morals should admit of no 
decision4 ,it appears to me1 that this  
question1 like most of the others which 
regard our duties in life1 is to be     
determined by our station in it4        
,private men may be wholly neutral1 and 
entirely innocent3 but they who are     
legally invested with public trust1 or  
stand on the high ground of rank and    
dignity1 which is trust implied1 can    
hardly in any case remain indifferent1  

without the certainty of sinking into   
insignificance2 and thereby in effect   
deserting that post in which1 with the  
fullest authority1 and for the wisest   
purposes1 the laws and institutions of  
their country have fixed them4 ,however1
 if it be the office of those who are   
thus circumstanced1 to take a decided   
part1 it is no less their duty that it  
should be a sober one4 ,it ought to be  
circumscribed by the same laws of       
decorum1 and balanced by the same       
temper1 which bound and regulate all the
 virtues4 ,in a word1 we ought to act in
 party with all the moderation which    
does not absolutely enervate that vigor1
 and quench that fervency of spirit1    
without which the best wishes for the   
public good must evaporate in empty     
speculation4  ,it is probably from some 
such motives that the friends of a very 
respectable party in this kingdom have  
been hitherto silent4 ,for these two    
years past1 from one and the same       
quarter of politics1 a continual fire   

has been kept upon them2 sometimes from 
the unwieldy column of quartos and      
octavos2 sometimes from the light       
squadrons of occasional pamphlets and   
flying sheets4 ,every month has brought 
on its periodical calumny4 ,the abuse   
has taken every shape which the ability 
of the writers could give it2 plain     
invective1 clumsy raillery1             
misrepresented anecdote4#ch ,no method  
of vilifying the measures1 the          
abilities1 the intentions1 or the       
persons which compose that body1 has    
been omitted4  ,on their part nothing   
was opposed but patience and character4 
,it was a matter of the most serious and
 indignant affliction to persons who    
thought themselves in conscience bound  
to oppose a ministry dangerous from its 
very constitution1 as well as its       
measures1 to find themselves1 whenever  
they faced their adversaries1           
continually attacked on the rear by a   
set of men who pretended to be actuated 
by motives similar to theirs4 ,they saw 

that the plan long pursued1 with but too
 fatal a success1 was to break the      
strength of this kingdom1 by frittering 
down the bodies which compose it1 by    
fomenting bitter and sanguinary         
animosities1 and by dissolving every tie
 of social affection and public trust4  
,these virtuous men1 such ,i am         
warranted by public opinion to call     
them1 were resolved rather to endure    
everything1 than co-operate in that     
design4 ,a diversity of opinion upon    
almost every principle of politics had  
indeed drawn a strong line of separation
 between them and some others4 ,however1
 they were desirous not to extend the   
misfortune by unnecessary bitterness2   
they wished to prevent a difference of  
opinion on the commonwealth from        
festering into rancorous and incurable  
hostility4 ,accordingly they endeavored 
that all past controversies should be   
forgotten2 and that enough for the day  
should be the evil thereof4 ,there is   
however a limit at which forbearance    

ceases to be a virtue4 ,men may tolerate
 injuries whilst they are only personal 
to themselves4 ,but it is not the first 
of virtues to bear with moderation the  
indignities that are offered to our     
country4 ,a piece has at length         
appeared1 from the quarter of all the   
former attacks1 which upon every public 
consideration demands an answer4 ,whilst
 persons more equal to this business may
 be engaged in affairs of greater       
moment1 ,i hope ,i shall be excused1 if1
 in a few hours of a time not very      
important1 and from such materials as ,i
 have by me 7more than enough however   
for this purpose71 ,i undertake to set  
the facts and arguments of this         
wonderful performance in a proper light4
 ,i will endeavor to state what this    
piece is2 the purpose for which ,i take 
it to have been written2 and the effects
 7supposing it should have any effect at
 all7 it must necessarily produce4      
,this piece is called ,the ,present     
,state of the ,nation4 ,it may be       

considered as a sort of digest of the   
avowed maxims of a certain political    
school1 the effects of whose doctrines  
and practices this country will fuel    
long and severely4 ,it is made up of a  
farrago of almost every topic which has 
been agitated on national affairs in    
parliamentary debate1 or private        
conversation1 for these last seven      
years4 ,the oldest controversies are    
hauled out of the dust with which time  
and neglect had covered them4 ,arguments
 ten times repeated1 a thousand times   
answered before1 are here repeated      
again4 ,public accounts formerly printed
 and reprinted revolve once more1 and   
find their old station in this sober    
meridian4 ,all the commonplace          
lamentations upon the decay of trade1   
the increase of taxes1 and the high     
price of labor and provisions1 are here 
retailed again and again in the same    
tone with which they have drawled       
through columns of ,gazetteers and      
,advertisers for a century together4    

,paradoxes which affront common sense1  
and uninteresting barren truths which   
generate no conclusion1 are thrown in to
 augment unwieldy bulk1 without adding  
anything to weight4 ,because two        
accusations are better than one1        
contradictions are set staring one      
another in the face1 without even an    
attempt to reconcile them4 ,and1 to give
 the whole a sort of portentous air of  
labor and information1 the table of the 
,house of ,commons is swept into this   
grand reservoir of politics4  ,as to the
 composition1 it bears a striking and   
whimsical resemblance to a funeral      
sermon1 not only in the pathetic prayer 
with which it concludes1 but in the     
style and tenor of the whole            
performance4 ,it is piteously doleful1  
nodding every now and then towards      
dulness2 well stored with pious frauds1 
and1 like most discourses of the sort1  
much better calculated for the private  
advantage of the preacher than the      
edification of the hearers4  ,the author

 has indeed so involved his subject1    
that it is frequently far from being    
easy to comprehend his meaning4 ,it is  
happy for the public that it is never   
difficult to fathom his design4 ,the    
apparent intention of this author is to 
draw the most aggravated1 hideous and   
deformed picture of the state of this   
country1 which his querulous eloquence1 
aided by the arbitrary dominion he      
assumes over fact1 is capable of        
exhibiting4 ,had he attributed our      
misfortunes to their true cause1 the    
injudicious tampering of bold1          
improvident1 and visionary ministers at 
one period1 or to their supine          
negligence and traitorous dissensions at
 another1 the complaint had been just1  
and might have been useful4 ,but far the
 greater and much the worst part of the 
state which he exhibits is owing1       
according to his representation1 not to 
accidental and extrinsic mischiefs      
attendant on the nation1 but to its     
radical weakness and constitutional     

distempers4 ,all this however is not    
without purpose4 ,the author is in      
hopes1 that1 when we are fallen into a  
fanatical terror for the national       
salvation1 we shall then be ready to    
throw ourselves1--in a sort of          
precipitate trust1 some strange         
disposition of the mind jumbled up of   
presumption and despair1--into the hands
 of the most pretending and forward     
undertaker4 ,one such undertaker at     
least he has in readiness for our       
service4 ,but let me assure this        
generous person1 that however he may    
succeed in exciting our fears for the   
public danger1 he will find it hard     
indeed to engage us to place any        
confidence in the system he proposes for
 our security4  ,his undertaking is     
great4 ,the purpose of this pamphlet1 at
 which it aims directly or obliquely in 
every page1 is to persuade the public of
 three or four of the most difficult    
points in the world1--that all the      
advantages of the late war were on the  

part of the ,bourbon alliance2 that the 
peace of ,paris perfectly consulted the 
dignity and interest of this country2   
and that the ,american ,stamp ,act was a
 masterpiece of policy and finance2 that
 the only good minister this nation has 
enjoyed since his ,majesty's accession1 
is the ,earl of ,bute2 and the only good
 managers of revenue we have seen are   
,lord ,despenser and ,mr4 ,george       
,grenville2 and1 under the description  
of men of virtue and ability1 he holds  
them out to us as the only persons fit  
to put our affairs in order4 ,let not   
the reader mistake me3 he does not      
actually name these persons2 but having 
highly applauded their conduct in all   
its parts1 and heavily censured every   
other set of men in the kingdom1 he then
 recommends us to his men of virtue and 
ability4  ,such is the author's scheme4 
,whether it will answer his purpose ,i  
know not4 ,but surely that purpose ought
 to be a wonderfully good one1 to       
warrant the methods he has taken to     

compass it4 ,if the facts and reasonings
 in this piece are admitted1 it is all  
over with us4 ,the continuance of our   
tranquillity depends upon the compassion
 of our rivals4 ,unable to secure to    
ourselves the advantages of peace1 we   
are at the same time utterly unfit for  
war4 ,it is impossible1 if this state of
 things be credited abroad1 that we can 
have any alliance2 all nations will fly 
from so dangerous a connection1 lest1   
instead of being partakers of our       
strength1 they should only become       
sharers in our ruin4 ,if it is believed 
at home1 all that firmness of mind1 and 
dignified national courage1 which used  
to be the great support of this isle    
against the powers of the world1 must   
melt away1 and fail within us4  ,in such
 a state of things can it be amiss if ,i
 aim at holding out some comfort to the 
nation2 another sort of comfort1 indeed1
 than that which this writer provides   
for it2 a comfort not from its          
physician1 but from its constitution3 if

 ,i attempt to show that all the        
arguments upon which he founds the decay
 of that constitution1 and the necessity
 of that physician1 are vain and        
frivolous8 ,i will follow the author    
closely in his own long career1 through 
the war1 the peace1 the finances1 our   
trade1 and our foreign politics3 not for
 the sake of the particular measures    
which he discusses2 that can be of no   
use2 they are all decided2 their good is
 all enjoyed1 or their evil incurred3   
but for the sake of the principles of   
war1 peace1 trade1 and finances4 ,these 
principles are of infinite moment4 ,they
 must come again and again under        
consideration2 and it imports the       
public1 of all things1 that those of its
 ministers be enlarged1 and just1 and   
well confirmed1 upon all these subjects4
 ,what notions this author entertains we
 shall see presently2 notions in my     
opinion very irrational1 and extremely  
dangerous2 and which1 if they should    
crawl from pamphlets into counsels1 and 

be realized from private speculation    
into national measures1 cannot fail of  
hastening and completing our ruin4      
,this author1 after having paid his     
compliment to the showy appearances of  
the late war in our favor1 is in the    
utmost haste to tell you that these     
appearances were fallacious1 that they  
were no more than an imposition4--,i    
fear ,i must trouble the reader with a  
pretty long quotation1 in order to set  
before him the more clearly this        
author's peculiar way of conceiving and 
reasoning3  ,happily 7the ,k47 was then 
advised by ministers1 who did not suffer
 themselves to be dazzled by the glare  
of brilliant appearances2 but1 knowing  
them to be fallacious1 they wisely      
resolved to profit of their splendor    
before our enemies should also discover 
the imposition4--,the increase in the   
exports was found to have been          
occasioned chiefly by the demands of our
 own fleets and armies1 and1 instead of 
bringing wealth to the nation1 was to be

 paid for by oppressive taxes upon the  
people of ,england4 ,while the ,british 
seamen were consuming on board our men  
of war and privateers1 foreign ships and
 foreign seamen were employed in the    
transportation of our merchandise2 and  
the carrying trade1 so great a source of
 wealth and marine1 was entirely        
engrossed by the neutral nations4 ,the  
number of ,british ships annually       
arriving in our ports was reduced #agef 
sail1 containing #ib1eei tons1 on a     
medium of the six years' war1 compared  
with the six years of peace preceding   
it4--,the conquest of the ,havannah had1
 indeed1 stopped the remittance of      
specie from ,mexico to ,spain2 but it   
had not enabled ,england to seize it3 on
 the contrary1 our merchants suffered by
 the detention of the galleons1 as their
 correspondents in ,spain were disabled 
from paying them for their goods sent to
 ,america4 ,the loss of the trade to    
,old ,spain was a further bar to an     
influx of specie2 and the attempt upon  

,portugal had not only deprived us of an
 import of bullion from thence1 but the 
payment of our troops employed in its   
defence was a fresh drain opened for the
 diminution of our circulating          
specie4--,the high premiums given for   
new loans had sunk the price of the old 
stock near a third of its original      
value2 so that the purchasers had an    
obligation from the state to repay them 
with an addition of #cc per cent to     
their capital4 ,every new loan required 
new taxes to be imposed2 new taxes must 
add to the price of our manufactures1   
and lessen their consumption among      
foreigners4 ,the decay of our trade must
 necessarily occasion a decrease of the 
public revenue2 and a deficiency of our 
funds must either be made up by fresh   
taxes1 which would only add to the      
calamity1 or our national credit must be
 destroyed1 by showing the public       
creditors the inability of the nation to
 repay them their principal             
money4--,bounties had already been given

 for recruits which exceeded the year's 
wages of the ploughman and reaper2 and  
as these were exhausted1 and husbandry  
stood still for want of hands1 the      
manufacturers were next to be tempted to
 quit the anvil and the loom by higher  
offers4--,france1 bankrupt ,france1 had 
no such calamities impending over her2  
her distresses were great1 but they were
 immediate and temporary2 her want of   
credit preserved her from a great       
increase of debt1 and the loss of her   
ultramarine dominions lessened her      
expenses4 ,her colonies had1 indeed1 put
 themselves into the hands of the       
,english2 but the property of her       
subjects had been preserved by          
capitulations1 and a way opened for     
making her those remittances which the  
war had before suspended1 with as much  
security as in time of peace4--,her     
armies in ,germany had been hitherto    
prevented from seizing upon ,hanover2   
but they continued to encamp on the same
 ground on which the first battle was   

fought2 and1 as it must ever happen from
 the policy of that government1 the last
 troops she sent into the field were    
always found to be the best1 and her    
frequent losses only served to fill her 
regiments with better soldiers4 ,the    
conquest of ,hanover became therefore   
every campaign more probable4--,it is to
 be noted1 that the ,french troops      
received subsistence only1 for the last 
three years of the war2 and that1       
although large arrears were due to them 
at its conclusion1 the charge was the   
less during its continuance4#ci  ,if any
 one be willing to see to how much      
greater lengths the author carries these
 ideas1 he will recur to the book4 ,this
 is sufficient for a specimen of his    
manner of thinking4 ,i believe one      
reflection uniformly obtrudes itself    
upon every reader of these paragraphs4  
,for what purpose1 in any cause1 shall  
we hereafter contend with ,france8 ,can 
we ever flatter ourselves that we shall 
wage a more successful war8 ,if1 on our 

part1 in a war the most prosperous we   
ever carried on1 by sea and by land1 and
 in every part of the globe1 attended   
with the unparalleled circumstance of an
 immense increase of trade and          
augmentation of revenue2 if a continued 
series of disappointments1 disgraces1   
and defeats1 followed by public         
bankruptcy1 on the part of ,france2 if  
all these still leave her a gainer on   
the whole balance1 will it not be       
downright frenzy in us ever to look her 
in the face again1 or to contend with   
her any1 even the most essential points1
 since victory and defeat1 though by    
different ways1 equally conduct us to   
our ruin8 ,subjection to ,france without
 a struggle will indeed be less for our 
honor1 but on every principle of our    
author it must be more for our          
advantage4 ,according to his            
representation of things1 the question  
is only concerning the most easy fall4  
,france had not discovered1 our         
statesman tells us1 at the end of that  

war1 the triumphs of defeat1 and the    
resources which are derived from        
bankruptcy4 ,for my poor part1 ,i do not
 wonder at their blindness4 ,but the    
,english ministers saw further4 ,our    
author has at length let foreigners also
 into the secret1 and made them         
altogether as wise as ourselves4 ,it is 
their own fault if 7vulgato imperii     
arcano7 they are imposed upon any       
longer4 ,they now are apprised of the   
sentiments which the great candidate for
 the government of this great empire    
entertains2 and they will act           
accordingly4 ,they are taught our       
weakness and their own advantages4  ,he 
tells the world1#dj that if ,france     
carries on the war against us in        
,germany1 every loss she sustains       
contributes to the achievement of her   
conquest4 ,if her armies are three years
 unpaid1 she is the less exhausted by   
expense4 ,if her credit is destroyed1   
she is the less oppressed with debt4 ,if
 her troops are cut to pieces1 they will

 by her policy 7and a wonderful policy  
it is7 be improved1 and will be supplied
 with much better men4 ,if the war is   
carried on in the colonies1 he tells    
them#da that the loss of her ultramarine
 dominions lessens her expenses1 and    
insures her remittances3--      ,per    
damna1 per cdes1 ab ipso     ,ducit opes
 animumque ferro4  ,if so1 what is it we
 can do to hurt her8--it will be all an 
imposition1 all fallacious4 ,why1 the   
result must be1--                       
,occidit1 occidit     ,spes omnis1 et   
fortuna nostri     ,nominis4   ,the only
 way which the author's principles leave
 for our escape1 is to reverse our      
condition into that of ,france1 and to  
take her losing cards into our hands4   
,but though his principles drive him to 
it1 his politics will not suffer him to 
walk on this ground4 ,talking at our    
ease and of other countries1 we may bear
 to be diverted with such speculations2 
but in ,england we shall never be taught
 to look upon the annihilation of our   

trade1 the ruin of our credit1 the      
defeat of our armies1 and the loss of   
our ultramarine dominions 7whatever the 
author may think of them71 to be the    
high road to prosperity and greatness4  
,the reader does not1 ,i hope1 imagine  
that ,i mean seriously to set about the 
refutation of these uningenious         
paradoxes and reveries without          
imagination4 ,i state them only that we 
may discern a little in the questions of
 war and peace1 the most weighty of all 
questions1 what is the wisdom of those  
men who are held out to us as the only  
hope of an expiring nation4 ,the present
 ministry is indeed of a strange        
character3 at once indolent and         
distracted4 ,but if a ministerial system
 should be formed1 actuated by such     
maxims as are avowed in this piece1 the 
vices of the present ministry would     
become their virtues2 their indolence   
would be the greatest of all public     
benefits1 and a distraction that        
entirely defeated every one of their    

schemes would be our only security from 
destruction4  ,to have stated these     
reasonings is enough1 ,i presume1 to do 
their business4 ,but they are           
accompanied with facts and records1     
which may seem of a little more weight4 
,i trust1 however1 that the facts of    
this author will be as far from bearing 
the touchstone1 as his arguments4 ,on a 
little inquiry1 they will be found as   
great an imposition as the successes    
they are meant to depreciate2 for they  
are all either false or fallaciously    
applied2 or not in the least to the     
purpose for which they are produced4    
,first the author1 in order to support  
his favorite paradox1 that our          
possession of the ,french colonies was  
of no detriment to ,france1 has thought 
proper to inform us1 that#db they put   
themselves into the hands of the        
,english4 ,he uses the same assertion1  
in nearly the same words1 in another    
place2#dc her colonies had put          
themselves into our hands4 ,now1 in     

justice1 not only to fact and common    
sense1 but to the incomparable valor and
 perseverance of our military and naval 
forces thus unhandsomely traduced1 ,i   
must tell this author1 that the ,french 
colonies did not put themselves into the
 hands of the ,english4 ,they were      
compelled to submit2 they were subdued  
by dint of ,english valor4 ,will the    
five years' war carried on in ,canada1  
in which fell one of the principal hopes
 of this nation1 and all the battles    
lost and gained during that anxious     
period1 convince this author of his     
mistake8 ,let him inquire of ,sir       
,jeffery ,amherst1 under whose conduct  
that war was carried on2 of ,sir        
,charles ,saunders1 whose steadiness and
 presence of mind saved our fleet1 and  
were so eminently serviceable in the    
whole course of the siege of ,quebec2 of
 ,general ,monckton1 who was shot       
through the body there1 whether ,france 
put her colonies into the hands of the  
,english4  ,though he has made no       

exception1 yet ,i would be liberal to   
him2 perhaps he means to confine himself
 to her colonies in the ,west ,indies4  
,but surely it will fare as ill with him
 there as in ,north ,america1 whilst we 
remember that in our first attempt at   
,martinico we were actually defeated2   
that it was three months before we      
reduced ,guadaloupe2 and that the       
conquest of the ,havannah was achieved  
by the highest conduct1 aided by        
circumstances of the greatest good      
fortune4 ,he knows the expense both of  
men and treasure at which we bought that
 place4 ,however1 if it had so pleased  
the peacemakers1 it was no dear         
purchase2 for it was decisive of the    
fortune of the war and the terms of the 
treaty3 the ,duke of ,nivernois thought 
so2 ,france1 ,england1 ,europe1         
considered it in that light2 all the    
world1 except the then friends of the   
then ministry1 who wept for our         
victories1 and were in haste to get rid 
of the burden of our conquests4 ,this   

author knows that ,france did not put   
those colonies into the hands of        
,england2 but he well knows who did put 
the most valuable of them into the hands
 of ,france4  ,in the next place1 our   
author#dd is pleased to consider the    
conquest of those colonies in no other  
light than as a convenience for the     
remittances to ,france1 which he asserts
 that the war had before suspended1 but 
for which a way was opened 7by our      
conquest7 as secure as in time of peace4
 ,i charitably hope he knows nothing of 
the subject4 ,i referred him lately to  
our commanders1 for the resistance of   
the ,french colonies2 ,i now wish he    
would apply to our custom-house entries1
 and our merchants1 for the advantages  
which we derived from them4  ,in #agfa1 
there was no entry of goods from any of 
the conquered places but ,guadaloupe2 in
 that year it stood thus3--    ,imports 
from ,guadaloupe1       value1 #dhb1agi 
--------  ,in #agfb1 when we had not yet
 delivered up our conquests1 the account

 was1    ,guadaloupe                    
#eac1bdd   ,martinico                   
#bhh1dbe                                
--------   ,total imports in #agfb1     
value1 #hja1ffi                         
--------  ,in #agfc1 after we had       
delivered up the sovereignty of these   
islands1 but kept open a communication  
with them1 the imports were1            
,guadaloupe                             
#dab1cjc   ,martinico                   
#cdd1afa   ,havannah                    
#bdi1chf                                
----------   ,total imports in #agfc1   
value1 #a1jje1hej                       
----------  ,besides1 ,i find1 in the   
account of bullion imported and brought 
to the ,bank1 that1 during that period  
in which the intercourse with the       
,havannah was open1 we received at that 
one shop1 in treasure1 from that one    
place1 #eei1hajl42 in the year #agfc1   
#chi1dejl42 so that the import from     
these places in that year amounted to   
#a1cie1cjjl4  ,on this state the reader 

will observe1 that ,i take the imports  
from1 and not the exports to1 these     
conquests1 as the measure of the        
advantages which we derived from them4  
,i do so for reasons which will be      
somewhat worthy the attention of such   
readers as are fond of this species of  
inquiry4 ,i say therefore ,i choose the 
import article1 as the best1 and indeed 
the only standard we can have1 of the   
value of the ,west ,india trade4 ,our   
export entry does not comprehend the    
greatest trade we carry on with any of  
the ,west ,india islands1 the sale of   
negroes3 nor does it give any idea of   
two other advantages we draw from them2 
the remittances for money spent here1   
and the payment of part of the balance  
of the ,north ,american trade4 ,it is   
therefore quite ridiculous1 to strike a 
balance merely on the face of an excess 
of imports and exports1 in that         
commerce2 though1 in most foreign       
branches1 it is1 on the whole1 the best 
method4 ,if we should take that         

standard1 it would appear1 that the     
balance with our own islands is1        
annually1 several hundred thousand      
pounds against this country4#de ,such is
 its aspect on the custom-house entries2
 but we know the direct contrary to be  
the fact4 ,we know that the             
,west-,indians are always indebted to   
our merchants1 and that the value of    
every shilling of ,west ,india produce  
is ,english property4 ,so that our      
import from them1 and not our export1   
ought always to be considered as their  
true value2 and this corrective ought to
 be applied to all general balances of  
our trade1 which are formed on the      
ordinary principles4  ,if possible1 this
 was more emphatically true of the      
,french ,west ,india islands1 whilst    
they continued in our hands4 ,that none 
or only a very contemptible part1 of the
 value of this produce could be remitted
 to ,france1 the author will see1       
perhaps with unwillingness1 but with the
 clearest conviction1 if he considers1  

that in the year #agfc1 after we had    
ceased to export to the isles of        
,guadaloupe and ,martinico1 and to the  
,havannah1 and after the colonies were  
free to send all their produce to ,old  
,france and ,spain1 if they had any     
remittance to make2 he will see1 that we
 imported from those places1 in that    
year1 to the amount of #a1cie1cjjl4 ,so 
far was the whole annual produce of     
these islands from being adequate to the
 payments of their annual call upon us1 
that this mighty additional importation 
was necessary1 though not quite         
sufficient1 to discharge the debts      
contracted in the few years we held     
them4 ,the property1 therefore1 of their
 whole produce was ours2 not only during
 the war1 but even for more than a year 
after the peace4 ,the author1 ,i hope1  
will not again venture upon so rash and 
discouraging a proposition concerning   
the nature and effect of those          
conquests1 as to call them a convenience
 to the remittances of ,france2 he sees1

 by this account1 that what he asserts  
is not only without foundation1 but even
 impossible to be true4  ,as to our     
trade at that time1 he labors with all  
his might to represent it as absolutely 
ruined1 or on the very edge of ruin4    
,indeed1 as usual with him1 he is often 
as equivocal in his expression as he is 
clear in his design4 ,sometimes he more 
than insinuates a decay of our commerce 
in that war2 sometimes he admits an     
increase of exports2 but it is in order 
to depreciate the advantages we might   
appear to derive from that increase1    
whenever it should come to be proved    
against him4 ,he tells you1#df that it  
was chiefly occasioned by the demands of
 our own fleets and armies1 and1 instead
 or bringing wealth to the nation1 was  
to be paid for by oppressive taxes upon 
the people of ,england4 ,never was      
anything more destitute of foundation4  
,it might be proved1 with the greatest  
ease1 from the nature and quality of the
 goods exported1 as well as from the    

situation of the places to which our    
merchandise was sent1 and which the war 
could no wise affect1 that the supply of
 our fleets and armies could not have   
been the cause of this wonderful        
increase of trade3 its cause was evident
 to the whole world2 the ruin of the    
trade of ,france1 and our possession of 
her colonies4 ,what wonderful effects   
this cause produced the reader will see 
below2#dg and he will form on that      
account some judgment of the author's   
candor or information4  ,admit however  
that a great part of our export1 though 
nothing is more remote from fact1 was   
owing to the supply of our fleets and   
armies2 was it not something8--was it   
not peculiarly fortunate for a nation1  
that she was able from her own bosom to 
contribute largely to the supply of her 
armies militating in so many distant    
countries8 ,the author allows that      
,france did not enjoy the same          
advantages4 ,but it is remarkable1      
throughout his whole book1 that those   

circumstances which have ever been      
considered as great benefits1 and       
decisive proofs of national superiority1
 are1 when in our hands1 taken either in
 diminution of some other apparent      
advantage1 or even sometimes as positive
 misfortunes4 ,the optics of that       
politician must be of a strange         
conformation1 who beholds everything in 
this distorted shape4  ,so far as to our
 trade4 ,with regard to our navigation1 
he is still more uneasy at our          
situation1 and still more fallacious in 
his state of it4 ,in his text1 he       
affirms it to have been entirely        
engrossed by the neutral nations4#dh    
,this he asserts roundly and boldly1 and
 without the least concern2 although it 
cost no more than a single glance of the
 eye upon his own margin to see the full
 refutation of this assertion4 ,his own 
account proves against him1 that1 in the
 year #agfa1 the ,british shipping      
amounted to #ebg1eeg tons1--the foreign 
to no more than #ahj1ajb4 ,the medium of

 his six years ,british1 #b1ddi1eee     
tons1--foreign only #ijf1fij4 ,this     
state 7his own7 demonstrates that the   
neutral nations did not entirely engross
 our navigation4  ,i am willing from a  
strain of candor to admit that this     
author speaks at random2 that he is only
 slovenly and inaccurate1 and not       
fallacious4 ,in matters of account1     
however1 this want of care is not       
excusable2 and the difference between   
neutral nations entirely engrossing our 
navigation1 and being only subsidiary to
 a vastly augmented trade1 makes a most 
material difference to his argument4    
,from that principle of fairness1 though
 the author speaks otherwise1 ,i am     
willing to suppose he means no more than
 that our navigation had so declined as 
to alarm us with the probable loss of   
this valuable object4 ,i shall however  
show1 that his whole proposition1       
whatever modifications he may please to 
give it1 is without foundation2 that our
 navigation had not decreased2 that1 on 

the contrary1 it had greatly increased  
in the war2 that it had increased by the
 war2 and that it was probable the same 
cause would continue to augment it to a 
still greater height2 to what an height 
it is hard to say1 had our success      
continued4  ,but first ,i must observe1 
,i am much less solicitous whether his  
fact be true or no1 than whether his    
principle is well established4 ,cases   
are dead things1 principles are living  
and productive4 ,i affirm then1 that1 if
 in time of war our trade had the good  
fortune to increase1 and at the same    
time a large1 nay the largest1          
proportion of carriage had been         
engrossed by neutral nations1 it ought  
not in itself to have been considered as
 a circumstance of distress4 ,war is a  
time of inconvenience to trade2 in      
general it must be straitened1 and must 
find its way as it can4 ,it is often    
happy for nations that they are able to 
call in neutral navigation4 ,they all   
aim at it4 ,france endeavored at it1 but

 could not compass it4 ,will this author
 say1 that1 in a war with ,spain1 such  
an assistance would not be of absolute  
necessity8 that it would not be the most
 gross of all follies to refuse it8  ,in
 the next place1 his method of stating a
 medium of six years of war1 and six    
years of peace1 to decide this question1
 is altogether unfair4 ,to say1 in      
derogation of the advantages of a war1  
that navigation is not equal to what it 
was in time of peace1 is what hitherto  
has never been heard of4 ,no war ever   
bore that test but the war which he so  
bitterly laments4 ,one may lay it down  
as a maxim1 that an average estimate of 
an object in a steady course of rising  
or of falling1 must in its nature be an 
unfair one2 more particularly if the    
cause of the rise or fall be visible1   
and its continuance in any degree       
probable4 ,average estimates are never  
just but when the object fluctuates1 and
 no reason can be assigned why it should
 not continue still to fluctuate4 ,the  

author chooses to allow nothing at all  
for this3 he has taken an average of six
 years of the war4 ,he knew1 for        
everybody knows1 that the first three   
years were on the whole rather          
unsuccessful2 and that1 in consequence  
of this ill success1 trade sunk1 and    
navigation declined with it2 but that   
grand delusion of the three last years  
turned the scale in our favor4 ,at the  
beginning of that war 7as in the        
commencement of every war71 traders were
 struck with a sort of panic4 ,many went
 out of the freighting business4 ,but by
 degrees1 as the war continued1 the     
terror wore off2 the danger came to be  
better appreciated1 and better provided 
against2 our trade was carried on in    
large fleets1 under regular convoys1 and
 with great safety4 ,the freighting     
business revived4 ,the ships were fewer1
 but much larger2 and though the number 
decreased1 the tonnage was vastly       
augmented3 insomuch that in #agfa the   
,british shipping had risen by the      

author's own account to #ebg1eeg        
tons4--,in the last year he has given us
 of the peace1 it amounted to no more   
than #did1ggb2 that is1 in the last year
 of the war it was #cb1ghe tons more    
than in the correspondent year of his   
peace average4 ,no year of the peace    
exceeded it except one1 and that but    
little4  ,the fair account of the matter
 is this4 ,our trade had1 as we have    
just seen1 increased to so astonishing a
 degree in #agfa1 as to employ ,british 
and foreign ships to the amount of      
#gjg1fei tons1 which is #adi1ejj more   
than we employed in the last year of the
 peace4--,thus our trade increased more 
than a fifth2 our ,british navigation   
had increased likewise with this        
astonishing increase of trade1 but was  
not able to keep pace with it2 and we   
added about #abj1jjj tons of foreign    
shipping to the #fj1jjj1 which had been 
employed in the last year of the peace4 
,whatever happened to our shipping in   
the former years of the war1 this would 

be no true state of the case at the time
 of the treaty4 ,if we had lost         
something in the beginning1 we had then 
recovered1 and more than recovered1 all 
our losses4 ,such is the ground of the  
doleful complaints of the author1 that  
the carrying trade was wholly engrossed 
by the neutral nations4  ,i have done   
fairly1 and even very moderately1 in    
taking this year1 and not his average1  
as the standard of what might be        
expected in future1 had the war         
continued4 ,the author will be compelled
 to allow it1 unless he undertakes to   
show2 first1 that the possession of     
,canada1 ,martinico1 ,guadaloupe1       
,grenada1 the ,havannah1 the            
,philippines1 the whole ,african trade1 
the whole ,east ,india trade1 and the   
whole ,newfoundland fishery1 had no     
certain inevitable tendency to increase 
the ,british shipping2 unless1 in the   
second place1 he can prove that those   
trades were1 or might be1 by law or     
indulgence1 carried on in foreign       

vessels2 and unless1 thirdly1 he can    
demonstrate that the premium of         
insurance on ,british ships was rising  
as the war continued4 ,he can prove not 
one of these points4 ,i will show him a 
fact more that is mortal to his         
assertions4 ,it is the state of our     
shipping in #agfb4 ,the author had his  
reasons for stopping short at the       
preceding year4 ,it would have appeared1
 had he proceeded farther1 that our     
tonnage was in a course of uniform      
augmentation1 owing to the freight      
derived from our foreign conquests1 and 
to the perfect security of our          
navigation from our clear and decided   
superiority at sea4 ,this1 ,i say1 would
 have appeared from the state of the two
 years3--    #agfa4 ,british            
#ebg1eeg tons4   #agfb4 ,ditto          
#eei1ecg tons4   #agfa4 ,foreign        
#ahj1ajb tons4   #agfb4 ,ditto          
#abi1ejb tons4  ,the two last years of  
the peace were in no degree equal to    
these4 ,much of the navigation of #agfc 

was also owing to the war2 this is      
manifest from the large part of it      
employed in the carriage from the ceded 
islands1 with which the communication   
still continued open4 ,no such          
circumstances of glory and advantage    
ever attended upon a war4 ,too happy    
will be our lot1 if we should again be  
forced into a war1 to behold anything   
that shall resemble them2 and if we were
 not then the better for them1 it is net
 in the ordinary course of ,god's       
providence to mend our condition4  ,in  
vain does the author declaim on the high
 premiums given for the loans during the
 war4 ,his long note swelled with       
calculations on that subject 7even      
supposing the most inaccurate of all    
calculations to be just7 would be       
entirety thrown away1 did it not serve  
to raise a wonderful opinion of his     
financial skill in those who are not    
less surprised than edified1 when1 with 
a solemn face and mysterious air1 they  
are told that two and two make four4    

,for what else do we learn from this    
note8 ,that the more expense is incurred
 by a nation1 the more money will be    
required to defray it2 that in          
proportion to the continuance of that   
expense1 will be the continuance of     
borrowing2 that the increase of         
borrowing and the increase of debt will 
go hand in hand2 and lastly1 that the   
more money you want1 the harder it will 
be to get it2 and that the scarcity of  
the commodity will enhance the price4   
,who ever doubted the truth1 or the     
insignificance1 of these propositions8  
what do they prove8 that war is         
expensive1 and peace desirable4 ,they   
contain nothing more than a commonplace 
against war2 the easiest of all topics4 
,to bring them home to his purpose1 he  
ought to have shown that our enemies had
 money upon better terms2 which he has  
not shown1 neither can he4 ,i shall     
speak more fully to this point in       
another place4 ,he ought to have shown  
that the money they raised1 upon        

whatever terms1 had procured them a more
 lucrative return4 ,he knows that our   
expenditure purchased commerce and      
conquest3 theirs acquired nothing but   
defeat and bankruptcy4  ,thus the author
 has laid down his ideas on the subject 
of war4 ,next follow those he entertains
 on that of peace4 ,the treaty of ,paris
 upon the whole has his approbation4    
,indeed1 if his account of the war be   
just1 he might have spared himself all  
further trouble4 ,the rest is drawn on  
as an inevitable conclusion4#di ,if the 
,house of ,bourbon had the advantage1   
she must give the law2 and the peace1   
though it were much worse than it is1   
had still been a good one4 ,but as the  
world is yet deluded on the state of    
that war1 other arguments are necessary2
 and the author has in my opinion very  
ill supplied them4 ,he tells of many    
things we have got1 and of which he has 
made out a kind of bill4 ,this matter   
may be brought within a very narrow     
compass1 if we come to consider the     

requisites of a good peace under some   
plain distinct heads4 ,i apprehend they 
may be reduced to these3 #a4 ,stability2
 #b4 ,indemnification2 #c4 ,alliance4   
,as to the first1 the author more than  
obscurely hints in several places1 that 
he thinks the peace not likely to last4 
,however1 he does furnish a security2 a 
security1 in any light1 ,i fear1 but    
insufficient2 on his hypothesis1 surely 
a very odd one4 ,by stipulating for the 
entire possession of the ,continent     
7says he7 the restored ,french islands  
are become in some measure dependent on 
the ,british empire2 and the good faith 
of ,france in observing the treaty      
guaranteed by the value at which she    
estimates their possession4#ej ,this    
author soon grows weary of his          
principles4 ,they seldom last him for   
two pages together4 ,when the advantages
 of the war were to be depreciated1 then
 the loss of the ultramarine colonies   
lightened the expenses of ,france1      
facilitated her remittances1 and        

therefore her colonists put them into   
our hands4 ,according to this author's  
system1 the actual possession of those  
colonies ought to give us little or no  
advantage in the negotiation for peace2 
and yet the chance of possessing them on
 a future occasion gives a perfect      
security for the preservation of that   
peace4#ea ,the conquest of the          
,havannah1 if it did not serve ,spain1  
rather distressed ,england1 says our    
author4#eb ,but the molestation which   
her galleons may suffer from our station
 in ,pensacola gives us advantages1 for 
which we were not allowed to credit the 
nation for the ,havannah itself2 a place
 surely full as well situated for every 
external purpose as ,pensacola1 and of  
more internal benefit than ten thousand 
,pensacolas4  ,the author sets very     
little by conquests2#ec ,i suppose it is
 because he makes them so very lightly4 
,on this subject he speaks with the     
greatest certainty imaginable4 ,we have1
 according to him1 nothing to do1 but to

 go and take possession1 whenever we    
think proper1 of the ,french and        
,spanish settlements4 ,it were better   
that he had examined a little what      
advantage the peace gave us towards the 
invasion of these colonies1 which we did
 not possess before the peace4 ,it would
 not have been amiss if he had consulted
 the public experience1 and our         
commanders1 concerning the absolute     
certainty of those conquests on which he
 is pleased to found our security4 ,and 
if1 after all1 he should have discovered
 them to be so very sure1 and so very   
easy1 he might at least1 to preserve    
consistency1 have looked a few pages    
back1 and 7no unpleasing thing to him7  
listened to himself1 where he says1 that
 the most successful enterprise could   
not compensate to the nation for the    
waste of its people1 by carrying on war 
in unhealthy climates4#ed ,a position   
which he repeats again1 p4 #i4 ,so that1
 according to himself1 his security is  
not worth the suit2 according to fact1  

he has only a chance1 ,god knows what a 
chance1 of getting at it2 and therefore1
 according to reason1 the giving up the 
most valuable of all possessions1 in    
hopes to conquer them back1 under any   
advantage of situation1 is the most     
ridiculous security that ever was       
imagined for the peace of a nation4 ,it 
is true his friends did not give up     
,canada2 they could not give up         
everything2 let us make the most of it4 
,we have ,canada1 we know its value4 ,we
 have not the ,french any longer to     
fight in ,north ,america2 and from this 
circumstance we derive considerable     
advantages4 ,but here let me rest a     
little4 ,the author touches upon a      
string which sounds under his fingers   
but a tremulous and melancholy note4    
,north ,america was once indeed a great 
strength to this nation1 in opportunity 
of ports1 in ships1 in provisions1 in   
men4 ,we found her a sound1 an active1 a
 vigorous member of the empire4 ,i hope1
 by wise management1 she will again     

become so4 ,but one of our capital      
present misfortunes is her discontent   
and disobedience4 ,to which of the      
author's favorites this discontent is   
owing1 we all know but too sufficiently4
 ,it would be a dismal event1 if this   
foundation of his security1 and indeed  
of all our public strength1 should1 in  
reality1 become our weakness2 and if all
 the powers of this empire1 which ought 
to fall with a compacted weight upon the
 head of our enemies1 should be         
dissipated and distracted by a jealous  
vigilance1 or by hostile attempts upon  
one another4 ,ten ,canadas cannot       
restore that security for the peace1 and
 for everything valuable to this        
country1 which we have lost along with  
the affection and the obedience of our  
colonies4 ,he is the wise minister1 he  
is the true friend to ,britain1 who     
shall be able to restore it4  ,to return
 to the security for the peace4 ,the    
author tells us1 that the original great
 purposes of the war were more than     

accomplished by the treaty4 ,surely he  
has experience and reading enough to    
know1 that1 in the course of a war1     
events may happen1 that render its      
original very far from being its        
principal purpose4 ,this original may   
dwindle by circumstances1 so as to      
become not a purpose of the second or   
even the third magnitude4 ,i trust this 
is so obvious that it will not be       
necessary to put cases for its          
illustration4 ,in that war1 as soon as  
,spain entered into the quarrel1 the    
security of ,north ,america was no      
longer the sole nor the foremost object4
 ,the ,family ,compact had been ,i know 
not how long before in agitation4 ,but  
then it was that we saw produced into   
daylight and action the most odious and 
most formidable of all the conspiracies 
against the liberties of ,europe that   
ever has been framed4 ,the war with     
,spain was the first fruits of that     
league2 and a security against that     
league ought to have been the           

fundamental point of a pacification with
 the powers who compose it4 ,we had     
materials in our hands to have          
constructed that security in such a     
manner as never to be shaken4 ,but how  
did the virtuous and able men of our    
author labor for this great end8 ,they  
took no one step towards it4 ,on the    
contrary they countenanced1 and1 indeed1
 as far as it depended on them1         
recognized it in all its parts2 for our 
plenipotentiary treated with those who  
acted for the two crowns1 as if they had
 been different ministers of the same   
monarch4 ,the ,spanish minister received
 his instructions1 not from ,madrid1 but
 from ,versailles4  ,this was not hid   
from our ministers at home2 and the     
discovery ought to have alarmed them1 if
 the good of their country had been the 
object of their anxiety4 ,they could not
 but have seen that the whole ,spanish  
monarchy was melted down into the       
cabinet of ,versailles4 ,but they       
thought this circumstance an advantage2 

as it enabled them to go through with   
their work the more expeditiously4      
,expedition was everything to them2     
because ,france might happen during a   
protracted negotiation to discover the  
great imposition of our victories4  ,in 
the same spirit they negotiated the     
terms of the peace4 ,if it were thought 
advisable not to take any positive      
security from ,spain1 the most obvious  
principles of policy dictated that the  
burden of the cessions ought to fall    
upon ,france2 and that everything which 
was of grace and favor should be given  
to ,spain4 ,spain could not1 on her     
part1 have executed a capital article in
 the family compact1 which obliged her  
to compensate the losses of ,france4 ,at
 least she could not do it in ,america2 
for she was expressly precluded by the  
treaty of ,utrecht from ceding any      
territory or giving any advantage in    
trade to that power4 ,what did our      
ministers8 ,they took from ,spain the   
territory of ,florida1 an object of no  

value except to show our dispositions to
 be quite equal at least towards both   
powers2 and they enabled ,france to     
compensate ,spain by the gift of        
,louisiana3 loading us with all the     
harshness1 leaving the act of kindness  
with ,france1 and opening thereby a door
 to the fulfilling of this the most     
consolidating article of the family     
compact4 ,accordingly that dangerous    
league1 thus abetted and authorized by  
the ,english ministry without an attempt
 to invalidate it in any way1 or in any 
of its parts1 exists to this hour2 and  
has grown stronger and stronger every   
hour of its existence4  ,as to the      
second component of a good peace1       
compensation1 ,i have but little        
trouble2 the author has said nothing    
upon that head4 ,he has nothing to say4 
,after a war of such expense1 this ought
 to have been a capital consideration4  
,but on what he has been so prudently   
silent1 ,i think it is right to speak   
plainly4 ,all our new acquisitions      

together1 at this time1 scarce afford   
matter of revenue1 either at home or    
abroad1 sufficient to defray the expense
 of their establishments2 not one       
shilling towards the reduction of our   
debt4 ,guadaloupe or ,martinico alone   
would have given us material aid2 much  
in the way of duties1 much in the way of
 trade and navigation4 ,a good ministry 
would have considered how a renewal of  
the ,assiento might have been obtained4 
,we had as much right to ask it at the  
treaty of ,paris as at the treaty of    
,utrecht4 ,we had incomparably more in  
our hands to purchase it4 ,floods of    
treasure would have poured into this    
kingdom from such a source2 and1 under  
proper management1 no small part of it  
would have taken a public direction1 and
 have fructified an exhausted exchequer4
  ,if this gentleman's hero of finance1 
instead of flying from a treaty1 which1 
though he now defends1 he could not     
approve1 and would not oppose2 if he1   
instead of shifting into an office1     

which removed him from the manufacture  
of the treaty1 had1 by his credit with  
the then great director1 acquired for us
 these1 or any of these1 objects1 the   
possession of ,guadaloupe or ,martinico1
 or the renewal of the ,assiento1 he    
might have held his head high in his    
country2 because he would have performed
 real service2 ten thousand times more  
real service1 than all the economy of   
which this writer is perpetually        
talking1 or all the little tricks of    
finance which the expertest juggler of  
the treasury can practise1 could amount 
to in a thousand years4 ,but the        
occasion is lost2 the time is gone1     
perhaps forever4  ,as to the third      
requisite1 alliance1 there too the      
author is silent4 ,what strength of that
 kind did they acquire8 ,they got no one
 new ally2 they stript the enemy of not 
a single old one4 ,they disgusted 7how  
justly1 or unjustly1 matters not7 every 
ally we had2 and from that time to this 
we stand friendless in ,europe4 ,but of 

this naked condition of their country ,i
 know some people are not ashamed4 ,they
 have their system of politics2 our     
ancestors grew great by another4 ,in    
this manner these virtuous men concluded
 the peace2 and their practice is only  
consonant to their theory4  ,many things
 more might be observed on this curious 
head of our author's speculations4 ,but1
 taking leave of what the writer says in
 his serious part1 if he be serious in  
any part1 ,i shall only just point out a
 piece of his pleasantry4 ,no man1 ,i   
believe1 ever denied that the time for  
making peace is that in which the best  
terms maybe obtained4 ,but what that    
time is1 together with the use that has 
been made of it1 we are to judge by     
seeing whether terms adequate to our    
advantages1 and to our necessities1 have
 been actually obtained4 ,here is the   
pinch of the question1 to which the     
author ought to have set his shoulders  
in earnest4 ,instead of doing this1 he  
slips out of the harness by a jest2 and 

sneeringly tells us1 that1 to determine 
this point1 we must know the secrets of 
the ,french and ,spanish cabinets#ee1   
and that ,parliament was pleased to     
approve the treaty of peace without     
calling for the correspondence          
concerning it4 ,how just this sarcasm on
 that ,parliament may be1 ,i say not2   
but how becoming in the author1 ,i leave
 it to his friends to determine4        
,having thus gone through the questions 
of war and peace1 the author proceeds to
 state our debt1 and the interest which 
it carried1 at the time of the treaty1  
with the unfairness and inaccuracy1     
however1 which distinguish all his      
assertions1 and all his calculations4   
,to detect every fallacy1 and rectify   
every mistake1 would be endless4 ,it    
will be enough to point out a few of    
them1 in order to show how unsafe it is 
to place anything like an implicit trust
 in such a writer4  ,the interest of    
debt contracted during the war is stated
 by the author at #b1fad1hibl4 ,the     

particulars appear in pp4 #ad and #ae4  
,among them is stated the unfunded debt1
 #i1ige1jagl41 supposed to carry        
interest on a medium at #c per cent1    
which amounts to #bii1bejl4 ,we are     
referred to the ,considerations on the  
,trade and ,finances of the ,kingdom1 p4
 #bb1 for the particulars of that       
unfunded debt4 ,turn to the work1 and to
 the place referred to by the author    
himself1 if you have a mind to see a    
clear detection of a capital fallacy of 
this article in his account4 ,you will  
there see that this unfunded debt       
consists of the nine following articles3
 the remaining subsidy to the ,duke of  
,brunswick2 the remaining ddommagement  
to the ,landgrave of ,hesse2 the ,german
 demands2 the army and ordnance         
extraordinaries2 the deficiencies of    
grants and funds2 ,mr4 ,touchet's claim2
 the debts due to ,nova ,scotia and     
,barbadoes2 exchequer bills2 and navy   
debt4 ,the extreme fallacy of this state
 cannot escape any reader who will be at

 the pains to compare the interest      
money1 with which he affirms us to have 
been loaded1 in his ,state of the       
,nation1 with the items of the principal
 debt to which he refers in his         
,considerations4 ,the reader must       
observe1 that of this long list of nine 
articles1 only two1 the exchequer bills1
 and part of the navy debt1 carried any 
interest at all4 ,the first amounted to 
#a1hjj1jjjl42 and this undoubtedly      
carried interest4 ,the whole navy debt  
indeed amounted to #d1egf1iael42 but of 
this only a part carried interest4 ,the 
author of the ,considerations1 c4 labors
 to prove this very point in p4 #ah2 and
 ,mr4 ,g4 has always defended himself   
upon the same ground1 for the           
insufficient provision he made for the  
discharge of that debt4 ,the reader may 
see their own authority for it4#ef  ,mr4
 ,g4 did in fact provide no more than   
#b1aej1jjjl4 for the discharge of these 
bills in two years4 ,it is much to be   
wished that these gentlemen would lay   

their heads together1 that they would   
consider well this matter1 and agree    
upon something4 ,for when the scanty    
provision made for the unfunded debt is 
to be vindicated1 then we are told it is
 a very small part of that debt which   
carries interest4 ,but when the public  
is to be represented in a miserable     
condition1 and the consequences of the  
late war to be laid before us in        
dreadful colors1 then we are to be told 
that the unfunded debt is within a      
trifle of ten millions1 and so large a  
portion of it carries interest that we  
must not compute less than #c per cent  
upon the whole4  ,in the year #agfd1    
,parliament voted #fej1jjjl4 towards the
 discharge of the navy debt4 ,this sum  
could not be applied solely to the      
discharge of bills carrying interest2   
because part of the debt due on seamen's
 wages must have been paid1 and some    
bills carried no interest at all4       
,notwithstanding this1 we find by an    
account in the journals of the ,house of

 ,commons1 in the following session1    
that the navy debt carrying interest    
was1 on the #cast of ,december1 #agfd1  
no more than #a1fhg1ddbl4 ,i am sure    
therefore that ,i admit too much when ,i
 admit the navy debt carrying interest1 
after the creation of the navy annuities
 in the year #agfc1 to have been        
#b1bjj1jjjl4 ,add the exchequer bills2  
and the whole unfunded debt carrying    
interest will be four millions instead  
of ten2 and the annual interest paid for
 it at #d per cent will be #afj1jjjl4   
instead of #bii1bejl4 ,an error of no   
small magnitude1 and which could not    
have been owing to inadvertency4  ,the  
misrepresentation of the increase of the
 peace establishment is still more      
extraordinary than that of the interest 
of the unfunded debt4 ,the increase is  
great1 undoubtedly4 ,however1 the author
 finds no fault with it1 and urges it   
only as a matter of argument to support 
the strange chimerical proposals he is  
to make us in the close of his work for 

the increase of revenue4 ,the greater he
 made that establishment1 the stronger  
he expected to stand in argument3 but1  
whatever he expected or proposed1 he    
should have stated the matter fairly4   
,he tells us that this establishment is 
nearly #a1ejj1jjjl4 more than it was in 
#ageb1 #agec1 and other years of peace4 
,this he has done in his usual manner1  
by assertion1 without troubling himself 
either with proof or probability4 ,for  
he has not given us any state of the    
peace establishment in the years #agec  
and #aged1 the time which he means to   
compare with the present4 ,as ,i am     
obliged to force him to that precision1 
from which he always flies as from his  
most dangerous enemy1 ,i have been at   
the trouble to search the journals in   
the period between the two last wars3   
and ,i find that the peace              
establishment1 consisting of the navy1  
the ordnance1 and the several incidental
 expenses1 amounted to #b1cdf1eidl4 ,now
 is this writer wild enough to imagine1 

that the peace establishment of #agfd   
and the subsequent years1 made up from  
the same articles1 is #c1hjj1jjjl4 and  
upwards8 ,his assertion however goes to 
this4 ,but ,i must take the liberty of  
correcting him in this gross mistake1   
and from an authority he cannot refuse1 
from his favorite work1 and standing    
authority1 the ,considerations4 ,we find
 there1 p4 #dceg1 the peace             
establishment of #agfd and #agfe stated 
at #c1fji1gjjl4 ,this is near two       
hundred thousand pounds less than that  
given in ,the ,state of the ,nation4    
,but even from this1 in order to render 
the articles which compose the peace    
establishment in the two periods        
correspondent 7for otherwise they cannot
 be compared71 we must deduct first1 his
 articles of the deficiency of land and 
malt1 which amount to #cjj1jjjl4 ,they  
certainly are no part of the            
establishment2 nor are they included in 
that sum1 which ,i have stated above for
 the establishment in the time of the   

former peace4 ,if they were proper to be
 stated at all1 they ought to be stated 
in both accounts4 ,we must also deduct  
the deficiencies of funds1 #bjb1djjl4   
,these deficiencies are the difference  
between the interest charged on the     
public for moneys borrowed1 and the     
produce of the taxes laid for the       
discharge of that interest4 ,annual     
provision is indeed to be made for them 
by ,parliament3 but in the inquiry      
before us1 which is only what charge is 
brought on the public by interest paid  
or to be paid for money borrowed1 the   
utmost that the author should do1 is to 
bring into the account the full interest
 for all that money4 ,this he has done  
in p4 #ae2 and he repeats it in p4 #ah1 
the very page ,i am now examining1      
#b1fad1hibl4 ,to comprehend afterwards  
in the peace establishment the          
deficiency of the fund created for      
payment of that interest1 would be      
laying twice to the account of the war  
part of the same sum4 ,suppose ten      

millions borrowed at #d per cent1 and   
the fund for payment of the interest to 
produce no more than #bjj1jjjl4 ,the    
whole annual charge on the public is    
#djj1jjjl4 ,it can be no more4 ,but to  
charge the interest in one part of the  
account1 and then the deficiency in the 
other1 would be charging #fjj1jjjl4 ,the
 deficiency of funds must therefore be  
also deducted from the peace            
establishment in the ,considerations2   
and then the peace establishment in that
 author will be reduced to the same     
articles with those included in the sum 
,i have already mentioned for the peace 
establishment before the last war1 in   
the year #agec1 and #aged4    ,peace    
establishment in the ,considerations    
#c1fji1gjj   ,deduct deficiency of land 
and malt    #cjj1jjj   ,ditto of funds  
#bjb1djj                                
--------     #ejb1djj                   
---------                               
#c1ajg1cjj   ,peace establishment before
 the late war1 in     which no          

deficiencies of land and malt1 or       
funds are included                      
#b1cdf1eid                              
---------                               
,difference               #gfj1gjf      
,being about half the sum which our     
author has been pleased to suppose it4  
,let us put the whole together4 ,the    
author states1--    ,difference of peace
 establishment before and     since the 
war                                     
#a1ejj1jjj   ,interest of ,debt         
contracted by the war                   
#b1fad1hib                              
---------                               
#d1aad1hib   ,the real difference in the
 peace     establishment is             
#gfj1gjf    ,the actual interest of the 
funded debt1 including     that charged 
on the     sinking fund                 
#b1cae1fdb    ,the actual interest of   
unfunded debt at most      #afj1jjj     
---------   ,total interest of debt     
contracted by the war                   
#b1dge1fdb                              

---------   ,increase of peace          
establishment1 and interest of     new  
debt                                    
#c1bcf1cdh                              
---------   ,error of the author        
#hgh1edd   ,it is true1 the             
extraordinaries of the army have been   
found considerably greater than the     
author of the ,considerations was       
pleased to foretell they would be4 ,the 
author of ,the ,present ,state avails   
himself of that increase1 and1 finding  
it suit his purpose1 sets the whole down
 in the peace establishment of the      
present times4 ,if this is allowed him1 
his error perhaps may be reduced to     
#gjj1jjjl4 ,but ,i doubt the author of  
the ,considerations will not thank him  
for admitting #bjj1jjjl4 and upwards1 as
 the peace establishment for            
extraordinaries1 when that author has so
 much labored to confine them within    
#ce1jjjl4  ,these are some of the       
capital fallacies of the author4 ,to    
break the thread of my discourse as     

little as possible1 ,i have thrown into 
the margin many instances1 though ,god  
knows far from the whole of his         
inaccuracies1 inconsistencies1 and want 
of common care4 ,i think myself obliged 
to take some notice of them1 in order to
 take off from any authority this writer
 may have2 and to put an end to the     
deference which careless men are apt to 
pay to one who boldly arrays his        
accounts1 and marshals his figures1 in  
perfect confidence that their           
correctness will never be examined4#eh  
,however1 for argument1 ,i am content to
 take his state of it4 ,the debt was and
 is enormous4 ,the war was expensive4   
,the best economy had not perhaps been  
used4 ,but ,i must observe1 that war and
 economy are things not easily          
reconciled2 and that the attempt of     
leaning towards parsimony in such a     
state may be the worst management1 and  
in the end the worst economy in the     
world1 hazarding the total loss of all  
the charge incurred1 and of everything  

along with it4  ,but cui bono all this  
detail of our debt8 ,has the author     
given a single light towards any        
material reduction of it8 ,not a        
glimmering4 ,we shall see in its place  
what sort of thing he proposes4 ,but    
before he commences his operations1 in  
order to scare the public imagination1  
he raises by art magic a thick mist     
before our eyes1 through which glare the
 most ghastly and horrible phantoms3    
,hunc igitur terrorem animi tenebrasque 
necesse est4     ,non radii solis1 neque
 lucida tela diei     ,discutiant1 sed  
natur species ratioque4  ,let us        
therefore calmly1 if we can for the     
fright into which he has put us1        
appreciate those dreadful and deformed  
gorgons and hydras1 which inhabit the   
joyless regions of an imagination       
fruitful in nothing but the production  
of monsters4  ,his whole representation1
 is founded on the supposed operation of
 our debt1 upon our manufactures1 and   
our trade4 ,to this cause he attributes 

a certain supposed dearness of the      
necessaries of life1 which must compel  
our manufacturers to emigrate to cheaper
 countries1 particularly to ,france1 and
 with them the manufacture4 ,thence     
consumption declining1 and with it      
revenue4 ,he will not permit the real   
balance of our trade to be estimated so 
high as #b1ejj1jjjl42 and the interest  
of the debt to foreigners carries off   
#a1ejj1jjjl4 of that balance4 ,france is
 not in the same condition4 ,then follow
 his wailings and lamentings1 which he  
renews over and over1 according to his  
custom--a declining trade1 and          
decreasing specie--on the point of      
becoming tributary to ,france--of losing
 ,ireland--of having the colonies torn  
away from us4  ,the first thing upon    
which ,i shall observe is1#fj what he   
takes for granted as the clearest of all
 propositions1 the emigration of our    
manufacturers to ,france4 ,i undertake  
to say that this assertion is totally   
groundless1 and ,i challenge the author 

to bring any sort of proof of it4 ,if   
living is cheaper in ,france1 that is1  
to be had for less specie1 wages are    
proportionably lower4 ,no manufacturer1 
let the living be what it will1 was ever
 known to fly for refuge to low wages4  
,money is the first thing which attracts
 him4 ,accordingly our wages attract    
artificers from all parts of the world4 
,from two shillings to one shilling1 is 
a fall in all men's imaginations1 which 
no calculation upon a difference in the 
price of the necessaries of life can    
compensate4 ,but it will be hard to     
prove that a ,french artificer is better
 fed1 clothed1 lodged1 and warmed1 than 
one in ,england2 for that is the sense1 
and the only sense1 of living cheaper4  
,if1 in truth and fact1 our artificer   
fares as well in all these respects as  
one in the same state in ,france1--how  
stands the matter in point of opinion   
and prejudice1 the springs by which     
people in that class of life are chiefly
 actuated8 ,the idea of our common      

people concerning ,french living is     
dreadful2 altogether as dreadful as our 
author's can possibly be of the state of
 his own country2 a way of thinking that
 will hardly ever prevail on them to    
desert to ,france4#fa  ,but1 leaving the
 author's speculations1 the fact is1    
that they have not deserted2 and of     
course the manufacture cannot be        
departed1 or departing1 with them4 ,i am
 not indeed able to get at all the      
details of our manufactures2 though1 ,i 
think1 ,i have taken full as much pains 
for that purpose as our author4 ,some ,i
 have by me2 and they do not hitherto1  
thank ,god1 support the author's        
complaint1 unless a vast increase of the
 quantity of goods manufactured be a    
proof of losing the manufacture4 ,on a  
view of the registers in the ,west      
,riding of ,yorkshire1 for three years  
before the war1 and for the three last1 
it appears1 that the quantities of      
cloths entered were as follows3         
,pieces broad4    ,pieces narrow4       

#ageb           #fj1gbd                 
#gb1ddb                   #agec         
#ee1ceh           #ga1fah               
#aged           #ef1jgj                 
#gb1cid                                 
-------          -------                
#agb1aeb          #baf1ded              
,pieces broad4    ,pieces narrow4       
#agfe           #ed1ffj                 
#gg1dai                   #agff         
#gb1ege           #gh1hic               
#agfg          #ajb1dbh                 
#gh1hai                                 
-------          -------   #c years1    
ending #agfg          #bbi1ffc          
#bce1aca   #c years1 ending #aged       
#agb1aeb          #baf1dfd              
-------          -------                
,increase      #eg1eaa           #ah1fgg
   ,in this manner this capital branch  
of manufacture has increased1 under the 
increase of taxes2 and this not from a  
declining1 but from a greatly           
flourishing period of commerce4 ,i may  
say the same on the best authority of   

the fabric of thin goods at ,halifax2 of
 the bays at ,rochdale2 and of that     
infinite variety of admirable           
manufactures that grow and extend every 
year among the spirited1 inventive1 and 
enterprising traders of ,manchester4  ,a
 trade sometimes seems to perish when it
 only assumes a different form4 ,thus   
the coarsest woollens were formerly     
exported in great quantities to ,russia4
 ,the ,russians now supply themselves   
with these goods4 ,but the export       
thither of finer cloths has increased in
 proportion as the other has declined4  
,possibly some parts of the kingdom may 
have felt something like a languor in   
business4 ,objects like trade and       
manufacture1 which the very attempt to  
confine would certainly destroy1        
frequently change their place2 and      
thereby1 far from being lost1 are often 
highly improved4 ,thus some manufactures
 have decayed in the west and south1    
which have made new and more vigorous   
shoots when transplanted into the north4

 ,and here it is impossible to pass by1 
though the author has said nothing upon 
it1 the vast addition to the mass of    
,british trade1 which has been made by  
the improvement of ,scotland4 ,what does
 he think of the commerce of the city of
 ,glasgow1 and of the manufactures of   
,paisley and all the adjacent country8  
,has this anything like the deadly      
aspect and facies ,hippocratica which   
the false diagnostic of our state       
physician has given to our trade in     
general8 ,has he not heard of the       
iron-works of such magnitude even in    
their cradle which are set up on the    
,carron1 and which at the same time have
 drawn nothing from ,sheffield1         
,birmingham1 or ,wolverhampton8  ,this  
might perhaps be enough to show the     
entire falsity of the complaint         
concerning the decline of our           
manufactures4 ,but every step we        
advance1 this matter clears up more2 and
 the false terrors of the author are    
dissipated1 and fade away as the light  

appears4 ,the trade and manufactures of 
this country 7says he7 going to ruin1   
and a diminution of our revenue from    
consumption must attend the loss of so  
many seamen and artificers4 ,nothing    
more true than the general observation3 
nothing more false than its application 
to our circumstances4 ,let the revenue  
on consumption speak for itself3--      
,average of net excise1 since the new   
duties1     three years ending #agfg    
#d1eij1gcd   ,ditto before the new      
duties1 three years     ending #agei    
#c1bfa1fid                              
---------                     ,average  
increase              #a1cbi1jdj  ,here 
is no diminution4 ,here is1 on the      
contrary1 an immense increase4 ,this is 
owing1 ,i shall be told1 to the new     
duties1 which may increase the total    
bulk1 but at the same time may make some
 diminution of the produce of the old4  
,were this the fact1 it would be far    
from supporting the author's complaint4 
,it might have proved that the burden   

lay rather too heavy2 but it would never
 prove that the revenue from1           
consumption was impaired1 which it was  
his business to do4 ,but what is the    
real fact8 ,let us take1 as the best    
instance for the purpose1 the produce of
 the old hereditary and temporary excise
 granted in the reign of ,charles the   
,second1 whose object is that of most of
 the new impositions1 from two averages1
 each of eight years4    ,average1 first
 period1 eight years1 ending #aged      
#ebe1cag   ,ditto1 second period1 eight 
years1 ending #agfg     #ech1edb        
-------                                 
,increase               #fac1bbe  ,i    
have taken these averages as including  
in each a war and a peace period2 the   
first before the imposition of the new  
duties1 the other since those           
impositions2 and such is the state of   
the oldest branch of the revenue from   
consumption4 ,besides the acquisition of
 so much new1 this article1 to speak of 
no other1 has rather increased under the

 pressure of all those additional taxes 
to which the author is pleased to       
attribute its destruction4 ,but as the  
author has made his grand effort against
 those moderate1 judicious1 and         
necessary levies1 which support all the 
dignity1 the credit1 and the power of   
his country1 the reader will excuse a   
little further detail on this subject2  
that we may see how little oppressive   
those taxes are on the shoulders of the 
public1 with which he labors so         
earnestly to load its imagination4 ,for 
this purpose we take the state of that  
specific article upon which the two     
capital burdens of the war leaned the   
most immediately1 by the additional     
duties on malt1 and upon beer4          
,barrels4   ,average of strong beer1    
brewed in eight years     before the    
additional malt and beer duties         
#c1hie1jei    ,average of strong beer1  
eight years since     the duties        
#d1jfj1gbf                              
---------               ,increase in the

 last period          #afe1ffg  ,here is
 the effect of two such daring taxes as 
#c;d4 by the bushel additional on malt1 
and #cs4 by the barrel additional on    
beer4 ,two impositions laid without     
remission one upon the neck of the      
other2 and laid upon an object which    
before had been immensely loaded4 ,they 
did not in the least impair the         
consumption3 it has grown under them4   
,it appears that1 upon the whole1 the   
people did not feel so much             
inconvenience from the new duties as to 
oblige them to take refuge in the       
private brewery4 ,quite the contrary    
happened in both these respects in the  
reign of ,king ,william2 and it happened
 from much slighter impositions4#fb ,no 
people can long consume a commodity for 
which they are not well able to pay4 ,an
 enlightened reader laughs at the       
inconsistent chimera of our author1 of a
 people universally luxurious1 and at   
the same time oppressed with taxes and  
declining in trade4 ,for my part1 ,i    

cannot look on these duties as the      
author does4 ,he sees nothing but the   
burden4 ,i can perceive the burden as   
well as he2 but ,i cannot avoid         
contemplating also the strength that    
supports it4 ,from thence ,i draw the   
most comfortable assurances of the      
future vigor1 and the ample resources1  
of this great1 misrepresented country2  
and can never prevail on myself to make 
complaints which have no cause1 in order
 to raise hopes which have no           
foundation4  ,when a representation is  
built on truth and nature1 one member   
supports the other1 and mutual lights   
are given and received from every part4 
,thus1 as our manufacturers have not    
deserted1 nor the manufacture left us1  
nor the consumption declined1 nor the   
revenue sunk2 so neither has trade1     
which is at once the result1 measure1   
and cause of the whole1 in the least    
decayed1 as our author has thought      
proper sometimes to affirm1 constantly  
to suppose1 as if it were the most      

indisputable of all propositions4 ,the  
reader will see below the comparative   
state of our trade#fc in three of the   
best years before our increase of debt  
and taxes1 and with it the three last   
years since the author's date of our    
ruin4  ,in the last three years the     
whole of our exports was between #dd and
 #de millions4 ,in the three years      
preceding the war1 it was no more than  
from #ce to #cf millions4 ,the average  
balance of the former period was        
#c1gjf1jjjl42 of the latter1 something  
above four millions4 ,it is true1 that  
whilst the impressions of the author's  
destructive war continued1 our trade was
 greater than it is at present4 ,one of 
the necessary consequences of the peace 
was1 that ,france must gradually recover
 a part of those markets of which she   
had been originally in possession4      
,however1 after all these deductions1   
still the gross trade in the worst year 
of the present is better than in the    
best year of any former period of peace4

 ,a very great part of our taxes1 if not
 the greatest1 has been imposed since   
the beginning of the century4 ,on the   
author's principles1 this continual     
increase of taxes must have ruined our  
trade1 or at least entirely checked its 
growth4 ,but ,i have a manuscript of    
,davenant1 which contains an abstract of
 our trade for the years #agjc and      
#agjd2 by which it appears that the     
whole export from ,england did not then 
exceed #f1eeb1jail4 ,it is now          
considerably more than double that      
amount4 ,yet ,england was then a rich   
and flourishing nation4  ,the author    
endeavors to derogate from the balance  
in our favor as it stands on the        
entries1 and reduces it from four       
millions1 as it there appears1 to no    
more than #b1ejj1jjjl4 ,his observation 
on the looseness and inaccuracy of the  
export entries is just2 and that the    
error is always an error of excess1 ,i  
readily admit4 ,but because1 as usual1  
he has wholly omitted some very material

 facts1 his conclusion is as erroneous  
as the entries he complains of4  ,on    
this point of the custom-house entries  
,i shall make a few observations4 #ast4 
,the inaccuracy of these entries can    
extend only to ,,free ,,goods1 that is1 
to such ,british products and           
manufactures1 as are exported without   
drawback and without bounty2 which do   
not in general amount to more than two  
thirds at the very utmost of the whole  
export even of our home products4 ,the  
valuable articles of corn1 malt1        
leather1 hops1 beer1 and many others1 do
 not come under this objection of       
inaccuracy4 ,the article of             
,,certificate ,,goods re-exported1 a    
vast branch of our commerce1 admits of  
no error1 7except some smaller frauds   
which cannot be estimated17 as they have
 all a drawback of duty1 and the        
exporter must therefore correctly       
specify their quantity and kind4 ,the   
author therefore is not warranted from  
the known error in some of the entries1 

to make a general defalcation from the  
whole balance in our favor4 ,this error 
cannot affect more than half1 if so     
much1 of the export article4 #b;dly4 ,in
 the account made up at the             
,inspector-,general's office1 they      
estimate only the original cost of      
,british products as they are here      
purchased2 and on foreign goods1 only   
the prices in the country from whence   
they are sent4 ,this was the method     
established by ,mr4 ,davenant2 and as   
far as it goes1 it certainly is a good  
one4 ,but the profits of the merchant at
 home1 and of our factories abroad1 are 
not taken into the account2 which profit
 on such an immense quantity of goods   
exported and re-exported cannot fail of 
being very great3 five per cent1 upon   
the whole1 ,i should think1 a very      
moderate allowance4 #c;dly4 ,it does not
 comprehend the advantage arising from  
the employment of #fjj1jjj tons of      
shipping1 which must be paid by the     
foreign consumer1 and which1 in many    

bulky articles of commerce1 is equal to 
the value of the commodity4 ,this can   
scarcely be rated at less than a million
 annually4 #dthly4 ,the whole import    
from ,ireland and ,america1 and from the
 ,west ,indies1 is set against us in the
 ordinary way of striking a balance of  
imports and exports2 whereas the import 
and export are both our own4 ,this is   
just as ridiculous1 as to put against   
the general balance of the nation1 how  
much more goods ,cheshire receives from 
,london than ,london from ,cheshire4    
,the whole revolves and circulates      
through this kingdom1 and is1 so far as 
regards our profit1 in the nature of    
home trade1 as much as if the several   
countries of ,america and ,ireland were 
all pieced to ,cornwall4 ,the course of 
exchange with all these places is fully 
sufficient to demonstrate that this     
kingdom has the whole advantage of their
 commerce4 ,when the final profit upon a
 whole system of trade rests and centres
 in a certain place1 a balance struck in

 that place merely on the mutual sale of
 commodities is quite fallacious4       
#ethly4 ,the custom-house entries       
furnish a most defective1 and1 indeed1  
ridiculous idea of the most valuable    
branch of trade we have in the          
world1--that with ,newfoundland4        
,observe what you export thither2 a     
little spirits1 provision1              
fishing-lines1 and fishing-hooks4 ,is   
this export the true idea of the        
,newfoundland trade in the light of a   
beneficial branch of commerce8 ,nothing 
less4 ,examine our imports from thence2 
it seems upon this vulgar idea of       
exports and imports1 to turn the balance
 against you4 ,but your exports to      
,newfoundland are your own goods4 ,your 
import is your own food2 as much your   
own1 as that you raise with your ploughs
 out of your own soil2 and not your     
loss1 but your gain2 your riches1 not   
your poverty4 ,but so fallacious is this
 way of judging1 that neither the export
 nor import1 nor both together1 supply  

any idea approaching to adequate of that
 branch of business4 ,the vessels in    
that trade go straight from             
,newfoundland to the foreign market2 and
 the sale there1 not the import here1 is
 the measure of its value4 ,that trade1 
which is one of your greatest and best1 
is hardly so much as seen in the        
custom-house entries2 and it is not of  
less annual value to this nation than   
#djj1jjjl4 #fthly4 ,the quality of your 
imports must be considered as well as   
the quantity4 ,to state the whole of the
 foreign import as loss1 is exceedingly 
absurd4 ,all the iron1 hemp1 flax1      
cotton1 ,spanish wool1 raw silk1 woollen
 and linen-yarn1 which we import1 are by
 no means to be considered as the matter
 of a merely luxurious consumption2     
which is the idea too generally and     
loosely annexed to our import article4  
,these above mentioned are materials of 
industry1 not of luxury1 which are      
wrought up here1 in many instances1 to  
ten times1 and more1 of their original  

value4 ,even where they are not         
subservient to our exports1 they still  
add to our internal wealth1 which       
consists in the stock of useful         
commodities1 as much as in gold and     
silver4 ,in looking over the specific   
articles of our export and import1 ,i   
have often been astonished to see for   
how small a part of the supply of our   
consumption1 either luxurious or        
convenient1 we are indebted to nations  
properly foreign to us4  ,these         
considerations are entirely passed over 
by the author2 they have been but too   
much neglected by most who have         
speculated on this subject4 ,but they   
ought never to be omitted by those who  
mean to come to anything like the true  
state of the ,british trade4 ,they      
compensate1 and they more than          
compensate1 everything which the author 
can cut off with any appearance of      
reason for the over-entry of ,british   
goods2 and they restore to us that      
balance of four millions1 which the     

author has thought proper on such a very
 poor and limited comprehension of the  
object to reduce to #b1ejj1jjjl4  ,in   
general this author is so circumstanced1
 that to support his theory he is       
obliged to assume his facts3 and then1  
if you allow his facts1 they will not   
support his conclusions4 ,what if all he
 says of the state of this balance were 
true8 did not the same objections always
 lie to custom-house entries8 do they   
defalcate more from the entries of #agff
 than from those of #aged8 ,if they     
prove us ruined1 we were always ruined4 
,some ravens have always indeed croaked 
out this kind of song4 ,they have a     
malignant delight in presaging mischief1
 when they are not employed in doing it3
 they are miserable and disappointed at 
every instance of the public prosperity4
 ,they overlook us like the malevolent  
being of the poet3--                    
,tritonida conspicit arcem              
,ingeniis1 opibusque1 et festa pace     
virentem2     ,vixque tenet lacrymas    

quia nil lacrymabile cernit4   ,it is in
 this spirit that some have looked upon 
those accidents that cast an occasional 
damp upon trade4 ,their imaginations    
entail these accidents upon us in       
perpetuity4 ,we have had some bad       
harvests4 ,this must very               
disadvantageously affect the balance of 
trade1 and the navigation of a people1  
so large a part of whose commerce is in 
grain4 ,but1 in knowing the cause1 we   
are morally certain1 that1 according to 
the course of events1 it cannot long    
subsist4 ,in the three last years1 we   
have exported scarcely any grain2 in    
good years1 that export hath been worth 
twelve hundred thousand pounds and more2
 in the two last years1 far from        
exporting1 we have been obliged to      
import to the amount perhaps of our     
former exportation4 ,so that in this    
article the balance must be #b1jjj1jjjl4
 against us2 that is1 one million in the
 ceasing of gain1 the other in the      
increase of expenditure4 ,but none of   

the author's promises or projects could 
have prevented this misfortune2 and1    
thank ,god1 we do not want him or them  
to relieve us from it2 although1 if his 
friends should now come into power1 ,i  
doubt not but they will be ready to take
 credit for any increase of trade or    
excise1 that may arise from the happy   
circumstance of a good harvest4  ,this  
connects with his loud laments and      
melancholy prognostications concerning  
the high price of the necessaries of    
life and the products of labor4 ,with   
all his others1 ,i deny this fact2 and  
,i again call upon him to prove it4     
,take average and not accident1 the     
grand and first necessary of life is    
cheap in this country2 and that too as  
weighed1 not against labor1 which is its
 true counterpoise1 but against money4  
,does he call the price of wheat at this
 day1 between #cb and #dj shillings per 
quarter in ,london dear8#fd ,he must    
know that fuel 7an object of the highest
 order in the necessaries of life1 and  

of the first necessity in almost every  
kind of manufacture7 is in many of our  
provinces cheaper than in any part of   
the globe4 ,meat is on the whole not    
excessively dear1 whatever its price may
 be at particular times and from        
particular accidents4 ,if it has had    
anything like an uniform rise1 this     
enhancement may easily be proved not to 
be owing to the increase of taxes1 but  
to uniform increase of consumption and  
of money4 ,diminish the latter1 and meat
 in your markets will be sufficiently   
cheap in account1 but much dearer in    
effect3 because fewer will be in a      
condition to buy4 ,thus your apparent   
plenty will be real indigence4 ,at      
present1 even under temporary           
disadvantages1 the use of flesh is      
greater here than anywhere else2 it is  
continued without any interruption of   
,lents or meagre days2 it is sustained  
and growing even with the increase of   
our taxes4 ,but some have the art of    
converting even the signs of national   

prosperity into symptoms of decay and   
ruin4 ,and our author1 who so loudly    
disclaims popularity1 never fails to lay
 hold of the most vulgar popular        
prejudices and humors1 in hopes to      
captivate the crowd4 ,even those peevish
 dispositions which grow out of some    
transitory suffering1 those passing     
clouds which float in our changeable    
atmosphere1 are by him industriously    
figured into frightful shapes1 in order 
first to terrify1 and then to govern the
 populace4  ,it was not enough for the  
author's purpose to give this false and 
discouraging picture of the state of his
 own country4 ,it did not fully answer  
his end1 to exaggerate her burdens1 to  
depreciate her successes1 and to vilify 
her character4 ,nothing had been done1  
unless the situation of ,france were    
exalted in proportion as that of        
,england had been abased4 ,the reader   
will excuse the citation ,i make at     
length from his book2 he outdoes himself
 upon this occasion4 ,his confidence is 

indeed unparalleled1 and altogether of  
the heroic cast3--  ,if our rival       
nations were in the same circumstances  
with ourselves1 the augmentation of our 
taxes would produce no ill consequences3
 if we were obliged to raise our prices1
 they must1 from the same causes1 do the
 like1 and could take no advantage by   
underselling and under-working us4 ,but 
the alarming consideration to ,great    
,britain is1 that ,france is not in the 
same condition4 ,her distresses1 during 
the war1 were great1 but they were      
immediate2 her want of credit1 as has   
been said1 compelled her to impoverish  
her people1 by raising the greatest part
 of her supplies within the year2 but   
the burdens she imposed on them were1 in
 a great measure1 temporary1 and must be
 greatly diminished by a few years of   
peace4 ,she could procure no            
considerable loans1 therefore she has   
mortgaged no such oppressive taxes as   
those ,great ,britain has imposed in    
perpetuity for payment of interest4     

,peace must1 therefore1 soon            
re-establish her commerce and           
manufactures1 especially as the         
comparative lightness of taxes1 and the 
cheapness of living1 in that country1   
must make ,france an asylum for ,british
 manufacturers and artificers4 ,on this 
the author rests the merit of his whole 
system4 ,and on this point ,i will join 
issue with him4 ,if ,france is not at   
least in the same condition1 even in    
that very condition which the author    
falsely represents to be ours1--if the  
very reverse of his proposition be not  
true1 then ,i will admit his state of   
the nation to be just2 and all his      
inferences from that state to be logical
 and conclusive4 ,it is not surprising1 
that the author should hazard our       
opinion of his veracity4 ,that is a     
virtue on which great statesmen do not  
perhaps pique themselves so much2 but it
 is somewhat extraordinary1 that he     
should stake on a very poor calculation 
of chances1 all credit for care1 for    

accuracy1 and for knowledge of the      
subject of which he treats4 ,he is rash 
and inaccurate1 because he thinks he    
writes to a public ignorant and         
inattentive4 ,but he may find himself in
 that respect1 as in many others1       
greatly mistaken4 ,in order to contrast 
the light and vigorous condition of     
,france with that of ,england1 weak1 and
 sinking under her burdens1 he states1  
in his tenth page1 that ,france had     
raised #ej1cad1cghl4 sterling by taxes  
within the several years from the year  
#agef to #agfb both inclusive4 ,all     
,englishman must stand aghast at such a 
representation3 ,to find ,france able to
 raise within the year sums little      
inferior to all that we were able even  
to borrow on interest with all the      
resources of the greatest and most      
established credit in the world6 ,europe
 was filled with astonishment when they 
saw ,england borrow in one year twelve  
millions4 ,it was thought1 and very     
justly1 no small proof of national      

strength and financial skill1 to find a 
fund for the payment of the interest    
upon this sum4 ,the interest of this1   
computed with the one per cent          
annuities1 amounted only to #fjj1jjjl4 a
 year4 ,this1 ,i say1 was thought a     
surprising effort even of credit4 ,but  
this author talks1 as of a thing not    
worth proving1 and but just worth       
observing1 that ,france in one year     
raised sixteen times that sum without   
borrowing1 and continued to raise sums  
not far from equal to it for several    
years together4 ,suppose some ,jacob    
,henriques had proposed1 in the year    
#agfb1 to prevent a perpetual charge on 
the nation by raising ten millions      
within the year3 he would have been     
considered1 not as a harsh financier1   
who laid a heavy hand on the public2 but
 as a poor visionary1 who had run mad on
 supplies and taxes4 ,they who know that
 the whole land-tax of ,england1 at #ds4
 in the pound1 raises but two millions1 
will not easily apprehend that any such 

sums as the author has conjured up can  
be raised even in the most opulent      
nations4 ,france owed a large debt1 and 
was encumbered with heavy               
establishments1 before that war4 ,the   
author does not formally deny that she  
borrowed something in every year of its 
continuance2 let him produce the funds  
for this astonishing annual addition to 
all her vast preceding taxes2 an        
addition1 equal to the whole excise1    
customs1 land and malt-taxes of ,england
 taken together4  ,but what must be the 
reader's astonishment1 perhaps his      
indignation1 if he should find that this
 great financier has fallen into the    
most unaccountable of all errors1 no    
less an error than that of mistaking the
 identical sums borrowed by ,france upon
 interest1 for supplies raised within   
the year6 ,can it be conceived that any 
man1 only entered into the first        
rudiments of finance1 should make so    
egregious a blunder2 should write it1   
should print it2 should carry it to a   

second edition2 should take it not      
collaterally and incidentally1 but lay  
it down as the corner-stone of his whole
 system1 in such an important point as  
the comparative states of ,france and   
,england8 ,but it will be said1 that it 
was his misfortune to be ill-informed4  
,not at all4 ,a man of any loose general
 knowledge1 and of the most ordinary    
sagacity1 never could have been         
misinformed in so gross a manner2       
because he would have immediately       
rejected so wild and extravagant an     
account4  ,the fact is this3 the credit 
of ,france1 bad as it might have been1  
did enable her 7not to raise within the 
year7 but to borrow the very sums the   
author mentions2 that is to say1        
#a1ajf1iaf1bfa livres1 making1 in the   
author's computation1 #ej1cad1cghl4 ,the
 credit of ,france was low2 but it was  
not annihilated4 ,she did not derive1 as
 our author chooses to assert1 any      
advantages from the debility of her     
credit4 ,its consequence was the natural

 one3 she borrowed2 but she borrowed    
upon bad terms1 indeed on the most      
exorbitant usury4  ,in speaking of a    
foreign revenue1 the very pretence to   
accuracy would be the most inaccurate   
thing in the world4 ,neither the author 
nor ,i can with certainty authenticate  
the information we communicate to the   
public1 nor in an affair of eternal     
fluctuation arrive at perfect exactness4
 ,all we can do1 and this we may be     
expected to do1 is to avoid gross errors
 and blunders of a capital nature4 ,we  
cannot order the proper officer to lay  
the accounts before the ,house4 ,but the
 reader must judge on the probability of
 the accounts we lay before him4 ,the   
author speaks of ,france as raising her 
supplies for war by taxes within the    
year2 and of her debt1 as a thing       
scarcely worthy of notice4 ,i affirm    
that she borrowed large sums in every   
year2 and has thereby accumulated an    
immense debt4 ,this debt continued after
 the war infinitely to embarrass her    

affairs2 and to find some means for its 
reduction was then and has ever since   
been the first object of her policy4    
,but she has so little succeeded in all 
her efforts1 that the perpetual debt of 
,france is at this hour little short of 
#ajj1jjj1jjjl4 sterling2 and she stands 
charged with at least #dj1jjj1jjj of    
,english pounds on life-rents and       
tontines4 ,the annuities paid at this   
day at the ,htel de ,ville of ,paris1   
which are by no means her sole payments 
of that nature1 amount to #aci1jjj1jjj  
of livres1 that is to #f1cah1jjjl42     
besides billets au porteur1 and various 
detached and unfunded debts1 to a great 
amount1 and which bear an interest4  ,at
 the end of the war1 the interest       
payable on her debt amounted to upwards 
of seven millions sterling4 ,m4 de la   
,verdy1 the last hope of the ,french    
finances1 was called in1 to aid in the  
reduction of an interest1 so light to   
our author1 so intolerably heavy upon   
those who are to pay it4 ,after many    

unsuccessful efforts towards reconciling
 arbitrary reduction with public credit1
 he was obliged to go the plain high    
road of power1 and to impose a tax of   
#aj per cent upon a very great part of  
the capital debt of that kingdom2 and   
this measure of present ease1 to the    
destruction of future credit1 produced  
about #ejj1jjjl4 a year1 which was      
carried to their ,caisse d'amortissement
 or sinking fund4 ,but so unfaithfully  
and unsteadily has this and all the     
other articles which compose that fund  
been applied to their purposes1 that    
they have given the state but very      
little even of present relief1 since it 
is known to the whole world that she is 
behindhand on every one of her          
establishments4 ,since the year #agfc1  
there has been no operation of any      
consequence on the ,french finances2 and
 in this enviable condition is ,france  
at present with regard to her debt4     
,everybody knows that the principal of  
the debt is but a name2 the interest is 

the only thing which can distress a     
nation4 ,take this idea1 which will not 
be disputed1 and compare the interest   
paid by ,england with that paid by      
,france3    ,interest paid by ,france1  
funded and     unfunded1 for perpetuity 
or on lives1     after the tax of #aj   
per cent                #f1ejj1jjj      
,interest paid by ,england1 as stated by
     the author1 p4 #bg                 
#d1fjj1jjj                              
----------   ,interest paid by ,france  
exceeds that     paid by ,england       
#a1ijj1jjj   ,the author cannot         
complain1 that ,i state the interest    
paid by ,england as too low4 ,he takes  
it himself as the extremest term4       
,nobody who knows anything of the       
,french finances will affirm that ,i    
state the interest paid by that kingdom 
too high4 ,it might be easily proved to 
amount to a great deal more3 even this  
is near two millions above what is paid 
by ,england4  ,there are three standards
 to judge of the good condition of a    

nation with regard to its finances4     
#ast1 ,the relief of the people4 #bnd1  
,the equality of supplies to            
establishments4 #crd1 ,the state of     
public credit4 ,try ,france on all these
 standards4  ,although our author very  
liberally administers relief to the     
people of ,france1 its government has   
not been altogether so gracious4 ,since 
the peace1 she has taken off but a      
single vingtime1 or shilling in the     
pound1 and some small matter in the     
capitation4 ,but1 if the government has 
relieved them in one point1 it has only 
burdened them the more heavily in       
another4 ,the ,taille1#fe that grievous 
and destructive imposition1 which all   
their financiers lament1 without being  
able to remove or to replace1 has been  
augmented no less than six millions of  
livres1 or #bgj1jjj pounds ,english4 ,a 
further augmentation of this or other   
duties is now talked of2 and it is      
certainly necessary to their affairs3 so
 exceedingly remote from either truth or

 verisimilitude is the author's amazing 
assertion1 that the burdens of ,france  
in the war were in a great measure      
temporary1 and must be greatly          
diminished by a few years of peace4  ,in
 the next place1 if the people of       
,france are not lightened of taxes1 so  
neither is the state disburdened of     
charges4 ,i speak from very good        
information1 that the annual income of  
that state is at this day thirty        
millions of livres1 or #a1cej1jjjl4     
sterling1 short of a provision for their
 ordinary peace establishment2 so far   
are they from the attempt or even hope  
to discharge any part of the capital of 
their enormous debt4 ,indeed1 under such
 extreme straitness and distraction     
labors the whole body of their finances1
 so far does their charge outrun their  
supply in every particular1 that no man1
 ,i believe1 who has considered their   
affairs with any degree of attention or 
information1 but must hourly look for   
some extraordinary convulsion in that   

whole system3 the effect of which on    
,france1 and even on all ,europe1 it is 
difficult to conjecture4  ,in the third 
point of view1 their credit4 ,let the   
reader cast his eye on a table of the   
price of ,french funds1 as they stood a 
few weeks ago1 compared with the state  
of some of our ,english stocks1 even in 
their present low condition3--          
,french4                                
,british4   #e per cents                
#fc      ,bank stock1 #e-a_/b   #aei    
#d per cent 7not taxed7   #eg      #d   
per cent cons4    #ajj   #c per cent    
#di      #c per cent cons4     #hh      
,this state of the funds of ,france and 
,england is sufficient to convince even 
prejudice and obstinacy1 that if ,france
 and ,england are not in the same       
condition 7as the author affirms they   
are not7 the difference is infinitely to
 the disadvantage of ,france4 ,this     
depreciation of their funds has not much
 the air of a nation lightening burdens 
and discharging debts4  ,such is the    

true comparative state of the two       
kingdoms in those capital points of     
view4 ,now as to the nature of the taxes
 which provide for this debt1 as well as
 for their ordinary establishments1 the 
author has thought proper to affirm that
 they are comparatively light2 that she 
has mortgaged no such oppressive taxes  
as ours2 his effrontery on this head is 
intolerable4 ,does the author recollect 
a single tax in ,england to which       
something parallel in nature1 and as    
heavy in burden1 does not exist in      
,france2 does he not know that the lands
 of the noblesse are still under the    
load of the greater part of the old     
feudal charges1 from which the gentry of
 ,england have been relieved for upwards
 of a hundred years1 and which were in  
kind1 as well as burden1 much worse than
 our modern land-tax8 ,besides that all 
the gentry of ,france serve in the army 
on very slender pay1 and to the utter   
ruin of their fortunes1 all those who   
are not noble have their lands heavily  

taxed4 ,does he not know that wine1     
brandy1 soap1 candles1 leather1         
saltpetre1 gunpowder1 are taxed in      
,france8 ,has he not heard that         
government in ,france has made a        
monopoly of that great article of salt8 
that they compel the people to take a   
certain quantity of it1 and at a certain
 rate1 both rate and quantity fixed at  
the arbitrary pleasure of the           
imposer8#ff that they pay in ,france the
 ,taille1 an arbitrary imposition on    
presumed property8 that a tax is laid in
 fact and name1 on the same arbitrary   
standard1 upon the acquisitions of their
 industry8 and that in ,france a heavy  
capitation-tax is also paid1 from the   
highest to the very poorest sort of     
people8 ,have we taxes of such weight1  
or anything at all of the compulsion1 in
 the article of salt8 do we pay any     
taillage1 any faculty-tax1 any          
industry-tax8 do we pay any             
capitation-tax whatsoever8 ,i believe   
the people of ,london would fall into an

 agony to hear of such taxes proposed   
upon them as are paid at ,paris4 ,there 
is not a single article of provision for
 man or beast which enters that great   
city1 and is not excised2 corn1 hay1    
meal1 butcher's-meat1 fish1 fowls1      
everything4 ,i do not here mean to      
censure the policy of taxes laid on the 
consumption of great luxurious cities4  
,i only state the fact4 ,we should be   
with difficulty brought to hear of a tax
 of #ejs4 upon every ox sold in         
,smithfield4 ,yet this tax is paid in   
,paris4 ,wine1 the lower sort of wine1  
little better than ,english small beer1 
pays #b;d4 a bottle4  ,we1 indeed1 tax  
our beer2 but the imposition on small   
beer is very far from heavy4 ,in no part
 of ,england are eatables of any kind   
the object of taxation4 ,in almost every
 other country in ,europe they are      
excised1 more or less4 ,i have by me the
 state of the revenues of many of the   
principal nations on the ,continent2    
and1 on comparing them with ours1 ,i    

think ,i am fairly warranted to assert1 
that ,england is the most lightly taxed 
of any of the great states of ,europe4  
,they1 whose unnatural and sullen joy   
arises from a contemplation of the      
distresses of their country1 will revolt
 at this position4 ,but if ,i am called 
upon1 ,i will prove it beyond all       
possibility of dispute2 even though this
 proof should deprive these gentlemen of
 the singular satisfaction of           
considering their country as undone2 and
 though the best civil government1 the  
best constituted1 and the best managed  
revenue that ever the world beheld1     
should be thoroughly vindicated from    
their perpetual clamors and complaints4 
,as to our neighbor and rival ,france1  
in addition to what ,i have here        
suggested1 ,i say1 and when the author  
chooses formally to deny1 ,i shall      
formally prove it1 that her subjects pay
 more than ,england1 on a computation of
 the wealth of both countries2 that her 
taxes are more injudiciously and more   

oppressively imposed2 more vexatiously  
collected2 come in a smaller proportion 
to the royal coffers1 and are less      
applied by far to the public service4 ,i
 am not one of those who choose to take 
the author's word for this happy and    
flourishing condition of the ,french    
finances1 rather than attend to the     
changes1 the violent pushes and the     
despair of all her own financiers4 ,does
 he choose to be referred for the easy  
and happy condition of the subject in   
,france to the remonstrances of their   
own parliaments1 written with such an   
eloquence1 feeling1 and energy1 as ,i   
have not seen exceeded in any other     
writings8 ,the author may say1 their    
complaints are exaggerated1 and the     
effects of faction4 ,i answer1 that they
 are the representations of numerous1   
grave1 and most respectable bodies of   
men1 upon the affairs of their own      
country4 ,but1 allowing that discontent 
and faction may pervert the judgment of 
such venerable bodies in ,france1 we    

have as good a right to suppose that the
 same causes may full as probably have  
produced from a private1 however        
respectable person1 that frightful1 and1
 ,i trust ,i have shown1 groundless     
representation of our own affairs in    
,england4  ,the author is so conscious  
of the dangerous effects of that        
representation1 that he thinks it       
necessary1 and very necessary it is1 to 
guard against them4 ,he assures us1 that
 he has not made that display of the    
difficulties of his country1 to expose  
her counsels to the ridicule of other   
states1 or to provoke a vanquished enemy
 to insult her2 nor to excite the       
people's rage against their governors1  
or sink them into a despondency of the  
public welfare4 ,i readily admit this   
apology for his intentions4 ,god forbid 
,i should think any man capable of      
entertaining so execrable and senseless 
a design4 ,the true cause of his drawing
 so shocking a picture is no more than  
this2 and it ought rather to claim our  

pity than excite our indignation2 he    
finds himself out of power2 and this    
condition is intolerable to him4 ,the   
same sun which gilds all nature1 and    
exhilarates the whole creation1 does not
 shine upon disappointed ambition4 ,it  
is something that rays out of darkness1 
and inspires nothing but gloom and      
melancholy4 ,men in this deplorable     
state of mind find a comfort in         
spreading the contagion of their spleen4
 ,they find an advantage too2 for it is 
a general1 popular error1 to imagine the
 loudest complainers for the public to  
be the most anxious for its welfare4 ,if
 such persons can answer the ends of    
relief and profit to themselves1 they   
are apt to be careless enough about     
either the means or the consequences4   
,whatever this complainant's motives may
 be1 the effects can by no possibility  
be other than those which he so         
strongly1 and ,i hope truly1 disclaims  
all intention of producing4 ,to verify  
this1 the reader has only to consider   

how dreadful a picture he has drawn in  
his #cbnd page1 of the state of this    
kingdom2 such a picture as1 ,i believe1 
has hardly been applicable1 without some
 exaggeration1 to the most degenerate   
and undone commonwealth that ever       
existed4 ,let this view of things be    
compared with the prospect of a remedy  
which he proposes in the page directly  
opposite1 and the subsequent4 ,i believe
 no man living could have imagined it   
possible1 except for the sake of        
burlesquing a subject1 to propose       
remedies so ridiculously                
disproportionate to the evil1 so full of
 uncertainty in their operation1 and    
depending for their success in every    
step upon the happy event of so many    
new1 dangerous1 and visionary projects4 
,it is not amiss1 that he has thought   
proper to give the public some little   
notice of what they may expect from his 
friends1 when our affairs shall be      
committed to their management4 ,let us  
see how the accounts of disease and     

remedy are balanced in his ,state of the
 ,nation4 ,in the first place1 on the   
side of evils1 he states1 an            
impoverished and heavily-burdened       
public4 ,a declining trade and          
decreasing specie4 ,the power of the    
crown never so much extended over the   
great2 but the great without influence  
over the lower sort4 ,parliament losing 
its reverence with the people4 ,the     
voice of the multitude set up against   
the sense of the legislature2 a people  
luxurious and licentious1 impatient of  
rule1 and despising all authority4      
,government relaxed in every sinew1 and 
a corrupt selfish spirit pervading the  
whole4 ,an opinion of many1 that the    
form of government is not worth         
contending for4 ,no attachment in the   
bulk of the people towards the          
constitution4 ,no reverence for the     
customs of our ancestors4 ,no attachment
 but to private interest1 nor any zeal  
but for selfish gratifications4 ,trade  
and manufactures going to ruin4 ,great  

,britain in danger of becoming tributary
 to ,france1 and the descent of the     
crown dependent on her pleasure4        
,ireland1 in case of a war1 to become a 
prey to ,france2 and ,great ,britain1   
unable to recover ,ireland1 cede it by  
treaty1 7the author never can think of a
 treaty without making cessions17 in    
order to purchase peace for herself4    
,the colonies left exposed to the       
ravages of a domestic1 or the conquest  
of a foreign enemy4--,gloomy enough1    
,god knows4 ,the author well            
observes1#fg that a mind not totally    
devoid of feeling cannot look upon such 
a prospect without horror2 and an heart 
capable of humanity must be unable to   
hear its description4 ,he ought to have 
added1 that no man of common discretion 
ought to have exhibited it to the       
public1 if it were true2 or of common   
honesty1 if it were false4  ,but now for
 the comfort2 the day-star which is to  
arise in our hearts2 the author's grand 
scheme for totally reversing this dismal

 state of things1 and making us#fh happy
 at home and respected abroad1          
formidable in war and flourishing in    
peace4  ,in this great work he proceeds 
with a facility equally astonishing and 
pleasing4 ,never was financier less     
embarrassed by the burden of            
establishments1 or with the difficulty  
of finding ways and means4 ,if an       
establishment is troublesome to him1 he 
lops off at a stroke just as much of it 
as he chooses4 ,he mows down1 without   
giving quarter1 or assigning reason1    
army1 navy1 ordnance1 ordinary1         
extraordinaries2 nothing can stand      
before him4 ,then1 when he comes to     
provide1 ,amalthea's horn is in his     
hands2 and he pours out with an         
inexhaustible bounty1 taxes1 duties1    
loans1 and revenues1 without uneasiness 
to himself1 or burden to the public4    
,insomuch that1 when we consider the    
abundance of his resources1 we cannot   
avoid being surprised at his            
extraordinary attention to savings4 ,but

 it is all the exuberance of his        
goodness4  ,this book has so much of a  
certain tone of power1 that one would be
 almost tempted to think it written by  
some person who had been high in office4
 ,a man is generally rendered somewhat a
 worse reasoner for having been a       
minister4 ,in private1 the assent of    
listening and obsequious friends2 in    
public1 the venal cry and prepared vote 
of a passive senate1 confirm him in     
habits of begging the question with     
impunity1 and asserting without thinking
 himself obliged to prove4 ,had it not  
been for some such habits1 the author   
could never have expected that we should
 take his estimate for a peace          
establishment solely on his word4  ,this
 estimate which he gives1#fi is the     
great groundwork of his plan for the    
national redemption2 and it ought to be 
well and firmly laid1 or what must      
become of the superstructure8 ,one would
 have thought the natural method in a   
plan of reformation would be1 to take   

the present existing estimates as they  
stand2 and then to show what may be     
practicably and safely defalcated from  
them4 ,this would1 ,i say1 be the       
natural course2 and what would be       
expected from a man of business4 ,but   
this author takes a very different      
method4 ,for the ground of his          
speculation of a present peace          
establishment1 he resorts to a former   
speculation of the same kind1 which was 
in the mind of the minister of the year 
#agfd4 ,indeed it never existed anywhere
 else4 ,the plan1#gj says he1 with his  
usual ease1 has been already formed1 and
 the outline drawn1 by the              
administration of #agfd4 ,i shall       
attempt to fill up the void and         
obliterated parts1 and trace its        
operation4 ,the standing expense of the 
present 7his projected7 peace           
establishment1 improved by the          
experience of the two last years1 may be
 thus estimated2 and he estimates it at 
#c1dfh1afal4  ,here too it would be     

natural to expect some reasons for      
condemning the subsequent actual        
establishments1 which have so much      
transgressed the limits of his plan of  
#agfd1 as well as some arguments in     
favor of his new project2 which has in  
some articles exceeded1 in others fallen
 short1 but on the whole is much below  
his old one4 ,hardly a word on any of   
these points1 the only points however   
that are in the least essential2 for    
unless you assign reasons for the       
increase or diminution of the several   
articles of public charge1 the playing  
at establishments and estimates is an   
amusement of no higher order1 and of    
much less ingenuity1 than ,questions and
 commands1 or ,what is my thought like8 
,to bring more distinctly under the     
reader's view this author's strange     
method of proceeding1 ,i will lay before
 him the three schemes2 viz4 the idea of
 the ministers in #agfd1 the actual     
estimates of the two last years as given
 by the author himself1 and lastly the  

new project of his political            
millennium3--    ,plan of establishment 
for #agfd1 as by     ,considerations1 p4
 #dc              #ga   #c1fji1gjj      
,medium of #agfg and #agfh1 as by       
,state of the ,nation1 p4 #bi and #cj   
#c1iai1cge   ,present peace             
establishment1 as by the     project in 
,state of the ,nation1 p4 #cc           
#c1dfh1afa   ,it is not from anything   
our author has anywhere said1 that you  
are enabled to find the ground1 much    
less the justification1 of the immense  
difference between these several        
systems2 you must compare them yourself1
 article by article2 no very pleasing   
employment1 by the way1 to compare the  
agreement or disagreement of two        
chimeras4 ,i now only speak of the      
comparison of his own two projects4 ,as 
to the latter of them1 it differs from  
the former1 by having some of the       
articles diminished1 and others         
increased4#gb ,i find the chief article 
of reduction arises from the smaller    

deficiency of land and malt1 and of the 
annuity funds1 which he brings down to  
#bie1efal4 in his new estimate1 from    
#ejb1djjl4 which he had allowed for     
those articles in the ,considerations4  
,with this reduction1 owing1 as it must 
be1 merely to a smaller deficiency of   
funds1 he has nothing at all to do4 ,it 
can be no work and no merit of his4 ,but
 with regard to the increase1 the matter
 is very different4 ,it is all his own2 
the public is loaded 7for anything we   
can see to the contrary7 entirely       
gratis4 ,the chief articles of the      
increase are on the navy1#gc and on the 
army and ordnance extraordinaries2 the  
navy being estimated in his ,state of   
the ,nation #ej1jjjl4 a year more1 and  
the army and ordnance extraordinaries   
#dj1jjjl4 more1 than he had thought     
proper to allow for them in that        
estimate in his ,considerations1 which  
he makes the foundation of his present  
project4 ,he has given no sort of       
reason1 stated no sort of necessity1 for

 this additional allowance1 either in   
the one article or the other4 ,what is  
still stronger1 he admits that his      
allowance for the army and ordnance     
extras is too great1 and expressly      
refers you to the ,considerations2#gd   
where1 far from giving #ge1jjjl4 a year 
to that service1 as the ,state of the   
,nation has done1 the author apprehends 
his own scanty provision of #ce1jjjl4 to
 be by far too considerable1 and thinks 
it may well admit of further            
reductions4#ge ,thus1 according to his  
own principles1 this great economist    
falls into a vicious prodigality2 and is
 as far in his estimate from a          
consistency with his own principles as  
with the real nature of the services4   
,still1 however1 his present            
establishment differs from its archetype
 of #agfd1 by being1 though raised in   
particular parts1 upon the whole1 about 
#ada1jjjl4 smaller4 ,it is improved1 he 
tells us1 by the experience of the two  
last years4 ,one would have concluded   

that the peace establishment of these   
two years had been less than that of    
#agfd1 in order to suggest to the author
 his improvements1 which enabled him to 
reduce it4 ,but how does that turn out8 
,peace establishment#gf #agfg and #agfh1
 medium       #c1iai1cge   ,ditto1      
estimate in the ,considerations1 for    
#agfd    #c1fji1gjj                     
---------                               
,difference                  #cji1fge   
,a vast increase instead of diminution4 
,the experience then of the two last    
years ought naturally to have given the 
idea of a heavier establishment2 but    
this writer is able to diminish by      
increasing1 and to draw the effects of  
subtraction from the operations of      
addition4 ,by means of these new powers1
 he may certainly do whatever he        
pleases4 ,he is indeed moderate enough  
in the use of them1 and condescends to  
settle his establishments at            
#c1dfh1afal4 a year4  ,however1 he has  
not yet done with it2 he has further    

ideas of saving1 and new resources of   
revenue4 ,these additional savings are  
principally two3 #ast1 ,it is to be     
hoped1#gg says he1 that the sum of      
#bej1jjjl4 7which in the estimate he    
allows for the deficiency of land and   
malt7 will be less by #cg1ibdl4#gh      
#bnd1 ,that the sum of #bj1jjjl4 allowed
 for the ,foundling ,hospital1 and      
#ahjjl4 for ,american ,surveys1 will    
soon cease to be necessary1 as the      
services will be completed4  ,what      
follows1 with regard to the             
resources1#gi is very well worthy the   
reader's attention4 ,of this estimate1  
says he1 upwards of #cjj1jjjl4 will be  
for the plantation service2 and that    
sum1 ,i hope1 the people of ,ireland and
 the colonies might be induced to take  
off ,great ,britain1 and defray between 
them1 in the proportion of #bjj1jjjl4 by
 the colonies1 and #ajj1jjjl4 by        
,ireland4  ,such is the whole of this   
mighty scheme4 ,take his reduced        
estimate1 and his further reductions1   

and his resources all together1 and the 
result will be1--he will certainly lower
 the provision made for the navy4 ,he   
will cut off largely 7,god knows what or
 how7 from the army and ordnance        
extraordinaries4 ,he may be expected to 
cut off more4 ,he hopes that the        
deficiencies on land and malt will be   
less than usual2 and he hopes that      
,america and ,ireland might be induced  
to take off #cjj1jjjl4 of our annual    
charges4  ,if any of these ,hopes1      
,mights1 ,insinuations1 ,expectations1  
and ,inducements1 should fail him1 there
 will be a formidable gaping breach in  
his whole project4 ,if all of them      
should fail1 he has left the nation     
without a glimmering of hope in this    
thick night of terrors which he has     
thought fit to spread about us4 ,if     
every one of them1 which1 attended with 
success1 would signify anything to our  
revenue1 can have no effect but to add  
to our distractions and dangers1 we     
shall be if possible in a still worse   

condition from his projects of cure1    
than he represents us from our original 
disorders4  ,before we examine into the 
consequences of these schemes1 and the  
probability of these savings1 let us    
suppose them all real and all safe1 and 
then see what it is they amount to1 and 
how he reasons on them3--    ,deficiency
 on land and malt1 less by              
#cg1jjj   ,foundling ,hospital          
#bj1jjj   ,american ,surveys            
#a1hjj                                  
-------                                 
#eh1hjj  ,this is the amount of the only
 articles of saving he specifies3 and   
yet he chooses to assert1#ha that we may
 venture on the credit of them to reduce
 the standing expenses of the estimate  
7from #c1dfh1afal47 to #c1cjj1jjjl42    
that is1 for a saving of #eh1jjjl4 he is
 not ashamed to take credit for a       
defalcation from his own ideal          
establishment in a sum of no less than  
#afh1afal46 ,suppose even that we were  
to take up the estimate of the          

,considerations 7which is however       
abandoned in the ,state of the ,nation71
 and reduce his #ge1jjjl4               
extraordinaries to the original         
#ce1jjjl41 still all these savings      
joined together give us but #ih1hjjl42  
that is1 near #gj1jjjl4 short of the    
credit he calls for1 and for which he   
has neither given any reason1 nor       
furnished any data whatsoever for others
 to reason upon4  ,such are his savings1
 as operating on his own project of a   
peace establishment4 ,let us now        
consider them as they affect the        
existing establishment and our actual   
services4 ,he tells us1 the sum allowed 
in his estimate for the navy is         
#fi1cbal4 less than the grant for that  
service in #agfg2 but in that grant     
#cj1jjjl4 was included for the purchase 
of hemp1 and a saving of about #be1jjjl4
 was made in that year4 ,the author has 
got some secret in arithmetic4 ,these   
two sums put together amount1 in the    
ordinary way of computing1 to #ee1jjjl41

 and not to #fi1cbal4 ,on what principle
 has he chosen to take credit for       
#ad1cbal4 more8 ,to what this strange   
inaccuracy is owing1 ,i cannot possibly 
comprehend2 nor is it very material1    
where the logic is so bad1 and the      
policy so erroneous1 whether the        
arithmetic be just or otherwise4 ,but in
 a scheme for making this nation happy  
at home and respected abroad1 formidable
 in war and flourishing in peace1 it is 
surely a little unfortunate for us1 that
 he has picked out the ,navy1 as the    
very first object of his economical     
experiments4 ,of all the public         
services1 that of the navy is the one in
 which tampering may be of the greatest 
danger1 which can worst be supplied upon
 an emergency1 and of which any failure 
draws after it the longest and heaviest 
train of consequences4 ,i am far from   
saying1 that this or any service ought  
not to be conducted with economy4 ,but  
,i will never suffer the sacred name of 
economy to be bestowed upon arbitrary   

defalcation of charge4 ,the author tells
 us himself1 that to suffer the navy to 
rot in harbor for want of repairs and   
marines1 would be to invite destruction4
 ,it would be so4 ,when the author talks
 therefore of savings on the navy       
estimate1 it is incumbent on him to let 
us know1 not what sums he will cut off1 
but what branch of that service he deems
 superfluous4 ,instead of putting us off
 with unmeaning generalities1 he ought  
to have stated what naval force1 what   
naval works1 and what naval stores1 with
 the lowest estimated expense1 are      
necessary to keep our marine in a       
condition commensurate to its great     
ends4 ,and this too not for the         
contracted and deceitful space of a     
single year1 but for some reasonable    
term4 ,everybody knows that many charges
 cannot be in their nature regular or   
annual4 ,in the year #agfg a stock of   
hemp1 c41 was to be laid in2 that charge
 intermits1 but it does not end4 ,other 
charges of other kinds take their place4

 ,great works are now carrying on at    
,portsmouth1 but not of greater         
magnitude than utility2 and they must be
 provided for4 ,a year's estimate is    
therefore no just idea at all of a      
permanent peace establishment4 ,had the 
author opened this matter upon these    
plain principles1 a judgment might have 
been formed1 how far he had contrived to
 reconcile national defence with public 
economy4 ,till he has done it1 those who
 had rather depend on any man's reason  
than the greatest man's authority1 will 
not give him credit on this head1 for   
the saving of a single shilling4 ,as to 
those savings which are already made1 or
 in course of being made1 whether right 
or wrong1 he has nothing at all to do   
with them2 they can be no part of his   
project1 considered as a plan of        
reformation4 ,i greatly fear that the   
error has not lately been on the side of
 profusion4  ,another head is the saving
 on the army and ordnance               
extraordinaries1 particularly in the    

,american branch4 ,what or how much     
reduction may be made1 none of us1 ,i   
believe1 can with any fairness pretend  
to say2 very little1 ,i am convinced4   
,the state of ,america is extremely     
unsettled2 more troops have been sent   
thither2 new dispositions have been     
made2 and this augmentation of number1  
and change of disposition1 has rarely1  
,i believe1 the effect of lessening the 
bill for extraordinaries1 which1 if not 
this year1 yet in the next we must      
certainly feel4 ,care has not been      
wanting to introduce economy into that  
part of the service4 ,the author's great
 friend has made1 ,i admit1 some        
regulations3 his immediate successors   
have made more and better4 ,this part   
will be handled more ably and more      
minutely at another time3 but no one can
 cut down this bill of extraordinaries  
at his pleasure4 ,the author has given  
us nothing1 but his word1 for any       
certain or considerable reduction2 and  
this we ought to be the more cautious in

 taking1 as he has promised great       
savings in his ,considerations1 which he
 has not chosen to abide by in his      
,state of the ,nation4  ,on this head   
also of the ,american extraordinaries1  
he can take credit for nothing4 ,as to  
his next1 the lessening of the          
deficiency of the land and malt-tax1    
particularly of the malt-tax1 any person
 the least conversant in that subject   
cannot avoid a smile4 ,this deficiency  
arises from charge of collection1 from  
anticipation1 and from defective        
produce4 ,what has the author said on   
the reduction of any head of this       
deficiency upon the land-tax8 ,on these 
points he is absolutely silent4 ,as to  
the deficiency on the malt-tax1 which is
 chiefly owing to a defective produce1  
he has and can have nothing to propose4 
,if this deficiency should he lessened  
by the increase of malting in any years 
more than in others1 7as it is a greatly
 fluctuating object17 how much of this  
obligation shall we owe to this author's

 ministry8 will it not be the case under
 any administration8 must it not go to  
the general service of the year1 in some
 way or other1 let the finances be in   
whose hands they will8 ,but why take    
credit for so extremely reduced a       
deficiency at all8 ,i can tell him he   
has no rational ground for it in the    
produce of the year #agfg2 and ,i       
suspect will have full as little reason 
from the produce of the year #agfh4     
,that produce may indeed become greater1
 and the deficiency of course will be   
less4 ,it may too be far otherwise4 ,a  
fair and judicious financier will not1  
as this writer has done1 for the sake of
 making out a specious account1 select a
 favorable year or two1 at remote       
periods1 and ground his calculations on 
those4 ,in #agfh he will not take the   
deficiencies of #agec and #aged for his 
standard4 ,sober men have hitherto 7and 
must continue this course1 to preserve  
this character17 taken indifferently the
 mediums of the years immediately       

preceding4 ,but a person who has a      
scheme from which he promises much to   
the public ought to be still more       
cautious2 he should ground his          
speculation rather on the lowest mediums
 because all new schemes are known to be
 subject to some defect or failure not  
foreseen2 and which therefore every     
prudent proposer will be ready to allow 
for1 in order to lay his foundation as  
low and as solid as possible4 ,quite    
contrary is the practice of some        
politicians4 ,they first propose        
savings1 which they well know cannot be 
made1 in order to get a reputation for  
economy4 ,in due time they assume       
another1 but a different method1 by     
providing for the service they had      
before cut off or straitened1 and which 
they can then very easily prove to be   
necessary4 ,in the same spirit they     
raise magnificent ideas of revenue on   
funds which they know to be             
insufficient4 ,afterwards1 who can blame
 them1 if they do not satisfy the public

 desires8 ,they are great artificers but
 they cannot work without materials4    
,these are some of the little arts of   
great statesmen4 ,to such we leave them1
 and follow where the author leads us1  
to his next resource1 the ,foundling    
,hospital4 ,whatever particular virtue  
there is in the mode of this saving1    
there seems to be nothing at all new1   
and indeed nothing wonderfully important
 in it4 ,the sum annually voted for the 
support of the ,foundling ,hospital has 
been in a former ,parliament limited to 
the establishment of the children then  
in the hospital4 ,when they are         
apprenticed1 this provision will cease4 
,it will therefore fall in more or less 
at different times2 and will at length  
cease entirely4 ,but1 until it does1 we 
cannot reckon upon it as the saving on  
the establishment of any given year3 nor
 can any one conceive how the author    
comes to mention this1 any more than    
some other articles1 as a part of a new 
plan of economy which is to retrieve our

 affairs4 ,this charge will indeed cease
 in its own time4 ,but will no other    
succeed to it8 ,has he ever known the   
public free from some contingent charge1
 either for the just support of royal   
dignity or for national magnificence1 or
 for public charity1 or for public      
service8 does he choose to flatter his  
readers that no such will ever return8  
or does he in good earnest declare1 that
 let the reason1 or necessity1 be what  
they will1 he is resolved not to provide
 for such services8  ,another resource  
of economy yet remains1 for he gleans   
the field very closely1--#ahjjl4 for the
 ,american surveys4 ,why1 what signifies
 a dispute about trifles8 he shall have 
it4 ,but while he is carrying it off1 ,i
 shall just whisper in his ear1 that    
neither the saving that is allowed1 nor 
that which is doubted of1 can at all    
belong to that future proposed          
administration1 whose touch is to cure  
all our evils4 ,both the one and the    
other belong equally 7as indeed all the 

rest do7 to the present administration1 
to any administration2 because they are 
the gift of time1 and not the bounty of 
the exchequer4  ,i have now done with   
all the minor1 preparatory parts of the 
author's scheme1 the several articles of
 saving which he proposes4 ,at length   
comes the capital operation1 his new    
resources4 ,three hundred thousand      
pounds a year from ,america and         
,ireland4--,alas6 alas6 if that too     
should fail us1 what will become of this
 poor undone nation8 ,the author1 in a  
tone of great humility1 hopes they may  
be induced to pay it4 ,well1 if that be 
all1 we may hope so too3 and for any    
light he is pleased to give us into the 
ground of this hope1 and the ways and   
means of this inducement1 here is a     
speedy end both of the question and the 
revenue4  ,it is the constant custom of 
this author1 in all his writings1 to    
take it for granted1 that he has given  
you a revenue1 whenever he can point out
 to you where you may have money1 if you

 can contrive how to get at it2 and this
 seems to be the masterpiece of his     
financial ability4 ,i think1 however1 in
 his way of proceeding1 he has behaved  
rather like a harsh step-dame1 than a   
kind nursing-mother to his country4 ,why
 stop at #cjj1jjjl4 ,if his state of    
things be at all founded1 ,america and  
,ireland are much better able to pay    
#fjj1jjjl4 than we are to satisfy       
ourselves with half that sum4 ,however1 
let us forgive him this one instance of 
tenderness towards ,ireland and the     
colonies4  ,he spends a vast deal of    
time#hb in an endeavor to prove that    
,ireland is able to bear greater        
impositions4 ,he is of opinion1 that the
 poverty of the lower class of people   
there is1 in a great measure1 owing to a
 want of judicious taxes2 that a        
land-tax will enrich her tenants2 that  
taxes are paid in ,england which are not
 paid there2 that the colony trade is   
increased above #ajj1jjjl4 since the    
peace2 that she ought to have further   

indulgence in that trade2 and ought to  
have further privileges in the woollen  
manufacture4 ,from these premises1 of   
what she has1 what she has not1 and what
 she ought to have1 he infers that      
,ireland will contribute #ajj1jjjl4     
towards the extraordinaries of the      
,american establishment4  ,i shall make 
no objections whatsoever1 logical or    
financial1 to this reasoning3 many      
occur2 but they would lead me from my   
purpose1 from which ,i do not intend to 
be diverted1 because it seems to me of  
no small importance4 ,it will be just   
enough to hint1 what ,i dare say many   
readers have before observed1 that when 
any man proposes new taxes in a country 
with which he is not personally         
conversant by residence or office1 he   
ought to lay open its situation much    
more minutely and critically than this  
author has done1 or than perhaps he is  
able to do4 ,he ought not to content    
himself with saying that a single       
article of her trade is increased       

#ajj1jjjl4 a year2 he ought1 if he      
argues from the increase of trade to the
 increase of taxes1 to state the whole  
trade1 and not one branch of trade only2
 he ought to enter fully into the state 
of its remittances1 and the course of   
its exchange2 he ought likewise to      
examine whether all its establishments  
are increased or diminished2 and whether
 it incurs or discharges debts annually4
 ,but ,i pass over all this2 and am     
content to ask a few plain questions4   
,does the author then seriously mean to 
propose in ,parliament a land-tax1 or   
any tax for #ajj1jjjl4 a year upon      
,ireland8 ,if he does1 and if fatally1  
by his temerity and our weakness1 he    
should succeed2 then ,i say he will     
throw the whole empire from one end of  
it to the other into mortal convulsions4
 ,what is it that can satisfy the       
furious and perturbed mind of this man8 
is it not enough for him that such      
projects have alienated our colonies    
from the mother-country1 and not to     

propose violently to tear our sister    
kingdom also from our side1 and to      
convince every dependent part of the    
empire1 that1 when a little money is to 
be raised1 we have no sort of regard to 
their ancient customs1 their opinions1  
their circumstances1 or their           
affections8 ,he has however a douceur   
for ,ireland in his pocket2 benefits in 
trade1 by opening the woollen           
manufacture to that nation4 ,a very     
right idea in my opinion2 but not more  
strong in reason1 than likely to be     
opposed by the most powerful and most   
violent of all local prejudices and     
popular passions4 ,first1 a fire is     
already kindled by his schemes of       
taxation in ,america2 he then proposes  
one which will set all ,ireland in a    
blaze2 and his way of quenching both is 
by a plan which may kindle perhaps ten  
times a greater flame in ,britain4      
,will the author pledge himself1        
previously to his proposal of such a    
tax1 to carry this enlargement of the   

,irish trade8 ,if he does not1 then the 
tax will be certain2 the benefit will be
 less than problematical4 ,in this view1
 his compensation to ,ireland vanishes  
into smoke2 the tax1 to their           
prejudices1 will appear stark naked in  
the light of an act of arbitrary power  
and oppression4 ,but1 if he should      
propose the benefit and tax together1   
then the people of ,ireland1 a very high
 and spirited people1 would think it the
 worst bargain in the world4 ,they would
 look upon the one as wholly vitiated   
and poisoned by the other2 and1 if they 
could not be separated1 would infallibly
 resist them both together4 ,here would 
be taxes1 indeed1 amounting to a        
handsome sum2 #ajj1jjjl4 very           
effectually voted1 and passed through   
the best and most authentic forms2 but  
how to be collected8--,this is his      
perpetual manner4 ,one of his projects  
depends for success upon another        
project1 and this upon a third1 all of  
them equally visionary4 ,his finance is 

like the ,indian philosophy2 his earth  
is poised on the horns of a bull1 his   
bull stands upon an elephant1 his       
elephant is supported by a tortoise2 and
 so on forever4  ,as to his ,american   
#bjj1jjjl4 a year1 he is satisfied to   
repeat gravely1 as he has done an       
hundred times before1 that the          
,americans are able to pay it4 ,well1   
and what then8 does he lay open any part
 of his plan how they may be compelled  
to pay it1 without plunging ourselves   
into calamities that outweigh tenfold   
the proposed benefit8 or does he show   
how they may be induced to submit to it 
quietly8 or does he give any            
satisfaction concerning the mode of     
levying it2 in commercial colonies1 one 
of the most important and difficult of  
all considerations8 ,nothing like it4   
,to the ,stamp ,act1 whatever its       
excellences may be1 ,i think he will not
 in reality recur1 or even choose to    
assert that he means to do so1 in case  
his minister should come again into     

power4 ,if he does1 ,i will predict that
 some of the fastest friends of that    
minister will desert him upon this      
point4 ,as to port duties he has damned 
them all in the lump1 by declaring      
them#hc contrary to the first principles
 of colonization1 and not less          
prejudicial to the interests of ,great  
,britain than to those of the colonies4 
,surely this single observation of his  
ought to have taught him a little       
caution2 he ought to have begun to      
doubt1 whether there is not something in
 the nature of commercial colonies1     
which renders them an unfit object of   
taxation2 when port duties1 so large a  
fund of revenue in all countries1 are by
 himself found1 in this case1 not only  
improper1 but destructive4 ,however1 he 
has here pretty well narrowed the field 
of taxation4 ,stamp ,act1 hardly to be  
resumed4 ,port duties1 mischievous4     
,excises1 ,i believe1 he will scarcely  
think worth the collection 7if any      
revenue should be so7 in ,america4      

,land-tax 7notwithstanding his opinion  
of its immense use to agriculture7 he   
will not directly propose1 before he has
 thought again and again on the subject4
 ,indeed he very readily recommends it  
for ,ireland1 and seems to think it not 
improper for ,america2 because1 he      
observes1 they already raise most of    
their taxes internally1 including this  
tax4 ,a most curious reason1 truly6     
because their lands are already heavily 
burdened1 he thinks it right to burden  
them still further4 ,but he will        
recollect1 for surely he cannot be      
ignorant of it1 that the lands of       
,america are not1 as in ,england1 let at
 a rent certain in money1 and therefore 
cannot1 as here1 be taxed at a certain  
pound rate4 ,they value them in gross   
among themselves2 and none but          
themselves in their several districts   
can value them4 ,without their hearty   
concurrence and co-operation1 it is     
evident1 we cannot advance a step in the
 assessing or collecting any land-tax4  

,as to the taxes which in some places   
the ,americans pay by the acre1 they are
 merely duties of regulation2 they are  
small2 and to increase them1            
notwithstanding the secret virtues of a 
land-tax1 would be the most effectual   
means of preventing that cultivation    
they are intended to promote4 ,besides1 
the whole country is heavily in arrear  
already for land-taxes and quit-rents4  
,they have different methods of taxation
 in the different provinces1 agreeable  
to their several local circumstances4   
,in ,new ,england by far the greatest   
part of their revenue is raised by      
faculty-taxes and capitations4 ,such is 
the method in many others4 ,it is       
obvious that ,parliament1 unassisted by 
the colonies themselves1 cannot take so 
much as a single step in this mode of   
taxation4 ,then what tax is it he will  
impose8 ,why1 after all the boasting    
speeches and writings of his faction for
 these four years1 after all the vain   
expectations which they have held out to

 a deluded public1 this their great     
advocate1 after twisting the subject    
every way1 after writhing himself in    
every posture1 after knocking at every  
door1 is obliged fairly to abandon every
 mode of taxation whatsoever in         
,america4#hd ,he thinks it the best     
method for ,parliament to impose the    
sum1 and reserve the account to itself1 
leaving the mode of taxation to the     
colonies4 ,but how and in what          
proportion8 what does the author say8   
,o1 not a single syllable on this the   
most material part of the whole         
question6 ,will he1 in ,parliament1     
undertake to settle the proportions of  
such payments from ,nova ,scotia to     
,nevis1 in no fewer than six-and-twenty 
different countries1 varying in almost  
every possible circumstance one from    
another8 ,if he does1 ,i tell him1 he   
adjourns his revenue to a very long day4
 ,if he leaves it to themselves to      
settle these proportions1 he adjourns it
 to doomsday4  ,then what does he get by

 this method on the side of             
acquiescence8 will the people of        
,america relish this course1 of giving  
and granting and applying their money1  
the better because their assemblies are 
made commissioners of the taxes8 ,this  
is far worse than all his former        
projects2 for here1 if the assemblies   
shall refuse1 or delay1 or be negligent1
 or fraudulent1 in this new-imposed     
duty1 we are wholly without remedy2 and 
neither our custom-house officers1 nor  
our troops1 nor our armed ships can be  
of the least use in the collection4 ,no 
idea can be more contemptible 7,i will  
not call it an oppressive one1 the      
harshness is lost in the folly7 than    
that of proposing to get any revenue    
from the ,americans but by their freest 
and most cheerful consent4 ,most moneyed
 men know their own interest right well2
 and are as able as any financier1 in   
the valuation of risks4 ,yet ,i think   
this financier will scarcely find that  
adventurer hardy enough1 at any premium1

 to advance a shilling upon a vote of   
such taxes4 ,let him name the man1 or   
set of men1 that would do it4 ,this is  
the only proof of the value of revenues2
 what would an interested man rate them 
at8 ,his subscription would be at       
ninety-nine per cent discount the very  
first day of its opening4 ,here is our  
only national security from ruin2 a     
security upon which no man in his senses
 would venture a shilling of his        
fortune4 ,yet he puts down those        
articles as gravely in his supply for   
the peace establishment1 as if the money
 had been all fairly lodged in the      
exchequer4            ,american revenue 
#bjj1jjj           ,ireland             
#ajj1jjj  ,very handsome indeed6 ,but if
 supply is to be got in such a manner1  
farewell the lucrative mystery of       
finance6 ,if you are to be credited for 
savings1 without showing how1 why1 or   
with what safety1 they are to be made2  
and for revenues1 without specifying on 
what articles1 or by what means1 or at  

what expense1 they are to be collected2 
there is not a clerk in a public office 
who may not outbid this author1 or his  
friend1 for the department of chancellor
 of the exchequer2 not an apprentice in 
the city1 that will not strike out1 with
 the same advantages1 the same1 or a    
much larger plan of supply4  ,here is   
the whole of what belongs to the        
author's scheme for saving us from      
impending destruction4 ,take it even in 
its most favorable point of view1 as a  
thing within possibility2 and imagine   
what must be the wisdom of this         
gentleman1 or his opinion of ours1 who  
could first think of representing this  
nation in such a state1 as no friend can
 look upon but with horror1 and scarcely
 an enemy without compassion1 and       
afterwards of diverting himself with    
such inadequate1 impracticable1 puerile 
methods for our relief6 ,if these had   
been the dreams of some unknown1        
unnamed1 and nameless writer1 they would
 excite no alarm2 their weakness had    

been an antidote to their malignity4    
,but as they are universally believed to
 be written by the hand1 or1 what       
amounts to the same thing1 under the    
immediate direction1 of a person who has
 been in the management of the highest  
affairs1 and may soon be in the same    
situation1 ,i think it is not to be     
reckoned amongst our greatest           
consolations1 that the yet remaining    
power of this kingdom is to be employed 
in an attempt to realize notions that   
are at once so frivolous1 and so full of
 danger4 ,that consideration will       
justify me in dwelling a little longer  
on the difficulties of the nation1 and  
the solutions of our author4  ,i am then
 persuaded that he cannot be in the     
least alarmed about our situation1 let  
his outcry be what he pleases4 ,i will  
give him a reason for my opinion1 which1
 ,i think1 he cannot dispute4 ,all that 
he bestows upon the nation1 which it    
does not possess without him1 and       
supposing it all sure money1 amounts to 

no more than a sum of #cjj1jjjl4 a year4
 ,this1 he thinks1 will do the business 
completely1 and render us flourishing at
 home1 and respectable abroad4 ,if the  
option between glory and shame1 if our  
salvation or destruction1 depended on   
this sum1 it is impossible that he      
should have been active1 and made a     
merit of that activity1 in taking off a 
shilling in the pound of the land-tax1  
which came up to his grand desideratum1 
and upwards of #ajj1jjjl4 more4 ,by this
 manoeuvre1 he left our trade1          
navigation1 and manufactures1 on the    
verge of destruction1 our finances in   
ruin1 our credit expiring1 ,ireland on  
the point of being ceded to ,france1 the
 colonies of being torn to pieces1 the  
succession of the crown at the mercy of 
our great rival1 and the kingdom itself 
on the very point of becoming tributary 
to that haughty power4 ,all this for    
want of #cjj1jjjl42 for ,i defy the     
reader to point out any other revenue1  
or any other precise and defined scheme 

of politics1 which he assigns for our   
redemption4  ,i know that two things may
 be said in his defence1 as bad reasons 
are always at hand in an indifferent    
cause2 that he was not sure the money   
would be applied as he thinks it ought  
to be1 by the present ministers4 ,i     
think as ill of them as he does to the  
full4 ,they have done very near as much 
mischief as they can do1 to a           
constitution so robust as this is4      
,nothing can make them more dangerous1  
but that1 as they are already in general
 composed of his disciples and          
instruments1 they may add to the public 
calamity of their own measures1 the     
adoption of his projects4 ,but be the   
ministers what they may1 the author     
knows that they could not avoid applying
 this #dej1jjjl4 to the service of the  
establishment1 as faithfully as he1 or  
any other minister1 could do4 ,i say    
they could not avoid it1 and have no    
merit at all for the application4 ,but  
supposing that they should greatly      

mismanage this revenue4 ,here is a good 
deal of room for mistake and prodigality
 before you come to the edge of ruin4   
,the difference between the amount of   
that real and his imaginary revenue is1 
#aej1jjjl4 a year at least2 a tolerable 
sum for them to play with3 this might   
compensate the difference between the   
author's economy and their profusion2   
and still1 notwithstanding their vices  
and ignorance1 the nation might he      
saved4 ,the author ought also to        
recollect1 that a good man would hardly 
deny1 even to the worst of ministers1   
the means of doing their duty2          
especially in a crisis when our being   
depended on supplying them with some    
means or other4 ,in such a case their   
penury of mind1 in discovering          
resources1 would make it rather the more
 necessary1 not to strip such poor      
providers of the little stock they had  
in hand4  ,besides1 here is another     
subject of distress1 and a very serious 
one1 which puts us again to a stand4    

,the author may possibly not come into  
power 7,i only state the possibility73  
he may not always continue in it3 and if
 the contrary to all this should        
fortunately for us happen1 what         
insurance on his life can be made for a 
sum adequate to his loss8 ,then we are  
thus unluckily situated1 that the chance
 of an ,american and ,irish revenue of  
#cjj1jjjl4 to be managed by him1 is to  
save us from ruin two or three years    
hence at best1 to make us happy at home 
and glorious abroad2 and the actual     
possession of #djj1jjjl4 ,english taxes 
cannot so much as protract our ruin     
without him4 ,so we are staked on four  
chances2 his power1 its permanence1 the 
success of his projects1 and the        
duration of his life4 ,any one of these 
failing1 we are gone4 ,propria hc si    
dona fuissent6 ,this is no unfair       
representation2 ultimately all hangs on 
his life1 because1 in his account of    
every set of men that have held or      
supported administration1 he finds      

neither virtue nor ability in any but   
himself4 ,indeed he pays 7through their 
measures7 some compliments to ,lord     
,bute and ,lord ,despenser4 ,but to the 
latter1 this is1 ,i suppose1 but a      
civility to old acquaintance3 to the    
former1 a little stroke of politics4 ,we
 may therefore fairly say1 that our only
 hope is his life2 and he has1 to make  
it the more so1 taken care to cut off   
any resource which we possessed         
independently of him4  ,in the next     
place it may be said1 to excuse any     
appearance of inconsistency between the 
author's actions and his declarations1  
that he thought it right to relieve the 
landed interest1 and lay the burden     
where it ought to lie1 on the colonies4 
,what6 to take off a revenue so         
necessary to our being1 before anything 
whatsoever was acquired in the place of 
it8 ,in prudence1 he ought to have      
waited at least for the first quarter's 
receipt of the new anonymous ,american  
revenue1 and ,irish land-tax4 ,is there 

something so specific for our disorders 
in ,american1 and something so poisonous
 in ,english money1 that one is to heal1
 the other to destroy us8 ,to say that  
the landed interest could not continue  
to pay it for a year or two longer1 is  
more than the author will attempt to    
prove4 ,to say that they would pay it no
 longer1 is to treat the landed         
interest1 in my opinion1 very scurvily4 
,to suppose that the gentry1 clergy1 and
 freeholders of ,england do not rate the
 commerce1 the credit1 the religion1 the
 liberty1 the independency of their     
country1 and the succession of their    
crown1 at a shilling in the pound       
land-tax6 ,they never gave him reason to
 think so meanly of them4 ,and1 if ,i am
 rightly informed1 when that measure was
 debated in ,parliament1 a very         
different reason was assigned by the    
author's great friend1 as well as by    
others1 for that reduction3 one very    
different from the critical and almost  
desperate state of our finances4 ,some  

people then endeavored to prove1 that   
the reduction might be made without     
detriment to the national credit1 or the
 due support of a proper peace          
establishment2 otherwise it is obvious  
that the reduction could not be defended
 in argument4 ,so that this author      
cannot despair so much of the           
commonwealth1 without this ,american and
 ,irish revenue1 as he pretends to do4  
,if he does1 the reader sees how        
handsomely he has provided for us1 by   
voting away one revenue1 and by giving  
us a pamphlet on the other4  ,i do not  
mean to blame the relief which was then 
given by ,parliament to the land4 ,it   
was grounded on very weighty reasons4   
,the administration contended only for  
its continuance for a year1 in order to 
have the merit of taking off the        
shilling in the pound immediately before
 the elections2 and thus to bribe the   
freeholders of ,england with their own  
money4  ,it is true1 the author1 in his 
estimate of ways and means1 takes credit

 for #djj1jjjl4 a year1 ,indian         
,revenue4 ,but he will not very         
positively insist1 that we should put   
this revenue to the account of his plans
 or his power2 and for a very plain     
reason3 we are already near two years in
 possession of it4 ,by what means we    
came to that possession1 is a pretty    
long story2 however1 ,i shall give      
nothing more than a short abstract of   
the proceeding1 in order to see whether 
the author will take to himself any part
 in that measure4  ,the fact is this2   
the ,east ,india ,company had for a good
 while solicited the ministry for a     
negotiation1 by which they proposed to  
pay largely for some advantages in their
 trade1 and for the renewal of their    
charter4 ,this had been the former      
method of transacting with that body4   
,government having only leased the      
monopoly for short terms1 the ,company  
has been obliged to resort to it        
frequently for renewals4 ,these two     
parties had always negotiated 7on the   

true principle of credit7 not as        
government and subject1 but as equal    
dealers1 on the footing of mutual       
advantage4 ,the public had derived great
 benefit from such dealing4 ,but at that
 time new ideas prevailed4 ,the         
ministry1 instead of listening to the   
proposals of that ,company1 chose to set
 up a claim of the crown to their       
possessions4 ,the original plan seems to
 have been1 to get the ,house of        
,commons to compliment the crown with a 
sort of juridical declaration of a title
 to the ,company's acquisitions in      
,india2 which the crown on its part1    
with the best air in the world1 was to  
bestow upon the public4 ,then it would  
come to the turn of the ,house of       
,commons again to be liberal and        
grateful to the crown4 ,the civil list  
debts were to be paid off2 with perhaps 
a pretty augmentation of income4 ,all   
this was to be done on the most         
public-spirited principles1 and with a  
politeness and mutual interchange of    

good offices1 that could not but have   
charmed4 ,but what was best of all1     
these civilities were to be without a   
farthing of charge to either of the kind
 and obliging parties4 ,the ,east ,india
 ,company was to be covered with infamy 
and disgrace1 and at the same time was  
to pay the whole bill4  ,in consequence 
of this scheme1 the terrors of a        
parliamentary inquiry were hung over    
them4 ,a judicature was asserted in     
,parliament to try this question4 ,but  
lest this judicial character should     
chance to inspire certain stubborn ideas
 of law and right1 it was argued1 that  
the judicature was arbitrary1 and ought 
not to determine by the rules of law1   
but by their opinion of policy and      
expediency4 ,nothing exceeded the       
violence of some of the managers1 except
 their impotence4 ,they were bewildered 
by their passions1 and by their want of 
knowledge or want of consideration of   
the subject4 ,the more they advanced1   
the further they found themselves from  

their object4--,all things ran into     
confusion4 ,the ministers quarrelled    
among themselves4 ,they disclaimed one  
another4 ,they suspended violence1 and  
shrunk from treaty4 ,the inquiry was    
almost at its last gasp2 when some      
active persons of the ,company were     
given to understand that this hostile   
proceeding was only set up in terrorem2 
that government was far from an         
intention of seizing upon the           
possessions of the ,company4            
,administration1 they said1 was         
sensible1 that the idea was in every    
light full of absurdity2 and that such a
 seizure was not more out of their      
power1 than remote from their wishes2   
and therefore1 if the ,company would    
come in a liberal manner to the ,house1 
they certainly could not fail of putting
 a speedy end to this disagreeable      
business1 and of opening a way to an    
advantageous treaty4  ,on this hint the 
,company acted3 they came at once to a  
resolution of getting rid of the        

difficulties which arose from the       
complication of their trade with their  
revenue2 a step which despoiled them of 
their best defensive armor1 and put them
 at once into the power of              
administration4 ,they threw their whole 
stock of every kind1 the revenue1 the   
trade1 and even their debt from         
government1 into one fund1 which they   
computed on the surest grounds would    
amount to #hjj1jjjl41 with a large      
probable surplus for the payment of     
debt4 ,then they agreed to divide this  
sum in equal portions between themselves
 and the public1 #djj1jjjl4 to each4    
,this gave to the proprietors of that   
fund an annual augmentation of no more  
than #hj1jjjl4 dividend4 ,they ought to 
receive from government #abj1jjjl4 for  
the loan of their capital4 ,so that1 in 
fact1 the whole1 which on this plan they
 reserved to themselves1 from their vast
 revenues1 from their extensive trade1  
and in consideration of the great risks 
and mighty expenses which purchased     

these advantages1 amounted to no more   
than #bhj1jjjl41 whilst government was  
to receive1 as ,i said1 #djj1jjjl4      
,this proposal was thought by themselves
 liberal indeed2 and they expected the  
highest applauses for it4 ,however1     
their reception was very different from 
their expectations4 ,when they brought  
up their plan to the ,house of ,commons1
 the offer1 as it was natural1 of       
#djj1jjjl4 was very well relished4 ,but 
nothing could be more disgustful than   
the #hj1jjjl4 which the ,company had    
divided amongst themselves4 ,a violent  
tempest of public indignation and fury  
rose against them4 ,the heads of people 
turned4 ,the ,company was held well able
 to pay #djj1jjjl4 a year to government2
 but bankrupts1 if they attempted to    
divide the fifth part of it among       
themselves4 ,an ex post facto law was   
brought in with great precipitation1 for
 annulling this dividend4 ,in the bill  
was inserted a clause1 which suspended  
for about a year the right1 which1 under

 the public faith1 the ,company enjoyed1
 of making their own dividends4 ,such   
was the disposition and temper of the   
,house1 that although the plain face of 
facts1 reason1 arithmetic1 all the      
authority1 parts1 and eloquence in the  
kingdom1 were against this bill2 though 
all the ,chancellors of the ,exchequer1 
who had held that office from the       
beginning of this reign1 opposed it2 yet
 a few placemen of the subordinate      
departments sprung out of their ranks1  
took the lead1 and1 by an opinion of    
some sort of secret support1 carried the
 bill with a high hand1 leaving the then
 ,secretary of ,state and the           
,chancellor of the ,exchequer in a very 
moderate minority4 ,in this distracted  
situation1 the managers of the bill1    
notwithstanding their triumph1 did not  
venture to propose the payment of the   
civil list debt4 ,the ,chancellor of the
 ,exchequer was not in good humor       
enough1 after his late defeat by his own
 troops1 to co-operate in such a design2

 so they made an act1 to lock up the    
money in the exchequer until they should
 have time to look about them1 and      
settle among themselves what they were  
to do with it4  ,thus ended this        
unparalleled transaction4 ,the author1  
,i believe1 will not claim any part of  
the glory of it3 he will leave it whole 
and entire to the authors of the        
measure4 ,the money was the voluntary1  
free gift of the ,company2 the          
rescinding bill was the act of          
legislature1 to which they and we owe   
submission3 the author has nothing to do
 with the one or with the other4        
,however1 he cannot avoid rubbing       
himself against this subject merely for 
the pleasure of stirring controversies1 
and gratifying a certain pruriency of   
taxation that seems to infect his blood4
 ,it is merely to indulge himself in    
speculations of taxing1 that he chooses 
to harangue on this subject4 ,for he    
takes credit for no greater sum than the
 public is already in possession of4 ,he

 does not hint that the ,company means1 
or has ever shown any disposition1 if   
managed with common prudence1 to pay    
less in future2 and he cannot doubt that
 the present ministry are as well       
inclined to drive them by their mock    
inquiries1 and real rescinding bills1 as
 he can possibly be with his taxes4     
,besides1 it is obvious1 that as great a
 sum might have been drawn from that    
,company1 without affecting property1 or
 shaking the constitution1 or           
endangering the principle of public     
credit1 or running into his golden      
dreams of cockets on the ,ganges1 or    
visions of stamp-duties on ,perwannas1  
,dusticks1 ,kistbundees1 and            
,husbulhookums4 ,for once1 ,i will      
disappoint him in this part of the      
dispute2 and only in a very few words   
recommend to his consideration1 how he  
is to get off the dangerous idea of     
taxing a public fund1 if he levies those
 duties in ,england2 and if he is to    
levy them in ,india1 what provision he  

has made for a revenue establishment    
there2 supposing that he undertakes this
 new scheme of finance independently of 
the ,company1 and against its           
inclinations4  ,so much for these       
revenues2 which are nothing but his     
visions1 or already the national        
possessions without any act of his4 ,it 
is easy to parade with a high talk of   
,parliamentary rights1 of the           
universality of legislative powers1 and 
of uniform taxation4 ,men of sense1 when
 new projects come before them1 always  
think a discourse proving the mere right
 or mere power of acting in the manner  
proposed1 to be no more than a very     
unpleasant way of misspending time4     
,they must see the object to be of      
proper magnitude to engage them2 they   
must see the means of compassing it to  
be next to certain2 the mischiefs not to
 counterbalance the profit2 they will   
examine how a proposed imposition or    
regulation agrees with the opinion of   
those who are likely to be affected by  

it2 they will not despise the           
consideration even of their habitudes   
and prejudices4 ,they wish to know how  
it accords or disagrees with the true   
spirit of prior establishments1 whether 
of government or of finance2 because    
they well know1 that in the complicated 
economy of great kingdoms1 and immense  
revenues1 which in a length of time1 and
 by a variety of accidents have         
coalesced into a sort of body1 an       
attempt towards a compulsory equality in
 all circumstances1 and an exact        
practical definition of the supreme     
rights in every case1 is the most       
dangerous and chimerical of all         
enterprises4 ,the old building stands   
well enough1 though part ,gothic1 part  
,grecian1 and part ,chinese1 until an   
attempt is made to square it into       
uniformity4 ,then it may come down upon 
our heads altogether1 in much uniformity
 of ruin2 and great will be the fall    
thereof4 ,some people1 instead of       
inclining to debate the matter1 only    

feel a sort of nausea1 when they are    
told1 that protection calls for supply1 
and that all the parts ought to         
contribute to the support of the whole4 
,strange argument for great and grave   
deliberation6 ,as if the same end may   
not1 and must not1 be compassed1        
according to its circumstances1 by a    
great diversity of ways4 ,thus1 in      
,great ,britain1 some of our            
establishments are apt for the support  
of credit4 ,they stand therefore upon a 
principle of their own1 distinct from1  
and in some respects contrary to1 the   
relation between prince and subject4 ,it
 is a new species of contract           
superinduced upon the old contract of   
the state4 ,the idea of power must as   
much as possible be banished from it2   
for power and credit are things adverse1
 incompatible2 ,non bene conveniunt1 nec
 in una sede morantur4 ,such            
establishments are our great moneyed    
companies4 ,to tax them would be        
critical and dangerous1 and             

contradictory to the very purpose of    
their institution2 which is credit1 and 
cannot therefore be taxation4 ,but the  
nation1 when it gave up that power1 did 
not give up the advantage2 but supposed1
 and with reason1 that government was   
overpaid in credit1 for what it seemed  
to lose in authority4 ,in such a case to
 talk of the rights of sovereignty is   
quite idle4 ,other establishments supply
 other modes of public contribution4    
,our trading companies1 as well as      
individual importers1 are a fit subject 
of revenue by customs4 ,some            
establishments pay us by a monopoly of  
their consumption and their produce4    
,this1 nominally no tax1 in reality     
comprehends all taxes4 ,such            
establishments are our colonies4 ,to tax
 them would be as erroneous in policy1  
as rigorous in equity4 ,ireland supplies
 us by furnishing troops in war2 and by 
bearing part of our foreign             
establishment in peace4 ,she aids us at 
all times by the money that her         

absentees spend amongst us2 which is no 
small part of the rental of that        
kingdom4 ,thus ,ireland contributes her 
part4 ,some objects bear port-duties4   
,some are fitter for an inland excise4  
,the mode varies1 the object is the     
same4 ,to strain these from their old   
and inveterate leanings1 might impair   
the old benefit1 and not answer the end 
of the new project4 ,among all the great
 men of antiquity1 ,procrustes shall    
never be my hero of legislation2 with   
his iron bed1 the allegory of his       
government1 and the type of some modern 
policy1 by which the long limb was to be
 cut short1 and the short tortured into 
length4 ,such was the state-bed of      
uniformity6 ,he would1 ,i conceive1 be a
 very indifferent farmer1 who complained
 that his sheep did not plough1 or his  
horses yield him wool1 though it would  
be an idea full of equality4 ,they may  
think this right in rustic economy1 who 
think it available in the politic3      
,qui ,bavium non odit1 amet tua carimna1

 ,mvi6     ,atque idem jungat vulpes1 et
 mulgeat hircos4   ,as the author has   
stated this ,indian taxation for no     
visible purpose relative to his plan of 
supply1 so he has stated many other     
projects with as little1 if any distinct
 end2 unless perhaps to show you how    
full he is of projects for the public   
good2 and what vast expectations may be 
formed of him or his friends1 if they   
should be translated into               
administration4 ,it is also from some   
opinion that these speculations may one 
day become our public measures1 that ,i 
think it worth while to trouble the     
reader at all about them4  ,two of them 
stand out in high relievo beyond the    
rest4 ,the first is a change in the     
internal representation of this country1
 by enlarging our number of             
constituents4 ,the second is an addition
 to our representatives1 by new         
,american members of ,parliament4 ,i    
pass over here all considerations how   
far such a system will be an improvement

 of our constitution according to any   
sound theory4 ,not that ,i mean to      
condemn such speculative inquiries      
concerning this great object of the     
national attention4 ,they may tend to   
clear doubtful points1 and possibly may 
lead1 as they have often done1 to real  
improvements4 ,what ,i object to1 is    
their introduction into a discourse     
relating to the immediate state of our  
affairs1 and recommending plans of      
practical government4 ,in this view1 ,i 
see nothing in them but what is usual   
with the author2 an attempt to raise    
discontent in the people of ,england1 to
 balance those discontents which the    
measures of his friends had already     
raised in ,america4 ,what other reason  
can he have for suggesting1 that we are 
not happy enough to enjoy a sufficient  
number of voters in ,england8 ,i believe
 that most sober thinkers on this       
subject are rather of opinion1 that our 
fault is on the other side2 and that it 
would be more in the spirit of our      

constitution1 and more agreeable to the 
pattern of our best laws1 by lessening  
the number1 to add to the weight and    
independency of our voters4 ,and truly1 
considering the immense and dangerous   
charge of elections2 the prostitute and 
daring venality1 the corruption of      
manners1 the idleness and profligacy of 
the lower sort of voters1 no prudent man
 would propose to increase such an evil1
 if it be1 as ,i fear it is1 out of our 
power to administer to it any remedy4   
,the author proposes nothing further4   
,if he has any improvements that may    
balance or may lessen this              
inconvenience1 he has thought proper to 
keep them as usual in his own breast4   
,since he has been so reserved1 ,i      
should have wished he had been as       
cautious with regard to the project     
itself4 ,first1 because he observes     
justly1 that his scheme1 however it     
might improve the platform1 can add     
nothing to the authority of the         
legislature2 much ,i fear1 it will have 

a contrary operation2 for1 authority    
depending on opinion at least as much as
 on duty1 an idea circulated among the  
people that our constitution is not so  
perfect as it ought to be1 before you   
are sure of mending it1 is a certain    
method of lessening it in the public    
opinion4 ,of this irreverent opinion of 
,parliament1 the author himself         
complains in one part of his book2 and  
he endeavors to increase it in the      
other4  ,has he well considered what an 
immense operation any change in our     
constitution is8 how many discussions1  
parties1 and passions1 it will          
necessarily excite2 and when you open it
 to inquiry in one part1 where the      
inquiry will stop8 ,experience shows us1
 that no time can be fit for such       
changes but a time of general confusion2
 when good men1 finding everything      
already broken up1 think it right to    
take advantage of the opportunity of    
such derangement in favor of an useful  
alteration4 ,perhaps a time of the      

greatest security and tranquillity both 
at home and abroad may likewise be fit2 
but will the author affirm this to be   
just such a time8 ,transferring an idea 
of military to civil prudence1 he ought 
to know how dangerous it is to make an  
alteration of your disposition in the   
face of an enemy4  ,now comes his       
,american representation4 ,here too1 as 
usual1 he takes no notice of any        
difficulty1 nor says anything to obviate
 those objections that must naturally   
arise in the minds of his readers4 ,he  
throws you his politics as he does his  
revenue2 do you make something of them  
if you can4 ,is not the reader a little 
astonished at the proposal of an        
,american representation from that      
quarter8 ,it is proposed merely as a    
project#he of speculative improvement2  
not from the necessity in the case1 not 
to add anything to the authority of     
,parliament1 but that we may afford a   
greater attention to the concerns of the
 ,americans1 and give them a better     

opportunity of stating their grievances1
 and of obtaining redress4 ,i am glad to
 find the author has at length          
discovered that we have not given a     
sufficient attention to their concerns1 
or a proper redress to their grievances4
 ,his great friend would once have been 
exceedingly displeased with any person1 
who should tell him1 that he did not    
attend sufficiently to those concerns4  
,he thought he did so1 when he regulated
 the colonies over and over again3 he   
thought he did so when he formed two    
general systems of revenue2 one of      
port-duties1 and the other of internal  
taxation4 ,these systems supposed1 or   
ought to suppose1 the greatest attention
 to and the most detailed information   
of1 all their affairs4 ,however1 by     
contending for the ,american            
representation1 he seems at last driven 
virtually to admit1 that great caution  
ought to be used in the exercise of all 
our legislative rights over an object so
 remote from our eye1 and so little     

connected with our immediate feelings2  
that in prudence we ought not to be     
quite so ready with our taxes1 until we 
can secure the desired representation in
 ,parliament4 ,perhaps it may be some   
time before this hopeful scheme can be  
brought to perfect maturity1 although   
the author seems to be in no wise aware 
of any obstructions that lie in the way 
of it4 ,he talks of his union1 just as  
he does of his taxes and his savings1   
with as much sang froid and ease as if  
his wish and the enjoyment were exactly 
the same thing4 ,he appears not to have 
troubled his head with the infinite     
difficulty of settling that             
representation on a fair balance of     
wealth and numbers throughout the       
several provinces of ,america and the   
,west ,indies1 under such an infinite   
variety of circumstances4 ,it costs him 
nothing to fight with nature1 and to    
conquer the order of ,providence1 which 
manifestly opposes itself to the        
possibility of such a ,parliamentary    

union4  ,but let us1 to indulge his     
passion for projects and power1 suppose 
the happy time arrived1 when the author 
comes into the ministry1 and is to      
realize his speculations4 ,the writs are
 issued for electing members for        
,america and the ,west ,indies4 ,some   
provinces receive them in six weeks1    
some in ten1 some in twenty4 ,a vessel  
may be lost1 and then some provinces may
 not receive them at all4 ,but let it   
be1 that they all receive them at once1 
and in the shortest time4 ,a proper     
space must be given for proclamation and
 for the election2 some weeks at least4 
,but the members are chosen2 and if     
ships are ready to sail1 in about six   
more they arrive in ,london4 ,in the    
mean time the ,parliament has sat and   
business far advanced without ,american 
representatives4 ,nay1 by this time1 it 
may happen that the ,parliament is      
dissolved2 and then the members ship    
themselves again1 to be again elected4  
,the writs may arrive in ,america1      

before the poor members of a ,parliament
 in which they never sat1 can arrive at 
their several provinces4 ,a new interest
 is formed1 and they find other members 
are chosen whilst they are on the high  
seas4 ,but1 if the writs and members    
arrive together1 here is at best a new  
trial of skill amongst the candidates1  
after one set of them have well aired   
themselves with their two voyages of    
#fjjj miles4  ,however1 in order to     
facilitate everything to the author1 we 
will suppose them all once more elected1
 and steering again to ,old ,england1   
with a good heart1 and a fair westerly  
wind in their stern4 ,on their arrival1 
they find all in a hurry and bustle2 in 
and out2 condolence and congratulation2 
the crown is demised4 ,another          
,parliament is to be called4 ,away back 
to ,america again on a fourth voyage1   
and to a third election4 ,does the      
author mean to make our kings as        
immortal in their personal as in their  
politic character8 or whilst he         

bountifully adds to their life1 will he 
take from them their prerogative of     
dissolving ,parliaments1 in favor of the
 ,american union8 or are the ,american  
representatives to be perpetual1 and to 
feel neither demises of the crown1 nor  
dissolutions of ,parliament8  ,but these
 things may be granted to him1 without  
bringing him much nearer to his point4  
,what does he think of re-election8 is  
the ,american member the only one who is
 not to take a place1 or the only one to
 be exempted from the ceremony of       
re-election8 ,how will this great       
politician preserve the rights of       
electors1 the fairness of returns1 and  
the privilege of the ,house of ,commons1
 as the sole judge of such contests8 ,it
 would undoubtedly be a glorious sight  
to have eight or ten petitions1 or      
double returns1 from ,boston and        
,barbadoes1 from ,philadelphia and      
,jamaica1 the members returned1 and the 
petitioners1 with all their train of    
attorneys1 solicitors1 mayors1          

selectmen1 provost-marshals1 and above  
five hundred or a thousand witnesses1   
come to the bar of the ,house of        
,commons4 ,possibly we might be         
interrupted in the enjoyment of this    
pleasing spectacle1 if a war should     
break out1 and our constitutional fleet1
 loaded with members of ,parliament1    
returning-officers1 petitions1 and      
witnesses1 the electors and elected1    
should become a prize to the ,french or 
,spaniards1 and be conveyed to          
,carthagena1 or to ,la ,vera ,cruz1 and 
from thence perhaps to ,mexico or ,lima1
 there to remain until a cartel for     
members of ,parliament can be settled1  
or until the war is ended4  ,in truth   
the author has little studied this      
business2 or he might have known1 that  
some of the most considerable provinces 
of ,america1 such1 for instance1 as     
,connecticut and ,massachusetts ,bay1   
have not in each of them two men who can
 afford1 at a distance from their       
estates1 to spend a thousand pounds a   

year4 ,how can these provinces be       
represented at ,westminster8 ,if their  
province pays them1 they are ,american  
agents1 with salaries1 and not          
independent members of ,parliament4 ,it 
is true1 that formerly in ,england      
members had salaries from their         
constituents2 but they all had salaries1
 and were all1 in this way1 upon a par4 
,if these ,american representatives have
 no salaries1 then they must add to the 
list of our pensioners and dependents at
 court1 or they must starve4 ,there is  
no alternative4  ,enough of this        
visionary union2 in which much          
extravagance appears without any fancy1 
and the judgment is shocked without     
anything to refresh the imagination4 ,it
 looks as if the author had dropped down
 from the moon1 without any knowledge of
 the general nature of this globe1 of   
the general nature of its inhabitants1  
without the least acquaintance with the 
affairs of this country4 ,governor      
,pownall has handled the same subject4  

,to do him justice1 he treats it upon   
far more rational principles of         
speculation2 and much more like a man of
 business4 ,he thinks 7erroneously1 ,i  
conceive2 but he does think7 that our   
legislative rights are incomplete       
without such a representation4 ,it is no
 wonder1 therefore1 that he endeavors by
 every means to obtain it4 ,not like our
 author1 who is always on velvet1 he is 
aware of some difficulties2 and he      
proposes some solutions4 ,but nature is 
too hard for both these authors2 and    
,america is1 and ever will be1 without  
actual representation in the ,house of  
,commons2 nor will any minister be wild 
enough even to propose such a           
representation in ,parliament2 however  
he may choose to throw out that project1
 together with others equally far from  
his real opinions1 and remote from his  
designs1 merely to fall in with the     
different views1 and captivate the      
affections1 of different sorts of men4  
,whether these projects arise from the  

author's real political principles1 or  
are only brought out in subservience to 
his political views1 they compose the   
whole of anything that is like precise  
and definite1 which the author has given
 us to expect from that administration  
which is so much the subject of his     
praises and prayers4 ,as to his general 
propositions1 that there is a deal of   
difference between impossibilities and  
great difficulties2 that a great scheme 
cannot be carried unless made the       
business of successive administrations2 
that virtuous and able men are the      
fittest to serve their country2 all this
 ,i look on as no more than so much     
rubble to fill up the spaces between the
 regular masonry4 ,pretty much in the   
same light ,i cannot forbear considering
 his detached observations on commerce2 
such as1 that the system for colony     
regulations would be very simple1 and   
mutually beneficial to ,great ,britain  
and her colonies1 if the old navigation 
laws were adhered to4#hf ,that the      

transportation should be in all cases in
 ships belonging to ,british subjects4  
,that even ,british ships should not be 
generally received into the colonies    
from any part of ,europe1 except the    
dominions of ,great ,britain4 ,that it  
is unreasonable that corn and such like 
products should be restrained to come   
first to a ,british port4 ,what do all  
these fine observations signify8 ,some  
of them condemn1 as ill practices1      
things that were never practised at all4
 ,some recommend to be done1 things that
 always have been done4 ,others indeed  
convey1 though obliquely and loosely1   
some insinuations highly dangerous to   
our commerce4 ,if ,i could prevail on   
myself to think the author meant to     
ground any practice upon these general  
propositions1 ,i should think it very   
necessary to ask a few questions about  
some of them4 ,for instance1 what does  
he mean by talking of an adherence to   
the old navigation laws8 ,does he mean1 
that the particular law1 #ab ,car4 ,,ii4

 c4 #ai1 commonly called ,the ,act of   
,navigation1 is to be adhered to1 and   
that the several subsequent additions1  
amendments1 and exceptions1 ought to be 
all repealed8 ,if so1 he will make a    
strange havoc in the whole system of our
 trade laws1 which have been universally
 acknowledged to be full as well founded
 in the alterations and exceptions1 as  
the act of ,charles the ,second in the  
original provisions2 and to pursue full 
as wisely the great end of that very    
politic law1 the increase of the        
,british navigation4 ,i fancy the writer
 could hardly propose anything more     
alarming to those immediately interested
 in that navigation than such a repeal4 
,if he does not mean this1 he has got no
 farther than a nugatory proposition1   
which nobody can contradict1 and for    
which no man is the wiser4  ,that the   
regulations for the colony trade would  
be few and simple if the old navigation 
laws were adhered to1 ,i utterly deny as
 a fact4 ,that they ought to be so1     

sounds well enough2 but this proposition
 is of the same nugatory nature with    
some of the former4 ,the regulations for
 the colony trade ought not to be more  
nor fewer1 nor more nor less complex1   
than the occasion requires4 ,and1 as    
that trade is in a great measure a      
system of art and restriction1 they can 
neither be few nor simple4 ,it is true1 
that the very principle may be          
destroyed1 by multiplying to excess the 
means of securing it4 ,never did a      
minister depart more from the author's  
ideas of simplicity1 or more embarrass  
the trade of ,america with the          
multiplicity and intricacy of           
regulations and ordinances1 than his    
boasted minister of #agfd4 ,that        
minister seemed to be possessed with    
something1 hardly short of a rage1 for  
regulation and restriction4 ,he had so  
multiplied bonds1 certificates1         
affidavits1 warrants1 sufferances1 and  
cockets2 had supported them with such   
severe penalties1 and extended them     

without the least consideration of      
circumstances to so many objects1 that1 
had they all continued in their original
 force1 commerce must speedily have     
expired under them4 ,some of them1 the  
ministry which gave them birth was      
obliged to destroy3 with their own hand 
they signed the condemnation of their   
own regulations2 confessing in so many  
words1 in the preamble of their act of  
the #eth ,geo4 ,,iii41 that some of     
these regulations had laid an           
unnecessary restraint on the trade and  
correspondence of his ,majesty's        
,american subjects4 ,this1 in that      
ministry1 was a candid confession of a  
mistake2 but every alteration made in   
those regulations by their successors is
 to be the effect of envy1 and ,american
 misrepresentation4 ,so much for the    
author's simplicity in regulation4  ,i  
have now gone through all which ,i think
 immediately essential in the author's  
idea of war1 of peace1 of the           
comparative states of ,england and      

,france1 of our actual situation2 in his
 projects of economy1 of finance1 of    
commerce1 and of constitutional         
improvement4 ,there remains nothing now 
to be considered1 except his heavy      
censures upon the administration which  
was formed in #agfe2 which is commonly  
known by the name of the ,marquis of    
,rockingham's administration1 as the    
administration which preceded it is by  
that of ,mr4 ,grenville4 ,these censures
 relate chiefly to three heads3--#a4 ,to
 the repeal of the ,american ,stamp     
,act4 #b4 ,to the commercial regulations
 then made4 #c4 ,to the course of       
foreign negotiations during that short  
period4  ,a person who knew nothing of  
public affairs but from the writings of 
this author1 would be led to conclude1  
that1 at the time of the change in      
,june1 #agfe1 some well-digested system 
of administration1 founded in national  
strength1 and in the affections of the  
people1 proceeding in all points with   
the most reverential and tender regard  

to the laws1 and pursuing with equal    
wisdom and success everything which     
could tend to the internal prosperity1  
and to the external honor and dignity of
 this country1 had been all at once     
subverted1 by an irruption of a sort of 
wild1 licentious1 unprincipled invaders1
 who wantonly1 and with a barbarous     
rage1 had defaced a thousand fair       
monuments of the constitutional and     
political skill of their predecessors4  
,it is natural indeed that this author  
should have some dislike to the         
administration which was formed in      
#agfe4 ,its views1 in most things1 were 
different from those of his friends2 in 
some1 altogether opposite to them4 ,it  
is impossible that both of these        
administrations should be the objects of
 public esteem4 ,their different        
principles compose some of the strongest
 political lines which discriminate the 
parties even now subsisting amongst us4 
,the ministers of #agfd are not indeed  
followed by very many in their          

opposition2 yet a large part of the     
people now in office entertain1 or      
pretend to entertain1 sentiments        
entirely conformable to theirs2 whilst  
some of the former colleagues of the    
ministry which was formed in #agfe1     
however they may have abandoned the     
connection1 and contradicted by their   
conduct the principles of their former  
friends1 pretend1 on their parts1 still 
to adhere to the same maxims4 ,all the  
lesser divisions1 which are indeed      
rather names of personal attachment than
 of party distinction1 fall in with the 
one or the other of these leading       
parties4  ,i intend to state1 as shortly
 as ,i am able1 the general condition of
 public affairs1 and the disposition of 
the minds of men1 at the time of the    
remarkable change of system in #agfe4   
,the reader will have thereby a more    
distinct view of the comparative merits 
of these several plans1 and will receive
 more satisfaction concerning the ground
 and reason of the measures which were  

then pursued1 than1 ,i believe1 can be  
derived from the perusal of those       
partial representations contained in the
 ,state of the ,nation1 and the other   
writings of those who have continued1   
for now nearly three years1 in the      
undisturbed possession of the press4    
,this will1 ,i hope1 be some apology for
 my dwelling a little on this part of   
the subject4  ,on the resignation of the
 ,earl of ,bute1 in #agfc1 our affairs  
had been delivered into the hands of    
three ministers of his recommendation3  
,mr4 ,grenville1 the ,earl of ,egremont1
 and the ,earl of ,halifax4 ,this       
arrangement1 notwithstanding the        
retirement of ,lord ,bute1 announced to 
the public a continuance of the same    
measures2 nor was there more reason to  
expect a change from the death of the   
,earl of ,egremont4 ,the ,earl of       
,sandwich supplied his place4 ,the ,duke
 of ,bedford1 and the gentlemen who act 
in that connection1 and whose general   
character and politics were sufficiently

 understood1 added to the strength of   
the ministry1 without making any        
alteration in their plan of conduct4    
,such was the constitution of the       
ministry which was changed in #agfe4    
,as to their politics1 the principles of
 the peace of ,paris governed in foreign
 affairs4 ,in domestic1 the same scheme 
prevailed1 of contradicting the         
opinions1 and disgracing most of the    
persons1 who had been countenanced and  
employed in the late reign4 ,the        
inclinations of the people were little  
attended to2 and a disposition to the   
use of forcible methods ran through the 
whole tenor of administration4 ,the     
nation in general was uneasy and        
dissatisfied4 ,sober men saw causes for 
it1 in the constitution of the ministry 
and the conduct of the ministers4 ,the  
ministers1 who have usually a short     
method on such occasions1 attributed    
their unpopularity wholly to the efforts
 of faction4 ,however this might be1 the
 licentiousness and tumults of the      

common people1 and the contempt of      
government1 of which our author so often
 and so bitterly complains1 as owing to 
the mismanagement of the subsequent     
administrations1 had at no time risen to
 a greater or more dangerous height4    
,the measures taken to suppress that    
spirit were as violent and licentious as
 the spirit itself2 injudicious1        
precipitate1 and some of them illegal4  
,instead of allaying1 they tended       
infinitely to inflame the distemper2 and
 whoever will be at the least pains to  
examine1 will find those measures not   
only the causes of the tumults which    
then prevailed1 but the real sources of 
almost all the disorders which have     
arisen since that time4 ,more intent on 
making a victim to party than an example
 of justice1 they blundered in the      
method of pursuing their vengeance4 ,by 
this means a discovery was made of many 
practices1 common indeed in the office  
of ,secretary of ,state1 but wholly     
repugnant to our laws1 and to the genius

 of the ,english constitution4 ,one of  
the worst of these was1 the wanton and  
indiscriminate seizure of papers1 even  
in cases where the safety of the state  
was not pretended in justification of so
 harsh a proceeding4 ,the temper of the 
ministry had excited a jealousy1 which  
made the people more than commonly      
vigilant concerning every power which   
was exercised by government4 ,the abuse1
 however sanctioned by custom1 was      
evident2 but the ministry1 instead of   
resting in a prudent inactivity1 or     
7what would have been still more        
prudent7 taking the lead1 in quieting   
the minds of the people1 and            
ascertaining the law upon those delicate
 points1 made use of the whole influence
 of government to prevent a             
,parliamentary resolution against these 
practices of office4 ,and lest the      
colorable reasons1 offered in argument  
against this ,parliamentary procedure1  
should be mistaken for the real motives 
of their conduct1 all the advantage of  

privilege1 all the arts and finesses of 
pleading1 and great sums of public money
 were lavished1 to prevent any decision 
upon those practices in the courts of   
justice4 ,in the mean time1 in order to 
weaken1 since they could not immediately
 destroy1 the liberty of the press1 the 
privilege of ,parliament was voted away 
in all accusations for a seditious      
libel4 ,the freedom of debate in        
,parliament itself was no less menaced4 
,officers of the army1 of long and      
meritorious service1 and of small       
fortunes1 were chosen as victims for a  
single vote1 by an exertion of          
ministerial power1 which had been very  
rarely used1 and which is extremely     
unjust1 as depriving men not only of a  
place1 but a profession1 and is indeed  
of the most pernicious example both in a
 civil and a military light4  ,whilst   
all things were managed at home with    
such a spirit of disorderly despotism1  
abroad there was a proportionable       
abatement of all spirit4 ,some of our   

most just and valuable claims were in a 
manner abandoned4 ,this indeed seemed   
not very inconsistent conduct in the    
ministers who had made the treaty of    
,paris4 ,with regard to our domestic    
affairs1 there was no want of industry2 
but there was a great deficiency of     
temper and judgment1 and manly          
comprehension of the public interest4   
,the nation certainly wanted relief1 and
 government attempted to administer it4 
,two ways were principally chosen for   
this great purpose4 ,the first by       
regulations2 the second by new funds of 
revenue4 ,agreeably to this plan1 a new 
naval establishment was formed at a good
 deal of expense1 and to little effect1 
to aid in the collection of the customs4
 ,regulation was added to regulation2   
and the strictest and most unreserved   
orders were given1 for a prevention of  
all contraband trade here1 and in every 
part of ,america4 ,a teasing            
custom-house1 and a multiplicity of     
perplexing regulations1 ever have1 and  

ever will appear1 the masterpiece of    
finance to people of narrow views2 as a 
paper against smuggling1 and the        
importation of ,french finery1 never    
fails of furnishing a very popular      
column in a newspaper4  ,the greatest   
part of these regulations were made for 
,america2 and they fell so              
indiscriminately on all sorts of        
contraband1 or supposed contraband1 that
 some of the most valuable branches of  
trade were driven violently from our    
ports2 which caused an universal        
consternation throughout the colonies4  
,every part of the trade was infinitely 
distressed by them4 ,men-of-war now for 
the first time1 armed with regular      
commissions of custom-house officers1   
invested the coasts1 and gave to the    
collection of revenue the air of hostile
 contribution4 ,about the same time that
 these regulations seemed to threaten   
the destruction of the only trade from  
whence the plantations derived any      
specie1 an act was made1 putting a stop 

to the future emission of paper         
currency1 which used to supply its place
 among them4 ,hand in hand with this    
went another act1 for obliging the      
colonies to provide quarters for        
soldiers4 ,instantly followed another   
law1 for levying throughout all ,america
 new port duties1 upon a vast variety of
 commodities of their consumption1 and  
some of which lay heavy upon objects    
necessary for their trade and fishery4  
,immediately upon the heels of these1   
and amidst the uneasiness and confusion 
produced by a crowd of new impositions  
and regulations1 some good1 some evil1  
some doubtful1 all crude and            
ill-considered1 came another act1 for   
imposing an universal stamp-duty on the 
colonies2 and this was declared to be   
little more than an experiment1 and a   
foundation of future revenue4 ,to render
 these proceedings the more irritating  
to the colonies1 the principal argument 
used in favor of their ability to pay   
such duties was the liberality of the   

grants of their assemblies during the   
late war4 ,never could any argument be  
more insulting and mortifying to a      
people habituated to the granting of    
their own money4  ,taxes for the purpose
 of raising revenue had hitherto been   
sparingly attempted in ,america4        
,without ever doubting the extent of its
 lawful power1 ,parliament always       
doubted the propriety of such           
impositions4 ,and the ,americans on     
their part never thought of contesting a
 right by which they were so little     
affected4 ,their assemblies in the main 
answered all the purposes necessary to  
the internal economy of a free people1  
and provided for all the exigencies of  
government which arose amongst          
themselves4 ,in the midst of that happy 
enjoyment1 they never thought of        
critically settling the exact limits of 
a power1 which was necessary to their   
union1 their safety1 their equality1 and
 even their liberty4 ,thus the two very 
difficult points1 superiority in the    

presiding state1 and freedom in the     
subordinate1 were on the whole          
sufficiently1 that is1 practically1     
reconciled2 without agitating those     
vexatious questions1 which in truth     
rather belong to metaphysics than       
politics1 and which can never be moved  
without shaking the foundations of the  
best governments that have ever been    
constituted by human wisdom4 ,by this   
measure was let loose that dangerous    
spirit of disquisition1 not in the      
coolness of philosophical inquiry1 but  
inflamed with all the passions of a     
haughty1 resentful people1 who thought  
themselves deeply injured1 and that they
 were contending for everything that was
 valuable in the world4  ,in ,england1  
our ministers went on without the least 
attention to these alarming             
dispositions2 just as if they were doing
 the most common things in the most     
usual way1 and among a people not only  
passive1 but pleased4 ,they took no one 
step to divert the dangerous spirit     

which began even then to appear in the  
colonies1 to compromise with it1 to     
mollify it1 or to subdue it4 ,no new    
arrangements were made in civil         
government2 no new powers or            
instructions were given to governors2 no
 augmentation was made1 or new          
disposition1 of forces4 ,never was so   
critical a measure pursued with so      
little provision against its necessary  
consequences4 ,as if all common prudence
 had abandoned the ministers1 and as if 
they meant to plunge themselves and us  
headlong into that gulf which stood     
gaping before them2 by giving a year's  
notice of the project of their ,stamp   
,act1 they allowed time for all the     
discontents of that country to fester   
and come to a head1 and for all the     
arrangements which factious men could   
make towards an opposition to the law4  
,at the same time they carefully        
concealed from the eye of ,parliament   
those remonstrances which they had      
actually received2 and which in the     

strongest manner indicated the          
discontent of some of the colonies1 and 
the consequences which might be         
expected2 they concealed them even in   
defiance of an order of council1 that   
they should be laid before ,parliament4 
,thus1 by concealing the true state of  
the case1 they rendered the wisdom of   
the nation as improvident as their own  
temerity1 either in preventing or       
guarding against the mischief4 ,it has  
indeed1 from the beginning to this hour1
 been the uniform policy of this set of 
men1 in order at any hazard to obtain a 
present credit1 to propose whatever     
might be pleasing1 as attended with no  
difficulty2 and afterwards to throw all 
the disappointment of the wild          
expectations they had raised1 upon those
 who have the hard task of freeing the  
public from the consequences of their   
pernicious projects4  ,whilst the       
commerce and tranquillity of the whole  
empire were shaken in this manner1 our  
affairs grew still more distracted by   

the internal dissensions of our         
ministers4 ,treachery and ingratitude   
were charged from one side2 despotism   
and tyranny from the other2 the vertigo 
of the regency bill2 the awkward        
reception of the silk bill in the ,house
 of ,commons1 and the inconsiderate and 
abrupt rejection of it in the ,house of 
,lords2 the strange and violent tumults 
which arose in consequence1 and which   
were rendered more serious by being     
charged by the ministers upon one       
another2 the report of a gross and      
brutal treatment of the ----1 by a      
minister at the same time odious to the 
people2 all conspired to leave the      
public1 at the close of the session of  
#agfe1 in as critical and perilous a    
situation1 as ever the nation was1 or   
could be1 in a time when she was not    
immediately threatened by her neighbors4
  ,it was at this time1 and in these    
circumstances1 that a new administration
 was formed4 ,professing even           
industriously1 in this public matter1 to

 avoid anecdotes2 ,i say nothing of     
those famous reconciliations and        
quarrels1 which weakened the body that  
should have been the natural support of 
this administration4 ,i run no risk in  
affirming1 that1 surrounded as they were
 with difficulties of every species1    
nothing but the strongest and most      
uncorrupt sense of their duty to the    
public could have prevailed upon some of
 the persons who composed it to         
undertake the king's business at such a 
time4 ,their preceding character1 their 
measures while in power1 and the        
subsequent conduct of many of them1 ,i  
think1 leave no room to charge this     
assertion to flattery4 ,having          
undertaken the commonwealth1 what       
remained for them to do8 to piece their 
conduct upon the broken chain of former 
measures8 ,if they had been so inclined1
 the ruinous nature of those measures1  
which began instantly to appear1 would  
not have permitted it4 ,scarcely had    
they entered into office1 when letters  

arrived from all parts of ,america1     
making loud complaints1 backed by strong
 reasons1 against several of the        
principal regulations of the late       
ministry1 as threatening destruction to 
many valuable branches of commerce4     
,these were attended with               
representations from many merchants and 
capital manufacturers at home1 who had  
all their interests involved in the     
support of lawful trade1 and in the     
suppression of every sort of contraband4
 ,whilst these things were under        
consideration1 that conflagration blazed
 out at once in ,north ,america2 an     
universal disobedience1 and open        
resistance to the ,stamp ,act2 and1 in  
consequence1 an universal stop to the   
course of justice1 and to trade and     
navigation1 throughout that great       
important country2 an interval during   
which the trading interest of ,england  
lay under the most dreadful anxiety     
which it ever felt4  ,the repeal of that
 act was proposed4 ,it was much too     

serious a measure1 and attended with too
 many difficulties upon every side1 for 
the then ministry to have undertaken it1
 as some paltry writers have asserted1  
from envy and dislike to their          
predecessors in office4 ,as little could
 it be owing to personal cowardice1 and 
dread of consequences to themselves4    
,ministers1 timorous from their         
attachment to place and power1 will fear
 more from the consequences of one court
 intrigue1 than from a thousand         
difficulties to the commerce and credit 
of their country by disturbances at     
three thousand miles distance4 ,from    
which of these the ministers had most to
 apprehend at that time1 is known1 ,i   
presume1 universally4 ,nor did they take
 that resolution from a want of the     
fullest sense of the inconveniences     
which must necessarily attend a measure 
of concession from the sovereign to the 
subject4 ,that it must increase the     
insolence of the mutinous spirits in    
,america1 was but too obvious4 ,no great

 measure indeed1 at a very difficult    
crisis1 can be pursued1 which is not    
attended with some mischief2 none but   
conceited pretenders in public business 
will hold any other language3 and none  
but weak and unexperienced men will     
believe them1 if they should4 ,if we    
were found in such a crisis1 let those1 
whose bold designs1 and whose defective 
arrangements1 brought us into it1 answer
 for the consequences4 ,the business of 
the then ministry evidently was1 to take
 such steps1 not as the wishes of our   
author1 or as their own wishes dictated1
 but as the bad situation in which their
 predecessors had left them1 absolutely 
required4  ,the disobedience to this act
 was universal throughout ,america2     
nothing1 it was evident1 but the sending
 a very strong military1 backed by a    
very strong naval force1 would reduce   
the seditious to obedience4 ,to send it 
to one town1 would not be sufficient2   
every province of ,america must be      
traversed1 and must be subdued4 ,i do   

not entertain the least doubt but this  
could be done4 ,we might1 ,i think1     
without much difficulty1 have destroyed 
our colonies4 ,this destruction might be
 effected1 probably in a year1 or in two
 at the utmost4 ,if the question was    
upon a foreign nation1 where every      
successful stroke adds to your own      
power1 and takes from that of a rival1 a
 just war with such a certain           
superiority would be undoubtedly an     
advisable measure4 ,but four million of 
debt due to our merchants1 the total    
cessation of a trade annually worth four
 millionmore1 a large foreign traffic1  
much home manufacture1 a very capital   
immediate revenue arising from colony   
imports1 indeed the produce of every one
 of our revenues greatly depending on   
this trade1 all these were very weighty 
accumulated considerations1 at least    
well to be weighed1 before that sword   
was drawn1 which even by its victories  
must produce all the evil effects of the
 greatest national defeat4 ,how public  

credit must have suffered1 ,i need not  
say4 ,if the condition of the nation1 at
 the close of our foreign war1 was what 
this author represents it1 such a civil 
war would have been a bad couch1 on     
which to repose our wearied virtue4 ,far
 from being able to have entered into   
new plans of economy1 we must have      
launched into a new sea1 ,i fear a      
boundless sea1 of expense4 ,such an     
addition of debt1 with such a diminution
 of revenue and trade1 would have left  
us in no want of a ,state of the ,nation
 to aggravate the picture of our        
distresses4  ,our trade felt this to its
 vitals2 and our then ministers were not
 ashamed to say1 that they sympathized  
with the feelings of our merchants4 ,the
 universal alarm of the whole trading   
body of ,england1 will never be laughed 
at by them as an ill-grounded or a      
pretended panic4 ,the universal desire  
of that body will always have great     
weight with them in every consideration 
connected with commerce3 neither ought  

the opinion of that body to be slighted 
7notwithstanding the contemptuous and   
indecent language of this author and his
 associates7 in any consideration       
whatsoever of revenue4 ,nothing amongst 
us is more quickly or deeply affected by
 taxes of any kind than trade2 and if an
 ,american tax was a real relief to     
,england1 no part of the community would
 be sooner or more materially relieved  
by it than our merchants4 ,but they well
 know that the trade of ,england must be
 more burdened by one penny raised in   
,america1 than by three in ,england2 and
 if that penny be raised with the       
uneasiness1 the discontent1 and the     
confusion of ,america1 more than by ten4
  ,if the opinion and wish of the landed
 interest is a motive1 and it is a fair 
and just one1 for taking away a real and
 large revenue1 the desire of the       
trading interest of ,england ought to be
 a just ground for taking away a tax of 
little better than speculation1 which   
was to be collected by a war1 which was 

to be kept up with the perpetual        
discontent of those who were to be      
affected by it1 and the value of whose  
produce even after the ordinary charges 
of collection1 was very uncertain2#hg   
after the extraordinary1 the dearest    
purchased revenue that ever was made by 
any nation4  ,these were some of the    
motives drawn from principles of        
convenience for that repeal4 ,when the  
object came to be more narrowly         
inspected1 every motive concurred4      
,these colonies were evidently founded  
in subservience to the commerce of      
,great ,britain4 ,from this principle1  
the whole system of our laws concerning 
them became a system of restriction4 ,a 
double monopoly was established on the  
part of the parent country2 #a4 ,a      
monopoly of their whole import1 which is
 to be altogether from ,great ,britain2 
#b4 ,a monopoly of all their export1    
which is to be nowhere but to ,great    
,britain1 as far as it can serve any    
purpose here4 ,on the same idea it was  

contrived that they should send all     
their products to us raw1 and in their  
first state2 and that they should take  
everything from us in the last stage of 
manufacture4  ,were ever a people under 
such circumstances1 that is1 a people   
who were to export raw1 and to receive  
manufactured1 and this1 not a few       
luxurious articles1 but all articles1   
even to those of the grossest1 most     
vulgar1 and necessary consumption1 a    
people who were in the hands of a       
general monopolist1 were ever such a    
people suspected of a possibility of    
becoming a just object of revenue8 ,all 
the ends of their foundation must be    
supposed utterly contradicted before    
they could become such an object4 ,every
 trade law we have made must have been  
eluded1 and become useless1 before they 
could be in such a condition4  ,the     
partisans of the new system1 who1 on    
most occasions1 take credit for full as 
much knowledge as they possess1 think   
proper on this occasion to counterfeit  

an extraordinary degree of ignorance1   
and in consequence of it to assert1 that
 the balance 7between the colonies and  
,great ,britain7 is unknown1 and that no
 important conclusion can be drawn from 
premises so very uncertain4#hh ,now to  
what can this ignorance be owing8 were  
the navigation laws made1 that this     
balance should be unknown8 is it from   
the course of exchange that it is       
unknown1 which all the world knows to be
 greatly and perpetually against the    
colonies8 is it from the doubtful nature
 of the trade we carry on with the      
colonies8 are not these schemists well  
apprised that the colonists1            
particularly those of the northern      
provinces1 import more from ,great      
,britain1 ten times more1 than they send
 in return to us8 that a great part of  
their foreign balance is and must be    
remitted to ,london8 ,i shall be ready  
to admit that the colonies ought to be  
taxed to the revenues of this country1  
when ,i know that they are out of debt  

to its commerce4 ,this author will      
furnish some ground to his theories1 and
 communicate a discovery to the public1 
if he can show this by any medium4 ,but 
he tells us that their seas are covered 
with ships1 and their rivers floating   
with commerce4#hi ,this is true4 ,but it
 is with our ships that these seas are  
covered2 and their rivers float with    
,british commerce4 ,the ,american       
merchants are our factors2 all in       
reality1 most even in name4 ,the        
,americans trade1 navigate1 cultivate1  
with ,english capitals2 to their own    
advantage1 to be sure2 for without these
 capitals their ploughs would be        
stopped1 and their ships wind-bound4    
,but he who furnishes the capital must1 
on the whole1 be the person principally 
benefited2 the person who works upon it 
profits on his part too2 but he profits 
in a subordinate way1 as our colonies   
do2 that is1 as the servant of a wise   
and indulgent master1 and no otherwise4 
,we have all1 except the peculium2      

without which even slaves will not      
labor4  ,if the author's principles1    
which are the common notions1 be right1 
that the price of our manufactures is so
 greatly enhanced by our taxes2 then the
 ,americans already pay in that way a   
share of our impositions4 ,he is not    
ashamed to assert1 that ,france and     
,china may be said1 on the same         
principle1 to bear a part of our        
charges1 for they consume our           
commodities4#ij ,was ever such a method 
of reasoning heard of8 ,do not the laws 
absolutely confine the colonies to buy  
from us1 whether foreign nations sell   
cheaper or not8 ,on what other idea are 
all our prohibitions1 regulations1      
guards1 penalties1 and forfeitures1     
framed8 ,to secure to us1 not a         
commercial preference1 which stands in  
need of no penalties to enforce it2 it  
finds its own way2 but to secure to us a
 trade1 which is a creature of law and  
institution4 ,what has this to do with  
the principles of a foreign trade1 which

 is under no monopoly1 and in which we  
cannot raise the price of our goods1    
without hazarding the demand for them8  
,none but the authors of such measures  
could ever think of making use of such  
arguments4  ,whoever goes about to      
reason on any part of the policy of this
 country with regard to ,america1 upon  
the mere abstract principles of         
government1 or even upon those of our   
own ancient constitution1 will be often 
misled4 ,those who resort for arguments 
to the most respectable authorities1    
ancient or modern1 or rest upon the     
clearest maxims1 drawn from the         
experience of other states and empires1 
will be liable to the greatest errors   
imaginable4 ,the object is wholly new in
 the world4 ,it is singular2 it is grown
 up to this magnitude and importance    
within the memory of man2 nothing in    
history is parallel to it4 ,all the     
reasonings about it1 that are likely to 
be at all solid1 must be drawn from its 
actual circumstances4 ,in this new      

system a principle of commerce1 of      
artificial commerce1 must predominate4  
,this commerce must be secured by a     
multitude of restraints very alien from 
the spirit of liberty2 and a powerful   
authority must reside in the principal  
state1 in order to enforce them4 ,but   
the people who are to be the subjects of
 these restraints are descendants of    
,englishmen2 and of a high and free     
spirit4 ,to hold over them a government 
made up of nothing but restraints and   
penalties1 and taxes in the granting of 
which they can have no share1 will      
neither be wise nor long practicable4   
,people must be governed in a manner    
agreeable to their temper and           
disposition2 and men of free character  
and spirit must be ruled with1 at least1
 some condescension to this spirit and  
this character4 ,the ,british1 colonist 
must see something which will           
distinguish him from the colonists of   
other nations4  ,those seasonings1 which
 infer from the many restraints under   

which we have already laid ,america1 to 
our right to lay it under still more1   
and indeed under all manner of          
restraints1 are conclusive2 conclusive  
as to right2 but the very reverse as to 
policy and practice4 ,we ought rather to
 infer from our having laid the colonies
 under many restraints1 that it is      
reasonable to compensate them by every  
indulgence that can by any means be     
reconciled to our interest4 ,we have a  
great empire to rule1 composed of a vast
 mass of heterogeneous governments1 all 
more or less free and popular in their  
forms1 all to be kept in peace1 and kept
 out of conspiracy1 with one another1   
all to be held in subordination to this 
country2 while the spirit of an         
extensive and intricate and trading     
interest pervades the whole1 always     
qualifying1 and often controlling1 every
 general idea of constitution and       
government4 ,it is a great and difficult
 object2 and ,i wish we may possess     
wisdom and temper enough to manage it as

 we ought4 ,its importance is infinite4 
,i believe the reader will be struck1 as
 ,i have been1 with one singular fact4  
,in the year #agjd1 but sixty-five years
 ago1 the whole trade with our          
plantations was but a few thousand      
pounds more in the export article1 and a
 third less in the import1 than that    
which we now carry on with the single   
island of ,jamaica3--                   
,exports4    ,imports4   ,total ,english
 plantations in #agjd  #dhh1bfe         
#had1dia   ,jamaica1 #agfg              
#dfg1fha    #a1bdc1gdb   ,from the same 
information ,i find that our dealing    
with most of the ,european nations is   
but little increased3 these nations have
 been pretty much at a stand since that 
time1 and we have rivals in their trade4
 ,this colony intercourse is a new world
 of commerce in a manner created2 it    
stands upon principles of its own2      
principles hardly worth endangering for 
any little consideration of extorted    
revenue4  ,the reader sees1 that ,i do  

not enter so fully into this matter as  
obviously ,i might4 ,i have already been
 led into greater lengths than ,i       
intended4 ,it is enough to say1 that    
before the ministers of #agfe had       
determined to propose the repeal of the 
,stamp ,act in ,parliament1 they had the
 whole of the ,american constitution and
 commerce very fully before them4 ,they 
considered maturely2 they decided with  
wisdom3 let me add1 with firmness4 ,for 
they resolved1 as a preliminary to that 
repeal1 to assert in the fullest and    
least equivocal terms the unlimited     
legislative right of this country over  
its colonies2 and1 having done this1 to 
propose the repeal1 on principles1 not  
of constitutional right1 but on those of
 expediency1 of equity1 of lenity1 and  
of the true interests present and future
 of that great object for which alone   
the colonies were founded1 navigation   
and commerce4 ,this plan ,i say1        
required an uncommon degree of firmness1
 when we consider that some of those    

persons who might be of the greatest use
 in promoting the repeal1 violently     
withstood the declaratory act2 and they 
who agreed with administration in the   
principles of that law1 equally made1 as
 well the reasons on which the          
declaratory act itself stood1 as those  
on which it was opposed1 grounds for an 
opposition to the repeal4  ,if the then 
ministry resolved first to declare the  
right1 it was not from any opinion they 
entertained of its future use in regular
 taxation4 ,their opinions were full and
 declared against the ordinary use of   
such a power4 ,but it was plain1 that   
the general reasonings which were       
employed against that power went        
directly to our whole legislative right2
 and one part of it could not be yielded
 to such arguments1 without a virtual   
surrender of all the rest4 ,besides1 if 
that very specific power of levying     
money in the colonies were not retained 
as a sacred trust in the hands of ,great
 ,britain 7to be used1 not in the first 

instance for supply1 but in the last    
exigence for control71 it is obvious1   
that the presiding authority of ,great  
,britain1 as the head1 the arbiter1 and 
director of the whole empire1 would     
vanish into an empty name1 without      
operation or energy4 ,with the habitual 
exercise of such a power in the ordinary
 course of supply1 no trace of freedom  
could remain to ,america4#ia ,if ,great 
,britain were stripped of this right1   
every principle of unity and            
subordination in the empire was gone    
forever4 ,whether all this can be       
reconciled in legal speculation1 is a   
matter of no consequence4 ,it is        
reconciled in policy3 and politics ought
 to be adjusted1 not to human           
reasonings1 but to human nature2 of     
which the reason is but a part1 and by  
no means the greatest part4  ,founding  
the repeal on this basis1 it was judged 
proper to lay before ,parliament the    
whole detail of the ,american affairs1  
as fully as it had been laid before the 

ministry themselves4 ,ignorance of those
 affairs had misled ,parliament4        
,knowledge alone could bring it into the
 right road4 ,every paper of office was 
laid upon the table of the two ,houses2 
every denomination of men1 either of    
,america1 or connected with it by       
office1 by residence1 by commerce1 by   
interest1 even by injury2 men of civil  
and military capacity1 officers of the  
revenue1 merchants1 manufacturers of    
every species1 and from every town in   
,england1 attended at the bar4 ,such    
evidence never was laid before          
,parliament4 ,if an emulation arose     
among the ministers and members of      
,parliament1 as the author rightly      
observes1#ib for the repeal of this act1
 as well as for the other regulations1  
it was not on the confident assertions1 
the airy speculations1 or the vain      
promises of ministers1 that it arose4   
,it was the sense of ,parliament on the 
evidence before them4 ,no one so much as
 suspects that ministerial allurements  

or terrors had any share in it4  ,our   
author is very much displeased1 that so 
much credit was given to the testimony  
of merchants4 ,he has a habit of railing
 at them3 and he may1 if he pleases1    
indulge himself in it4 ,it will not do  
great mischief to that respectable set  
of men4 ,the substance of their         
testimony was1 that their debts in      
,america were very great3 that the      
,americans declined to pay them1 or to  
renew their orders1 whilst this act     
continued3 that1 under these            
circumstances1 they despaired of the    
recovery of their debts1 or the renewal 
of their trade in that country3 that    
they apprehended a general failure of   
mercantile credit4 ,the manufacturers   
deposed to the same general purpose1    
with this addition1 that many of them   
had discharged several of their         
artificers2 and1 if the law and the     
resistance to it should continue1 must  
dismiss them all4  ,this testimony is   
treated with great contempt by our      

author4 ,it must be1 ,i suppose1 because
 it was contradicted by the plain nature
 of things4 ,suppose then that the      
merchants had1 to gratify this author1  
given a contrary evidence2 and had      
deposed1 that while ,america remained in
 a state of resistance1 whilst four     
million of debt remained unpaid1 whilst 
the course of justice was suspended for 
want of stamped paper1 so that no debt  
could be recovered1 whilst there was a  
total stop to trade1 because every ship 
was subject to seizure for want of      
stamped clearances1 and while the       
colonies were to be declared in         
rebellion1 and subdued by armed force1  
that in these circumstances they would  
still continue to trade cheerfully and  
fearlessly as before3 would not such    
witnesses provoke universal indignation 
for their folly or their wickedness1 and
 be deservedly hooted from the bar3#ic  
would any human faith have given credit 
to such assertions8 ,the testimony of   
the merchants was necessary for the     

detail1 and to bring the matter home to 
the feeling of the ,house2 as to the    
general reasons1 they spoke abundantly  
for themselves4  ,upon these principles 
was the act repealed1 and it produced   
all the good effect which was expected  
from it3 quiet was restored2 trade      
generally returned to its ancient       
channels2 time and means were furnished 
for the better strengthening of         
government there1 as well as for        
recovering1 by judicious measures1 the  
affections of the people1 had that      
ministry continued1 or had a ministry   
succeeded with dispositions to improve  
that opportunity4  ,such an             
administration did not succeed4 ,instead
 of profiting of that season of         
tranquillity1 in the very next year they
 chose to return to measures of the very
 same nature with those which had been  
so solemnly condemned2 though upon a    
smaller scale4 ,the effects have been   
correspondent1 ,america is again in     
disorder2 not indeed in the same degree 

as formerly1 nor anything like it4 ,such
 good effects have attended the repeal  
of the ,stamp ,act1 that the colonies   
have actually paid the taxes2 and they  
have sought their redress 7upon however 
improper principles7 not in their own   
violence1 as formerly2#id but in the    
experienced benignity of ,parliament4   
,they are not easy indeed1 nor ever will
 be so1 under this author's schemes of  
taxation2 but we see no longer the same 
general fury and confusion1 which       
attended their resistance to the ,stamp 
,act4 ,the author may rail at the       
repeal1 and those who proposed it1 as he
 pleases4 ,those honest men suffer all  
his obloquy with pleasure1 in the midst 
of the quiet which they have been the   
means of giving to their country2 and   
would think his praises for their       
perseverance in a pernicious scheme1 a  
very bad compensation for the           
disturbance of our peace1 and the ruin  
of our commerce4 ,whether the return to 
the system of #agfd1 for raising a      

revenue in ,america1 the discontents    
which have ensued in consequence of it1 
the general suspension of the assemblies
 in consequence of these discontents1   
the use of the military power1 and the  
new and dangerous commissions which now 
hang over them1 will produce equally    
good effects1 is greatly to be doubted4 
,never1 ,i fear1 will this nation and   
the colonies fall back upon their true  
centre of gravity1 and natural point of 
repose1 until the ideas of #agff are    
resumed1 and steadily pursued4  ,as to  
the regulations1 a great subject of the 
author's accusation1 they are of two    
sorts2 one of a mixed nature1 of revenue
 and trade2 the other simply relative to
 trade4 ,with regard to the former ,i   
shall observe1 that1 in all             
deliberations concerning ,america1 the  
ideas of that administration were       
principally these2 to take trade as the 
primary end1 and revenue but as a very  
subordinate consideration4 ,where trade 
was likely to suffer1 they did not      

hesitate for an instant to prefer it to 
taxes1 whose produce at best was        
contemptible1 in comparison of the      
object which they might endanger4 ,the  
other of their principles was1 to suit  
the revenue to the object4 ,where the   
difficulty of collection1 from the      
nature of the country1 and of the       
revenue establishment1 is so very       
notorious1 it was their policy to hold  
out as few temptations to smuggling as  
possible1 by keeping the duties as      
nearly as they could on a balance with  
the risk4 ,on these principles they made
 many alterations in the port-duties of 
#agfd1 both in the mode and in the      
quantity4 ,the author has not attempted 
to prove them erroneous4 ,he complains  
enough to show that he is in an         
ill-humor1 not that his adversaries have
 done amiss4  ,as to the regulations    
which were merely relative to commerce1 
many were then made2 and they were all  
made upon this principle1 that many of  
the colonies1 and those some of the most

 abounding in people1 were so situated  
as to have very few means of traffic    
with this country4 ,it became therefore 
our interest to let them into as much   
foreign trade as could be given them    
without interfering with our own2 and to
 secure by every method the returns to  
the mother country4 ,without some such  
scheme of enlargement1 it was obvious   
that any benefit we could expect from   
these colonies must be extremely        
limited4 ,accordingly many facilities   
were given to their trade with the      
foreign plantations1 and with the       
southern parts of ,europe4 ,as to the   
confining the returns to this country1  
administration saw the mischief and     
folly of a plan of indiscriminate       
restraint4 ,they applied their remedy to
 that part where the disease existed1   
and to that only3 on this idea they     
established regulations1 far more likely
 to check the dangerous1 clandestine    
trade with ,hamburg and ,holland1 than  
this author's friends1 or any of their  

predecessors had ever done4  ,the       
friends of the author have a method     
surely a little whimsical in all this   
sort of discussions4 ,they have made an 
innumerable multitude of commercial     
regulations1 at which the trade of      
,england exclaimed with one voice1 and  
many of which have been altered on the  
unanimous opinion of that trade4 ,still 
they go on1 just as before1 in a sort of
 droning panegyric on themselves1       
talking of these regulations as         
prodigies of wisdom2 and1 instead of    
appealing to those who are most affected
 and the best judges1 they turn round in
 a perpetual circle of their own        
reasonings and pretences2 they hand you 
over from one of their own pamphlets to 
another3 ,see1 say they1 this           
demonstrated in the ',regulations of the
 ,colonies4' ,see this satisfactorily   
proved in ',the ,considerations4' ,by   
and by we shall have another3 ,see for  
this ',the ,state of the ,nation4' ,i   
wish to take another method in          

vindicating the opposite system4 ,i     
refer to the petitions of merchants for 
these regulations2 to their thanks when 
they were obtained2 and to the strong   
and grateful sense they have ever since 
expressed of the benefits received under
 that administration4  ,all             
administrations have in their commercial
 regulations been generally aided by the
 opinion of some merchants2 too         
frequently by that of a few1 and those a
 sort of favorites3 they have been      
directed by the opinion of one or two   
merchants1 who were to merit in         
flatteries1 and to be paid in contracts2
 who frequently advised1 not for the    
general good of trade1 but for their    
private advantage4 ,during the          
administration of which this author     
complains1 the meetings of merchants    
upon the business of trade were numerous
 and public2 sometimes at the house of  
the ,marquis of ,rockingham2 sometimes  
at ,mr4 ,dowdeswell's2 sometimes at ,sir
 ,george ,savile's1 a house always open 

to every deliberation favorable to the  
liberty or the commerce of his country4 
,nor were these meetings confined to the
 merchants of ,london4 ,merchants and   
manufacturers were invited from all the 
considerable towns in ,england4 ,they   
conferred with the ministers and active 
members of ,parliament4 ,no private     
views1 no local interests prevailed4    
,never were points in trade settled upon
 a larger scale of information4 ,they   
who attended these meetings well know   
what ministers they were who heard the  
most patiently1 who comprehended the    
most clearly1 and who provided the most 
wisely4 ,let then this author and his   
friends still continue in possession of 
the practice of exalting their own      
abilities1 in their pamphlets and in the
 newspapers4 ,they never will persuade  
the public1 that the merchants of       
,england were in a general confederacy  
to sacrifice their own interests to     
those of ,north ,america1 and to destroy
 the vent of their own goods in favor of

 the manufactures of ,france and        
,holland4  ,had the friends of this     
author taken these means of information1
 his extreme terrors of contraband in   
the ,west ,india islands would have been
 greatly quieted1 and his objections to 
the opening of the ports would have     
ceased4 ,he would have learned1 from the
 most satisfactory analysis of the ,west
 ,india trade1 that we have the         
advantage in every essential article of 
it2 and that almost every restriction on
 our communication with our neighbors   
there1 is a restriction unfavorable to  
ourselves4  ,such were the principles   
that guided1 and the authority that     
sanctioned1 these regulations4 ,no man  
ever said1 that1 in the multiplicity of 
regulations made in the administration  
of their predecessors1 none were useful2
 some certainly were so2 and ,i defy the
 author to show a commercial regulation 
of that period1 which he can prove1 from
 any authority except his own1 to have a
 tendency beneficial to commerce1 that  

has been repealed4 ,so far were that    
ministry from being guided by a spirit  
of contradiction or of innovation4  ,the
 author's attack on that administration1
 for their neglect of our claims on     
foreign powers1 is by much the most     
astonishing instance he has given1 or   
that1 ,i believe1 any man ever did give1
 of an intrepid effrontery4 ,it relates 
to the ,manilla ransom2 to the ,canada  
bills2 and to the ,russian treaty4      
,could one imagine1 that these very     
things1 which he thus chooses to object 
to others1 have been the principal      
subject of charge against his favorite  
ministry8 ,instead of clearing them of  
these charges1 he appears not so much as
 to have heard of them2 but throws them 
directly upon the administration which  
succeeded to that of his friends4  ,it  
is not always very pleasant to be       
obliged to produce the detail of this   
kind of transactions to the public view4
 ,i will content myself therefore with  
giving a short state of facts1 which1   

when the author chooses to contradict1  
he shall see proved1 more1 perhaps1 to  
his conviction1 than to his liking4 ,the
 first fact then is1 that the demand for
 the ,manilla ransom had been in the    
author's favorite administration so     
neglected as to appear to have been     
little less than tacitly abandoned4 ,at 
home1 no countenance was given to the   
claimants2 and when it was mentioned in 
,parliament1 the then leader did not    
seem1 at least1 a very sanguine advocate
 in favor of the claim4 ,these things   
made it a matter of no small difficulty 
to resume and press that negotiation    
with ,spain4 ,however1 so clear was our 
right1 that the then ministers resolved 
to revive it2 and so little time was    
lost1 that though that administration   
was not completed until the #ith of     
,july1 #agfe1 on the #bjth of the       
following ,august1 ,general ,conway     
transmitted a strong and full           
remonstrance on that subject to the     
,earl of ,rochfort4 ,the argument1 on   

which the court of ,madrid most relied1 
was the dereliction of that claim by the
 preceding ministers4 ,however1 it was  
still pushed with so much vigor1 that   
the ,spaniards1 from a positive denial  
to pay1 offered to refer the demand to  
arbitration4 ,that proposition was      
rejected2 and the demand being still    
pressed1 there was all the reason in the
 world to expect its being brought to a 
favorable issue2 when it was thought    
proper to change the administration4    
,whether under their circumstances1 and 
in the time they continued in power1    
more could be done1 the reader will     
judge2 who will hear with astonishment a
 charge of remissness from those very   
men1 whose inactivity1 to call it by no 
worse a name1 laid the chief            
difficulties in the way of the revived  
negotiation4  ,as to the ,canada bills1 
this author thinks proper to assert1    
that the proprietors found themselves   
under a necessity of compounding their  
demands upon the ,french court1 and     

accepting terms which they had often    
rejected1 and which the ,earl of        
,halifax had declared he would sooner   
forfeit his hand than sign4#ie ,when ,i 
know that the ,earl of ,halifax says so1
 the ,earl of ,halifax shall have an    
answer2 but ,i persuade myself that his 
,lordship has given no authority for    
this ridiculous rant4 ,in the mean time1
 ,i shall only speak of it as a common  
concern of that ministry4  ,in the first
 place1 then1 ,i observe1 that a        
convention1 for the liquidation of the  
,canada bills1 was concluded under the  
administration of #agff2 when nothing   
was concluded under that of the         
favorites of this author4  #b4 ,this    
transaction was1 in every step of it1   
carried on in concert with the persons  
interested1 and was terminated to their 
entire satisfaction4 ,they would have   
acquiesced perhaps in terms somewhat    
lower than those which were obtained4   
,the author is indeed too kind to them4 
,he will1 however1 let them speak for   

themselves1 and show what their own     
opinion was of the measures pursued in  
their favor4#if ,in what manner the     
execution of the convention has been    
since provided for1 it is not my present
 business to examine4  #c4 ,the         
proprietors had absolutely despaired of 
being paid1 at any time1 any proportion1
 of their demand1 until the change of   
that ministry4 ,the merchants were      
checked and discountenanced2 they had   
often been told1 by some in authority1  
of the cheap rate at which these ,canada
 bills had been procured2 yet the author
 can talk of the composition of them as 
a necessity induced by the change in    
administration4 ,they found themselves  
indeed1 before that change1 under a     
necessity of hinting somewhat of        
bringing the matter into ,parliament2   
but they were soon silenced1 and put in 
mind of the fate which the ,newfoundland
 business had there met with4 ,nothing  
struck them more than the strong        
contrast between the spirit1 and method 

of proceeding1 of the two               
administrations4  #d4 ,the ,earl of     
,halifax never did1 nor could1 refuse to
 sign this convention2 because this     
convention1 as it stands1 never was     
before him4#ig  ,the author's last      
charge on that ministry1 with regard to 
foreign affairs1 is the ,russian treaty 
of commerce1 which the author thinks fit
 to assert1 was concluded on terms the  
,earl of ,buckinghamshire had refused to
 accept of1 and which had been deemed by
 former ministers disadvantageous to the
 nation1 and by the merchants unsafe and
 unprofitable4#ih  ,both the assertions 
in this paragraph are equally           
groundless4 ,the treaty then concluded  
by ,sir ,george ,macartney was not on   
the terms which the ,earl of            
,buckinghamshire had refused4 ,the ,earl
 of ,buckinghamshire never did refuse   
terms1 because the business never came  
to the point of refusal1 or acceptance2 
all that he did was1 to receive the     
,russian project for a treaty of        

commerce1 and to transmit it to         
,england4 ,this was in ,november1 #agfd2
 and he left ,petersburg the ,january   
following1 before he could even receive 
an answer from his own court4 ,the      
conclusion of the treaty fell to his    
successor4 ,whoever will be at the      
trouble to compare it with the treaty of
 #agcd1 will1 ,i believe1 confess1 that1
 if the former ministers could have     
obtained such terms1 they were criminal 
in not accepting them4  ,but the        
merchants deemed them unsafe and        
unprofitable4 ,what merchants8 ,as no   
treaty ever was more maturely           
considered1 so the opinion of the       
,russia merchants in ,london was all    
along taken2 and all the instructions   
sent over were in exact conformity to   
that opinion4 ,our minister there made  
no step without having previously       
consulted our merchants resident in     
,petersburg1 who1 before the signing of 
the treaty1 gave the most full and      
unanimous testimony in its favor4 ,in   

their address to our minister at that   
court1 among other things they say1 ,it 
may afford some additional satisfaction 
to your ,excellency1 to receive a public
 acknowledgment of the entire and       
unreserved approbation of every article 
in this treaty1 from us who are so      
immediately and so nearly concerned in  
its consequences4 ,this was signed by   
the consul-general1 and every ,british  
merchant in ,petersburg4  ,the          
approbation of those immediately        
concerned in the consequences is nothing
 to this author4 ,he and his friends    
have so much tenderness for people's    
interests1 and understand them so much  
better than they do themselves1 that1   
whilst these politicians are contending 
for the best of possible terms1 the     
claimants are obliged to go without any 
terms at all4  ,one of the first and    
justest complaints against the          
administration of the author's friends1 
was the want of rigor in their foreign  
negotiations4 ,their immediate          

successors endeavored to correct that   
error1 along with others2 and there was 
scarcely a foreign court1 in which the  
new spirit that had arisen was not      
sensibly felt1 acknowledged1 and        
sometimes complained of4 ,on their      
coming into administration1 they found  
the demolition of ,dunkirk entirely at a
 stand3 instead of demolition1 they     
found construction2 for the ,french were
 then at work on the repair of the      
jettees4 ,on the remonstrances of       
,general ,conway1 some parts of these   
jettees were immediately destroyed4 ,the
 ,duke of ,richmond personally surveyed 
the place1 and obtained a fuller        
knowledge of its true state and         
condition than any of our ministers had 
done2 and1 in consequence1 had larger   
offers from the ,duke of ,choiseul than 
had ever been received4 ,but1 as these  
were short of our just expectations     
under the treaty1 he rejected them4 ,our
 then ministers1 knowing that1 in their 
administration1 the people's minds were 

set at ease upon all the essential      
points of public and private liberty1   
and that no project of theirs could     
endanger the concord of the empire1 were
 under no restraint from pursuing every 
just demand upon foreign nations4  ,the 
author1 towards the end of this work1   
falls into reflections upon the state of
 public morals in this country3 he draws
 use from this doctrine1 by recommending
 his friend to the king and the public1 
as another ,duke of ,sully2 and he      
concludes the whole performance with a  
very devout prayer4  ,the prayers of    
politicians may sometimes be sincere2   
and as this prayer is in substance1 that
 the author1 or his friends1 may be soon
 brought into power1 ,i have great      
reason to believe it is very much from  
the heart4 ,it must be owned too that   
after he has drawn such a picture1 such 
a shocking picture1 of the state of this
 country1 he has great faith in thinking
 the means he prays for sufficient to   
relieve us3 after the character he has  

given of its inhabitants of all ranks   
and classes1 he has great charity in    
caring much about them2 and indeed no   
less hope1 in being of opinion1 that    
such a detestable nation can ever become
 the care of ,providence4 ,he has not   
even found five good men in our devoted 
city4  ,he talks indeed of men of virtue
 and ability4 ,but where are his men of 
virtue and ability to be found8 ,are    
they in the present administration8     
,never were a set of people more        
blackened by this author4 ,are they     
among the party of those 7no small body7
 who adhere to the system of #agff8     
,these it is the great purpose of this  
book to calumniate4 ,are they the       
persons who acted with his great friend1
 since the change in #agfb1 to his      
removal in #agfe8 ,scarcely any of these
 are now out of employment2 and we are  
in possession of his desideratum4 ,yet  
,i think he hardly means to select1 even
 some of the highest of them1 as        
examples fit for the reformation of a   

corrupt world4  ,he observes1 that the  
virtue of the most exemplary prince that
 ever swayed a sceptre can never warm or
 illuminate the body of his people1 if  
foul mirrors are placed so near him as  
to refract and dissipate the rays at    
their first emanation4#ii ,without      
observing upon the propriety of this    
metaphor1 or asking how mirrors come to 
have lost their old quality of          
reflecting1 and to have acquired that of
 refracting1 and dissipating rays1 and  
how far their foulness will account for 
this change2 the remark itself is common
 and true3 no less true1 and equally    
surprising from him1 is that which      
immediately precedes it3 ,it is in vain 
to endeavor to check the progress of    
irreligion and licentiousness1 by       
punishing such crimes in one individual1
 if others equally culpable are rewarded
 with the honors and emoluments of the  
state4#ajj ,i am not in the secret of   
the author's manner of writing2 but it  
appears to me1 that he must intend these

 reflections as a satire upon the       
administration of his happy years4 ,were
 over the honors and emoluments of the  
state more lavishly squandered upon     
persons scandalous in their lives than  
during that period8 ,in these scandalous
 lives1 was there anything more         
scandalous than the mode of punishing   
one culpable individual8 ,in that       
individual1 is anything more culpable   
than his having been seduced by the     
example of some of those very persons by
 whom he was thus persecuted8  ,the     
author is so eager to attack others1    
that he provides but indifferently for  
his own defence4 ,i believe1 without    
going beyond the page ,i have now before
 me1 he is very sensible1 that ,i have  
sufficient matter of further1 and1 if   
possible1 of heavier charge against his 
friends1 upon his own principle4 ,but it
 is because the advantage is too great1 
that ,i decline making use of it4 ,i    
wish the author had not thought that all
 methods are lawful in party4 ,above all

 he ought to have taken care not to     
wound his enemies through the sides of  
his country4 ,this he has done1 by      
making that monstrous and overcharged   
picture of the distresses of our        
situation4 ,no wonder that he1 who finds
 this country in the same condition with
 that of ,france at the time of ,henry  
the ,fourth1 could also find a          
resemblance between his political friend
 and the ,duke of ,sully4 ,as to those  
personal resemblances1 people will often
 judge of them from their affections3   
they may imagine in these clouds        
whatsoever figures they please2 but what
 is the conformation of that eye which  
can discover a resemblance of this      
country and these times to those with   
which the author compares them8 ,france1
 a country just recovered out of        
twenty-five years of the most cruel and 
desolating civil war that perhaps was   
ever known4 ,the kingdom1 under the veil
 of momentary quiet1 full of the most   
atrocious political1 operating upon the 

most furious fanatical factions4 ,some  
pretenders even to the crown2 and those 
who did not pretend to the whole1 aimed 
at the partition of the monarchy4 ,there
 were almost as many competitors as     
provinces2 and all abetted by the       
greatest1 the most ambitious1 and most  
enterprising power in ,europe4 ,no place
 safe from treason2 no1 not the bosoms  
on which the most amiable prince that   
ever lived reposed his head2 not his    
mistresses2 not even his queen4 ,as to  
the finances1 they had scarce an        
existence1 but as a matter of plunder to
 the managers1 and of grants to         
insatiable and ungrateful courtiers4    
,how can our author have the heart to   
describe this as any sort of parallel to
 our situation8 ,to be sure1 an ,april  
shower has some resemblance to a        
waterspout2 for they are both wet3 and  
there is some likeness between a summer 
evening's breeze and a hurricane2 they  
are both wind3 but who can compare our  
disturbances1 our situation1 or our     

finances1 to those of ,france in the    
time of ,henry8 ,great ,britain is      
indeed at this time wearied1 but not    
broken1 with the efforts of a victorious
 foreign war2 not sufficiently relieved 
by an inadequate peace1 but somewhat    
benefited by that peace1 and infinitely 
by the consequences of that war4 ,the   
powers of ,europe awed by our victories1
 and lying in ruins upon every side of  
us4 ,burdened indeed we are with debt1  
but abounding with resources4 ,we have a
 trade1 not perhaps equal to our wishes1
 but more than ever we possessed4 ,in   
effect1 no pretender to the crown2 nor  
nutriment for such desperate and        
destructive factions as have formerly   
shaken this kingdom4  ,as to our        
finances1 the author trifles with us4   
,when ,sully came to those of ,france1  
in what order was any part of the       
financial system8 or what system was    
there at all8 ,there is no man in office
 who must not be sensible that ours is1 
without the act of any parading         

minister1 the most regular and orderly  
system perhaps that was ever known2 the 
best secured against all frauds in the  
collection1 and all misapplication in   
the expenditure of public money4  ,i    
admit that1 in this flourishing state of
 things1 there are appearances enough to
 excite uneasiness and apprehension4 ,i 
admit there is a cankerworm in the rose3
               ,medio de fonte leporum  
,surgit amari aliquid1 quod in ipsis    
floribus angat4  ,this is nothing else  
than a spirit of disconnection1 of      
distrust1 and of treachery among public 
men4 ,it is no accidental evil1 nor has 
its effect been trusted to the usual    
frailty of nature2 the distemper has    
been inoculated4 ,the author is sensible
 of it1 and we lament it together4 ,this
 distemper is alone sufficient to take  
away considerably from the benefits of  
our constitution and situation1 and     
perhaps to render their continuance     
precarious4 ,if these evil dispositions 
should spread much farther1 they must   

end in our destruction2 for nothing can 
save a people destitute of public and   
private faith4 ,however1 the author1 for
 the present state of things1 has       
extended the charge by much too widely2 
as men are but too apt to take the      
measure of all mankind from their own   
particular acquaintance4 ,barren as this
 age may be in the growth of honor and  
virtue1 the country does not want1 at   
this moment1 as strong1 and those not a 
few examples1 as were ever known1 of an 
unshaken adherence to principle1 and    
attachment to connection1 against every 
allurement of interest4 ,those examples 
are not furnished by the great alone2   
nor by those1 whose activity in public  
affairs may render it suspected that    
they make such a character one of the   
rounds in their ladder of ambition2 but 
by men more quiet1 and more in the      
shade1 on whom an unmixed sense of honor
 alone could operate4 ,such examples    
indeed are not furnished in great       
abundance amongst those who are the     

subjects of the author's panegyric4 ,he 
must look for them in another camp4 ,he 
who complains of the ill effects of a   
divided and heterogeneous               
administration1 is not justifiable in   
laboring to render odious in the eyes of
 the public those men1 whose principles1
 whose maxims of policy1 and whose      
personal character1 can alone administer
 a remedy to this capital evil of the   
age3 neither is he consistent with      
himself1 in constantly extolling those  
whom he knows to be the authors of the  
very mischief of which he complains1 and
 which the whole nation feels so deeply4
  ,the persons who are the objects of   
his dislike and complaint are many of   
them of the first families1 and         
weightiest properties1 in the kingdom2  
but infinitely more distinguished for   
their untainted honor1 public and       
private1 and their zealous1 but sober   
attachment to the constitution of their 
country1 than they can be by any birth1 
or any station4 ,if they are the friends

 of any one great man rather than       
another1 it is not that they make his   
aggrandizement the end of their union2  
or because they know him to be the most 
active in caballing for his connections 
the largest and speediest emoluments4   
,it is because they know him1 by        
personal experience1 to have wise and   
enlarged ideas of the public good1 and  
an invincible constancy in adhering to  
it2 because they are convinced1 by the  
whole tenor of his actions1 that he will
 never negotiate away their honor or his
 own3 and that1 in or out of power1     
change of situation will make no        
alteration in his conduct4 ,this will   
give to such a person in such a body1 an
 authority and respect that no minister 
ever enjoyed among his venal dependents1
 in the highest plenitude of his power2 
such as servility never can give1 such  
as ambition never can receive or relish4
  ,this body will often be reproached by
 their adversaries1 for want of ability 
in their political transactions2 they   

will be ridiculed for missing many      
favorable conjunctures1 and not         
profiting of several brilliant          
opportunities of fortune2 but they must 
be contented to endure that reproach2   
for they cannot acquire the reputation  
of that kind of ability without losing  
all the other reputation they possess4  
,they will be charged too with a        
dangerous spirit of exclusion and       
proscription1 for being unwilling to mix
 in schemes of administration1 which    
have no bond of union1 or principle of  
confidence4 ,that charge too they must  
suffer with patience4 ,if the reason of 
the thing had not spoken loudly enough1 
the miserable examples of the several   
administrations constructed upon the    
idea of systematic discord would be     
enough to frighten them from such1      
monstrous and ruinous conjunctions4 ,it 
is however false1 that the idea of an   
united administration carries with it   
that of a proscription of any other     
party4 ,it does indeed imply the        

necessity of having the great           
strongholds of government in well-united
 hands1 in order to secure the          
predominance of right and uniform       
principles2 of having the capital       
offices of deliberation and execution of
 those who can deliberate with mutual   
confidence1 and who will execute what is
 resolved with firmness and fidelity4   
,if this system cannot be rigorously    
adhered to in practice1 7and what system
 can be so87 it ought to be the constant
 aim of good men to approach as nearly  
to it as possible4 ,no system of that   
kind can be formed1 which will not leave
 room fully sufficient for healing      
coalitions3 but no coalition1 which1    
under the specious name of independency1
 carries in its bosom the unreconciled  
principles of the original discord of   
parties1 ever was1 or will be1 an       
healing coalition4 ,nor will the mind of
 our sovereign ever know repose1 his    
kingdom settlement1 or his business     
order1 efficiency1 or grace with his    

people1 until things are established    
upon the basis of some set of men1 who  
are trusted by the public1 and who can  
trust one another4  ,this comes rather  
nearer to the mark than the author's    
description of a proper administration1 
under the name of men of ability and    
virtue1 which conveys no definite idea  
at all2 nor does it apply specifically  
to our grand national distemper4 ,all   
parties pretend to these qualities4 ,the
 present ministry1 no favorites of the  
author1 will be ready enough to declare 
themselves persons of virtue and        
ability2 and if they choose a vote for  
that purpose1 perhaps it would not be   
quite impossible for them to procure it4
 ,but1 if the disease be this distrust  
and disconnection1 it is easy to know   
who are sound and who are tainted2 who  
are fit to restore us to health1 who to 
continue1 and to spread the contagion4  
,the present ministry being made up of  
draughts from all parties in the        
kingdom1 if they should profess any     

adherence to the connections they have  
left1 they must convict themselves of   
the blackest treachery4 ,they therefore 
choose rather to renounce the principle 
itself1 and to brand it with the name of
 pride and faction4 ,this test with     
certainty discriminates the opinions of 
men4 ,the other is a description vague  
and unsatisfactory4  ,as to the         
unfortunate gentlemen who may at any    
time compose that system1 which1 under  
the plausible title of an               
administration1 subsists but for the    
establishment of weakness and confusion2
 they fall into different classes1 with 
different merits4 ,i think the situation
 of some people in that state may       
deserve a certain degree of compassion2 
at the same time that they furnish an   
example1 which1 it is to be hoped1 by   
being a severe one1 will have its       
effect1 at least1 on the growing        
generation2 if an original seduction1 on
 plausible but hollow pretences1 into   
loss of honor1 friendship1 consistency1 

security1 and repose1 can furnish it4   
,it is possible to draw1 even from the  
very prosperity of ambition1 examples of
 terror1 and motives to compassion4  ,i 
believe the instances are exceedingly   
rare of men immediately passing over a  
clear1 marked line of virtue into       
declared vice and corruption4 ,there are
 a sort of middle tints and shades      
between the two extremes2 there is      
something uncertain on the confines of  
the two empires which they first pass   
through1 and which renders the change   
easy and imperceptible4 ,there are even 
a sort of splendid impositions so well  
contrived1 that1 at the very time the   
path of rectitude is quitted forever1   
men seem to be advancing into some      
higher and nobler road of public        
conduct4 ,not that such impositions are 
strong enough in themselves2 but a      
powerful interest1 often concealed from 
those whom it affects1 works at the     
bottom1 and secures the operation4 ,men 
are thus debauched away from those      

legitimate connections1 which they had  
formed on a judgment1 early perhaps1 but
 sufficiently mature1 and wholly        
unbiassed4 ,they do not quit them upon  
any ground of complaint1 for grounds of 
just complaint may exist1 but upon the  
flattering and most dangerous of all    
principles1 that of mending what is     
well4 ,gradually they are habituated to 
other company2 and a change in their    
habitudes soon makes a way for a change 
in their opinions4 ,certain persons are 
no longer so very frightful1 when they  
come to be known and to be serviceable4 
,as to their old friends1 the transition
 is easy2 from friendship to civility2  
from civility to enmity3 few are the    
steps from dereliction to persecution4  
,people not very well grounded in the   
principles of public morality find a set
 of maxims in office ready made for     
them1 which they assume as naturally and
 inevitably1 as any of the insignia or  
instruments of the situation4 ,a certain
 tone of the solid and practical is     

immediately acquired4 ,every former     
profession of public spirit is to be    
considered as a debauch of youth1 or1 at
 best1 as a visionary scheme of         
unattainable perfection4 ,the very idea 
of consistency is exploded4 ,the        
convenience of the business of the day  
is to furnish the principle for doing   
it4 ,then the whole ministerial cant is 
quickly got by heart4 ,the prevalence of
 faction is to be lamented4 ,all        
opposition is to be regarded as the     
effect of envy and disappointed         
ambition4 ,all administrations are      
declared to be alike4 ,the same         
necessity justifies all their measures4 
,it is no longer a matter of discussion1
 who or what administration is2 but that
 administration is to be supported1 is a
 general maxim4 ,flattering themselves  
that their power is become necessary to 
the support of all order and government2
 everything which tends to the support  
of that power is sanctified1 and becomes
 a part of the public interest4         

,growing every day more formed to       
affairs1 and better knit in their limbs1
 when the occasion 7now the only rule7  
requires it1 they become capable of     
sacrificing those very persons to whom  
they had before sacrificed their        
original friends4 ,it is now only in the
 ordinary course of business to alter an
 opinion1 or to betray a connection4    
,frequently relinquishing one set of men
 and adopting another1 they grow into a 
total indifference to human feeling1 as 
they had before to moral obligation2    
until at length1 no one original        
impression remains upon their minds3    
every principle is obliterated2 every   
sentiment effaced4  ,in the mean time1  
that power1 which all these changes     
aimed at securing1 remains still as     
tottering and as uncertain as ever4     
,they are delivered up into the hands of
 those who feel neither respect for     
their persons1 nor gratitude for their  
favors2 who are put about them in       
appearance to serve1 in reality to      

govern them2 and1 when the signal is    
given1 to abandon and destroy them in   
order to set up some new dupe of        
ambition1 who in his turn is to be      
abandoned and destroyed4 ,thus living in
 a state of continual uneasiness and    
ferment1 softened only by the miserable 
consolation of giving now and then      
preferments to those for whom they have 
no value2 they are unhappy in their     
situation1 yet find it impossible to    
resign4 ,until1 at length1 soured in    
temper1 and disappointed by the very    
attainment of their ends1 in some angry1
 in some haughty1 or some negligent     
moment1 they incur the displeasure of   
those upon whom they have rendered their
 very being dependent4 ,then perierunt  
tempora longi servitii2 they are cast   
off with scorn2 they are turned out1    
emptied of all natural character1 of all
 intrinsic worth1 of all essential      
dignity1 and deprived of every          
consolation of friendship4 ,having      
rendered all retreat to old principles  

ridiculous1 and to old regards          
impracticable1 not being able to        
counterfeit pleasure1 or to discharge   
discontent1 nothing being sincere1 or   
right1 or balanced in their minds1 it is
 more than a chance1 that1 in the       
delirium of the last stage of their     
distempered power1 they make an insane  
political testament1 by which they throw
 all their remaining weight and         
consequence into the scale of their     
declared enemies1 and the avowed authors
 of their destruction4 ,thus they finish
 their course4 ,had it been possible    
that the whole1 or even a great part of 
these effects on their minds1 ,i say    
nothing of the effect upon their        
fortunes1 could have appeared to them in
 their first departure from the right   
line1 it is certain they would have     
rejected every temptation with horror4  
,the principle of these remarks1 like   
every good principle in morality1 is    
trite2 but its frequent application is  
not the less necessary4  ,as to others1 

who are plain practical men1 they have  
been guiltless at all times of all      
public pretence4 ,neither the author nor
 any one else has reason to be angry    
with them4 ,they belonged to his friend 
for their interest2 for their interest  
they quitted him2 and when it is their  
interest1 he may depend upon it1 they   
will return to their former connection4 
,such people subsist at all times1 and1 
though the nuisance of all1 are at no   
time a worthy subject of discussion4 ,it
 is false virtue and plausible error    
that do the mischief4  ,if men come to  
government with right dispositions1 they
 have not that unfavorable subject which
 this author represents to work upon4   
,our circumstances are indeed critical2 
but then they are the critical          
circumstances of a strong and mighty    
nation4 ,if corruption and meanness are 
greatly spread1 they are not spread     
universally4 ,many public men are       
hitherto examples of public spirit and  
integrity4 ,whole parties1 as far as    

large bodies can be uniform1 have       
preserved character4 ,however they may  
be deceived in some particulars1 ,i know
 of no set of men amongst us1 which does
 not contain persons on whom the nation1
 in a difficult exigence1 may well value
 itself4 ,private life1 which is the    
nursery of the commonwealth1 is yet in  
general pure1 and on the whole disposed 
to virtue2 and the people at large want 
neither generosity nor spirit4 ,no small
 part of that very luxury1 which is so  
much the subject of the author's        
declamation1 but which1 in most parts of
 life1 by being well balanced and       
diffused1 is only decency and           
convenience1 has perhaps as many1 or    
more good than evil consequences        
attending it4 ,it certainly excites     
industry1 nourishes emulation1 and      
inspires some sense of personal value   
into all ranks of people4 ,what we want 
is to establish more fully an opinion of
 uniformity1 and consistency of         
character1 in the leading men of the    

state2 such as will restore some        
confidence to profession and appearance1
 such as will fix subordination upon    
esteem4 ,without this1 all schemes are  
begun at the wrong end4 ,all who join in
 them are liable to their consequences4 
,all men who1 under whatever pretext1   
take a part in the formation or the     
support of systems constructed in such a
 manner as must1 in their nature1       
disable them from the execution of their
 duty1 have made themselves guilty of   
all the present distraction1 and of the 
future ruin1 which they may bring upon  
their country4  ,it is a serious affair1
 this studied disunion in government4   
,in cases where union is most consulted 
in the constitution of a ministry1 and  
where persons are best disposed to      
promote it1 differences1 from the       
various ideas of men1 will arise2 and   
from their passions will often ferment  
into violent heats1 so as greatly to    
disorder all public business4 ,what must
 be the consequence1 when the very      

distemper is made the basis of the      
constitution2 and the original weakness 
of human nature is still further        
enfeebled by art and contrivance8 ,it   
must subvert government from the very   
foundation4 ,it turns our public        
councils into the most mischievous      
cabals2 where the consideration is1 not 
how the nation's business shall be      
carried on1 but how those who ought to  
carry it on shall circumvent each other4
 ,in such a state of things1 no order1  
uniformity1 dignity1 or effect1 can     
appear in our proceedings1 either at    
home or abroad4 ,nor will it make much  
difference1 whether some of the         
constituent parts of such an            
administration are men of virtue or     
ability1 or not2 supposing it possible  
that such men1 with their eyes open1    
should choose to make a part in such a  
body4  ,the effects of all human        
contrivances are in the hand of         
,providence4 ,i do not like to answer1  
as our author so readily does1 for the  

event of any speculation4 ,but surely   
the nature of our disorders1 if         
anything1 must indicate the proper      
remedy4 ,men who act steadily on the    
principles ,i have stated may in all    
events be very serviceable to their     
country2 in one case1 by furnishing 7if 
their sovereign should be so advised7 an
 administration formed upon ideas very  
different from those which have for some
 time been unfortunately fashionable4   
,but1 if this should not be the case1   
they may be still serviceable2 for the  
example of a large body of men1 steadily
 sacrificing ambition to principle1 can 
never be without use4 ,it will certainly
 be prolific1 and draw others to an     
imitation4 ,vera gloria radices agit1   
atque etiam propagatur4  ,i do not think
 myself of consequence enough to imitate
 my author1 in troubling the world with 
the prayers or wishes ,i may form for   
the public3 full as little am ,i        
disposed to imitate his professions2    
those professions are long since worn   

out in the political service4 ,if the   
work will not speak for the author1 his 
own declarations deserve but little     
credit4  ,,footnotes3  #ch ,history of  
the ,minority4 ,history of the ,repeal  
of the ,stamp ,act4 ,considerations on  
,trade and ,finance4 ,political         
,register1 c41 c4  #ci ,pages #f-aj4    
#dj ,pages #i1 #aj4  #da ,page #i4  #db 
,page #i4  #dc ,page #f4  #dd ,page #i4 
#de   ,total imports from the ,west     
,indies in #agfd    #b1iji1daa          
,exports to ditto in ditto              
#hif1eaa                                
----------   ,excess of imports         
#b1jab1ijj  ,in this1 which is the      
common way of stating the balance1 it   
will appear upwards of two millions     
against us1 which is ridiculous4  #df   
,page #f4  #dg             #aged4       
s4  d4   ,total export of ,british goods
  value1 #h1cag1ejf  #ae   #c   ,ditto  
of foreign goods in time                
#b1iaj1hcf  #ad   #i   ,ditto of ditto  
out of time              #eei1dhe   #b  

#aj                                     
------------------   ,total exports of  
all kinds           #aa1ghg1hbh  #ab    
#aj   ,total imports                    
#h1jic1dgi  #ae   #j                    
------------------   ,balance in favor  
of ,england          #c1jid1cee  #ag    
#aj                                     
------------------              #agfa4  
s4  d4   ,total export of ,british goods
        #aj1fdi1eha  #ab   #f   ,ditto  
of foreign goods in time                
#c1eec1fib   #g   #a   ,ditto of ditto  
out of time              #cee1jae   #j  
#b                                      
------------------   ,total exports of  
all kinds           #ad1eeh1bhh  #ai    
#i   ,total imports                     
#i1bid1iae   #a   #f                    
------------------   ,balance in favor  
of ,england          #e1bfc1cgc  #ah    
#c                                      
------------------  ,here is the state  
of our trade in #agfa1 compared with a  
very good year of profound peace3 both  

are taken from the authentic entries at 
the custom-house4 ,how the author can   
contrive to make this increase of the   
export of ,english produce agree with   
his account of the dreadful want of     
hands in ,england1 page #i1 unless he   
supposes manufactures to be made without
 hands1 ,i really do not see4 ,it is    
painful to be so frequently obliged to  
set this author right in matters of     
fact4 ,this state will fully refute all 
that he has said or insinuated upon the 
difficulties and decay of our trade1    
pages #f1 #g1 and #i4  #dh ,page #g4    
,see also page #ac4  #di ,pages #ab1    
#ac4  #ej ,page #ag4  #ea ,page #f4  #eb
 ,our merchants suffered by the         
detention of the galleons1 as their     
correspondents in ,spain were disabled  
from paying them for their goods sent to
 ,america4--,state of the ,nation1 p4   
#g4  #ec ,pages #ab1 #ac4  #ed ,page #f4
  #ee ,something however has transpired 
in the quarrels among those concerned in
 that transaction4 ,it seems the good   

,genius of ,britain1 so much vaunted by 
our author1 did his duty nobly4 ,whilst 
we were gaining such advantages1 the    
court of ,france was astonished at our  
concessions4 ,j'ai apport  ,versailles1 
il est vrai1 les ,ratifications du ,roi 
d',angleterre1  vostre grand tonnement1 
et  celui de bien d'autres4 ,je dois    
cela au bonts du ,roi d',angleterre1    
celles de ,milord ,bute1  ,mons4 le     
,comte de ,viry1  ,mons4 le ,duc de     
,nivernois1 et en fin  mon scavoir      
faire4--,lettres1 c41 du ,chev4 ,d',eon1
 p4 #ea4  #ef ,the navy bills are not   
due till six months after they have been
 issued2 six months also of the seamen's
 wages by act of ,parliament must be1   
and in consequence of the rules         
prescribed by that act1 twelve months'  
wages generally1 and often much more are
 retained2 and there has been besides at
 all times a large arrear of pay1 which1
 though kept in the account1 could never
 be claimed1 the persons to whom it was 
due having left neither assignees nor   

representatives4 ,the precise amount of 
such sums cannot be ascertained2 but    
they can hardly be reckoned less than   
thirteen or fourteen hundred thousand   
pounds4 ,on #cast ,dec1 #aged1 when the 
navy debt was reduced nearly as low as  
it could be1 it still amounted to       
#a1bif1efgl4 #ahs4 #aa-c_/d;d4          
consisting chiefly of articles which    
could not then be discharged2 such      
articles will be larger now1 in         
proportion to the increase of the       
establishment2 and an allowance must    
always be made for them in judging of   
the state of the navy debt1 though they 
are not distinguishable in the account4 
,in providing for that which is payable1
 the principal object of the legislature
 is always to discharge the bills1 for  
they are the greatest article2 they bear
 an interest of #d per cent2 and1 when  
the quantity of them is large1 they are 
a heavy incumbrance upon all money      
transactions  #eg   ,navy               
#a1dej1ijj   ,army                      

#a1bfh1ejj   ,ordnance                  
#agd1fjj   ,the four ,american          
governments                             
#ai1bjj   ,general surveys in ,america  
#a1fjj   ,foundling ,hospital           
#ch1jjj   ,to the ,african committee    
#ac1jjj   ,for the civil establishment  
on the coast of ,africa   #e1ejj        
,militia                                
#ajj1jjj   ,deficiency of land and malt 
#cjj1jjj   ,deficiency of funds         
#bjb1djj   ,extraordinaries of the army 
and navy                #ce1jjj         
----------                              
,total          #c1fji1gjj  #eh ,upon   
the money borrowed in #agfj1 the premium
 of one per cent was for twenty-one     
years1 not for twenty2 this annuity has 
been paid eight years instead of seven2 
the sum paid is therefore #fdj1jjjl4    
instead of #efj1jjjl42 the remaining    
term is worth1 ten years and a quarter  
instead of eleven years2#ei its value is
 #hbj1jjjl4 instead of #hhj1jjjl42 and  
the whole value of that premium is      

#a1dfj1jjjl4 instead of #a1ddj1jjjl4    
,the like errors are observable in his  
computation on the additional capital of
 three per cent on the loan of that     
year4 ,in like manner1 on the loan of   
#agfb1 the author computes on five      
years' payment instead of six2 and says 
in express terms1 that take #e from #ai1
 and there remain #ac4 ,these are not   
errors of the pen or the press2 the     
several computations pursued in this    
part of the work with great diligence   
and earnestness prove them errors upon  
much deliberation4 ,thus the premiums in
 #agei are cast up #ij1jjjl4 too little1
 an error in the first rule of          
arithmetic4 ,the annuities borrowed in  
#agef and #ageh are1 says he1 to        
continue till redeemed by ,parliament4  
,he does not take notice that the first 
are irredeemable till ,february1 #agga1 
the other till ,july1 #aghb4 ,in this   
the amount of the premiums is computed  
on the time which they have run4 ,weakly
 and ignorantly2 for he might have added

 to this1 and strengthened his argument1
 such as it is1 by charging also the    
value of the additional one per cent    
from the day on which he wrote1 to at   
least that day on which these annuities 
become redeemable4 ,to make ample       
amends1 however1 he has added to the    
premiums of #ae per cent in #agei1 and  
three per cent in #agfj1 the annuity    
paid for them since their commencement2 
the fallacy of which is manifest2 for   
the premiums in these cases can he      
neither more nor less than the          
additional capital for which the public 
stands engaged1 and is just the same    
whether five or five hundred years'     
annuity has been paid for it4 ,in       
private life1 no man persuades himself  
that he has borrowed #bjjl4 because he  
happens to have paid twenty years'      
interest on a loan of #ajjl4  #ei ,see  
,smart and ,demoivre4  #fj ,pages       
#cj-cb4  #fa ,in a course of years a few
 manufacturers have been tempted abroad1
 not by cheap living1 but by immense    

premiums1 to set up as masters1 and to  
introduce the manufacture4 ,this must   
happen in every country eminent for the 
skill of its artificers1 and has nothing
 to do with taxes and the price of      
provisions4  #fb ,although the public   
brewery has considerably increased in   
this latter period1 the produce of the  
malt-tax has been something less than in
 the former2 this cannot be attributed  
to the new malt-tax4 ,had this been the 
cause of the lessened consumption1 the  
public brewery1 so much more burdened1  
must have felt it more4 ,the cause of   
this diminution of the malt-tax ,i take 
to have been principally owing to the   
greater dearness of corn in the second  
period than in the first1 which1 in all 
its consequences1 affected the people in
 the country much more than those in the
 towns4 ,but the revenue from           
consumption was not1 on the whole1      
impaired2 as we have seen in the        
foregoing page4  #fc          ,total    
,imports1 value1                        

,exports1 ditto4   #ageb                
#g1hhi1cfi                              
#aa1fid1iab   #agec                     
#h1fbe1jbi                              
#ab1bdc1fjd   #aged                     
#h1jic1dgb                              
#aa1ghg1hbh                   --------- 
----------   ,total         #bd1fjg1hgj 
#ce1gbf1cdd                             
#bd1fjg1hgj                             
----------            ,exports exceed   
imports               #aa1aah1dgd       
----------            ,medium balance   
#c1gjf1aeh                              
----------           ,total ,imports1   
value1                ,exports1 ditto4  
#agfd          #aj1hah1idf              
#af1ajd1ecb   #agfe                     
#aj1hhi1gdb                             
#ad1eej1ejg   #agff                     
#aa1dge1hbe                             
#ad1jbd1ifd                 ----------- 
-----------   ,total         #cb1fhe1eac
                     #dd1gdj1jjc        
-----------                             

#cb1fhc1fac                             
-----------            ,exports exceed  
#ab1jed1dij                             
-----------   ,medium balance for three 
last years           #d1jah1afc   #fd   
,it is dearer in some places1 and rather
 cheaper in others2 but it must soon all
 come to a level4  #fe ,a tax rated by  
the intendant in each generality1 on the
 presumed fortune of every person below 
the degree of a gentleman4  #ff ,before 
the war it was sold to1 or rather forced
 on1 the consumer at #aa sous1 or about 
#e;d4 the pound4 ,what it is at present1
 ,i am not informed4 ,even this will    
appear no trivial imposition4 ,in       
,london1 salt may be had at a penny     
farthing per pound from the last        
retailer4  #fg ,page #ca4  #fh ,page    
#cc4  #fi ,page #cc4  #gj ,page #cc4    
#ga ,the figures in the ,considerations 
are wrongly cast up2 it should be       
#c1fjh1gjjl4  #gb ,considerations1 p4   
#dc4 ,state of the ,nation1 p4 #cc4  #gc
 ,ibid4  #gd ,page #cd4  #ge ,the author

 of the ,state of the ,nation1 p4 #cd1  
informs us1 that the sum of #ge1jjjl4   
allowed by him for the extras of the    
army and ordnance1 is far less than was 
allowed for the same service in the     
years #agfg and #agfh4 ,it is so        
undoubtedly1 and by at least #bjj1jjjl4 
,he sees that he cannot abide by the    
plan of the ,considerations in this     
point1 nor is he willing wholly to give 
it up4 ,such an enormous difference as  
that between #ce1jjjl4 and #cjj1jjjl4   
puts him to a stand4 ,should he adopt   
the latter plan of increased expense1 he
 must then confess that he had1 on a    
former occasion1 egregiously trifled    
with the public2 at the same time all   
his future promises of reduction must   
fall to the ground4 ,if he stuck to the 
#ce1jjjl4 he was sure that every one    
must expect from him some account how   
this monstrous charge came to continue  
ever since the war1 when it was clearly 
unnecessary2 how all those successions  
of ministers 7his own included7 came to 

pay it1 and why his great friend in     
,parliament1 and his partisans without  
doors1 came not to pursue to ruin1 at   
least to utter shame1 the authors of so 
groundless and scandalous a profusion4  
,in this strait he took a middle way2   
and1 to come nearer the real state of   
the service1 he outbid the              
,considerations1 at one stroke1         
#dj1jjjl42 at the same time he hints to 
you1 that you may expect some benefit   
also from the original plan4 ,but the   
author of the ,considerations will not  
suffer him to escape it4 ,he has pinned 
him down to his #ce1jjjl42 for that is  
the sum he has chosen1 not as what he   
thinks will probably be required1 but as
 making the most ample allowance for    
every possible contingency4 ,see that   
author1 p4 #db and #dc4  #gf ,he has    
done great injustice to the             
establishment of #agfh2 but ,i have not 
here time for this discussion2 nor is it
 necessary to this argument4  #gg ,page 
#cd4  #gh ,in making up this account1 he

 falls into a surprising error of       
arithmetic4 ,the deficiency of the      
land-tax in the year #aged and #agee1hj 
when it was at #bs41 amounted to no     
more1 on a medium1 than #di1cgbl42 to   
which1 if we add half the sum1 it will  
give us #gi1jehl4 as the peace          
deficiency at #cs4              ,total  
#di1cgb             ,add the half       
#bd1fhf                                 
-------                                 
#gd1jeh  ,which he makes #gi1jehl4 ,this
 is indeed in disfavor of his argument2 
but we shall see that he has ways1 by   
other errors1 of reimbursing himself4   
#gi ,page #cd4  #hj ,page #cc4  #ha     
,page #dc4  #hb ,page #ce4  #hc ,page   
#cg4  #hd ,pages #cg1 #ch4  #he ,pages  
#ci1 #dj4  #hf ,page #ci4  #hg ,it is   
observable1 that the partisans of       
,american taxation1 when they have a    
mind to represent this tax as           
wonderfully beneficial to ,england1     
state it as worth #ajj1jjjl4 a year2    
when they are to represent it as very   

light on the ,americans1 it dwindles to 
#fj1jjjl4 ,indeed it is very difficult  
to compute what its produce might have  
been4  #hh ,considerations1 p4 #gd4  #hi
 ,considerations1 p4 #gi4  #ij ,ibid41  
p4 #gd4  #ia ,i do not here enter into  
the unsatisfactory disquisition         
concerning representation real or       
presumed4 ,i only say1 that a great     
people who have their property1 without 
any reserve1 in all cases1 disposed of  
by another people1 at an immense        
distance from them1 will not think      
themselves in the enjoyment of freedom4 
,it will be hard to show to those who   
are in such a state1 which of the usual 
parts of the definition or description  
of a free people are applicable to them2
 and it is neither pleasant nor wise to 
attempt to prove that they have no right
 to be comprehended in such a           
description4  #ib ,page #ba4  #ic ,here 
the author has a note altogether in his 
usual strain of reasoning2 he finds out 
that somebody1 in the course of this    

multifarious evidence1 had said1 that a 
very considerable part of the orders of 
#agfe transmitted from ,america had been
 afterwards suspended2 but that in case 
the ,stamp ,act was repealed1 those     
orders were to be executed in the       
present year1 #agff2 and that1 on the   
repeal of the ,stamp ,act1 the exports  
to the colonies would be at least double
 the value of the exports of the past   
year4 ,he then triumphs exceedingly on  
their having fallen short of it on the  
state of the custom-house entries4 ,i do
 not well know what conclusion he draws 
applicable to his purpose from these    
facts4 ,he does not deny that all the   
orders which came from ,america         
subsequent to the disturbances of the   
,stamp ,act were on the condition of    
that act being repealed2 and he does not
 assert that1 notwithstanding that act  
should be enforced by a strong hand1    
still the orders would be executed4     
,neither does he quite venture to say   
that this decline of the trade in #agff 

was owing to the repeal4 ,what does he  
therefore infer from it1 favorable to   
the enforcement of that law8 ,it only   
comes to this1 and no more2 those       
merchants1 who thought our trade would  
be doubled in the subsequent year1 were 
mistaken in their speculations4 ,so that
 the ,stamp ,act was not to be repealed 
unless this speculation of theirs was a 
probable event4 ,but it was not repealed
 in order to double our trade in that   
year1 as everybody knows 7whatever some 
merchants might have said71 but lest in 
that year we should have no trade at    
all4 ,the fact is1 that during the      
greatest part of the year #agee1 that   
is1 until about the month of ,october1  
when the accounts of the disturbances   
came thick upon us1 the ,american trade 
went on as usual4 ,before this time1 the
 ,stamp ,act could not affect it4       
,afterwards1 the merchants fell into a  
great consternation2 a general          
stagnation in trade ensued4 ,but as soon
 as it was known that the ministry      

favored the repeal of the ,stamp ,act1  
several of the bolder merchants ventured
 to execute their orders2 others more   
timid hung back2 in this manner the     
trade continued in a state of dreadful  
fluctuation between the fears of those  
who had ventured1 for the event of their
 boldness1 and the anxiety of those     
whose trade was suspended1 until the    
royal assent was finally given to the   
bill of repeal4 ,that the trade of #agff
 was not equal to that of #agfe1 could  
not be owing to the repeal2 it arose    
from quite different causes1 of which   
the author seems not to be aware3 #ast1 
,our conquests during the war had laid  
open the trade of the ,french and       
,spanish ,west ,indies to our colonies  
much more largely than they had ever    
enjoyed it2 this continued for some time
 after the peace2 but at length it was  
extremely contracted1 and in some places
 reduced to nothing4 ,such in particular
 was the state of ,jamaica4 ,on the     
taking the ,havannah all the stores of  

that island were emptied into that      
place1 which produced unusual orders for
 goods1 for supplying their own         
consumption1 as well as for further     
speculations of trade4 ,these ceasing1  
the trade stood on its own bottom4 ,this
 is one cause of the diminished export  
to ,jamaica1 and not the childish idea  
of the author1 of an impossible         
contraband from the opening of the      
ports4--#bnd1 ,the war had brought a    
great influx of cash into ,america1 for 
the pay and provision of the troops2 and
 this an unnatural increase of trade1   
which1 as its cause failed1 must in some
 degree return to its ancient and       
natural bounds4--#crd1 ,when the        
merchants met from all parts1 and       
compared their accounts1 they were      
alarmed at the immensity of the debt due
 to them from ,america4 ,they found that
 the ,americans had over-traded their   
abilities4 ,and1 as they found too that 
several of them were capable of making  
the state of political events an excuse 

for their failure in commercial         
punctuality1 many of our merchants in   
some degree contracted their trade from 
that moment4 ,however1 it is idle1 in   
such an immense mass of trade1 so liable
 to fluctuation1 to infer anything from 
such a deficiency as one or even two    
hundred thousand pounds4 ,in #agfg1 when
 the disturbances subsided1 this        
deficiency was made up again4  #id ,the 
disturbances have been in ,boston only2 
and were not in consequence of the late 
duties4  #ie ,page #bd4  #if ,they are  
happy in having found1 in your zeal for 
the dignity of this nation1 the means of
 liquidating their claims1 and of       
concluding with the court of ,france a  
convention for the final satisfaction of
 their demands2 and have given us       
commission1 in their names1 and on their
 behalf1 most earnestly to entreat your 
acceptance of their grateful            
acknowledgments4 ,whether they consider 
themselves as ,britons1 or as men more  
particularly profiting by your generous 

and spirited interposition1 they see    
great reasons to be thankful1 for having
 been supported by a minister1 in whose 
public affections1 in whose wisdom and  
activity1 both the national honor1 and  
the interests of individuals1 have been 
at once so well supported and           
secured4--,thanks of the ,canada        
merchants to ,general ,conway1 ,london1 
,april #bh1 #agff4  #ig ,see the        
,convention itself1 printed by ,owen and
 ,harrison1 ,warwick-lane1 #agff2       
particularly the articles two and       
thirteen4  #ih ,page #bc4  #ii ,page    
#df4  #ajj ,page #df4     ,,appendix4   
,so much misplaced industry has been    
used by the author of ,the ,state of the
 ,nation1 as well as by other writers1  
to infuse discontent into the people1 on
 account of the late war1 and of the    
effects of our national debt2 that      
nothing ought to be omitted which may   
tend to disabuse the public upon these  
subjects4 ,when ,i had gone through the 
foregoing sheets1 ,i recollected1 that1 

in pages #eh1 #ei1 #fj1 ,i only gave the
 comparative states of the duties       
collected by the excise at large2       
together with the quantities of strong  
beer brewed in the two periods which are
 there compared4 ,it might be still     
thought1 that some other articles of    
popular consumption1 of general         
convenience1 and connected with our     
manufactures1 might possibly have       
declined4 ,i therefore now think it     
right to lay before the reader the state
 of the produce of three capital duties 
on such articles2 duties which have     
frequently been made the subject of     
popular complaint4 ,the duty on candles2
 that on soap1 paper1 c42 and that on   
hides4    ,average of net produce of    
duty on soap1     c41 for eight years   
ending #agfg              #bfd1ijb      
,average of ditto for eight years ending
 #aged     #bbh1aad                     
--------                     ,average   
increase               #cf1ghh          
,average of net produce of duty on      

candles     for eight years ending #agfg
                   #aee1ghi   ,average  
of ditto for eight years ending #aged   
#acf1gaf                                
--------                     ,average   
increase               #ai1jgc          
,average net produce of duty on hides1  
eight years1 ending #agfg               
#ahi1baf   ,ditto eight years1 ending   
#aged                   #afh1bjj        
--------                     ,average   
increase               #ba1jaf  ,this   
increase has not arisen from any        
additional duties4 ,none have been      
imposed on these articles during the    
war4 ,notwithstanding the burdens of the
 war1 and the late dearness of          
provisions1 the consumption of all these
 articles has increased1 and the revenue
 along with it4  ,there is another point
 in ,the ,state of the ,nation1 to      
which1 ,i fear1 ,i have not been so full
 in my answer as ,i ought to have been1 
and as ,i am well warranted to be4 ,the 
author has endeavored to throw a        

suspicion1 or something more1 on that   
salutary1 and indeed necessary measure  
of opening the ports in ,jamaica4       
,orders were given1 says he1 in ,august1
 #agfe1 for the free admission of       
,spanish vessels into all the           
colonies4#aja ,he then observes1 that   
the exports to ,jamaica fell #dj1ijdl4  
short of those of #agfd2 and that the   
exports of the succeeding year1 #agff1  
fell short of those of #agfe1 about     
eighty pounds2 from whence he wisely    
infers1 that this decline of exports    
being since the relaxation of the laws  
of trade1 there is a just ground of     
suspicion1 that the colonies have been  
supplied with foreign commodities       
instead of ,british4  ,here1 as usual   
with him1 the author builds on a fact   
which is absolutely false2 and which1   
being so1 renders his whole hypothesis  
absurd and impossible4 ,he asserts1 that
 the order for admitting ,spanish       
vessels was given in ,august1 #agfe4    
,that order was not signed at the       

treasury board until the #aeth day of   
the ,november following2 and therefore  
so far from affecting the exports of the
 year #agfe1 that1 supposing all        
possible diligence in the commissioners 
of the customs in expediting that order1
 and every advantage of vessels ready to
 sail1 and the most favorable wind1 it  
would hardly even arrive in ,jamaica1   
within the limits of that year4  ,this  
order could therefore by no possibility 
be a cause of the decrease of exports in
 #agfe4 ,if it had any mischievous      
operation1 it could not be before #agff4
 ,in that year1 according to our author1
 the exports fell short of the          
preceding1 just eighty pounds4 ,he is   
welcome to that diminution2 and to all  
the consequences he can draw from it4   
,but1 as an auxiliary to account for    
this dreadful loss1 he brings in the    
,free-port ,act1 which he observes 7for 
his convenience7 to have been made in   
spring1 #agff2 but 7for his convenience 
likewise7 he forgets1 that1 by the      

express provision of the act1 the       
regulation was not to be in force in    
,jamaica until the ,november following4 
,miraculous must be the activity of that
 contraband whose operation in ,america 
could1 before the end of that year1 have
 reacted upon ,england1 and checked the 
exportation from hence6 ,unless he      
chooses to suppose1 that the merchants  
at whose solicitation this act had been 
obtained1 were so frightened at the     
accomplishment of their own most earnest
 and anxious desire1 that1 before any   
good or evil effect from it could       
happen1 they immediately put a stop to  
all further exportation4  ,it is obvious
 that we must look for the true effect  
of that act at the time of its first    
possible operation1 that is1 in the year
 #agfg4 ,on this idea how stands the    
account8    #agfd1 ,exports to ,jamaica 
#def1ebh   #agfe                        
#dae1fbd   #agff                        
#dae1edd   #agfg  7first year of the    
,free-port ,act7          #dfg1fha      

,this author1 for the sake of a present 
momentary credit1 will hazard any future
 and permanent disgrace4 ,at the time he
 wrote1 the account of #agfg could not  
be made up4 ,this was the very first    
year of the trial of the ,free-port     
,act2 and we find that the sale of      
,british commodities is so far from     
being lessened by that act1 that the    
export of #agfg amounts to #eb1jjjl4    
more than that of either of the two     
preceding years1 and is #aa1jjjl4 above 
that of his standard year #agfd4 ,if ,i 
could prevail on myself to argue in     
favor of a great commercial scheme from 
the appearance of things in a single    
year1 ,i should from this increase of   
export infer the beneficial effects of  
that measure4 ,in truth1 it is not      
wanting4 ,nothing but the thickest      
ignorance of the ,jamaica trade could   
have made any one entertain a fancy1    
that the least ill effect on our        
commerce could follow from this opening 
of the ports4 ,but1 if the author argues

 the effect of regulations in the       
,american trade from the export of the  
year in which they are made1 or even of 
the following2 why did he not apply this
 rule to his own8 ,he had the same paper
 before him which ,i have now before me4
 ,he must have seen that in his standard
 year 7the year #agfd71 the principal   
year of his new regulations1 the export 
fell no less than #abh1dejl4 short of   
that in #agfc6 ,did the export trade    
revive by these regulations in #agfe1   
during which year they continued in     
their full force8 ,it fell about        
#dj1jjjl4 still lower4 ,here is a fall  
of #afh1jjjl42 to account for which1    
would have become the author much better
 than piddling for an #hjl4 fall in the 
year #agff 7the only year in which the  
order he objects to could operate71 or  
in presuming a fall of exports from a   
regulation which took place only in     
,november1 #agff2 whose effects could   
not appear until the following year2 and
 which1 when they do appear1 utterly    

overthrow all his flimsy reasons and    
affected suspicions upon the effect of  
opening the ports4  ,this author1 in the
 same paragraph1 says1 that it was      
asserted by the ,american factors and   
agents1 that the commanders of our ships
 of war and tenders1 having custom-house
 commissions1 and the strict orders     
given in #agfd for a due execution of   
the laws of trade in the colonies1 had  
deterred the ,spaniards from trading    
with us2 that the sale of ,british      
manufactures in the ,west ,indies had   
been greatly lessened1 and the receipt  
of large sums of specie prevented4  ,if 
the ,american factors and agents        
asserted this1 they had good ground for 
their assertion4 ,they knew that the    
,spanish vessels had been driven from   
our ports4 ,the author does not         
positively deny the fact4 ,if he should1
 it will be proved4 ,when the factors   
connected this measure1 and its natural 
consequences1 with an actual fall in the
 exports to ,jamaica1 to no less an     

amount than #abh1dfjl4 in one year1 and 
with a further fall in the next1 is     
their assertion very wonderful8 ,the    
author himself is full as much alarmed  
by a fall of only #dj1jjjl42 for giving 
him the facts which he chooses to coin1 
it is no more4 ,the expulsion of the    
,spanish vessels must certainly have    
been one cause1 if not of the first     
declension of the exports1 yet of their 
continuance in their reduced state4     
,other causes had their operation1      
without doubt4 ,in what degree each     
cause produced its effect1 it is hard to
 determine4 ,but the fact of a fall of  
exports upon the restraining plan1 and  
of a rise upon the taking place of the  
enlarging plan1 is established beyond   
all contradiction4  ,this author says1  
that the facts relative to the ,spanish 
trade were asserted by ,american factors
 and agents2 insinuating1 that the      
ministry of #agff had no better         
authority for their plan of enlargement 
than such assertions4 ,the moment he    

chooses it1 he shall see the very same  
thing asserted by governors of          
provinces1 by commanders of men-of-war1 
and by officers of the customs2 persons 
the most bound in duty to prevent       
contraband1 and the most interested in  
the seizures to be made in consequence  
of strict regulation4 ,i suppress them  
for the present2 wishing that the author
 may not drive me to a more full        
discussion of this matter than it may be
 altogether prudent to enter into4 ,i   
wish he had not made any of these       
discussions necessary4  ,,footnotes3    
#aja ,his note1 p4 #bb4     ,,thoughts  
,,on  ,,the ,,cause ,,of ,,the ,,present
 ,,discontents4       ,hoc vero         
occultum1 intestinum1 domesticum malum1 
non modo non      existit1 verum etiam  
opprimit1 antequam perspicere atque     
explorare      potueris4                
,,cic4  #aggj4    ,it is an undertaking 
of some degree of delicacy to examine   
into the cause of public disorders4 ,if 
a man happens not to succeed in such an 

inquiry1 he will be thought weak and    
visionary2 if he touches the true       
grievance1 there is a danger that he may
 come near to persons of weight and     
consequence1 who will rather be         
exasperated at the discovery of their   
errors1 than thankful for the occasion  
of correcting them4 ,if he should be    
obliged to blame the favorites of the   
people1 he will be considered as the    
tool of power2 if he censures those in  
power1 he will be looked on as an       
instrument of faction4 ,but in all      
exertions of duty something is to be    
hazarded4 ,in cases of tumult and       
disorder1 our law has invested every    
man1 in some sort1 with the authority of
 a magistrate4 ,when the affairs of the 
nation are distracted1 private people   
are1 by the spirit of that law1         
justified in stepping a little out of   
their ordinary sphere4 ,they enjoy a    
privilege1 of somewhat more dignity and 
effect1 than that of idle lamentation   
over the calamities of their country4   

,they may look into them narrowly2 they 
may reason upon them liberally2 and if  
they should be so fortunate as to       
discover the true source of the         
mischief1 and to suggest any probable   
method of removing it1 though they may  
displease the rulers for the day1 they  
are certainly of service to the cause of
 government4 ,government is deeply      
interested in everything which1 even    
through the medium of some temporary    
uneasiness1 may tend finally to compose 
the minds of the subject1 and to        
conciliate their affections4 ,i have    
nothing to do here with the abstract    
value of the voice of the people4 ,but  
as long as reputation1 the most precious
 possession of every individual1 and as 
long as opinion1 the great support of   
the state1 depend entirely upon that    
voice1 it can never be considered as a  
thing of little consequence either to   
individuals or to governments4 ,nations 
are not primarily ruled by laws3 less by
 violence4 ,whatever original energy may

 be supposed either in force or         
regulation1 the operation of both is1 in
 truth1 merely instrumental4 ,nations   
are governed by the same methods1 and on
 the same principles1 by which an       
individual without authority is often   
able to govern those who are his equals 
or his superiors2 by a knowledge of     
their temper1 and by a judicious        
management of it2 ,i mean1--when public 
affairs are steadily and quietly        
conducted2 not when government is       
nothing but a continued scuffle between 
the magistrate and the multitude2 in    
which sometimes the one and sometimes   
the other is uppermost2 in which they   
alternately yield and prevail1 in a     
series of contemptible victories1 and   
scandalous submissions4 ,the temper of  
the people amongst whom he presides     
ought therefore to be the first study of
 a statesman4 ,and the knowledge of this
 temper it is by no means impossible for
 him to attain1 if he has not an        
interest in being ignorant of what it is

 his duty to learn4  ,to complain of the
 age we live in1 to murmur at the       
present possessors of power1 to lament  
the past1 to conceive extravagant hopes 
of the future1 are the common           
dispositions of the greatest part of    
mankind2 indeed the necessary effects of
 the ignorance and levity of the vulgar4
 ,such complaints and humors have       
existed in all times2 yet as all times  
have not been alike1 true political     
sagacity manifests itself in            
distinguishing that complaint which only
 characterizes the general infirmity of 
human nature1 from those which are      
symptoms of the particular              
distemperature of our own air and       
season4  ,nobody1 ,i believe1 will      
consider it merely as the language of   
spleen or disappointment1 if ,i say1    
that there is something particularly    
alarming in the present conjuncture4    
,there is hardly a man1 in or out of    
power1 who holds any other language4    
,that government is at once dreaded and 

contemned2 that the laws are despoiled  
of all their respected and salutary     
terrors2 that their inaction is a       
subject of ridicule1 and their exertion 
of abhorrence2 that rank1 and office and
 title1 and all the solemn              
plausibilities of the world1 have lost  
their reverence and effect2 that our    
foreign politics are as much deranged as
 our domestic economy2 that our         
dependencies are slackened in their     
affection1 and loosened from their      
obedience2 that we know neither how to  
yield nor how to enforce2 that hardly   
anything above or below1 abroad or at   
home1 is sound and entire2 but that     
disconnection and confusion1 in offices1
 in parties1 in families1 in            
,parliament1 in the nation1 prevail     
beyond the disorders of any former time3
 these are facts universally admitted   
and lamented4  ,this state of things is 
the more extraordinary1 because the     
great parties which formerly divided and
 agitated the kingdom are known to be in

 a manner entirely dissolved4 ,no great 
external calamity has visited the       
nation2 no pestilence or famine4 ,we do 
not labor at present under any scheme of
 taxation new or oppressive in the      
quantity or in the mode4 ,nor are we    
engaged in unsuccessful war2 in which1  
our misfortunes might easily pervert our
 judgment2 and our minds1 sore from the 
loss of national glory1 might feel every
 blow of fortune as a crime in          
government4  ,it is impossible that the 
cause of this strange distemper should  
not sometimes become a subject of       
discourse4 ,it is a compliment due1 and 
which ,i willingly pay1 to those who    
administer our affairs1 to take notice  
in the first place of their speculation4
 ,our ministers are of opinion1 that the
 increase of our trade and manufactures1
 that our growth by colonization1 and by
 conquest1 have concurred to accumulate 
immense wealth in the hands of some     
individuals2 and this again being       
dispersed among the people1 has rendered

 them universally proud1 ferocious1 and 
ungovernable2 that the insolence of some
 from their enormous wealth1 and the    
boldness of others from a guilty        
poverty1 have rendered them capable of  
the most atrocious attempts2 so that    
they have trampled upon all             
subordination1 and violently borne down 
the unarmed laws of a free government2  
barriers too feeble against the fury of 
a populace so fierce and licentious as  
ours4 ,they contend1 that no adequate   
provocation has been given for so       
spreading a discontent2 our affairs     
having been conducted throughout with   
remarkable temper and consummate wisdom4
 ,the wicked industry of some libellers1
 joined to the intrigues of a few       
disappointed politicians1 have1 in their
 opinion1 been able to produce this     
unnatural ferment in the nation4        
,nothing indeed can be more unnatural   
than the present convulsions of this    
country1 if the above account be a true 
one4 ,i confess ,i shall assent to it   

with great reluctance1 and only on the  
compulsion of the clearest and firmest  
proofs2 because their account resolves  
itself into this short1 but discouraging
 proposition1 ,that we have a very good 
ministry1 but that we are a very bad    
people2 that we set ourselves to bite   
the hand that feeds us2 that with a     
malignant insanity1 we oppose the       
measures1 and ungratefully vilify the   
persons1 of those whose sole object is  
our own peace and prosperity4 ,if a few 
puny libellers1 acting under a knot of  
factious politicians1 without virtue1   
parts1 or character1 7such they are     
constantly represented by these         
gentlemen17 are sufficient to excite    
this disturbance1 very perverse must be 
the disposition of that people1 amongst 
whom such a disturbance can be excited  
by such means4 ,it is besides no small  
aggravation of the public misfortune1   
that the disease1 on this hypothesis1   
appears to be without remedy4 ,if the   
wealth of the nation be the cause of its

 turbulence1 ,i imagine it is not       
proposed to introduce poverty1 as a     
constable to keep the peace4 ,if our    
dominions abroad are the roots which    
feed all this rank luxuriance of        
sedition1 it is not intended to cut them
 off in order to famish the fruit4 ,if  
our liberty has enfeebled the executive 
power1 there is no design1 ,i hope1 to  
call in the aid of despotism1 to fill up
 the deficiencies of law4 ,whatever may 
be intended1 these things are not yet   
professed4 ,we seem therefore to be     
driven to absolute despair2 for we have 
no other materials to work upon1 but    
those out of which ,god has been pleased
 to form the inhabitants of this island4
 ,if these be radically and essentially 
vicious1 all that can be said is1 that  
those men are very unhappy1 to whose    
fortune or duty it falls to administer  
the affairs of this untoward people4 ,i 
hear it indeed sometimes asserted1 that 
a steady perseverance in the present    
measures1 and a rigorous punishment of  

those who oppose them1 will in course of
 time infallibly put an end to these    
disorders4 ,but this1 in my opinion1 is 
said without much observation of our    
present disposition1 and without any    
knowledge at all of the general nature  
of mankind4 ,if the matter of which this
 nation is composed be so very          
fermentable as these gentlemen describe 
it1 leaven never will be wanting to work
 it up1 as long as discontent1 revenge1 
and ambition1 have existence in the     
world4 ,particular punishments are the  
cure for accidental distempers in the   
state2 they inflame rather than allay   
those heats which arise from the settled
 mismanagement of the government1 or    
from a natural indisposition in the     
people4 ,it is of the utmost moment not 
to make mistakes in the use of strong   
measures2 and firmness is then only a   
virtue when it accompanies the most     
perfect wisdom4 ,in truth1 inconstancy  
is a sort of natural corrective of folly
 and ignorance4  ,i am not one of those 

who think that the people are never in  
the wrong4 ,they have been so1          
frequently and outrageously1 both in    
other countries and in this4 ,but ,i do 
say1 that in all disputes between them  
and their rulers1 the presumption is at 
least upon a par in favor of the people4
 ,experience may perhaps justify me in  
going further4 ,when popular discontents
 have been very prevalent1 it may well  
be affirmed and supported1 that there   
has been generally something found amiss
 in the constitution1 or in the conduct 
of government4 ,the people have no      
interest in disorder4 ,when they do     
wrong1 it is their error1 and not their 
crime4 ,but with the governing part of  
the state1 it is for otherwise4 ,they   
certainly may act ill by design1 as well
 as by mistake4 ,les rvolutions qui     
arrivent dans les grands tats ne sont   
point un effect du hazard1 ni du caprice
 des peuples4 ,rien ne rvolte les grands
 d'un royaume comme un gouvernement     
foible et drang4 ,pour la populace1 ce  

n'est jamais par envie d'attaquer       
qu'elle se soulve1 mais par impatience  
de souffrir4#ajb ,these are the words of
 a great man2 of a minister of state2   
and a zealous assertor of monarchy4     
,they are applied to the system of      
favoritism which was adopted by ,henry  
the ,third of ,france1 and to the       
dreadful consequences it produced4 ,what
 he says of revolutions1 is equally true
 of all great disturbances4 ,if this    
presumption in favor of the subjects    
against the trustees of power be not the
 more probable1 ,i am sure it is the    
more comfortable speculation2 because it
 is more easy to change an              
administration1 than to reform a people4
  ,upon a supposition1 therefore1 that1 
in the opening of the cause1 the        
presumptions stand equally balanced     
between the parties1 there seems        
sufficient ground to entitle any person 
to a fair hearing1 who attempts some    
other scheme beside that easy one which 
is fashionable in some fashionable      

companies1 to account for the present   
discontents4 ,it is not to be argued    
that we endure no grievance1 because our
 grievances are not of the same sort    
with those under which we labored       
formerly2 not precisely those which we  
bore from the ,tudors1 or vindicated on 
the ,stuarts4 ,a great change has taken 
place in the affairs of this country4   
,for in the silent lapse of events as   
material alterations have been          
insensibly brought about in the policy  
and character of governments and        
nations1 as those which have been marked
 by the tumult of public revolutions4   
,it is very rare indeed for men to be   
wrong in their feelings concerning      
public misconduct2 as rare to be right  
in their speculation upon the cause of  
it4 ,i have constantly observed1 that   
the generality of people are fifty      
years1 at least1 behindhand in their    
politics4 ,there are but very few who   
are capable of comparing and digesting  
what passes before their eyes at        

different times and occasions1 so as to 
form the whole into a distinct system4  
,but in books everything is settled for 
them1 without the exertion of any       
considerable diligence or sagacity4 ,for
 which reason men are wise with but     
little reflection1 and good with little 
self-denial1 in the business of all     
times except their own4 ,we are very    
uncorrupt and tolerably enlightened     
judges of the transactions of past ages2
 where no passions deceive1 and where   
the whole train of circumstances1 from  
the trifling cause to the tragical      
event1 is set in an orderly series      
before us4 ,few are the partisans of    
departed tyranny2 and to be a ,whig on  
the business of an hundred years ago1 is
 very consistent with every advantage of
 present servility4 ,this retrospective 
wisdom1 and historical patriotism1 are  
things of wonderful convenience1 and    
serve admirably to reconcile the old    
quarrel between speculation and         
practice4 ,many a stern republican1     

after gorging himself with a full feast 
of admiration of the ,grecian           
commonwealths and of our true ,saxon    
constitution1 and discharging all the   
splendid bile of his virtuous           
indignation on ,king ,john and ,king    
,james1 sits down perfectly satisfied to
 the coarsest work and homeliest job of 
the day he lives in4 ,i believe there   
was no professed admirer of ,henry the  
,eighth among the instruments of the    
last ,king ,james2 nor in the court of  
,henry the ,eighth was there1 ,i dare   
say1 to be found a single advocate for  
the favorites of ,richard the ,second4  
,no complaisance to our court1 or to our
 age1 can make me believe nature to be  
so changed1 but that public liberty will
 be among us as among our ancestors1    
obnoxious to some person or other2 and  
that opportunities will be furnished for
 attempting1 at least1 some alteration  
to the prejudice of our constitution4   
,these attempts will naturally vary in  
their mode according to times and       

circumstances4 ,for ambition1 though it 
has ever the same general views1 has not
 at all times the same means1 nor the   
same particular objects4 ,a great deal  
of the furniture of ancient tyranny is  
worn to rags2 the rest is entirely out  
of fashion4 ,besides1 there are few     
statesmen so very clumsy and awkward in 
their business1 as to fall into the     
identical snare which has proved fatal  
to their predecessors4 ,when an         
arbitrary imposition is attempted upon  
the subject1 undoubtedly it will not    
bear on its forehead the name of        
,ship-money4 ,there is no danger that an
 extension of the ,forest laws should be
 the chosen mode of oppression in this  
age4 ,and when we hear any instance of  
ministerial rapacity1 to the prejudice  
of the rights of private life1 it will  
certainly not be the exaction of two    
hundred pullets1 from a woman of        
fashion1 for leave to lie with her own  
husband4#ajc  ,every age has its own    
manners1 and its politics dependent upon

 them2 and the same attempts will not be
 made against a constitution fully      
formed and matured1 that were used to   
destroy it in the cradle1 or to resist  
its growth during its infancy4  ,against
 the being of ,parliament1 ,i am        
satisfied1 no designs have ever been    
entertained since the revolution4 ,every
 one must perceive1 that it is strongly 
the interest of the court1 to have some 
second cause interposed between the     
ministers and the people4 ,the gentlemen
 of the ,house of ,commons have an      
interest equally strong in sustaining   
the part of that intermediate cause4    
,however they may hire out the usufruct 
of their voices1 they never will part   
with the fee and inheritance4           
,accordingly those who have been of the 
most known devotion to the will and     
pleasure of a court have1 at the same   
time1 been most forward in asserting a  
high authority in the ,house of         
,commons4 ,when they knew who were to   
use that authority1 and how it was to be

 employed1 they thought it never could  
be carried too far4 ,it must be always  
the wish of an unconstitutional         
statesman1 that a ,house of ,commons1   
who are entirely dependent upon him1    
should have every right of the people   
entirely dependent upon their pleasure4 
,it was soon discovered1 that the forms 
of a free1 and the ends of an arbitrary 
government1 were things not altogether  
incompatible4  ,the power of the crown1 
almost dead and rotten as ,prerogative1 
has grown up anew1 with much more       
strength1 and far less odium1 under the 
name of ,influence4 ,an influence1 which
 operated without noise and without     
violence2 an influence1 which converted 
the very antagonist into the instrument 
of power2 which contained in itself a   
perpetual principle of growth and       
renovation2 and which the distresses and
 the prosperity of the country equally  
tended to augment1 was an admirable     
substitute for a prerogative1 that1     
being only the offspring of antiquated  

prejudices1 had moulded in its original 
stamina irresistible principles of decay
 and dissolution4 ,the ignorance of the 
people is a bottom but for a temporary  
system2 the interest of active men in   
the state is a foundation perpetual and 
infallible4 ,however1 some              
circumstances1 arising1 it must be      
confessed1 in a great degree from       
accident1 prevented the effects of this 
influence for a long time from breaking 
out in a manner capable of exciting any 
serious apprehensions4 ,although        
government was strong and flourished    
exceedingly1 the court had drawn far    
less advantage than one would imagine   
from this great source of power4  ,at   
the revolution1 the crown1 deprived1 for
 the ends of the revolution itself1 of  
many prerogatives1 was found too weak to
 struggle against all the difficulties  
which pressed so new and unsettled a    
government4 ,the court was obliged      
therefore to delegate a part of its     
powers to men of such interest as could 

support1 and of such fidelity as would  
adhere to1 its establishment4 ,such men 
were able to draw in a greater number to
 a concurrence in the common defence4   
,this connection1 necessary at first1   
continued long after convenient2 and    
properly conducted might indeed1 in all 
situations1 be an useful instrument of  
government4 ,at the same time1 through  
the intervention of men of popular      
weight and character1 the people        
possessed a security for their just     
proportion of importance in the state4  
,but as the title to the crown grew     
stronger by long possession1 and by the 
constant increase of its influence1     
these helps have of late seemed to      
certain persons no better than          
incumbrances4 ,the powerful managers for
 government were not sufficiently       
submissive to the pleasure of the       
possessors of immediate and personal    
favor1 sometimes from a confidence in   
their own strength1 natural and         
acquired2 sometimes from a fear of      

offending their friends1 and weakening  
that lead in the country which gave them
 a consideration independent of the     
court4 ,men acted as if the court could 
receive1 as well as confer1 an          
obligation4 ,the influence of           
government1 thus divided in appearance  
between the court and the leaders of    
parties1 became in many cases an        
accession rather to the popular than to 
the royal scale2 and some part of that  
influence1 which would otherwise have   
been possessed as in a sort of mortmain 
and unalienable domain1 returned again  
to the great ocean from whence it arose1
 and circulated among the people4 ,this 
method1 therefore1 of governing by men  
of great natural interest or great      
acquired consideration was viewed in a  
very invidious light by the true lovers 
of absolute monarchy4 ,it is the nature 
of despotism to abhor power held by any 
means but its own momentary pleasure2   
and to annihilate all intermediate      
situations between boundless strength on

 its own part1 and total debility on the
 part of the people4  ,to get rid of all
 this intermediate and independent      
importance1 and to secure to the court  
the unlimited and uncontrolled use of   
its own vast influence1 under the sole  
direction of its own private favor1 has 
for some years past been the great      
object of policy4 ,if this were         
compassed1 the influence of the crown   
must of course produce all the effects  
which the most sanguine partisans of the
 court could possibly desire4           
,government might then be carried on    
without any concurrence on the part of  
the people2 without any attention to the
 dignity of the greater1 or to the      
affections of the lower sorts4 ,a new   
project was therefore devised by a      
certain set of intriguing men1 totally  
different from the system of            
administration which had prevailed since
 the accession of the ,house of         
,brunswick4 ,this project1 ,i have      
heard1 was first conceived by some      

persons in the court of ,frederick      
,prince of ,wales4  ,the earliest       
attempt in the execution of this design 
was to set up for minister1 a person1 in
 rank indeed respectable1 and very ample
 in fortune2 but who1 to the moment of  
this vast and sudden elevation1 was     
little known or considered in the       
kingdom4 ,to him the whole nation was to
 yield an immediate and implicit        
submission4 ,but whether it was from    
want of firmness to bear up against the 
first opposition2 or that things were   
not yet fully ripened1 or that this     
method was not found the most eligible2 
that idea was soon abandoned4 ,the      
instrumental part of the project was a  
little altered1 to accommodate it to the
 time and to bring things more gradually
 and more surely to the one great end   
proposed4  ,the first part of the       
reformed plan was to draw a line which  
should separate the court from the      
ministry4 ,hitherto these names had been
 looked upon as synonymous2 but for the 

future1 court and administration were to
 be considered as things totally        
distinct4 ,by this operation1 two       
systems of administration were to be    
formed2 one which should be in the real 
secret and confidence2 the other merely 
ostensible to perform the official and  
executory duties of government4 ,the    
latter were alone to be responsible2    
whilst the real advisers1 who enjoyed   
all the power1 were effectually removed 
from all the danger4  ,secondly1 ,a     
party under these leaders was to be     
formed in favor of the court against the
 ministry3 this party was to have a     
large share in the emoluments of        
government1 and to hold it totally      
separate from1 and independent of1      
ostensible administration4  ,the third  
point1 and that on which the success of 
the whole scheme ultimately depended1   
was to bring ,parliament to an          
acquiescence in this project4           
,parliament was therefore to be taught  
by degrees a total indifference to the  

persons1 rank1 influence1 abilities1    
connections1 and character of the       
ministers of the crown4 ,by means of a  
discipline1 on which ,i shall say more  
hereafter1 that body was to be          
habituated to the most opposite         
interests1 and the most discordant      
politics4 ,all connections and          
dependencies among subjects were to be  
entirely dissolved4 ,as1 hitherto1      
business had gone through the hands of  
leaders of ,whigs or ,tories1 men of    
talents to conciliate the people1 and to
 engage their confidence2 now the method
 was to be altered3 and the lead was to 
be given to men of no sort of           
consideration or credit in the country4 
,this want of natural importance was to 
be their very title to delegated power4 
,members of ,parliament were to be      
hardened into an insensibility to pride 
as well as to duty4 ,those high and     
haughty sentiments1 which are the great 
support of independence1 were to be let 
down gradually4 ,points of honor and    

precedence were no more to be regarded  
in ,parliamentary decorum than in a     
,turkish army4 ,it was to be avowed1 as 
a constitutional maxim1 that the king   
might appoint one of his footmen1 or one
 of your footmen for minister2 and that 
he ought to be1 and that he would be1 as
 well followed as the first name for    
rank or wisdom in the nation4 ,thus     
,parliament was to look on as if        
perfectly unconcerned1 while a cabal of 
the closet and back-stairs was          
substituted in the place of a national  
administration4  ,with such a degree of 
acquiescence1 any measure of any court  
might well be deemed thoroughly secure4 
,the capital objects1 and by much the   
most flattering characteristics of      
arbitrary power1 would be obtained4     
,everything would be drawn from its     
holdings in the country to the personal 
favor and inclination of the prince4    
,this favor would be the sole           
introduction to power1 and the only     
tenure by which it was to be held2 so   

that no person looking towards another1 
and all looking towards the court1 it   
was impossible but that the motive which
 solely influenced every man's hopes    
must come in time to govern every man's 
conduct2 till at last the servility     
became universal1 in spite of the dead  
letter of any laws or institutions      
whatsoever4  ,how it should happen that 
any man could be tempted to venture upon
 such a project of government1 may at   
first view appear surprising4 ,but the  
fact is that opportunities very inviting
 to such an attempt have offered2 and   
the scheme itself was not destitute of  
some arguments1 not wholly unplausible1 
to recommend it4 ,these opportunities   
and these arguments1 the use that has   
been made of both1 the plan for carrying
 this new scheme of government into     
execution1 and the effects which it has 
produced1 are1 in my opinion1 worthy of 
our serious consideration4  ,his        
,majesty came to the throne of these    
kingdoms with more advantages than any  

of his predecessors since the           
revolution4 ,fourth in descent1 and     
third in succession of his royal family1
 even the zealots of hereditary right1  
in him1 saw something to flatter their  
favorite prejudices2 and to justify a   
transfer of their attachments1 without a
 change in their principles4 ,the person
 and cause of the ,pretender were become
 contemptible2 his title disowned       
throughout ,europe2 his party disbanded 
in ,england4 ,his ,majesty came1 indeed1
 to the inheritance of a mighty war2    
but1 victorious in every part of the    
globe1 peace was always in his power1   
not to negotiate1 but to dictate4 ,no   
foreign habitudes or attachments        
withdrew him from the cultivation of his
 power at home4 ,his revenue for the    
civil establishment1 fixed 7as it was   
then thought7 at a large1 but definite  
sum1 was ample without being invidious4 
,his influence1 by additions from       
conquest1 by an augmentation of debt1 by
 an increase of military and naval      

establishment1 much strengthened and    
extended4 ,and coming to the throne in  
the prime and full vigor of youth1 as   
from affection there was a strong       
dislike1 so from dread there seemed to  
be a general averseness1 from giving    
anything like offence to a monarch1     
against whose resentment opposition     
could not look for a refuge in any sort 
of reversionary hope4  ,these singular  
advantages inspired his ,majesty only   
with a more ardent desire to preserve   
unimpaired the spirit of that national  
freedom1 to which he owed a situation so
 full of glory4 ,but to others it       
suggested sentiments of a very different
 nature4 ,they thought they now beheld  
an opportunity 7by a certain sort of    
statesmen never long undiscovered or    
unemployed7 of drawing to themselves by 
the aggrandizement of a court faction1 a
 degree of power which they could never 
hope to derive from natural influence or
 from honorable service2 and which it   
was impossible they could hold with the 

least security1 whilst the system of    
administration rested upon its former   
bottom4 ,in order to facilitate the     
execution of their design1 it was       
necessary to make many alterations in   
political arrangement1 and a signal     
change in the opinions1 habits1 and     
connections of the greatest part of     
those who at that time acted in public4 
,in the first place1 they proceeded     
gradually1 but not slowly1 to destroy   
everything of strength which did not    
derive its principal nourishment from   
the immediate pleasure of the court4    
,the greatest weight of popular opinion 
and party connection were then with the 
,duke of ,newcastle and ,mr4 ,pitt4     
,neither of these held their importance 
by the new tenure of the court2 they    
were not therefore thought to be so     
proper as others for the services which 
were required by that tenure4 ,it       
happened very favorably for the new     
system1 that under a forced coalition   
there rankled an incurable alienation   

and disgust between the parties which   
composed the administration4 ,mr4 ,pitt 
was first attacked4 ,not satisfied with 
removing him from power1 they endeavored
 by various artifices to ruin his       
character4 ,the other party seemed      
rather pleased to get rid of so         
oppressive a support2 not perceiving1   
that their own fall was prepared by his1
 and involved in it4 ,many other reasons
 prevented them from daring to look     
their true situation in the face4 ,to   
the great ,whig families it was         
extremely disagreeable1 and seemed      
almost unnatural1 to oppose the         
administration of a prince of the ,house
 of ,brunswick4 ,day after day they     
hesitated1 and doubted1 and lingered1   
expecting that other counsels would take
 place2 and were slow to be persuaded1  
that all which had been done by the     
cabal was the effect not of humor1 but  
of system4 ,it was more strongly and    
evidently the interest of the new court 
faction1 to get rid of the great ,whig  

connections1 than to destroy ,mr4 ,pitt4
 ,the power of that gentleman was vast  
indeed and merited2 but it was in a     
great degree personal1 and therefore    
transient4 ,theirs was rooted in the    
country4 ,for1 with a good deal less of 
popularity1 they possessed a far more   
natural and fixed influence4 ,long      
possession of government2 vast property2
 obligations of favors given and        
received2 connection of office2 ties of 
blood1 of alliance1 of friendship       
7things at that time supposed of some   
force72 the name of ,whig1 dear to the  
majority of the people2 the zeal early  
begun and steadily continued to the     
royal family3 all these together formed 
a body of power in the nation1 which was
 criminal and devoted4 ,the great ruling
 principle of the cabal1 and that which 
animated and harmonized all their       
proceedings1 how various soever they may
 have been1 was to signify to the world 
that the court would proceed upon its   
own proper forces only2 and that the    

pretence of bringing any other into its 
service was an affront to it1 and not a 
support4 ,therefore when the chiefs were
 removed1 in order to go to the root1   
the whole party was put under a         
proscription1 so general and severe1 as 
to take their hard-earned bread from the
 lowest officers1 in a manner which had 
never been known before1 even in general
 revolutions4 ,but it was thought       
necessary effectually to destroy all    
dependencies but one2 and to show an    
example of the firmness and rigor with  
which the new system was to be          
supported4  ,thus for the time were     
pulled down1 in the persons of the ,whig
 leaders and of ,mr4 ,pitt 7in spite of 
the services of the one at the accession
 of the royal family1 and the recent    
services of the other in the war71 the  
two only securities for the importance  
of the people2 power arising from       
popularity2 and power arising from      
connection4 ,here and there indeed a few
 individuals were left standing1 who    

gave security for their total           
estrangement from the odious principles 
of party connection and personal        
attachment2 and it must be confessed    
that most of them have religiously kept 
their faith4 ,such a change could not   
however be made without a mighty shock  
to government4  ,to reconcile the minds 
of the people to all these movements1   
principles correspondent to them had    
been preached up with great zeal4 ,every
 one must remember that the cabal set   
out with the most astonishing prudery1  
both moral and political4 ,those1 who in
 a few months after soused over head and
 ears into the deepest and dirtiest pits
 of corruption1 cried out violently     
against the indirect practices in the   
electing and managing of ,parliaments1  
which had formerly prevailed4 ,this     
marvellous abhorrence which the court   
had suddenly taken to all influence1 was
 not only circulated in conversation    
through the kingdom1 but pompously      
announced to the public1 with many other

 extraordinary things1 in a pamphlet#ajd
 which had all the appearance of a      
manifesto preparatory to some           
considerable enterprise4 ,throughout it 
was a satire1 though in terms managed   
and decent enough1 on the politics of   
the former reign4 ,it was indeed written
 with no small art and address4  ,in    
this piece appeared the first dawning of
 the new system3 there first appeared   
the idea 7then only in speculation7 of  
separating the court from the           
administration2 of carrying everything  
from national connection to personal    
regards2 and of forming a regular party 
for that purpose1 under the name of     
king's men4  ,to recommend this system  
to the people1 a perspective view of the
 court1 gorgeously painted1 and finely  
illuminated from within1 was exhibited  
to the gaping multitude4 ,party was to  
be totally done away1 with all its evil 
works4 ,corruption was to be cast down  
from court1 as ,at was from heaven4     
,power was thenceforward to be the      

chosen residence of public spirit2 and  
no one was to be supposed under any     
sinister influence1 except those who had
 the misfortune to be in disgrace at    
court1 which was to stand in lieu of all
 vices and all corruptions4 ,a scheme of
 perfection to be realized in a monarchy
 far beyond the visionary republic of   
,plato4 ,the whole scenery was exactly  
disposed to captivate those good souls1 
whose credulous morality is so          
invaluable a treasure to crafty         
politicians4 ,indeed there was          
wherewithal to charm everybody1 except  
those few who are not much pleased with 
professions of supernatural virtue1 who 
know of what stuff such professions are 
made1 for what purposes they are        
designed1 and in what they are sure     
constantly to end4 ,many innocent       
gentlemen1 who had been talking prose   
all their lives without knowing anything
 of the matter1 began at last to open   
their eyes upon their own merits1 and to
 attribute their not having been lords  

of the treasury and lords of trade many 
years before1 merely to the prevalence  
of party1 and to the ministerial power1 
which had frustrated the good intentions
 of the court in favor of their         
abilities4 ,now was the time to unlock  
the sealed fountain of royal bounty1    
which had been infamously monopolized   
and huckstered1 and to let it flow at   
large upon the whole people4 ,the time  
was come1 to restore royalty to its     
original splendor4 ,mettre le ,roy hors 
de page1 became a sort of watchword4    
,and it was constantly in the mouths of 
all the runners of the court1 that      
nothing could preserve the balance of   
the constitution from being overturned  
by the rabble1 or by a faction of the   
nobility1 but to free the sovereign     
effectually from that ministerial       
tyranny under which the royal dignity   
had been oppressed in the person of his 
,majesty's grandfather4  ,these were    
some of the many artifices used to      
reconcile the people to the great change

 which was made in the persons who      
composed the ministry1 and the still    
greater which was made and avowed in its
 constitution4 ,as to individuals1 other
 methods were employed with them2 in    
order so thoroughly to disunite every   
party1 and even every family1 that no   
concert1 order1 or effect1 might appear 
in any future opposition4 ,and in this  
manner an administration without        
connection with the people1 or with one 
another1 was first put in possession of 
government4 ,what good consequences     
followed from it1 we have all seen2     
whether with regard to virtue1 public or
 private2 to the ease and happiness of  
the sovereign2 or to the real strength  
of government4 ,but as so much stress   
was then laid on the necessity of this  
new project1 it will not be amiss to    
take a view of the effects of this royal
 servitude and vile durance1 which was  
so deplored in the reign of the late    
monarch1 and was so carefully to be     
avoided in the reign of his successor4  

,the effects were these4  ,in times full
 of doubt and danger to his person and  
family1 ,george ,,ii4 maintained the    
dignity of his crown connected with the 
liberty of his people1 not only         
unimpaired1 but improved1 for the space 
of thirty-three years4 ,he overcame a   
dangerous rebellion1 abetted by foreign 
force1 and raging in the heart of his   
kingdoms2 and thereby destroyed the     
seeds of all future rebellion that could
 arise upon the same principle4 ,he     
carried the glory1 the power1 the       
commerce of ,england1 to a height       
unknown even to this renowned nation in 
the times of its greatest prosperity3   
and he left his succession resting on   
the true and only true foundations of   
all national and all regal greatness2   
affection at home1 reputation abroad1   
trust in allies1 terror in rival        
nations4 ,the most ardent lover of his  
country cannot wish for ,great ,britain 
a happier fate than to continue as she  
was then left4 ,a people1 emulous as we 

are in affection to our present         
sovereign1 know not how to form a prayer
 to heaven for a greater blessing upon  
his virtues1 or a higher state of       
felicity and glory1 than that he should 
live1 and should reign1 and when        
,providence ordains it1 should die1     
exactly like his illustrious            
predecessor4  ,a great prince may be    
obliged 7though such a thing cannot     
happen very often7 to sacrifice his     
private inclination to his public       
interest4 ,a wise prince will not think 
that such a restraint implies a         
condition of servility2 and truly1 if   
such was the condition of the last      
reign1 and the effects were also such as
 we have described1 we ought1 no less   
for the sake of the sovereign whom we   
love1 than for our own1 to hear         
arguments convincing indeed1 before we  
depart from the maxims of that reign1 or
 fly in the face of this great body of  
strong and recent experience4  ,one of  
the principal topics which was then1 and

 has been since1 much employed by that  
political#aje school1 is an affected    
terror of the growth of an aristocratic 
power1 prejudicial to the rights of the 
crown1 and the balance of the           
constitution4 ,any new powers exercised 
in the ,house of ,lords1 or in the      
,house of ,commons1 or by the crown1    
ought certainly to excite the vigilant  
and anxious jealousy of a free people4  
,even a new and unprecedented course of 
action in the whole legislature1 without
 great and evident reason1 may be a     
subject of just uneasiness4 ,i will not 
affirm1 that there may not have lately  
appeared in the ,house of ,lords1 a     
disposition to some attempts derogatory 
to the legal rights of the subject4 ,if 
any such have really appeared1 they have
 arisen1 not from a power properly      
aristocratic1 but from the same         
influence which is charged with having  
excited attempts of a similar nature in 
the ,house of ,commons2 which ,house1 if
 it should have been betrayed into an   

unfortunate quarrel with its            
constituents1 and involved in a charge  
of the very same nature1 could have     
neither power nor inclination to repel  
such attempts in others4 ,those attempts
 in the ,house of ,lords can no more be 
called aristocratic proceedings1 than   
the proceedings with regard to the      
county of ,middlesex in the ,house of   
,commons can with any sense be called   
democratical4  ,it is true1 that the    
peers have a great influence in the     
kingdom1 and in every part of the public
 concerns4 ,while they are men of       
property1 it is impossible to prevent   
it1 except by such means as must prevent
 all property from its natural          
operation3 an event not easily to be    
compassed1 while property is power2 nor 
by any means to be wished1 while the    
least notion exists of the method by    
which the spirit of liberty acts1 and of
 the means by which it is preserved4 ,if
 any particular peers1 by their uniform1
 upright1 constitutional conduct1 by    

their public and their private virtues1 
have acquired an influence in the       
country2 the people1 on whose favor that
 influence depends1 and from whom it    
arose1 will never be duped into an      
opinion1 that such greatness in a peer  
is the despotism of an aristocracy1 when
 they know and feel it to be the effect 
and pledge of their own importance4  ,i 
am no friend to aristocracy1 in the     
sense at least in which that word is    
usually understood4 ,if it were not a   
bad habit to moot cases on the supposed 
ruin of the constitution1 ,i should be  
free to declare1 that if it must perish1
 ,i would rather by far see it resolved 
into any other form1 than lost in that  
austere and insolent domination4 ,but1  
whatever my dislikes may be1 my fears   
are not upon that quarter4 ,the         
question1 on the influence of a court1  
and of a peerage1 is not1 which of the  
two dangers is the more eligible1 but   
which is the more imminent4 ,he is but a
 poor observer1 who has not seen1 that  

the generality of peers1 far from       
supporting themselves in a state of     
independent greatness1 are but too apt  
to fall into an oblivion of their proper
 dignity1 and to run headlong into an   
abject servitude4 ,would to ,god it were
 true1 that the fault of our peers were 
too much spirit4 ,it is worthy of some  
observation that these gentlemen1 so    
jealous of aristocracy1 make no         
complaints of the power of those peers  
7neither few nor inconsiderable7 who are
 always in the train of a court1 and    
whose whole weight must be considered as
 a portion of the settled influence of  
the crown4 ,this is all safe and right2 
but if some peers 7,i am very sorry they
 are not as many as they ought to be7   
set themselves1 in the great concern of 
peers and commons1 against a back-stairs
 influence and clandestine government1  
then the alarm begins2 then the         
constitution is in danger of being      
forced into an aristocracy4  ,i rest a  
little the longer on this court topic1  

because it was much insisted upon at the
 time of the great change1 and has been 
since frequently revived by many of the 
agents of that party2 for1 whilst they  
are terrifying the great and opulent    
with the horrors of mob-government1 they
 are by other managers attempting       
7though hitherto with little success7 to
 alarm the people with a phantom of     
tyranny in the nobles4 ,all this is done
 upon their favorite principle of       
disunion1 of sowing jealousies amongst  
the different orders of the state1 and  
of disjointing the natural strength of  
the kingdom2 that it may be rendered    
incapable of resisting the sinister     
designs of wicked men1 who have         
engrossed the royal power4  ,thus much  
of the topics chosen by the courtiers to
 recommend their system2 it will be     
necessary to open a little more at large
 the nature of that party which was     
formed for its support4 ,without this1  
the whole would have been no better than
 a visionary amusement1 like the scheme 

of ,harrington's political club1 and not
 a business in which the nation had a   
real concern4 ,as a powerful party1 and 
a party constructed on a new principle1 
it is a very inviting object of         
curiosity4  ,it must be remembered1 that
 since the revolution1 until the period 
we are speaking of1 the influence of the
 crown had been always employed in      
supporting the ministers of state1 and  
in carrying on the public business      
according to their opinions4 ,but the   
party now in question is formed upon a  
very different idea4 ,it is to intercept
 the favor1 protection1 and confidence  
of the crown in the passage to its      
ministers2 it is to come between them   
and their importance in ,parliament2 it 
is to separate them from all their      
natural and acquired dependencies2 it is
 intended as the control1 not the       
support1 of administration4 ,the        
machinery of this system is perplexed in
 its movements1 and false in its        
principle4 ,it is formed on a           

supposition that the king is something  
external to his government2 and that he 
may be honored and aggrandized1 even by 
its debility and disgrace4 ,the plan    
proceeds expressly on the idea of       
enfeebling the regular executory power4 
,it proceeds on the idea of weakening   
the state in order to strengthen the    
court4 ,the scheme depending entirely on
 distrust1 on disconnection1 on         
mutability by principle1 on systematic  
weakness in every particular member2 it 
is impossible that the total result     
should be substantial strength of any   
kind4  ,as a foundation of their scheme1
 the cabal have established a sort of   
rota in the court4 ,all sorts of        
parties1 by this means1 have been       
brought into administration2 from whence
 few have had the good fortune to escape
 without disgrace2 none at all without  
considerable losses4 ,in the beginning  
of each arrangement no professions of   
confidence and support are wanting1 to  
induce the leading men to engage4 ,but  

while the ministers of the day appear in
 all the pomp and pride of power1 while 
they have all their canvas spread out to
 the wind1 and every sail filled with   
the fair and prosperous gale of royal   
favor1 in a short time they find1 they  
know not how1 a current1 which sets     
directly against them3 which prevents   
all progress2 and even drives them      
backwards4 ,they grow ashamed and       
mortified in a situation1 which1 by its 
vicinity to power1 only serves to remind
 them the more strongly of their        
insignificance4 ,they are obliged either
 to execute the orders of their         
inferiors1 or to see themselves opposed 
by the natural instruments of their     
office4 ,with the loss of their dignity 
they lose their temper4 ,in their turn  
they grow troublesome to that cabal     
which1 whether it supports or opposes1  
equally disgraces and equally betrays   
them4 ,it is soon found necessary to get
 rid of the heads of administration2 but
 it is of the heads only4 ,as there     

always are many rotten members belonging
 to the best connections1 it is not hard
 to persuade several to continue in     
office without their leaders4 ,by this  
means the party goes out much thinner   
than it came in2 and is only reduced in 
strength by its temporary possession of 
power4 ,besides1 if by accident1 or in  
course of changes1 that power should be 
recovered1 the junto have thrown up a   
retrenchment of these carcasses1 which  
may serve to cover themselves in a day  
of danger4 ,they conclude1 not unwisely1
 that such rotten members will become   
the first objects of disgust and        
resentment to their ancient connections4
  ,they contrive to form in the outward 
administration two parties at the least2
 which1 whilst they are tearing one     
another to pieces1 are both competitors 
for the favor and protection of the     
cabal2 and1 by their emulation1         
contribute to throw everything more and 
more into the hands of the interior     
managers4  ,a minister of state will    

sometimes keep himself totally estranged
 from all his colleagues2 will differ   
from them in their councils1 will       
privately traverse1 and publicly oppose1
 their measures4 ,he will1 however1     
continue in his employment4 ,instead of 
suffering any mark of displeasure1 he   
will be distinguished by an unbounded   
profusion of court rewards and caresses2
 because he does what is expected1 and  
all that is expected1 from men in       
office4 ,he helps to keep some form of  
administration in being1 and keeps it at
 the same time as weak and divided as   
possible4  ,however1 we must take care  
not to be mistaken1 or to imagine that  
such persons have any weight in their   
opposition4 ,when1 by them1             
administration is convinced of its      
insignificancy1 they are soon to be     
convinced of their own4 ,they never are 
suffered to succeed in their opposition4
 ,they and the world are to be          
satisfied1 that neither office1 nor     
authority1 nor property1 nor ability1   

eloquence1 counsel1 skill1 or union1 are
 of the least importance2 but that the  
mere influence of the court1 naked of   
all support1 and destitute of all       
management1 is abundantly sufficient for
 all its own purposes4  ,when any       
adverse connection is to be destroyed1  
the cabal seldom appear in the work     
themselves4 ,they find out some person  
of whom the party entertains a high     
opinion4 ,such a person they endeavor to
 delude with various pretences4 ,they   
teach him first to distrust1 and then to
 quarrel with his friends2 among whom1  
by the same arts1 they excite a similar 
diffidence of him2 so that in this      
mutual fear and distrust1 he may suffer 
himself to be employed as the instrument
 in the change which is brought about4  
,afterwards they are sure to destroy him
 in his turn1 by setting up in his place
 some person in whom he had himself     
reposed the greatest confidence1 and who
 serves to carry off a considerable part
 of his adherents4  ,when such a person 

has broke in this manner with his       
connections1 he is soon compelled to    
commit some flagrant act of iniquitous1 
personal hostility against some of them 
7such as an attempt to strip a          
particular friend of his family estate71
 by which the cabal hope to render the  
parties utterly irreconcilable4 ,in     
truth1 they have so contrived matters1  
that people have a greater hatred to the
 subordinate instruments than to the    
principal movers4  ,as in destroying    
their enemies they make use of          
instruments not immediately belonging to
 their corps1 so in advancing their own 
friends they pursue exactly the same    
method4 ,to promote any of them to      
considerable rank or emolument1 they    
commonly take care that the             
recommendation shall pass through the   
hands of the ostensible ministry3 such a
 recommendation might however appear to 
the world1 as some proof of the credit  
of ministers1 and some means of         
increasing their strength4 ,to prevent  

this1 the persons so advanced are       
directed1 in all companies1             
industriously to declare1 that they are 
under no obligations whatsoever to      
administration2 that they have received 
their office from another quarter2 that 
they are totally free and independent4  
,when the faction has any job of lucre  
to obtain1 or of vengeance to           
perpetrate1 their way is1 to select1 for
 the execution1 those very persons to   
whose habits1 friendships1 principles1  
and declarations1 such proceedings are  
publicly known to be the most adverse2  
at once to render the instruments the   
more odious1 and therefore the more     
dependent1 and to prevent the people    
from ever reposing a confidence in any  
appearance of private friendship or     
public principle4  ,if the              
administration seem now and then1 from  
remissness1 or from fear of making      
themselves disagreeable1 to suffer any  
popular excesses to go unpunished1 the  
cabal immediately sets up some creature 

of theirs to raise a clamor against the 
ministers1 as having shamefully betrayed
 the dignity of government4 ,then they  
compel the ministry to become active in 
conferring rewards and honors on the    
persons who have been the instruments of
 their disgrace2 and1 after having first
 vilified them with the higher orders   
for suffering the laws to sleep over the
 licentiousness of the populace1 they   
drive them 7in order to make amends for 
their former inactivity7 to some act of 
atrocious violence1 which renders them  
completely abhorred by the people4      
,they1 who remember the riots which     
attended the ,middlesex election1 the   
opening of the present ,parliament1 and 
the transactions relative to ,saint     
,george's ,fields1 will not be at a loss
 for an application of these remarks4   
,that this body may be enabled to       
compass all the ends of its institution1
 its members are scarcely ever to aim at
 the high and responsible offices of the
 state4 ,they are distributed with art  

and judgment through all the secondary1 
but efficient1 departments of office1   
and through the households of all the   
branches of the royal family3 so as on  
one hand to occupy all the avenues to   
the throne2 and on the other to forward 
or frustrate the execution of any       
measure1 according to their own         
interests4 ,for with the credit and     
support which they are known to have1   
though for the greater part in places   
which are only a genteel excuse for     
salary1 they possess all the influence  
of the highest posts2 and they dictate  
publicly in almost everything1 even with
 a parade of superiority4 ,whenever they
 dissent 7as it often happens7 from     
their nominal leaders1 the trained part 
of the senate1 instinctively in the     
secret1 is sure to follow them3 provided
 the leaders1 sensible of their         
situation1 do not of themselves recede  
in time from their most declared        
opinions4 ,this latter is generally the 
case4 ,it will not be conceivable to any

 one who has not seen it1 what pleasure 
is taken by the cabal in rendering these
 heads of office thoroughly contemptible
 and ridiculous4 ,and when they are     
become so1 they have then the best      
chance for being well supported4  ,the  
members of the court faction are fully  
indemnified for not holding places on   
the slippery heights of the kingdom1 not
 only by the lead in all affairs1 but   
also by the perfect security in which   
they enjoy less conspicuous1 but very   
advantageous situations4 ,their places  
are in express legal tenure1 or1 in     
effect1 all of them for life4 ,whilst   
the first and most respectable persons  
in the kingdom are tossed about like    
tennis-balls1 the sport of a blind and  
insolent caprice1 no minister dares even
 to cast an oblique glance at the lowest
 of their body4 ,if an attempt be made  
upon one of this corps1 immediately he  
flies to sanctuary1 and pretends to the 
most inviolable of all promises4 ,no    
conveniency of public arrangement is    

available to remove any one of them from
 the specific situation he holds2 and   
the slightest attempt upon one of them1 
by the most powerful minister1 is a     
certain preliminary to his own          
destruction4  ,conscious of their       
independence1 they bear themselves with 
a lofty air to the exterior ministers4  
,like janissaries1 they derive a kind of
 freedom from the very condition of     
their servitude4 ,they may act just as  
they please2 provided they are true to  
the great ruling principle of their     
institution4 ,it is1 therefore1 not at  
all wonderful1 that people should be so 
desirous of adding themselves to that   
body1 in which they may possess and     
reconcile satisfactions the most        
alluring1 and seemingly the most        
contradictory2 enjoying at once all the 
spirited pleasure of independence1 and  
all the gross lucre and fat emoluments  
of servitude4  ,here is a sketch1 though
 a slight one1 of the constitution1     
laws1 and policy of this new court      

corporation4 ,the name by which they    
choose to distinguish themselves1 is    
that of king's men or the king's        
friends1 by an invidious exclusion of   
the rest of his ,majesty's most loyal   
and affectionate subjects4 ,the whole   
system1 comprehending the exterior and  
interior administrations1 is commonly   
called1 in the technical language of the
 court1 double cabinet2 in ,french or   
,english1 as you choose to pronounce it4
  ,whether all this be a vision of a    
distracted brain1 or the invention of a 
malicious heart1 or a real faction in   
the country1 must be judged by the      
appearances which things have worn for  
eight years past4 ,thus far ,i am       
certain1 that there is not a single     
public man1 in or out of office1 who has
 not1 at some time or other1 borne      
testimony to the truth of what ,i have  
now related4 ,in particular1 no persons 
have been more strong in their          
assertions1 and louder and more indecent
 in their complaints1 than those who    

compose all the exterior part of the    
present administration2 in whose time   
that faction has arrived at such an     
height of power1 and of boldness in the 
use of it1 as may1 in the end1 perhaps  
bring about its total destruction4  ,it 
is true1 that about four years ago1     
during the administration of the        
,marquis of ,rockingham1 an attempt was 
made to carry on government without     
their concurrence4 ,however1 this was   
only a transient cloud2 they were hid   
but for a moment2 and their             
constellation blazed out with greater   
brightness1 and a far more vigorous     
influence1 some time after it was blown 
over4 ,an attempt was at that time made 
7but without any idea of proscription7  
to break their corps1 to discountenance 
their doctrines1 to revive connections  
of a different kind1 to restore the     
principles and policy of the ,whigs1 to 
reanimate the cause of liberty by       
ministerial countenance2 and then for   
the first time were men seen attached in

 office to every principle they had     
maintained in opposition4 ,no one will  
doubt1 that such men were abhorred and  
violently opposed by the court faction1 
and that such a system could have but a 
short duration4  ,it may appear somewhat
 affected1 that in so much discourse    
upon this extraordinary party1 ,i should
 say so little of the ,earl of ,bute1   
who is the supposed head of it4 ,but    
this was neither owing to affectation   
nor inadvertence4 ,i have carefully     
avoided the introduction of personal    
reflections of any kind4 ,much the      
greater part of the topics which have   
been used to blacken this nobleman are  
either unjust or frivolous4 ,at best1   
they have a tendency to give the        
resentment of this bitter calamity a    
wrong direction1 and to turn a public   
grievance into a mean1 personal1 or a   
dangerous national quarrel4 ,where there
 is a regular scheme of operations      
carried on1 it is the system1 and not   
any individual person who acts in it1   

that is truly dangerous4 ,this system   
has not arisen solely from the ambition 
of ,lord ,bute1 but from the            
circumstances which favored it1 and from
 an indifference to the constitution    
which had been for some time growing    
among our gentry4 ,we should have been  
tried with it1 if the ,earl of ,bute had
 never existed2 and it will want neither
 a contriving head nor active members1  
when the ,earl of ,bute exists no       
longer4 ,it is not1 therefore1 to rail  
at ,lord ,bute1 but firmly to embody    
against this court party and its        
practices1 which can afford us any      
prospect of relief in our present       
condition4  ,another motive induces me  
to put the personal consideration of    
,lord ,bute wholly out of the question4 
,he communicates very little in a direct
 manner with the greater part of our men
 of business4 ,this has never been his  
custom4 ,it is enough for him that he   
surrounds them with his creatures4      
,several imagine1 therefore1 that they  

have a very good excuse for doing all   
the work of this faction1 when they have
 no personal connection with ,lord      
,bute4 ,but whoever becomes a party to  
an administration1 composed of insulated
 individuals1 without faith plighted1   
tie1 or common principle2 an            
administration constitutionally         
impotent1 because supported by no party 
in the nation2 he who contributes to    
destroy the connections of men and their
 trust in one another1 or in any sort to
 throw the dependence of public counsels
 upon private will and favor1 possibly  
may have nothing to do with the ,earl of
 ,bute4 ,it matters little whether he be
 the friend or the enemy of that        
particular person4 ,but let him be who  
or what he will1 he abets a faction that
 is driving hard to the ruin of his     
country4 ,he is sapping the foundation  
of its liberty1 disturbing the sources  
of its domestic tranquillity1 weakening 
its government over its dependencies1   
degrading it from all its importance in 

the system of ,europe4  ,it is this     
unnatural infusion of a system of       
favoritism into a government which in a 
great part of its constitution is       
popular1 that has raised the present    
ferment in the nation4 ,the people1     
without entering deeply into its        
principles1 could plainly perceive its  
effects1 in much violence1 in a great   
spirit of innovation1 and a general     
disorder in all the functions of        
government4 ,i keep my eye solely on    
this system2 if ,i speak of those       
measures which have arisen from it1 it  
will be so far only as they illustrate  
the general scheme4 ,this is the        
fountain of all those bitter waters of  
which1 through an hundred different     
conduits1 we have drunk until we are    
ready to burst4 ,the discretionary power
 of the crown in the formation of       
ministry1 abused by bad or weak men1 has
 given rise to a system1 which1 without 
directly violating the letter of any    
law1 operates against the spirit of the 

whole constitution4  ,a plan of         
favoritism for our executory government 
is essentially at variance with the plan
 of our legislature4 ,one great end     
undoubtedly of a mixed government like  
ours1 composed of monarchy1 and of      
controls1 on the part of the higher     
people and the lower1 is that the prince
 shall not be able to violate the laws4 
,this is useful indeed and fundamental4 
,but this1 even at first view1 is no    
more than a negative advantage2 an armor
 merely defensive4 ,it is therefore next
 in order1 and equal in importance1 that
 the discretionary powers which are     
necessarily vested in the monarch1      
whether for the execution of the laws1  
or for the nomination to magistracy and 
office1 or for conducting the affairs of
 peace and war1 or for ordering the     
revenue1 should all be exercised upon   
public principles and national grounds1 
and1 not on the likings or prejudices1  
the intrigues or policies1 of a court4  
,this1 ,i said1 is equal in importance  

to the securing a government according  
to law4 ,the laws reach but a very      
little way4 ,constitute government how  
you please1 infinitely the greater part 
of it must depend upon the exercise of  
the powers which are left at large to   
the prudence and uprightness of         
ministers of state4 ,even all the use   
and potency of the laws depends upon    
them4 ,without them1 your commonwealth  
is no better than a scheme upon paper2  
and not a living1 active1 effective     
constitution4 ,it is possible that      
through negligence1 or ignorance1 or    
design artfully conducted1 ministers may
 suffer one part of government to       
languish1 another to be perverted from  
its purposes1 and every valuable        
interest of the country to fall into    
ruin and decay1 without possibility of  
fixing any single act on which a        
criminal prosecution can be justly      
grounded4 ,the due arrangement of men in
 the active part of the state1 far from 
being foreign to the purposes of a wise 

government1 ought to be among its very  
first and dearest objects4 ,when1       
therefore1 the abettors of the new      
system tell us1 that between them and   
their opposers there is nothing but a   
struggle for power1 and that therefore  
we are no ways concerned in it2 we must 
tell those who have the impudence to    
insult us in this manner1 that1 of all  
things1 we ought to be the most         
concerned who1 and what sort of men they
 are that hold the trust of everything  
that is dear to us4 ,nothing can render 
this a point of indifference to the     
nation1 but what must either render us  
totally desperate1 or soothe us into the
 security of idiots4 ,we must soften    
into a credulity below the milkiness of 
infancy to think all men virtuous4 ,we  
must be tainted with a malignity truly  
diabolical to believe all the world to  
be equally wicked and corrupt4 ,men are 
in public life as in private1 some good1
 some evil4 ,the elevation of the one1  
and the depression of the other1 are the

 first objects of all true policy4 ,but 
that form of government1 which1 neither 
in its direct institutions1 nor in their
 immediate tendency1 has contrived to   
throw its affairs into the most         
trustworthy hands1 but has left its     
whole executory system to be disposed of
 agreeably to the uncontrolled pleasure 
of any one man1 however excellent or    
virtuous1 is a plan of polity defective 
not only in that member1 but            
consequentially erroneous in every part 
of it4  ,in arbitrary governments1 the  
constitution of the ministry follows the
 constitution of the legislature4 ,both 
the law and the magistrate are the      
creatures of will4 ,it must be so4      
,nothing1 indeed1 will appear more      
certain1 on any tolerable consideration 
of this matter1 than that every sort of 
government ought to have its            
administration correspondent to its     
legislature4 ,if it should be otherwise1
 things must fall into an hideous       
disorder4 ,the people of a free         

commonwealth1 who have taken such care  
that their laws should be the result of 
general consent1 cannot be so senseless 
as to suffer their executory system to  
be composed of persons on whom they have
 no dependence1 and whom no proofs of   
the public love and confidence have     
recommended to those powers1 upon the   
use of which the very being of the state
 depends4  ,the popular election of     
magistrates1 and popular disposition of 
rewards and honors1 is one of the first 
advantages of a free state4 ,without it1
 or something equivalent to it1 perhaps 
the people cannot long enjoy the        
substance of freedom2 certainly none of 
the vivifying energy of good government4
 ,the frame of our commonwealth did not 
admit of such an actual election3 but it
 provided as well1 and 7while the spirit
 of the constitution is preserved7      
better for all the effects of it than by
 the method of suffrage in any          
democratic state whatsoever4 ,it had    
always1 until of late1 been held the    

first duty of ,parliament to refuse to  
support government1 until power was in  
the hands of persons who were acceptable
 to the people1 or while factions       
predominated in the court in which the  
nation had no confidence4 ,thus all the 
good effects of popular election were   
supposed to be secured to us1 without   
the mischiefs attending on perpetual    
intrigue1 and a distinct canvass for    
every particular office throughout the  
body of the people4 ,this was the most  
noble and refined part of our           
constitution4 ,the people1 by their     
representatives and grandees1 were      
intrusted with a deliberative power in  
making laws2 the king with the control  
of his negative4 ,the king was intrusted
 with the deliberative choice and the   
election to office2 the people had the  
negative in a ,parliamentary refusal to 
support4 ,formerly this power of control
 was what kept ministers in awe of      
,parliaments1 and ,parliaments in       
reverence with the people4 ,if the use  

of this power of control on the system  
and persons of administration is gone1  
everything is lost1 ,parliament and all4
 ,we may assure ourselves1 that if      
,parliament will tamely see evil men    
take possession of all the strongholds  
of their country1 and allow them time   
and means to fortify themselves1 under a
 pretence of giving them a fair trial1  
and upon a hope of discovering1 whether 
they will not be reformed by power1 and 
whether their measures will not be      
better than their morals2 such a        
,parliament will give countenance to    
their measures also1 whatever that      
,parliament may pretend1 and whatever   
those measures may be4  ,every good     
political institution must have a       
preventive operation as well as a       
remedial4 ,it ought to have a natural   
tendency to exclude bad men from        
government1 and not to trust for the    
safety of the state to subsequent       
punishment alone2 punishment1 which has 
ever been tardy and uncertain2 and      

which1 when power is suffered in bad    
hands1 may chance to fall rather on the 
injured than the criminal4  ,before men 
are put forward into the great trusts of
 the state1 they ought by their conduct 
to have obtained such a degree of       
estimation in their country1 as may be  
some sort of pledge and security to the 
public1 that they will not abuse those  
trusts4 ,it is no mean security for a   
proper use of power1 that a man has     
shown by the general tenor of his       
actions1 that the affection1 the good   
opinion1 the confidence of his          
fellow-citizens have been among the     
principal objects of his life2 and that 
he has owed none of the gradations of   
his power or fortune to a settled       
contempt1 or occasional forfeiture of   
their esteem4  ,that man who before he  
comes into power has no friends1 or who 
coming into power is obliged to desert  
his friends1 or who losing it has no    
friends to sympathize with him2 he who  
has no sway among any part of the landed

 or commercial interest1 but whose whole
 importance has begun with his office1  
and is sure to end with it1 is a person 
who ought never to be suffered by a     
controlling ,parliament to continue in  
any of those situations which confer the
 lead and direction of all our public   
affairs2 because such a man has no      
connection with the interest of the     
people4  ,those knots or cabals of men  
who have got together1 avowedly without 
any public principle1 in order to sell  
their conjunct iniquity at the higher   
rate1 and are therefore universally     
odious1 ought never to be suffered to   
domineer in the state2 because they have
 no connection with the sentiments and  
opinions of the people4  ,these are     
considerations which in my opinion      
enforce the necessity of having some    
better reason1 in a free country1 and a 
free ,parliament1 for supporting the    
ministers of the crown1 than that short 
one1 ,that the king has thought proper  
to appoint them4 ,there is something    

very courtly in this4 ,but it is a      
principle pregnant with all sorts of    
mischief1 in a constitution like ours1  
to turn the views of active men from the
 country to the court4 ,whatever be the 
road to power1 that is the road which   
will be trod4 ,if the opinion of the    
country be of no use as a means of power
 or consideration1 the qualities which  
usually procure that opinion will be no 
longer cultivated4 ,and whether it will 
be right1 in a state so popular in its  
constitution as ours1 to leave ambition 
without popular motives1 and to trust   
all to the operation of pure virtue in  
the minds of kings1 and ministers1 and  
public men1 must be submitted to the    
judgment and good sense of the people of
 ,england4  ,cunning men are here apt to
 break in1 and1 without directly        
controverting the principle1 to raise   
objections from the difficulty under    
which the sovereign labors1 to          
distinguish the genuine voice and       
sentiments of his people1 from the      

clamor of a faction1 by which it is so  
easily counterfeited4 ,the nation1 they 
say1 is generally divided into parties1 
with views and passions utterly         
irreconcilable4 ,if the king should put 
his affairs into the hands of any one of
 them1 he is sure to disgust the rest2  
if he select particular men from among  
them all1 it is a hazard that he        
disgusts them all4 ,those who are left  
out1 however divided before1 will soon  
run into a body of opposition2 which1   
being a collection of many discontents  
into one focus1 will without doubt be   
hot and violent enough4 ,faction will   
make its cries resound through the      
nation1 as if the whole were in an      
uproar1 when by far the majority1 and   
much the better part1 will seem for a   
while as it were annihilated by the     
quiet in which their virtue and         
moderation incline them to enjoy the    
blessings of government4 ,besides that  
the opinion of the mere vulgar is a     
miserable rule even with regard to      

themselves1 on account of their violence
 and instability4 ,so that if you were  
to gratify them in their humor to-day1  
that very gratification would be a      
ground of their dissatisfaction on the  
next4 ,now as all these rules of public 
opinion are to be collected with great  
difficulty1 and to be applied with equal
 uncertainty as to the effect1 what     
better can a king of ,england do1 than  
to employ such men as he finds to have  
views and inclinations most conformable 
to his own2 who are least infected with 
pride and self-will2 and who are least  
moved by such popular humors as are     
perpetually traversing his designs1 and 
disturbing his service2 trusting that1  
when he means no ill to his people1 he  
will be supported in his appointments1  
whether he chooses to keep or to change1
 as his private judgment or his pleasure
 leads him8 ,he will find a sure        
resource in the real weight and         
influence of the crown1 when it is not  
suffered to become an instrument in the 

hands of a faction4  ,i will not pretend
 to say1 that there is nothing at all in
 this mode of reasoning2 because ,i will
 not assert that there is no difficulty 
in the art of government4 ,undoubtedly  
the very best administration must       
encounter a great deal of opposition2   
and the very worst will find more       
support than it deserves4 ,sufficient   
appearances will never be wanting to    
those who have a mind to deceive        
themselves4 ,it is a fallacy in constant
 use with those who would level all     
things1 and confound right with wrong1  
to insist upon the inconveniences which 
are attached to every choice1 without   
taking into consideration the different 
weight and consequence of those         
inconveniences4 ,the question is not    
concerning absolute discontent or       
perfect satisfaction in government2     
neither of which can be pure and unmixed
 at any time1 or upon any system4 ,the  
controversy is about that degree of good
 humor in the people1 which may possibly

 be attained1 and ought certainly to be 
looked for4 ,while some politicians may 
be waiting to know whether the sense of 
every individual be against them1       
accurately distinguishing the vulgar    
from the better sort1 drawing lines     
between the enterprises of a faction and
 the efforts of a people1 they may      
chance to see the government1 which they
 are so nicely weighing1 and dividing1  
and distinguishing1 tumble to the ground
 in the midst of their wise             
deliberation4 ,prudent men1 when so     
great an object as the security of      
government1 or even its peace1 is at    
stake1 will not run the risk of a       
decision which may be fatal to it4 ,they
 who can read the political sky will see
 a hurricane in a cloud no bigger than a
 hand at the very edge of the horizon1  
and will run into the first harbor4 ,no 
lines can be laid down for civil or     
political wisdom4 ,they are a matter    
incapable of exact definition4 ,but1    
though no man can draw a stroke between 

the confines of day and night1 yet light
 and darkness are upon the whole        
tolerably distinguishable4 ,nor will it 
be impossible for a prince to find out  
such a mode of government1 and such     
persons to administer it1 as will give a
 great degree of content to his people2 
without any curious and anxious research
 for that abstract1 universal1 perfect  
harmony1 which while he is seeking1 he  
abandons those means of ordinary        
tranquillity which are in his power     
without any research at all4  ,it is not
 more the duty than it is the interest  
of a prince1 to aim at giving           
tranquillity to his government4 ,but    
those who advise him may have an        
interest in disorder and confusion4 ,if 
the opinion of the people is against    
them1 they will naturally wish that it  
should have no prevalence4 ,here it is  
that the people must on their part show 
themselves sensible of their own value4 
,their whole importance1 in the first   
instance1 and afterwards their whole    

freedom1 is at stake4 ,their freedom    
cannot long survive their importance4   
,here it is that the natural strength of
 the kingdom1 the great peers1 the      
leading landed gentlemen1 the opulent   
merchants and manufacturers1 the        
substantial yeomanry1 must interpose1 to
 rescue their prince1 themselves1 and   
their posterity4  ,we are at present at 
issue upon this point4 ,we are in the   
great crisis of this contention2 and the
 part which men take1 one way or other1 
will serve to discriminate their        
characters and their principles4 ,until 
the matter is decided1 the country will 
remain in its present confusion4 ,for   
while a system of administration is     
attempted1 entirely repugnant to the    
genius of the people1 and not           
conformable to the plan of their        
government1 everything must necessarily 
be disordered for a time1 until this    
system destroys the constitution1 or the
 constitution gets the better of this   
system4  ,there is1 in my opinion1 a    

peculiar venom and malignity in this    
political distemper beyond any that ,i  
have heard or read of4 ,in former times 
the projectors of arbitrary government  
attacked only the liberties of their    
country2 a design surely mischievous    
enough to have satisfied a mind of the  
most unruly ambition4 ,but a system     
unfavorable to freedom may be so formed1
 as considerably to exalt the grandeur  
of the state2 and men may find1 in the  
pride and splendor of that prosperity1  
some sort of consolation for the loss of
 their solid privileges4 ,indeed the    
increase of the power of the state has  
often been urged by artful men1 as a    
pretext for some abridgment of the      
public liberty4 ,but the scheme of the  
junto under consideration1 not only     
strikes a palsy into every nerve of our 
free constitution1 but in the same      
degree benumbs and stupefies the whole  
executive power3 rendering government in
 all its grand operations languid1      
uncertain1 ineffective2 making ministers

 fearful of attempting1 and incapable of
 executing any useful plan of domestic  
arrangement1 or of foreign politics4 ,it
 tends to produce neither the security  
of a free government1 nor the energy of 
a monarchy that is absolute4            
,accordingly the crown has dwindled     
away1 in proportion to the unnatural and
 turgid growth of this excrescence on   
the court4  ,the interior ministry are  
sensible1 that war is a situation which 
sets in its full light the value of the 
hearts of a people2 and they well know1 
that the beginning of the importance of 
the people must be the end of theirs4   
,for this reason they discover upon all 
occasions the utmost fear of everything1
 which by possibility may lead to such  
an event4 ,i do not mean that they      
manifest any of that pious fear which is
 backward to commit the safety of the   
country to the dubious experiment of    
war4 ,such a fear1 being the tender     
sensation of virtue1 excited1 as it is  
regulated1 by reason1 frequently shows  

itself in a seasonable boldness1 which  
keeps danger at a distance1 by seeming  
to despise it4 ,their fear betrays to   
the first glance of the eye1 its true   
cause1 and its real object4 ,foreign    
powers1 confident in the knowledge of   
their character1 have not scrupled to   
violate the most solemn treaties2 and1  
in defiance of them1 to make conquests  
in the midst of a general peace1 and in 
the heart of ,europe4 ,such was the     
conquest of ,corsica1 by the professed  
enemies of the freedom of mankind1 in   
defiance of those who were formerly its 
professed defenders4 ,we have had just  
claims upon the same powers3 rights     
which ought to have been sacred to them 
as well as to us1 as they had their     
origin in our lenity and generosity     
towards ,france and ,spain in the day of
 their great humiliation4 ,such ,i call 
the ransom of ,manilla1 and the demand  
on ,france for the ,east ,india         
prisoners4 ,but these powers put a just 
confidence in their resource of the     

double cabinet4 ,these demands 7one of  
them at least7 are hastening fast       
towards an acquittal by prescription4   
,oblivion begins to spread her cobwebs  
over all our spirited remonstrances4    
,some of the most valuable branches of  
our trade are also on the point of      
perishing from the same cause4 ,i do not
 mean those branches which bear without 
the hand of the vine-dresser2 ,i mean   
those which the policy of treaties had  
formerly secured to us2 ,i mean to mark 
and distinguish the trade of ,portugal1 
the loss of which1 and the power of the 
cabal1 have one and the same era4  ,if  
by any chance1 the ministers who stand  
before the curtain possess or affect any
 spirit1 it makes little or no          
impression4 ,foreign courts and         
ministers1 who were among the first to  
discover and to profit by this invention
 of the double cabinet1 attend very     
little to their remonstrances4 ,they    
know that those shadows of ministers    
have nothing to do in the ultimate      

disposal of things4 ,jealousies and     
animosities are sedulously nourished in 
the outward administration1 and have    
been even considered as a causa sine qua
 non in its constitution3 thence foreign
 courts have a certainty1 that nothing  
can be done by common counsel in this   
nation4 ,if one of those ministers      
officially takes up a business with     
spirit1 it serves only the better to    
signalize the meanness of the rest1 and 
the discord of them all4 ,his colleagues
 in office are in haste to shake him    
off1 and to disclaim the whole of his   
proceedings4 ,of this nature was that   
astonishing transaction1 in which ,lord 
,rochford1 our ambassador at ,paris1    
remonstrated against the attempt upon   
,corsica1 in consequence of a direct    
authority from ,lord ,shelburne4 ,this  
remonstrance the ,french minister       
treated with the contempt that was      
natural3 as he was assured1 from the    
ambassador of his court to ours1 that   
these orders of ,lord ,shelburne were   

not supported by the rest of the 7,i had
 like to have said ,british7            
administration4 ,lord ,rochford1 a man  
of spirit1 could not endure this        
situation4 ,the consequences were1      
however1 curious4 ,he returns from      
,paris1 and comes home full of anger4   
,lord ,shelburne1 who gave the orders1  
is obliged to give up the seals4 ,lord  
,rochford1 who obeyed these orders1     
receives them4 ,he goes1 however1 into  
another department of the same office1  
that he might not be obliged officially 
to acquiesce1 in one situation1 under   
what he had officially remonstrated     
against1 in another4 ,at ,paris1 the    
,duke of ,choiseul considered this      
office arrangement as a compliment to   
him3 here it was spoken of as an        
attention to the delicacy of ,lord      
,rochford4 ,but whether the compliment  
was to one or both1 to this nation it   
was the same4 ,by this transaction the  
condition of our court lay exposed in   
all its nakedness4 ,our office          

correspondence has lost all pretence to 
authenticity3 ,british policy is brought
 into derision in those nations1 that a 
while ago trembled at the power of our  
arms1 whilst they looked up with        
confidence to the equity1 firmness1 and 
candor1 which shone in all our          
negotiations4 ,i represent this matter  
exactly in the light in which it has    
been universally received4  ,such has   
been the aspect of our foreign politics1
 under the influence of a double        
cabinet4 ,with such an arrangement at   
court1 it is impossible it should have  
been otherwise4 ,nor is it possible that
 this scheme should have a better effect
 upon the government of our             
dependencies1 the first1 the dearest1   
and most delicate objects1 of the       
interior policy of this empire4 ,the    
colonies know1 that administration is   
separated from the court1 divided within
 itself1 and detested by the nation4    
,the double cabinet has1 in both the    
parts of it1 shown the most malignant   

dispositions towards them1 without being
 able to do them the smallest mischief4 
,they are convinced1 by sufficient      
experience1 that no plan1 either of     
lenity1 or rigor1 can be pursued with   
uniformity and perseverance4 ,therefore 
they turn their eyes entirely from      
,great ,britain1 where they have neither
 dependence on friendship1 nor          
apprehension from enmity4 ,they look to 
themselves1 and their own arrangements4 
,they grow every day into alienation    
from this country2 and whilst they are  
becoming disconnected with our          
government1 we have not the consolation 
to find1 that they are even friendly in 
their new independence4 ,nothing can    
equal the futility1 the weakness1 the   
rashness1 the timidity1 the perpetual   
contradiction in the management of our  
affairs in that part of the world4 ,a   
volume might be written on this         
melancholy subject2 but it were better  
to leave it entirely to the reflections 
of the reader himself1 than not to treat

 it in the extent it deserves4  ,in what
 manner our domestic economy is affected
 by this system1 it is needless to      
explain4 ,it is the perpetual subject of
 their own complaints4  ,the court party
 resolve the whole into faction ,having 
said something before upon this subject1
 ,i shall only observe here1 that1 when 
they give this account of the prevalence
 of faction1 they present no very       
favorable aspect of the confidence of   
the people in their own government4     
,they may be assured1 that however they 
amuse themselves with a variety of      
projects for substituting something else
 in the place of that great and only    
foundation of government1 the confidence
 of the people1 every attempt will but  
make their condition worse4 ,when men   
imagine that their food is only a cover 
for poison1 and when they neither love  
nor trust the hand that serves it1 it is
 not the name of the roast beef of ,old 
,england1 that will persuade them to sit
 down to the table that is spread for   

them4 ,when the people conceive that    
laws1 and tribunals1 and even popular   
assemblies1 are perverted from the ends 
of their institution1 they find in those
 names of degenerated establishments    
only new motives to discontent4 ,those  
bodies1 which1 when full of life and    
beauty1 lay in their arms1 and were     
their joy and comfort1 when dead and    
putrid1 become but the more loathsome   
from remembrance of former endearments4 
,a sullen gloom and furious disorder    
prevail by fits2 the nation loses its   
relish for peace and prosperity2 as it  
did in that season of fulness which     
opened our troubles in the time of      
,charles the ,first4 ,a species of men  
to whom a state of order would become a 
sentence of obscurity are nourished into
 a dangerous magnitude by the heat of   
intestine disturbances2 and it is no    
wonder that1 by a sort of sinister      
piety1 they cherish1 in their turn1 the 
disorders which are the parents of all  
their consequence4 ,superficial         

observers consider such persons as the  
cause of the public uneasiness1 when1 in
 truth1 they are nothing more than the  
effect of it4 ,good men look upon this  
distracted scene with sorrow and        
indignation4 ,their hands are tied      
behind them4 ,they are despoiled of all 
the power which might enable them to    
reconcile the strength of government    
with the rights of the people4 ,they    
stand in a most distressing alternative4
 ,but in the election among evils they  
hope better things from temporary       
confusion1 than from established        
servitude4 ,in the mean time1 the voice 
of law is not to be heard4 ,fierce      
licentiousness begets violent           
restraints4 ,the military arm is the    
sole reliance2 and then1 call your      
constitution what you please1 it is the 
sword that governs4 ,the civil power1   
like every other that calls in the aid  
of an ally stronger than itself1        
perishes by the assistance it receives4 
,but the contrivers of this scheme of   

government will not trust solely to the 
military power2 because they are cunning
 men4 ,their restless and crooked spirit
 drives them to rake in the dirt of     
every kind of expedient4 ,unable to rule
 the multitude1 they endeavor to raise  
divisions amongst them4 ,one mob is     
hired to destroy another2 a procedure   
which at once encourages the boldness of
 the populace1 and justly increases     
their discontent4 ,men become pensioners
 of state on account of their abilities 
in the array of riot1 and the discipline
 of confusion4 ,government is put under 
the disgraceful necessity of protecting 
from the severity of the laws that very 
licentiousness1 which the laws had been 
before violated to repress4 ,everything 
partakes of the original disorder4      
,anarchy predominates without freedom1  
and servitude without submission or     
subordination4 ,these are the           
consequences inevitable to our public   
peace1 from the scheme of rendering the 
executory government at once odious and 

feeble2 of freeing administration from  
the constitutional and salutary control 
of ,parliament1 and inventing for it a  
new control1 unknown to the             
constitution1 an interior cabinet2 which
 brings the whole body of government    
into confusion and contempt4  ,after    
having stated1 as shortly as ,i am able1
 the effects of this system on our      
foreign affairs1 on the policy of our   
government with regard to our           
dependencies1 and on the interior       
economy of the commonwealth2 there      
remains only1 in this part of my design1
 to say something of the grand principle
 which first recommended this system at 
court4 ,the pretence was1 to prevent the
 king from being enslaved by a faction1 
and made a prisoner in his closet4 ,this
 scheme might have been expected to     
answer at least its own end1 and to     
indemnify the king1 in his personal     
capacity1 for all the confusion into    
which it has thrown his government4 ,but
 has it in reality answered this        

purpose8 ,i am sure1 if it had1 every   
affectionate subject would have one     
motive for enduring with patience all   
the evils which attend it4  ,in order to
 come at the truth in this matter1 it   
may not be amiss to consider it somewhat
 in detail4 ,i speak here of the king1  
and not of the crown2 the interests of  
which we have already touched4          
,independent of that greatness which a  
king possesses merely by being a        
representative of the national dignity1 
the things in which he may have an      
individual interest seem to be          
these3--wealth accumulated2 wealth spent
 in magnificence1 pleasure1 or          
beneficence2 personal respect and       
attention2 and1 above all1 private ease 
and repose of mind4 ,these compose the  
inventory of prosperous circumstances1  
whether they regard a prince or a       
subject2 their enjoyments differing only
 in the scale upon which they are       
formed4  ,suppose then we were to ask1  
whether the king has been richer than   

his predecessors in accumulated wealth1 
since the establishment of the plan of  
favoritism8 ,i believe it will be found 
that the picture of royal indigence1    
which our court has presented until this
 year1 has been truly humiliating4 ,nor 
has it been relieved from this unseemly 
distress1 but by means which have       
hazarded the affection of the people1   
and shaken their confidence in          
,parliament4 ,if the public treasures   
had been exhausted in magnificence and  
splendor1 this distress would have been 
accounted for1 and in some measure      
justified4 ,nothing would be more       
unworthy of this nation1 than with a    
mean and mechanical rule1 to mete out   
the splendor of the crown4 ,indeed ,i   
have found very few persons disposed to 
so ungenerous a procedure4 ,but the     
generality of people1 it must be        
confessed1 do feel a good deal          
mortified1 when they compare the wants  
of the court with its expenses4 ,they do
 not behold the cause of this distress  

in any part of the apparatus of royal   
magnificence4 ,in all this1 they see    
nothing but the operations of parsimony1
 attended with all the consequences of  
profusion4 ,nothing expended1 nothing   
saved4 ,their wonder is increased by    
their knowledge1 that besides the       
revenue settled on his ,majesty's civil 
list to the amount of #hjj1jjjl4 a year1
 he has a farther aid from a large      
pension list1 near #ij1jjjl4 a year1 in 
,ireland2 from the produce of the duchy 
of ,lancaster 7which we are told has    
been greatly improved72 from the revenue
 of the duchy of ,cornwall2 from the    
,american quit-rents2 from the four and 
a half per cent duty in the ,leeward    
,islands2 this last worth to be sure    
considerably more than #dj1jjjl4 a year4
 ,the whole is certainly not much short 
of a million annually4  ,these are      
revenues within the knowledge and       
cognizance of our national councils4 ,we
 have no direct right to examine into   
the receipts from his ,majesty's ,german

 dominions1 and the bishopric of        
,osnaburg4 ,this is unquestionably true4
 ,but that which is not within the      
province of ,parliament1 is yet within  
the sphere of every man's own           
reflection4 ,if a foreign prince resided
 amongst us1 the state of his revenues  
could not fail of becoming the subject  
of our speculation4 ,filled with an     
anxious concern for whatever regards the
 welfare of our sovereign1 it is        
impossible1 in considering the miserable
 circumstances into which he has been   
brought1 that this obvious topic should 
be entirely passed over4 ,there is an   
opinion universal1 that these revenues  
produce something not inconsiderable1   
clear of all charges and establishments4
 ,this produce the people do not believe
 to be hoarded1 nor perceive to be      
spent4 ,it is accounted for in the only 
manner it can1 by supposing that it is  
drawn away1 for the support of that     
court faction1 which1 whilst it         
distresses the nation1 impoverishes the 

prince in every one of his resources4 ,i
 once more caution the reader1 that ,i  
do not urge this consideration          
concerning the foreign revenue1 as if ,i
 supposed we had a direct right to      
examine into the expenditure of any part
 of it2 but solely for the purpose of   
showing how little this system of       
favoritism has been advantageous to the 
monarch himself2 which1 without         
magnificence1 has sunk him into a state 
of unnatural poverty2 at the same time  
that he possessed every means of        
affluence1 from ample revenues1 both in 
this country1 and in other parts of his 
dominions4  ,has this system provided   
better for the treatment becoming his   
high and sacred character1 and secured  
the king from those disgusts attached to
 the necessity of employing men who are 
not personally agreeable8 ,this is a    
topic upon which for many reasons ,i    
could wish to be silent2 but the        
pretence of securing against such causes
 of uneasiness1 is the corner-stone of  

the court-party4 ,it has however so     
happened1 that if ,i were to fix upon   
any one point1 in which this system has 
been more particularly and shamefully   
blamable1 the effects which it has      
produced would justify me in choosing   
for that point its tendency to degrade  
the personal dignity of the sovereign1  
and to expose him to a thousand         
contradictions and mortifications4 ,it  
is but too evident in what manner these 
projectors of royal greatness have      
fulfilled all their magnificent         
promises4 ,without recapitulating all   
the circumstances of the reign1 every   
one of which is1 more or less1 a        
melancholy proof of the truth of what ,i
 have advanced1 let us consider the     
language of the court but a few years   
ago1 concerning most of the persons now 
in the external administration3 let me  
ask1 whether any enemy to the personal  
feelings of the sovereign could possibly
 contrive a keener instrument of        
mortification1 and degradation of all   

dignity1 than almost every part and     
member of the present arrangement8 ,nor1
 in the whole course of our history1 has
 any compliance with the will of the    
people ever been known to extort from   
any prince a greater contradiction to   
all his own declared affections and     
dislikes1 than that which is now        
adopted1 in direct opposition to        
everything the people approve and       
desire4  ,an opinion prevails1 that     
greatness has been more than once       
advised to submit to certain            
condescensions towards individuals1     
which have been denied to the entreaties
 of a nation4 ,for the meanest and most 
dependent instrument of this system     
knows1 that there are hours when its    
existence may depend upon his adherence 
to it2 and he takes his advantage       
accordingly4 ,indeed it is a law of     
nature1 that whoever is necessary to    
what we have made our object is sure1 in
 some way1 or in some time or other1 to 
become our master4 ,all this however is 

submitted to1 in order to avoid that    
monstrous evil of governing in          
concurrence with the opinion of the     
people4 ,for it seems to be laid down as
 a maxim1 that a king has some sort of  
interest in giving uneasiness to his    
subjects3 that all who are pleasing to  
them1 are to be of course disagreeable  
to him3 that as soon as the persons who 
are odious at court are known to be     
odious to the people1 it is snatched at 
as a lucky occasion of showering down   
upon them all kinds of emoluments and   
honors4 ,none are considered as         
well-wishers to the crown1 but those who
 advise to some unpopular course of     
action2 none capable of serving it1 but 
those who are obliged to call at every  
instant upon all its power for the      
safety of their lives4 ,none are        
supposed to be fit priests in the temple
 of government1 but the persons who are 
compelled to fly into it for sanctuary4 
,such is the effect of this refined     
project2 such is ever the result of all 

the contrivances1 which are used to free
 men from the servitude of their reason1
 and from the necessity of ordering     
their affairs according to their evident
 interests4 ,these contrivances oblige  
them to run into a real and ruinous     
servitude1 in order to avoid a supposed 
restraint1 that might be attended with  
advantage4  ,if therefore this system   
has so ill answered its own grand       
pretence of saving the king from the    
necessity of employing persons          
disagreeable to him1 has it given more  
peace and tranquillity to his ,majesty's
 private hours8 ,no1 most certainly4    
,the father of his people cannot        
possibly enjoy repose1 while his family 
is in such a state of distraction4 ,then
 what has the crown or the king profited
 by all this fine-wrought scheme8 ,is he
 more rich1 or more splendid1 or more   
powerful1 or more at his ease1 by so    
many labors and contrivances8 ,have they
 not beggared his exchequer1 tarnished  
the splendor of his court1 sunk his     

dignity1 galled his feelings1           
discomposed the whole order and         
happiness of his private life8  ,it will
 be very hard1 ,i believe1 to state in  
what respect the king has profited by   
that faction which presumptuously choose
 to call themselves his friends4  ,if   
particular men had grown into an        
attachment1 by the distinguished honor  
of the society of their sovereign2 and1 
by being the partakers of his           
amusements1 came sometimes to prefer the
 gratification of his personal          
inclinations to the support of his high 
character1 the thing would be very      
natural1 and it would be excusable      
enough4 ,but the pleasant part of the   
story is1 that these king's friends have
 no more ground for usurping such a     
title1 than a resident freeholder in    
,cumberland or in ,cornwall4 ,they are  
only known to their sovereign by kissing
 his hand1 for the offices1 pensions1   
and grants1 into which they have        
deceived his benignity4 ,may no storm   

ever come1 which will put the firmness  
of their attachment to the proof2 and   
which1 in the midst of confusions1 and  
terrors1 and sufferings1 may demonstrate
 the eternal difference between a true  
and severe friend to the monarchy1 and a
 slippery sycophant of the court6       
,quantum infido scurr distabit amicus4  
,so far ,i have considered the effect of
 the court system1 chiefly as it        
operates upon the executive government1 
on the temper of the people1 and on the 
happiness of the sovereign4 ,it remains 
that we should consider1 with a little  
attention1 its operation upon           
,parliament4  ,parliament was indeed the
 great object of all these politics1 the
 end at which they aimed1 as well as the
 instrument by which they were to       
operate4 ,but1 before ,parliament could 
be made subservient to a system1 by     
which it was to be degraded from the    
dignity of a national council into a    
mere member of the court1 it must be    
greatly changed from its original       

character4  ,in speaking of this body1  
,i have my eye chiefly on the ,house of 
,commons4 ,i hope ,i shall be indulged  
in a few observations on the nature and 
character of that assembly2 not with    
regard to its legal form and power1 but 
to its spirit1 and to the purposes it is
 meant to answer in the constitution4   
,the ,house of ,commons was supposed    
originally to be no part of the standing
 government of this country4 ,it was    
considered as a control issuing         
immediately from the people1 and        
speedily to be resolved into the mass   
from whence it arose4 ,in this respect  
it was in the higher part of government 
what juries are in the lower4 ,the      
capacity of a magistrate being          
transitory1 and that of a citizen       
permanent1 the latter capacity it was   
hoped would of course preponderate in   
all discussions1 not only between the   
people and the standing authority of the
 crown1 but between the people and the  
fleeting authority of the ,house of     

,commons itself4 ,it was hoped that1    
being of a middle nature between subject
 and government1 they would feel with a 
more tender and a nearer interest       
everything that concerned the people1   
than the other remoter and more         
permanent parts of legislature4         
,whatever alterations time and the      
necessary accommodation of business may 
have introduced1 this character can     
never be sustained1 unless the ,house of
 ,commons shall be made to bear some    
stamp of the actual disposition of the  
people at large4 ,it would 7among public
 misfortunes7 be an evil more natural   
and tolerable1 that the ,house of       
,commons should be infected with every  
epidemical frenzy of the people1 as this
 would indicate some consanguinity1 some
 sympathy of nature with their          
constituents1 than that they should in  
all cases be wholly untouched by the    
opinions and feelings of the people out 
of doors4 ,by this want of sympathy they
 would cease to be a ,house of ,commons4

 ,for it is not the derivation of the   
power of that ,house from the people1   
which makes it in a distinct sense their
 representative4 ,the king is the       
representative of the people2 so are the
 lords2 so are the judges4 ,they all are
 trustees for the people1 as well as the
 commons2 because no power is given for 
the sole sake of the holder2 and        
although government certainly is an     
institution of divine authority1 yet its
 forms1 and the persons who administer  
it1 all originate from the people4  ,a  
popular origin cannot therefore be the  
characteristical distinction of a       
popular representative4 ,this belongs   
equally to all parts of government and  
in all forms4 ,the virtue1 spirit1 and  
essence of a ,house of ,commons consists
 in its being the express image of the  
feelings of the nation4 ,it was not     
instituted to be a control upon the     
people1 as of late it has been taught1  
by a doctrine of the most pernicious    
tendency4 ,it was designed as a control 

for the people4 ,other institutions have
 been formed for the purpose of checking
 popular excesses2 and they are1 ,i     
apprehend1 fully adequate to their      
object4 ,if not1 they ought to be made  
so4 ,the ,house of ,commons1 as it was  
never intended for the support of peace 
and subordination1 is miserably         
appointed for that service2 having no   
stronger weapon than its mace1 and no   
better officer than its                 
serjeant-at-arms1 which it can command  
of its own proper authority4 ,a vigilant
 and jealous eye over executory and     
judicial magistracy2 an anxious care of 
public money2 an openness1 approaching  
towards facility1 to public complaint3  
these seem to be the true               
characteristics of a ,house of ,commons4
 ,but an addressing ,house of ,commons1 
and a petitioning nation2 a ,house of   
,commons full of confidence1 when the   
nation is plunged in despair2 in the    
utmost harmony with ministers1 whom the 
people regard with the utmost           

abhorrence2 who vote thanks1 when the   
public opinion calls upon them for      
impeachments2 who are eager to grant1   
when the general voice demands account2 
who1 in all disputes between the people 
and administration1 presume against the 
people2 who punish their disorders1 but 
refuse even to inquire into the         
provocations to them2 this is an        
unnatural1 a monstrous state of things  
in this constitution4 ,such an assembly 
may be a great1 wise1 awful senate2 but 
it is not1 to any popular purpose1 a    
,house of ,commons4 ,this change from an
 immediate state of procuration and     
delegation to a course of acting as from
 original power1 is the way in which all
 the popular magistracies in the world  
have been perverted from their purposes4
 ,it is indeed their greatest and       
sometimes their incurable corruption4   
,for there is a material distinction    
between that corruption by which        
particular points are carried against   
reason1 7this is a thing which cannot be

 prevented by human wisdom1 and is of   
loss consequence17 and the corruption of
 the principle itself ,for then the evil
 is not accidental1 but settled4 ,the   
distemper becomes the natural habit4    
,for my part1 ,i shall be compelled to  
conclude the principle of ,parliament to
 be totally corrupted1 and therefore its
 ends entirely defeated1 when ,i see two
 symptoms3 first1 a rule of             
indiscriminate support to all ministers2
 because this destroys the very end of  
,parliament as a control1 and is a      
general1 previous sanction to           
misgovernment3 and secondly1 the setting
 up any claims adverse to the right of  
free election2 for this tends to subvert
 the legal authority by which the ,house
 of ,commons sits4  ,i know that1 since 
the ,revolution1 along with many        
dangerous1 many useful powers of        
government have been weakened4 ,it is   
absolutely necessary to have frequent   
recourse to the legislature4            
,parliaments must therefore sit every   

year1 and for great part of the year4   
,the dreadful disorders of frequent     
elections have also necessitated a      
septennial instead of a triennial       
duration4 ,these circumstances1 ,i mean 
the constant habit of authority1 and the
 unfrequency of elections1 have tended  
very much to draw the ,house of ,commons
 towards the character of a standing    
senate4 ,it is a disorder which has     
arisen from the cure of greater         
disorders2 it has arisen from the       
extreme difficulty of reconciling       
liberty under a monarchical government1 
with external strength and with internal
 tranquillity4  ,it is very clear that  
we cannot free ourselves entirely from  
this great inconvenience2 but ,i would  
not increase an evil1 because ,i was not
 able to remove it2 and because it was  
not in my power to keep the ,house of   
,commons religiously true to its first  
principles1 ,i would not argue for      
carrying it to a total oblivion of them4
 ,this has been the great scheme of     

power in our time4 ,they1 who will not  
conform their conduct to the public     
good1 and cannot support it by the      
prerogative of the crown1 have adopted a
 new plan4 ,they have totally abandoned 
the shattered and old-fashioned fortress
 of prerogative1 and made a lodgment in 
the stronghold of ,parliament itself4   
,if they have any evil design to which  
there is no ordinary legal power        
commensurate1 they bring it into        
,parliament4 ,in ,parliament the whole  
is executed from the beginning to the   
end4 ,in ,parliament the power of       
obtaining their object is absolute2 and 
the safety in the proceeding perfect3 no
 rules to confine1 no after-reckonings  
to terrify4 ,parliament cannot1 with any
 great propriety1 punish others for     
things in which they themselves have    
been accomplices4 ,thus the control of  
,parliament upon the executory power is 
lost2 because ,parliament is made to    
partake in every considerable act of    
government4 ,impeachment1 that great    

guardian of the purity of the           
constitution1 is in danger of being     
lost1 even to the idea of it4  ,by this 
plan several important ends are answered
 to the cabal4 ,if the authority of     
,parliament supports itself1 the credit 
of every act of government1 which they  
contrive1 is saved2 but if the act be so
 very odious that the whole strength of 
,parliament is insufficient to recommend
 it1 then ,parliament is itself         
discredited2 and this discredit         
increases more and more that            
indifference to the constitution1 which 
it is the constant aim of its enemies1  
by their abuse of ,parliamentary powers1
 to render general among the people4    
,whenever ,parliament is persuaded to   
assume the offices of executive         
government1 it will lose all the        
confidence1 love1 and veneration1 which 
it has ever enjoyed whilst it was       
supposed the corrective and control of  
the acting powers of the state4 ,this   
would be the event1 though its conduct  

in such a perversion of its functions   
should be tolerably just and moderate2  
but if it should be iniquitous1 violent1
 full of passion1 and full of faction1  
it would be considered as the most      
intolerable of all the modes of tyranny4
  ,for a considerable time this         
separation of the representatives from  
their constituents went on with a silent
 progress2 and had those1 who conducted 
the plan for their total separation1    
been persons of temper and abilities any
 way equal to the magnitude of their    
design1 the success would have been     
infallible3 but by their precipitancy   
they have laid it open in all its       
nakedness2 the nation is alarmed at it3 
and the event may not be pleasant to the
 contrivers of the scheme4 ,in the last 
session1 the corps called the king's    
friends made a hardy attempt1 all at    
once1 to alter the right of election    
itself2 to put it into the power of the 
,house of ,commons to disable any person
 disagreeable to them from sitting in   

,parliament1 without any other rule than
 their own pleasure2 to make            
incapacities1 either general for        
descriptions of men1 or particular for  
individuals2 and to take into their     
body1 persons who avowedly had never    
been chosen by the majority of legal    
electors1 nor agreeably to any known    
rule of law4  ,the arguments upon which 
this claim was founded and combated1 are
 not my business here4 ,never has a     
subject been more amply and more        
learnedly handled1 nor upon one side1 in
 my opinion1 more satisfactorily2 they  
who are not convinced by what is already
 written would not receive conviction   
though1 one arose from the dead4  ,i too
 have thought on this subject3 but my   
purpose here1 is only to consider it as 
a part of the favorite project of       
government2 to observe on the motives   
which led to it2 and to trace its       
political consequences4  ,a violent rage
 for the punishment of ,mr4 ,wilkes was 
the pretence of the whole4 ,this        

gentleman1 by setting himself strongly  
in opposition to the court cabal1 had   
become at once an object of their       
persecution1 and of the popular favor4  
,the hatred of the court party pursuing1
 and the countenance of the people      
protecting him1 it very soon became not 
at all a question on the man1 but a     
trial of strength between the two       
parties4 ,the advantage of the victory  
in this particular contest was the      
present1 but not the only1 nor by any   
means the principal object4 ,its        
operation upon the character of the     
,house of ,commons was the great point  
in view4 ,the point to be gained by the 
cabal was this2 that a precedent should 
be established1 tending to show1 ,that  
the favor of the people was not so sure 
a road as the favor of the court even to
 popular honors and popular trusts4 ,a  
strenuous resistance to every appearance
 of lawless power2 a spirit of          
independence carried to some degree of  
enthusiasm2 an inquisitive character to 

discover1 and a bold one to display1    
every corruption and every error of     
government2 these are the qualities     
which recommend a man to a seat in the  
,house of ,commons1 in open and merely  
popular elections4 ,an indolent and     
submissive disposition2 a disposition to
 think charitably of all the actions of 
men in power1 and to live in a mutual   
intercourse of favors with them2 an     
inclination rather to countenance a     
strong use of authority1 than to bear   
any sort of licentiousness on the part  
of the people2 these are unfavorable    
qualities in an open election for       
members of ,parliament4  ,the instinct  
which carries the people towards the    
choice of the former1 is justified by   
reason2 because a man of such a         
character1 even in its exorbitances1    
does not directly contradict the        
purposes of a trust1 the end of which is
 a control on power4 ,the latter        
character1 even when it is not in its   
extreme1 will execute this trust but    

very imperfectly2 and1 if deviating to  
the least excess1 will certainly        
frustrate instead of forwarding the     
purposes of a control on government4    
,but when the ,house of ,commons was to 
be new modelled1 this principle was not 
only to be changed but reversed4 ,whilst
 any errors committed in support of     
power were left to the law1 with every  
advantage of favorable construction1 of 
mitigation1 and finally of pardon2 all  
excesses on the side of liberty1 or in  
pursuit of popular favor1 or in defence 
of popular rights and privileges1 were  
not only to be punished by the rigor of 
the known law1 but by a discretionary   
proceeding1 which brought on the loss of
 the popular object itself4 ,popularity 
was to be rendered1 if not directly     
penal1 at least highly dangerous4 ,the  
favor of the people might lead even to a
 disqualification of representing them4 
,their odium might become1 strained     
through the medium of two or three      
constructions1 the means of sitting as  

the trustee of all that was dear to     
them4 ,this is punishing the offence in 
the offending part4 ,until this time1   
the opinion of the people1 through the  
power of an assembly1 still in some sort
 popular1 led to the greatest honors and
 emoluments in the gift of the crown4   
,now the principle is reversed2 and the 
favor of the court is the only sure way 
of obtaining and holding those honors   
which ought to be in the disposal of the
 people4  ,it signifies very little how 
this matter may be quibbled away4       
,example1 the only argument of effect in
 civil life1 demonstrates the truth of  
my proposition4 ,nothing can alter my   
opinion concerting the pernicious       
tendency of this example1 until ,i see  
some man for his indiscretion in the    
support of power1 for his violent and   
intemperate servility1 rendered         
incapable of sitting in ,parliament4    
,for as it now stands1 the fault of     
overstraining popular qualities1 and1   
irregularly if you please1 asserting    

popular privileges1 has led to          
disqualification2 the opposite fault    
never has produced the slightest        
punishment4 ,resistance to power has    
shut the door of the ,house of ,commons 
to one man2 obsequiousness and          
servility1 to none4  ,not that ,i would 
encourage popular disorder1 or any      
disorder4 ,but ,i would leave such      
offences to the law1 to be punished in  
measure and proportion4 ,the laws of    
this country are for the most part      
constituted1 and wisely so1 for the     
general ends of government1 rather than 
for the preservation of our particular  
liberties4 ,whatever therefore is done  
in support of liberty1 by persons not in
 public trust1 or not acting merely in  
that trust1 is liable to be more or less
 out of the ordinary course of the law2 
and the law itself is sufficient to     
animadvert upon it with great severity4 
,nothing indeed can hinder that severe  
letter from crushing us1 except the     
temperaments it may receive from a trial

 by jury4 ,but if the habit prevails of 
going beyond the law1 and superseding   
this judicature1 of carrying offences1  
real or supposed1 into the legislative  
bodies1 who shall establish themselves  
into courts of criminal equity 7so the  
,star ,chamber has been called by ,lord 
,bacon71 all the evils of the ,star     
,chamber are revived4 ,a large and      
liberal construction in ascertaining    
offences1 and a discretionary power in  
punishing them1 is the idea of criminal 
equity2 which is in truth a monster in  
jurisprudence4 ,it signifies nothing    
whether a court for this purpose be a   
committee of council1 or a ,house of    
,commons1 or a ,house of ,lords2 the    
liberty of the subject will be equally  
subverted by it4 ,the true end and      
purpose of that ,house of ,parliament1  
which entertains such a jurisdiction1   
will be destroyed by it4  ,i will not   
believe1 what no other man living       
believes1 that ,mr4 ,wilkes was punished
 for the indecency of his publications1 

or the impiety of his ransacked closet4 
,if he had fallen in a common slaughter 
of libellers and blasphemers1 ,i could  
well believe that nothing more was meant
 than was pretended4 ,but when ,i see1  
that1 for years together1 full as       
impious1 and perhaps more dangerous     
writings to religion1 and virtue1 and   
order1 have not been punished1 nor their
 authors discountenanced2 that the most 
audacious libels on royal majesty have  
passed without notice2 that the most    
treasonable invectives against the laws1
 liberties1 and constitution of the     
country1 have not met with the slightest
 animadversion2 ,i must consider this as
 a shocking and shameless pretence4     
,never did an envenomed scurrility      
against everything sacred and civil1    
public and private1 rage through the    
kingdom with such a furious and         
unbridled license4 ,all this while the  
peace of the nation must be shaken1 to  
ruin one libeller1 and to tear from the 
populace a single favorite4  ,nor is it 

that vice merely skulks in an obscure   
and contemptible impunity4 ,does not the
 public behold with indignation1 persons
 not only generally scandalous in their 
lives1 but the identical persons who1 by
 their society1 their instruction1 their
 example1 their encouragement1 have     
drawn this man into the very faults     
which have furnished the cabal with a   
pretence for his persecution1 loaded    
with every kind of favor1 honor1 and    
distinction1 which a court can bestow8  
,add but the crime of servility 7the    
foedum crimen servitutis7 to every other
 crime1 and the whole mass is           
immediately transmuted into virtue1 and 
becomes the just subject of reward and  
honor4 ,when therefore ,i reflect upon  
this method pursued by the cabal in     
distributing rewards and punishments1 ,i
 must conclude that ,mr4 ,wilkes is the 
object of persecution1 not on account of
 what he has done in common with others 
who are the objects of reward1 but for  
that in which he differs from many of   

them3 that he is pursued for the        
spirited dispositions which are blended 
with his vices2 for his unconquerable   
firmness1 for his resolute1             
indefatigable1 strenuous resistance     
against oppression4  ,in this case1     
therefore1 it was not the man that was  
to be punished1 nor his faults that were
 to be discountenanced4 ,opposition to  
acts of power was to be marked by a kind
 of civil proscription4 ,the popularity 
which should arise from such an         
opposition was to be shown unable to    
protect it4 ,the qualities by which     
court is made to the people1 were to    
render every fault inexpiable1 and every
 error irretrievable4 ,the qualities by 
which court is made to power1 were to   
cover and to sanctify everything4 ,he   
that will have a sure and honorable seat
 in the ,house of ,commons must take    
care how he adventures to cultivate     
popular qualities2 otherwise he may     
remember the old maxim1 ,breves et      
infaustos populi ,romani amores4 ,if1   

therefore1 a pursuit of popularity      
expose a man to greater dangers than a  
disposition to servility1 the principle 
which is the life and soul of popular   
elections will perish out of the        
constitution4  ,it behoves the people of
 ,england to consider how the ,house of 
,commons1 under the operation of these  
examples1 must of necessity be          
constituted4 ,on the side of the court  
will be1 all honors1 offices1           
emoluments2 every sort of personal      
gratification to avarice or vanity2 and1
 what is of more moment to most         
gentlemen1 the means of growing1 by     
innumerable petty services to           
individuals1 into a spreading interest  
in their country4 ,on the other hand1   
let us suppose a person unconnected with
 the court1 and in opposition to its    
system4 ,for his own person1 no office1 
or emolument1 or title2 no promotion1   
ecclesiastical1 or civil1 or military1  
or naval1 for children1 or brothers1 or 
kindred4 ,in vain an expiring interest  

in a borough calls for offices1 or small
 livings1 for the children of mayors1   
and aldermen1 and capital burgesses4    
,his court rival has them all4 ,he can  
do an infinite number of acts of        
generosity and kindness1 and even of    
public spirit4 ,he can procure indemnity
 from quarters4 ,he can procure         
advantages in trade4 ,he can get pardons
 for offences4 ,he can obtain a thousand
 favors1 and avert a thousand evils4 ,he
 may1 while he betrays every valuable   
interest of the kingdom1 be a           
benefactor1 a patron1 a father1 a       
guardian angel to his borough4 ,the     
unfortunate independent member has      
nothing to offer1 but harsh refusal1 or 
pitiful excuse1 or despondent           
representation of a hopeless interest4  
,except from his private fortune1 in    
which he may be equalled1 perhaps       
exceeded1 by his court competitor1 he   
has no way of showing any one good      
quality1 or of making a single friend4  
,in the ,house1 he votes forever in a   

dispirited minority4 ,if he speaks1 the 
doors are locked4 ,a body of loquacious 
placemen go out to tell the world that  
all he aims at is to get into office4   
,if he has not the talent of elocution1 
which is the case of many as wise and   
knowing men as any in the ,house1 he is 
liable to all these inconveniences1     
without the clat which attends upon any 
tolerably successful exertion of        
eloquence4 ,can we conceive a more      
discouraging post of duty than this8    
,strip it of the poor reward of         
popularity2 suffer even the excesses    
committed in defence of the popular     
interest to become a ground for the     
majority of that ,house to form a       
disqualification out of the line of the 
law1 and at their pleasure1 attended not
 only with the loss of the franchise1   
but with every kind of personal         
disgrace4--,if this shall happen1 the   
people of this kingdom may be assured   
that they cannot be firmly or faithfully
 served by any man4 ,it is out of the   

nature of men and things that they      
should2 and their presumption will be   
equal to their folly if they expect it4 
,the power of the people1 within the    
laws1 must show itself sufficient to    
protect every representative in the     
animated performance of his duty1 or    
that duty cannot be performed4 ,the     
,house of ,commons can never be a       
control on other parts of government1   
unless they are controlled themselves by
 their constituents2 and unless those   
constituents possess some right in the  
choice of that ,house1 which it is not  
in the power of that ,house to take     
away4 ,if they suffer this power of     
arbitrary incapacitation to stand1 they 
have utterly perverted every other power
 of the ,house of ,commons4 ,the late   
proceeding ,i will not say is contrary  
to law2 it must be so2 for the power    
which is claimed cannot1 by any         
possibility1 be a legal power in any    
limited member of government4  ,the     
power which they claim1 of declaring    

incapacities1 would not be above the    
just claims of a final judicature1 if   
they had not laid it down as a leading  
principle1 that they had no rule in the 
exercise of this claim1 but their own   
discretion4 ,not one of their abettors  
has ever undertaken to assign the       
principle of unfitness1 the species or  
degree of delinquency1 on which the     
,house of ,commons will expel1 nor the  
mode of proceeding upon it1 nor the     
evidence upon which it is established4  
,the direct consequence of which is1    
that the first franchise of an          
,englishman1 and that on which all the  
rest vitally depend1 is to be forfeited 
for some offence which no man knows1 and
 which is to be proved by no known rule 
whatsoever of legal evidence4 ,this is  
so anomalous to our whole constitution1 
that ,i will venture to say1 the most   
trivial right1 which the subject claims1
 never was1 nor can be1 forfeited in    
such a manner4  ,the whole of their     
usurpation is established upon this     

method of arguing4 ,we do not make laws4
 ,no2 we do not contend for this power4 
,we only declare law2 and as we are a   
tribunal both competent and supreme1    
what we declare to be law becomes law1  
although it should not have been so     
before4 ,thus the circumstance of having
 no appeal from their jurisdiction is   
made to imply that they have no rule in 
the exercise of it3 the judgment does   
not derive its validity from its        
conformity to the law2 but              
preposterously the law is made to attend
 on the judgment2 and the rule of the   
judgment is no other than the occasional
 will of the ,house4 ,an arbitrary      
discretion leads1 legality follows2     
which is just the very nature and       
description of a legislative act4  ,this
 claim in their hands was no barren     
theory4 ,it was pursued into its utmost 
consequences2 and a dangerous principle 
has begot a correspondent practice4 ,a  
systematic spirit has been shown upon   
both sides4 ,the electors of ,middlesex 

chose a person whom the ,house of       
,commons had voted incapable2 and the   
,house of ,commons has taken in a member
 whom the electors of ,middlesex had not
 chosen4 ,by a construction on that     
legislative power which had been        
assumed1 they declared that the true    
legal sense of the country was contained
 in the minority1 on that occasion2 and 
might1 on a resistance to a vote of     
incapacity1 be contained in any         
minority4  ,when any construction of law
 goes against the spirit of the         
privilege it was meant to support1 it is
 a vicious construction4 ,it is material
 to us to be represented really and bon 
fide1 and not in forms1 in types1 and   
shadows1 and fictions of law4 ,the right
 of election was not established merely 
as a matter of form1 to satisfy some    
method and rule of technical reasoning2 
it was not a principle which might      
substitute a ,titius or a ,mvius1 a     
,john ,doe or ,richard ,roe1 in the     
place of a man specially chosen2 not a  

principle which was just as well        
satisfied with one man as with another4 
,it is a right1 the effect of which is  
to give to the people that man1 and that
 man only1 whom1 by their voices        
actually1 not constructively given1 they
 declare that they know1 esteem1 love1  
and trust4 ,this right is a matter      
within their own power of judging and   
feeling2 not an ens rationis and        
creature of law3 nor can those devices1 
by which anything else is substituted in
 the place of such an actual choice1    
answer in the least degree the end of   
representation4  ,i know that the courts
 of law have made as strained           
constructions in other cases4 ,such is  
the construction in common recoveries4  
,the method of construction which in    
that case gives to the persons in       
remainder1 for their security and       
representative1 the door-keeper1 crier1 
or sweeper of the court1 or some other  
shadowy being without substance or      
effect1 is a fiction of a very coarse   

texture4 ,this was however suffered by  
the acquiescence of the whole kingdom1  
for ages2 because the evasion of the old
 statute of ,westminster1 which         
authorized perpetuities1 had more sense 
and utility than the law which was      
evaded4 ,but an attempt to turn the     
right of election into such a farce and 
mockery as a fictitious fine and        
recovery1 will1 ,i hope1 have another   
fate2 because the laws which give it are
 infinitely dear to us1 and the evasion 
is infinitely contemptible4  ,the people
 indeed have been told1 that this power 
of discretionary disqualification is    
vested in hands that they may trust1 and
 who will be sure not to abuse it to    
their prejudice4 ,until ,i find         
something in this argument differing    
from that on which every mode of        
despotism has been defended1 ,i shall   
not be inclined to pay it any great     
compliment4 ,the people are satisfied to
 trust themselves with the exercise of  
their own privileges1 and do not desire 

this kind intervention of the ,house of 
,commons to free them from the burden4  
,they are certainly in the right4 ,they 
ought not to trust the ,house of        
,commons with a power over their        
franchises2 because the constitution1   
which placed two other co-ordinate      
powers to control it1 reposed no such   
confidence in that body4 ,it were a     
folly well deserving servitude for its  
punishment1 to be full of confidence    
where the laws are full of distrust2 and
 to give to a ,house of ,commons1       
arrogating to its sole resolution the   
most harsh and odious part of           
legislative authority1 that degree of   
submission which is due only to the     
legislature itself4  ,when the ,house of
 ,commons1 in an endeavor to obtain new 
advantages at the expense of the other  
orders of the state1 for the benefit of 
the commons at large1 have pursued      
strong measures2 if it were not just1 it
 was at least natural1 that the         
constituents should connive at all their

 proceedings2 because we were ourselves 
ultimately to profit4 ,but when this    
submission is urged to us1 in a contest 
between the representatives and         
ourselves1 and where nothing can be put 
into their scale which is not taken from
 ours1 they fancy us to be children when
 they tell us they are our              
representatives1 our own flesh and      
blood1 and that all the stripes they    
give us are for our good4 ,the very     
desire of that body to have such a trust
 contrary to law reposed in them1 shows 
that they are not worthy of it4 ,they   
certainly will abuse it2 because all men
 possessed of an uncontrolled           
discretionary power leading to the      
aggrandizement and profit of their own  
body have always abused it3 and ,i see  
no particular sanctity in our times1    
that is at all likely1 by a miraculous  
operation1 to overrule the course of    
nature4  ,but we must purposely shut our
 eyes1 if we consider this matter merely
 as a contest between the ,house of     

,commons and the electors4 ,the true    
contest is between the electors of the  
kingdom and the crown2 the crown acting 
by an instrumental ,house of ,commons4  
,it is precisely the same1 whether the  
ministers of the crown can disqualify by
 a dependent ,house of ,commons1 or by a
 dependent ,court of ,star ,chamber1 or 
by a dependent ,court of ,king's ,bench 
,if once members of ,parliament can be  
practically convinced that they do not  
depend on the affection or opinion of   
the people for their political being1   
they will give themselves over1 without 
even an appearance of reserve1 to the   
influence of the court4  ,indeed a      
,parliament unconnected with the people 
is essential to a ministry unconnected  
with the people2 and therefore those who
 saw through what mighty difficulties   
the interior ministry waded1 and the    
exterior were dragged1 in this business1
 will conceive of what prodigious       
importance1 the new corps of king's men 
held this principle of occasional and   

personal incapacitation1 to the whole   
body of their design4  ,when the ,house 
of ,commons was thus made to consider   
itself as the master of its             
constituents1 there wanted but one thing
 to secure that ,house against all      
possible future deviation towards       
popularity3 an unlimited fund of money  
to be laid out according to the pleasure
 of the court4  ,to complete the scheme 
of bringing our court to a resemblance  
to the neighboring monarchies1 it was   
necessary1 in effect1 to destroy those  
appropriations of revenue1 which seem to
 limit the property1 as the other laws  
had done the powers1 of the crown4 ,an  
opportunity for this purpose was taken1 
upon an application to ,parliament for  
payment of the debts of the civil list2 
which in #agfi had amounted to          
#eac1jjjl4 ,such application had been   
made upon former occasions2 but to do it
 in the former manner would by no means 
answer the present purpose4  ,whenever  
the crown had come to the commons to    

desire a supply for the discharging of  
debts due on the civil list1 it was     
always asked and granted with one of the
 three following qualifications2        
sometimes with all of them4 ,either it  
was stated1 that the revenue had been   
diverted from its purposes by           
,parliament2 or that those duties had   
fallen short of the sum for which they  
were given by ,parliament1 and that the 
intention of the legislature had not    
been fulfilled2 or that the money       
required to discharge the civil list    
debt was to be raised chargeable on the 
civil list duties4 ,in the reign of     
,queen ,anne1 the crown was found in    
debt4 ,the lessening and granting away  
some part of her revenue by ,parliament 
was alleged as the cause of that debt1  
and pleaded as an equitable ground1 such
 it certainly was1 for discharging it4  
,it does not appear that the duties     
which were then applied to the ordinary 
government produced clear above         
#ehj1jjjl4 a year2 because1 when they   

were afterwards granted to ,george the  
,first1 #abj1jjjl4 was added to complete
 the whole to #gjj1jjjl4 a year4 ,indeed
 it was then asserted1 and1 ,i have no  
doubt1 truly1 that for many years the   
net produce did not amount to above     
#eej1jjjl4 ,the queen's extraordinary   
charges were besides very considerable2 
equal1 at least1 to any we have known in
 our time4 ,the application to          
,parliament was not for an absolute     
grant of money2 but to empower the queen
 to raise it by borrowing upon the civil
 list funds4  ,the civil list debt was  
twice paid in the reign of ,george the  
,first4 ,the money was granted upon the 
same plan which had been followed in the
 reign of ,queen ,anne4 ,the civil list 
revenues were then mortgaged for the sum
 to be raised1 and stood charged with   
the ransom of their own deliverance4    
,george the ,second received an addition
 to his civil list4 ,duties were granted
 for the purpose of raising #hjj1jjjl4 a
 year4 ,it was not until he had reigned 

nineteen years1 and after the last      
rebellion1 that he called upon          
,parliament for a discharge of the civil
 list debt4 ,the extraordinary charges  
brought on by the rebellion1 account    
fully for the necessities of the crown4 
,however1 the extraordinary charges of  
government were not thought a ground fit
 to be relied on4  ,a deficiency of the 
civil list duties for several years     
before was stated as the principal1 if  
not the sole ground on which an         
application to ,parliament could be     
justified4 ,about this time the produce 
of these duties had fallen pretty low2  
and even upon an average of the whole   
reign they never produced #hjj1jjjl4 a  
year clear to the treasury4  ,that      
prince reigned fourteen years           
afterwards3 not only no new demands were
 made2 but with so much good order were 
his revenues and expenses regulated1    
that1 although many parts of the        
establishment of the court were upon a  
larger and more liberal scale than they 

have been since1 there was a            
considerable sum in hand1 on his        
decease1 amounting to about #agj1jjjl4  
applicable to the service of the civil  
list of his present ,majesty4 ,so that1 
if this reign commenced with a greater  
charge than usual1 there was enough and 
more than enough1 abundantly to supply  
all the extraordinary expense4 ,that the
 civil list should have been exceeded in
 the two former reigns1 especially in   
the reign of ,george the ,first1 was not
 at all surprising4 ,his revenue was but
 #gjj1jjjl4 annually2 if it ever        
produced so much clear4 ,the prodigious 
and dangerous disaffection to the very  
being of the establishment1 and the     
cause of a pretender then powerfully    
abetted from abroad1 produced many      
demands of an extraordinary nature both 
abroad and at home4 ,much management and
 great expenses were necessary4 ,but the
 throne of no prince has stood upon more
 unshaken foundations than that of his  
present ,majesty4  ,to have exceeded the

 sum given for the civil list1 and to   
have incurred a debt without special    
authority of ,parliament1 was prima     
facie1 a criminal act3 as such1         
ministers ought naturally rather to have
 withdrawn it from the inspection1 than 
to have exposed it to the scrutiny of   
,parliament4 ,certainly they ought1 of  
themselves1 officially to have come     
armed with every sort of argument1      
which1 by explaining1 could excuse1 a   
matter in itself of presumptive guilt4  
,but the terrors of the ,house of       
,commons are no longer for ministers4   
,on the other hand1 the peculiar        
character of the ,house of ,commons1 as 
trustee of the public purse1 would have 
led them to call with a punctilious     
solicitude for every public account1 and
 to have examined into them with the    
most rigorous accuracy4  ,the capital   
use of an account is1 that the reality  
of the charge1 the reason of incurring  
it1 and the justice and necessity of    
discharging it1 should all appear       

antecedent to the payment4 ,no man ever 
pays first1 and calls for his account   
afterwards2 because he would thereby let
 out of his hands the principal1 and    
indeed only effectual1 means of         
compelling a full and fair one4 ,but1 in
 national business1 there is an         
additional reason for a previous        
production of every account4 ,it is a   
check1 perhaps the only one1 upon a     
corrupt and prodigal use of public      
money4 ,an account after payment is to  
no rational purpose an account4         
,however1 the ,house of ,commons thought
 all these to be antiquated principles3 
they were of opinion1 that the most     
,parliamentary way of proceeding was1 to
 pay first what the court thought proper
 to demand1 and to take its chance for  
an examination into accounts at some    
time of greater leisure4  ,the nation   
had settled #hjj1jjjl4 a year on the    
crown1 as sufficient for the support of 
its dignity1 upon the estimate of its   
own ministers4 ,when ministers came to  

,parliament1 and said that this         
allowance had not been sufficient for   
the purpose1 and that they had incurred 
a debt of #ejj1jjjl41 would it not have 
been natural for ,parliament first to   
have asked how1 and by what means1 their
 appropriated allowance came to be      
insufficient8 ,would it not have savored
 of some attention to justice1 to have  
seen in what periods of administration  
this debt had been originally incurred2 
that they might discover1 and if need   
were1 animadvert on the persons who were
 found the most culpable8 ,to put their 
hands upon such articles of expenditure 
as they thought improper or excessive1  
and to secure1 in future1 against such  
misapplication or exceeding8 ,accounts  
for any other purposes are but a matter 
of curiosity1 and no genuine            
,parliamentary object4 ,all the accounts
 which could answer any ,parliamentary  
end were refused1 or postponed by       
previous questions4 ,every idea of      
prevention was rejected1 as conveying an

 improper suspicion of the ministers of 
the crown4  ,when every loading account 
had been refused1 many others were      
granted with sufficient facility4  ,but 
with great candor also1 the ,house was  
informed1 that hardly any of them could 
be ready until the next session2 some of
 them perhaps not so soon4 ,but1 in     
order firmly to establish the precedent 
of payment previous to account1 and to  
form it into a settled rule of the      
,house1 the god in the machine was      
brought down1 nothing less than the     
wonder-working law of ,parliament4 ,it  
was alleged1 that it is the law of      
,parliament1 when any demand comes from 
the crown1 that the ,house must go      
immediately into the committee of       
supply2 in which committee it was       
allowed1 that the production and        
examination of accounts would be quite  
proper and regular4 ,it was therefore   
carried1 that they should go into the   
committee without delay1 and without    
accounts1 in order to examine with great

 order and regularity things that could 
not possibly come before them4 ,after   
this stroke of orderly and              
,parliamentary wit and humor1 they went 
into the committee2 and very generously 
voted the payment4  ,there was a        
circumstance in that debate too         
remarkable to be overlooked4 ,this debt 
of the civil list was all along argued  
upon the same footing as a debt of the  
state1 contracted upon national         
authority4 ,its payment was urged as    
equally pressing upon the public faith  
and honor2 and when the whole year's    
account was stated1 in what is called   
the budget1 the ministry valued         
themselves on the payment of so much    
public debt1 just as if they had        
discharged #ejj1jjjl4 of navy or        
exchequer bills4 ,though1 in truth1     
their payment1 from the sinking fund1 of
 debt which was never contracted by     
,parliamentary authority1 was1 to all   
intents and purposes1 so much debt      
incurred4 ,but such is the present      

notion of public credit1 and payment of 
debt4 ,no wonder that it produces such  
effects4  ,nor was the ,house at all    
more attentive to a provident security  
against future1 than it had been to a   
vindictive retrospect to past           
mismanagements4 ,i should have thought  
indeed that a ministerial promise1      
during their own continuance in office1 
might have been given1 though this would
 have been but a poor security for the  
public4 ,mr4 ,pelham gave such an       
assurance1 and he kept his word4 ,but   
nothing was capable of extorting from   
our ministers anything which had the    
least resemblance to a promise of       
confining the expenses of the civil list
 within the limits which had been       
settled by ,parliament4 ,this reserve of
 theirs ,i look upon to be equivalent to
 the clearest declaration1 that they    
were resolved upon a contrary course4   
,however1 to put the matter beyond all  
doubt1 in the speech from the throne1   
after thanking ,parliament for the      

relief so liberally granted1 the        
ministers inform the two ,houses1 that  
they will endeavor to confine the       
expenses of the civil government--within
 what limits1 think you8 those which the
 law had prescribed8 ,not in the        
least--such limits as the honor of the  
crown can possibly admit4  ,thus they   
established an arbitrary standard for   
that dignity which ,parliament had      
defined and limited to a legal standard4
 ,they gave themselves1 under the lax   
and indeterminate idea of the honor of  
the crown1 a full loose for all manner  
of dissipation1 and all manner of       
corruption4 ,this arbitrary standard    
they were not afraid to hold out to both
 ,houses2 while an idle and unoperative 
act of ,parliament1 estimating the      
dignity of the crown at #hjj1jjjl4 and  
confining it to that sum1 adds to the   
number of obsolete statutes which load  
the shelves of libraries1 without any   
sort of advantage to the people4  ,after
 this proceeding1 ,i suppose that no man

 can be so weak as to think that the    
crown is limited to any settled         
allowance whatsoever4 ,for if the       
ministry has #hjj1jjjl4 a year by the   
law of the land2 and if by the law of   
,parliament all the debts which exceed  
it are to be paid previously to the     
production of any account2 ,i presume   
that this is equivalent to an income    
with no other limits than the abilities 
of the subject and the moderation of the
 court2 that is to say1 it is such an   
income as is possessed by every absolute
 monarch in ,europe4 ,it amounts1 as a  
person of great ability said in the     
debate1 to an unlimited power of drawing
 upon the sinking fund4 ,its effect on  
the public credit of this kingdom must  
be obvious2 for in vain is the sinking  
fund the great buttress of all the rest1
 if it be in the power of the ministry  
to resort to it for the payment of any  
debts which they may choose to incur1   
under the name of the civil list1 and   
through the medium of a committee1 which

 thinks itself obliged by law to vote   
supplies without any other account than 
that of the mere existence of the debt4 
,five hundred thousand pounds is a      
serious sum4 ,but it is nothing to the  
prolific principle upon which the sum   
was voted3 a principle that may be well 
called1 the fruitful mother of an       
hundred more4 ,neither is the damage to 
public credit of very great consequence1
 when compared with that which results  
to public morals and to the safety of   
the constitution1 from the exhaustless  
mine of corruption opened by the        
precedent1 and to be wrought by the     
principle1 of the late payment of the   
debts of the civil list4 ,the power of  
discretionary disqualification by one   
law of ,parliament1 and the necessity of
 paying every debt of the civil list by 
another law of ,parliament1 if suffered 
to pass unnoticed1 must establish such a
 fund of rewards and terrors as will    
make ,parliament the best appendage and 
support of arbitrary power that ever was

 invented by the wit of man4 ,this is   
felt4 ,the quarrel is begun between the 
representatives and the people4 ,the    
court faction have at length committed  
them4  ,in such a strait the wisest may 
well be perplexed1 and the boldest      
staggered4 ,the circumstances are in a  
great measure new4 ,we have hardly any  
landmarks from the wisdom of our        
ancestors1 to guide us4 ,at best we can 
only follow the spirit of their         
proceeding in other cases4 ,i know the  
diligence with which my observations on 
our public disorders have been made2 ,i 
am very sure of the integrity of the    
motives on which they are published2 ,i 
cannot be equally confident in any plan 
for the absolute cure of those          
disorders1 or for their certain future  
prevention4 ,my aim is to bring this    
matter into more public discussion4 ,let
 the sagacity of others work upon it4   
,it is not uncommon for medical writers 
to describe histories of diseases very  
accurately1 on whose cure they can say  

but very little4  ,the first ideas which
 generally suggest themselves1 for the  
cure of ,parliamentary disorders1 are1  
to shorten the duration of ,parliaments2
 and to disqualify all1 or a great      
number of placemen1 from a seat in the  
,house of ,commons4 ,whatever efficacy  
there may be in those remedies1 ,i am   
sure in the present state of things it  
is impossible to apply them4 ,a         
restoration of the right of free        
election is a preliminary indispensable 
to every other reformation4 ,what       
alterations ought afterwards to be made 
in the constitution1 is a matter of deep
 and difficult research4  ,if ,i wrote  
merely to please the popular palate1 it 
would indeed be as little troublesome to
 me as to another1 to extol these       
remedies1 so famous in speculation1 but 
to which their greatest admirers have   
never attempted seriously to resort in  
practice4 ,i confess then1 that ,i have 
no sort of reliance upon either a       
triennial ,parliament1 or a place-bill4 

,with regard to the former1 perhaps it  
might rather serve to counteract1 than  
to promote the ends that are proposed by
 it4 ,to say nothing of the horrible    
disorders among the people attending    
frequent elections1 ,i should be fearful
 of committing1 every three years1 the  
independent gentlemen of the country    
into a contest with the treasury4 ,it is
 easy to see which of the contending    
parties would be ruined first4 ,whoever 
has taken a careful view of public      
proceedings1 so as to endeavor to ground
 his speculations on his experience1    
must have observed how prodigiously     
greater the power of ministry is in the 
first and last session of a ,parliament1
 than it is in the intermediate period1 
when members sit a little firm on their 
seats4 ,the persons of the greatest     
,parliamentary experience1 with whom ,i 
have conversed1 did constantly1 in      
canvassing the fate of questions1 allow 
something to the court side1 upon       
account of the elections depending or   

imminent4 ,the evil complained of1 if it
 exists in the present state of things1 
would hardly be removed by a triennial  
,parliament3 for1 unless the influence  
of government in elections can be       
entirely taken away1 the more frequently
 they return1 the more they will harass 
private independence2 the more generally
 men will be compelled to fly to the    
settled systematic interest of          
government1 and to the resources of a   
boundless civil list4 ,certainly        
something may be done1 and ought to be  
done1 towards lessening that influence  
in elections2 and this will be necessary
 upon a plan either of longer or shorter
 duration of ,parliament4 ,but nothing  
can so perfectly remove the evil1 as not
 to render such contentions1 too        
frequently repeated1 utterly ruinous1   
first to independence of fortune1 and   
then to independence of spirit4 ,as ,i  
am only giving an opinion on this point1
 and not at all debating it in an       
adverse line1 ,i hope ,i may be excused 

in another observation4 ,with great     
truth ,i may aver1 that ,i never        
remember to have talked on this subject 
with any man much conversant with public
 business1 who considered short         
,parliaments as a real improvement of   
the constitution4 ,gentlemen1 warm in a 
popular cause1 are ready enough to      
attribute all the declarations of such  
persons to corrupt motives4 ,but the    
habit of affairs1 if1 on one hand1 it   
tends to corrupt the mind1 furnishes it1
 on the other1 with the means of better 
information4 ,the authority of such     
persons will always have some weight4   
,it may stand upon a par with the       
speculations of those who are less      
practised in business2 and who1 with    
perhaps purer intentions1 have not so   
effectual means of judging4 ,it is      
besides an effect of vulgar and puerile 
malignity to imagine1 that every        
statesman is of course corrupt2 and that
 his opinion1 upon every constitutional 
point1 is solely formed upon some       

sinister interest4  ,the next favorite  
remedy is a place-bill4 ,the same       
principle guides in both2 ,i mean1 the  
opinion which is entertained by many1 of
 the infallibility of laws and          
regulations1 in the cure of public      
distempers4 ,without being as           
unreasonably doubtful as many are       
unwisely confident1 ,i will only say1   
that this also is a matter very well    
worthy of serious and mature reflection4
 ,it is not easy to foresee1 what the   
effect would be1 of disconnecting with  
,parliament the greatest part of those  
who hold civil employments1 and of such 
mighty and important bodies as the      
military and naval establishments4 ,it  
were better1 perhaps1 that they should  
have a corrupt interest in the forms of 
the constitution1 than that they should 
have none at all4 ,this is a question   
altogether different from the           
disqualification of a particular        
description of revenue-officers from    
seats in ,parliament2 or1 perhaps1 of   

all the lower sorts of them from votes  
in elections4 ,in the former case1 only 
the few are affected2 in the latter1    
only the inconsiderable4 ,but a great   
official1 a great professional1 a great 
military and naval interest1 all        
necessarily comprehending many people of
 the first weight1 ability1 wealth1 and 
spirit1 has been gradually formed in the
 kingdom4 ,these new interests must be  
let into a share of representation1 else
 possibly they may be inclined to       
destroy those institutions of which they
 are not permitted to partake4 ,this is 
not a thing to be trifled with2 nor is  
it every well-meaning man that is fit to
 put his hands to it4 ,many other       
serious considerations occur4 ,i do not 
open them here1 because they are not    
directly to my purpose2 proposing only  
to give the reader some taste of the    
difficulties that attend all capital    
changes in the constitution2 just to    
hint the uncertainty1 to say no worse1  
of being able to prevent the court1 as  

long as it has the means of influence   
abundantly in its power1 of applying    
that influence to ,parliament2 and      
perhaps1 if the public method were      
precluded1 of doing it in some worse and
 more dangerous method4 ,underhand and  
oblique ways would be studied4 ,the     
science of evasion1 already tolerably   
understood1 would then be brought to the
 greatest perfection4 ,it is no         
inconsiderable part of wisdom1 to know  
how much of an evil ought to be         
tolerated2 lest1 by attempting a degree 
of purity impracticable in degenerate   
times and manners1 instead of cutting   
off the subsisting ill-practices1 new   
corruptions might be produced for the   
concealment and security of the old4 ,it
 were better1 undoubtedly1 that no      
influence at all could affect the mind  
of a member of ,parliament4 ,but of all 
modes of influence1 in my opinion1 a    
place under the government is the least 
disgraceful to the man who holds it1 and
 by far the most safe to the country4 ,i

 would not shut out that sort of        
influence which is open and visible1    
which is connected with the dignity and 
the service of the state1 when it is not
 in my power to prevent the influence of
 contracts1 of subscriptions1 of direct 
bribery1 and those innumerable methods  
of clandestine corruption1 which are    
abundantly in the hands of the court1   
and which will be applied as long as    
these means of corruption1 and the      
disposition to be corrupted1 have       
existence amongst us4 ,our constitution 
stands on a nice equipoise1 with steep  
precipices and deep waters upon all     
sides of it4 ,in removing it from a     
dangerous leaning towards one side1     
there may be a risk of oversetting it on
 the other4 ,every project of a material
 change in a government so complicated  
as ours1 combined at the same time with 
external circumstances still more       
complicated1 is a matter full of        
difficulties3 in which a considerate man
 will not be too ready to decide2 a     

prudent man too ready to undertake2 or  
an honest man too ready to promise4     
,they do not respect the public nor     
themselves1 who engage for more than    
they are sure that they ought to        
attempt1 or that they are able to       
perform4 ,these are my sentiments1 weak 
perhaps1 but honest and unbiassed2 and  
submitted entirely to the opinion of    
grave men1 well-affected to the         
constitution of their country1 and of   
experience in what may best promote or  
hurt it4  ,indeed1 in the situation in  
which we stand1 with an immense revenue1
 an enormous debt1 mighty               
establishments1 government itself a     
great banker and a great merchant1 ,i   
see no other way for the preservation of
 a decent attention to public interest  
in the representatives1 but the         
interposition of the body of the people 
itself1 whenever it shall appear1 by    
some flagrant and notorious act1 by some
 capital innovation1 that these         
representatives are going to overleap   

the fences of the law1 and to introduce 
an arbitrary power4 ,this interposition 
is a most unpleasant remedy4 ,but1 if it
 be a legal remedy1 it is intended on   
some occasion to be used2 to be used    
then only1 when it is evident that      
nothing else can hold the constitution  
to its true principles4  ,the distempers
 of monarchy were the great subjects of 
apprehension and redress1 in the last   
century2 in this the distempers of      
,parliament4 ,it is not in ,parliament  
alone that the remedy for ,parliamentary
 disorders can be completed2 hardly     
indeed can it begin there4 ,until a     
confidence in government is             
re-established1 the people ought to be  
excited to a more strict and detailed   
attention to the conduct of their       
representatives4 ,standards for judging 
more systematically upon their conduct  
ought to be settled in the meetings of  
counties and corporations4 ,frequent and
 correct lists of the voters in all     
important questions ought to be         

procured4  ,by such means something may 
be done4 ,by such means it may appear   
who those are1 that1 by an              
indiscriminate support of all           
administrations1 have totally banished  
all integrity and confidence out of     
public proceedings2 have confounded the 
best men with the worst2 and weakened   
and dissolved1 instead of strengthening 
and compacting1 the general frame of    
government4 ,if any person is more      
concerned for government and order1 than
 for the liberties of his country2 even 
he is equally concerned to put an end to
 this course of indiscriminate support4 
,it is this blind and undistinguishing  
support1 that feeds the spring of those 
very disorders1 by which he is          
frightened into the arms of the faction 
which contains in itself the source of  
all disorders1 by enfeebling all the    
visible and regular authority of the    
state4 ,the distemper is increased by   
his injudicious and preposterous        
endeavors1 or pretences1 for the cure of

 it4  ,an exterior administration1      
chosen for its impotency1 or after it is
 chosen purposely rendered impotent1 in 
order to be rendered subservient1 will  
not be obeyed4 ,the laws themselves will
 not be respected1 when those who       
execute them are despised3 and they will
 be despised1 when their power is not   
immediate from the crown1 or natural in 
the kingdom4 ,never were ministers      
better supported in ,parliament4        
,parliamentary support comes and goes   
with office1 totally regardless of the  
man1 or the merit4 ,is government       
strengthened8 ,it grows weaker and      
weaker4 ,the popular torrent gains upon 
it every hour4 ,let us learn from our   
experience4 ,it is not support that is  
wanting to government1 but reformation4 
,when ministry rests upon public        
opinion1 it is not indeed built upon a  
rock of adamant2 it has1 however1 some  
stability4 ,but when it stands upon     
private humor1 its structure is of      
stubble1 and its foundation is on       

quicksand4 ,i repeat it again1--,he that
 supports every administration subverts 
all government4 ,the reason is this3    
,the whole business in which a court    
usually takes an interest goes on at    
present equally well1 in whatever hands1
 whether high or low1 wise or foolish1  
scandalous or reputable2 there is       
nothing therefore to hold it firm to any
 one body of men1 or to any one         
consistent scheme of politics4 ,nothing 
interposes1 to prevent the full         
operation of all the caprices and all   
the passions of a court upon the        
servants of the public4 ,the system of  
administration is open to continual     
shocks and changes1 upon the principles 
of the meanest cabal1 and the most      
contemptible intrigue4 ,nothing can be  
solid and permanent4 ,all good men at   
length fly with horror from such a      
service4 ,men of rank and ability1 with 
the spirit which ought to animate such  
men in a free state1 while they decline 
the jurisdiction of dark cabal on their 

actions and their fortunes1 will1 for   
both1 cheerfully put themselves upon    
their country4 ,they will trust an      
inquisitive and distinguishing          
,parliament2 because it does inquire1   
and does distinguish4 ,if they act well1
 they know1 that1 in such a ,parliament 
they will be supported against any      
intrigue2 if they act ill1 they know    
that no intrigue can protect them4 ,this
 situation1 however awful1 is honorable4
 ,but in one hour1 and in the self-same 
assembly1 without any assigned or       
assignable cause1 to be precipitated    
from the highest authority to the most  
marked neglect1 possibly into the       
greatest peril of life and reputation1  
is a situation full of danger1 and      
destitute of honor4 ,it will be shunned 
equally by every man of prudence1 and   
every man of spirit4  ,such are the     
consequences of the division of court   
from the administration2 and of the     
division of public men among themselves4
 ,by the former of these1 lawful        

government is undone2 by the latter1 all
 opposition to lawless power is rendered
 impotent4 ,government may in a great   
measure be restored1 if any considerable
 bodies of men have honesty and         
resolution enough never to accept       
administration1 unless this garrison of 
king's men1 which is stationed1 as in a 
citadel1 to control and enslave it1 be  
entirely broken and disbanded1 and every
 work they have thrown up be levelled   
with the ground4 ,the disposition of    
public men to keep this corps together1 
and to act under it1 or to co-operate   
with it1 is a touchstone by which every 
administration ought in future to be    
tried4 ,there has not been one which has
 not sufficiently experienced the utter 
incompatibility of that faction with the
 public peace1 and with all the ends of 
good government3 since1 if they opposed 
it1 they soon lost every power of       
serving the crown2 if they submitted to 
it1 they lost all the esteem of their   
country4 ,until ministers give to the   

public a full proof of their entire     
alienation from that system1 however    
plausible their pretences1 we may be    
sure they are more intent on the        
emoluments than the duties of office4   
,if they refuse to give this proof1 we  
know of what stuff they are made4 ,in   
this particular1 it ought to be the     
electors' business to look to their     
representatives4 ,the electors ought to 
esteem it no less culpable in their     
member to give a single vote in         
,parliament to such an administration1  
than to take an office under it2 to     
endure it1 than to act in it4 ,the      
notorious infidelity and versatility of 
members of ,parliament1 in their        
opinions of men and things1 ought in a  
particular manner to be considered by   
the electors in the inquiry which is    
recommended to them4 ,this is one of the
 principal holdings of that destructive 
system1 which has endeavored to unhinge 
all the virtuous1 honorable1 and useful 
connections in the kingdom4  ,this cabal

 has1 with great success1 propagated a  
doctrine which serves for a color to    
those acts of treachery2 and whilst it  
receives any degree of countenance it   
will be utterly senseless to look for a 
vigorous opposition to the court party4 
,the doctrine is this3 ,that all        
political connections are in their      
nature factious1 and as such ought to be
 dissipated and destroyed2 and that the 
rule for forming administrations is more
 personal ability1 rated by the judgment
 of this cabal upon it1 and taken by    
draughts from every division and        
denomination of public men4 ,this decree
 was solemnly promulgated by the head of
 the court corps1 the ,earl of ,bute    
himself1 in a speech which he made1 in  
the year #agff1 against the then        
administration1 the only administration 
which he has ever been known directly   
and publicly to oppose4  ,it is indeed  
in no way wonderful1 that such persons  
should make such declarations4 ,that    
connection and faction are equivalent   

terms1 is an opinion which has been     
carefully inculcated at all times by    
unconstitutional statesmen4 ,the reason 
is evident4 ,whilst men are linked      
together1 they easily and speedily      
communicate the alarm of any evil       
design4 ,they are enabled to fathom it  
with common counsel1 and to oppose it   
with united strength4 ,whereas1 when    
they lie dispersed1 without concert1    
order1 or discipline1 communication is  
uncertain1 counsel difficult1 and       
resistance impracticable4 ,where men are
 not acquainted with each other's       
principles1 nor experienced in each     
other's talents1 nor at all practised in
 their mutual habitudes and dispositions
 by joint efforts in business2 no       
personal confidence1 no friendship1 no  
common interest1 subsisting among them2 
it is evidently impossible that they can
 act a public part with uniformity1     
perseverance1 or efficacy4 ,in a        
connection1 the most inconsiderable man1
 by adding to the weight of the whole1  

has his value1 and his use2 out of it1  
the greatest talents are wholly         
unserviceable to the public4 ,no man1   
who is not inflamed by vainglory into   
enthusiasm1 can flatter himself that his
 single1 unsupported1 desultory1        
unsystematic endeavors are of power to  
defeat the subtle designs and united    
cabals of ambitious citizens4 ,when bad 
men combine1 the good must associate2   
else they will fall1 one by one1 an     
unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible    
struggle4  ,it is not enough in a       
situation of trust in the commonwealth1 
that a man means well to his country2 it
 is not enough that in his single person
 he never did an evil act1 but always   
voted according to his conscience1 and  
even harangued against every design     
which he apprehended to be prejudicial  
to the interests of his country4 ,this  
innoxious and ineffectual character1    
that seems formed upon a plan of apology
 and disculpation1 falls miserably short
 of the mark of public duty4 ,that duty 

demands and requires1 that what is right
 should not only be made known1 but made
 prevalent2 that what is evil should not
 only be detected1 but defeated4 ,when  
the public man omits to put himself in a
 situation of doing his duty with       
effect1 it is an omission that          
frustrates the purposes of his trust    
almost as much as if he had formally    
betrayed it4 ,it is surely no very      
rational account of a man's life1 that  
he has always acted right2 but has taken
 special care1 to act in such a manner  
that his endeavors could not possibly be
 productive of any consequence4  ,i do  
not wonder that the behavior of many    
parties should have made persons of     
tender and scrupulous virtue somewhat   
out of humor with all sorts of          
connection in politics4 ,i admit that   
people frequently acquire in such       
confederacies a narrow1 bigoted1 and    
prescriptive spirit2 that they are apt  
to sink the idea of the general good in 
this circumscribed and partial interest4

 ,but1 where duty renders a critical    
situation a necessary one1 it is our    
business to keep free from the evils    
attendant upon it2 and not to fly from  
the situation itself4 ,if a fortress is 
seated in an unwholesome air1 an officer
 of the garrison is obliged to be       
attentive to his health1 but he must not
 desert his station4 ,every profession1 
not excepting the glorious one of a     
soldier1 or the sacred one of a priest1 
is liable to its own particular vices2  
which1 however1 form no argument against
 those ways of life2 nor are the vices  
themselves inevitable to every          
individual in those professions4 ,of    
such a nature are connections in        
politics2 essentially necessary for the 
full performance of our public duty1    
accidentally liable to degenerate into  
faction4 ,commonwealths are made of     
families1 free commonwealths of parties 
also2 and we may as well affirm1 that   
our natural regards and ties of blood   
tend inevitably to make men bad         

citizens1 as that the bonds of our party
 weaken those by which we are held to   
our country4  ,some legislators went so 
far as to make neutrality in party a    
crime against the state4 ,i do not know 
whether this might not have been rather 
to overstrain the principle4 ,certain it
 is1 the best patriots in the greatest  
commonwealths have always commended and 
promoted such connections4 ,idem sentire
 de republica1 was with them a principal
 ground of friendship and attachment2   
nor do ,i know any other capable of     
forming firmer1 dearer1 more pleasing1  
more honorable1 and more virtuous       
habitudes4 ,the ,romans carried this    
principle a great way4 ,even the holding
 of offices together1 the disposition of
 which arose from chance1 not selection1
 gave rise to a relation which continued
 for life4 ,it was called necessitudo   
sortis2 and it was looked upon with a   
sacred reverence4 ,breaches of any of   
these kinds of civil relation were      
considered as acts of the most          

distinguished turpitude4 ,the whole     
people was distributed into political   
societies1 in which they acted in       
support of such interests in the state  
as they severally affected4 ,for it was 
then thought no crime to endeavor by    
every honest means to advance to        
superiority and power those of your own 
sentiments and opinions4 ,this wise     
people was far from imagining that those
 connections had no tie1 and obliged to 
no duty2 but that men might quit them   
without shame1 upon every call of       
interest4 ,they believed private honor  
to be the great foundation of public    
trust2 that friendship was no mean step 
towards patriotism2 that he who1 in the 
common intercourse of life1 showed he   
regarded somebody besides himself1 when 
he came to act in a public situation1   
might probably consult some other       
interest than his own4 ,never may we    
become plus sages que les sages1 as the 
,french comedian has happily expressed  
it1 wiser than all the wise and good men

 who have lived before us4 ,it was their
 wish1 to see public and private        
virtues1 not dissonant and jarring1 and 
mutually destructive1 but harmoniously  
combined1 growing out of one another in 
a noble and orderly gradation1          
reciprocally supporting and supported4  
,in one of the most fortunate periods of
 our history this country was governed  
by a connection2 ,i mean1 the great     
connection of ,whigs in the reign of    
,queen ,anne4 ,they were complimented   
upon the principle of this connection by
 a poet who was in high esteem with     
them4 ,addison1 who knew their          
sentiments1 could not praise them for   
what they considered as no proper       
subject of commendation4 ,as a poet who 
knew his business1 he could not applaud 
them for a thing which in general       
estimation was not highly reputable4    
,addressing himself to ,britain1--      
,thy favorites grow not up by fortune's 
sport1     ,or from the crimes or       
follies of a court4     ,on the firm    

basis of desert they rise1     ,from    
long-tried faith1 and friendship's holy 
ties4   ,the ,whigs of those days       
believed that the only proper method of 
rising into power was through hard      
essays of practised friendship and      
experimented fidelity4 ,at that time it 
was not imagined1 that patriotism was a 
bloody idol1 which required the         
sacrifice of children and parents1 or   
dearest connections in private life1 and
 of all the virtues that rise from those
 relations4 ,they were not of that      
ingenious paradoxical morality1 to      
imagine that a spirit of moderation was 
properly shown in patiently bearing the 
sufferings of your friends2 or that     
disinterestedness was clearly manifested
 at the expense of other people's       
fortune4 ,they believed that no men     
could act with effect1 who did not act  
in concert2 that no men could act in    
concert1 who did not act with           
confidence2 that no men could act with  
confidence1 who were not bound together 

by common opinions1 common affections1  
and common interests4  ,these wise men1 
for such ,i must call ,lord ,sunderland1
 ,lord ,godolphin1 ,lord ,somers1 and   
,lord ,marlborough1 were too well       
principled in these maxims upon which   
the whole fabric of public strength is  
built1 to be blown off their ground by  
the breath of every childish talker4    
,they were not afraid that they should  
be called an ambitious junto2 or that   
their resolution to stand or fall       
together should1 by placemen1 be        
interpreted into a scuffle for places4  
,party is a body of men united for      
promoting by their joint endeavors the  
national interest upon some particular  
principle in which they are all agreed4 
,for my part1 ,i find it impossible to  
conceive1 that any one believes in his  
own politics1 or thinks them to be of   
any weight1 who refuses to adopt the    
means of having them reduced into       
practice4 ,it is the business of the    
speculative philosopher to mark the     

proper ends of government4 ,it is the   
business of the politician1 who is the  
philosopher in action1 to find out      
proper means towards those ends1 and to 
employ them with effect4 ,therefore     
every honorable connection will avow it 
is their first purpose1 to pursue every 
just method to put the men who hold     
their opinions into such a condition as 
may enable them to carry their common   
plans into execution1 with all the power
 and authority of the state4 ,as this   
power is attached to certain situations1
 it is their duty to contend for these  
situations4 ,without a proscription of  
others1 they are bound to give to their 
own party the preference in all things2 
and by no means1 for private            
considerations1 to accept any offers of 
power in which the whole body is not    
included2 nor to suffer themselves to be
 led1 or to be controlled1 or to be     
overbalanced1 in office or in council1  
by those who contradict the very        
fundamental principles on which their   

party is formed1 and even those upon    
which every fair connection must stand4 
,such a generous contention for power1  
on such manly and honorable maxims1 will
 easily be distinguished from the mean  
and interested struggle for place and   
emolument4 ,the very style of such      
persons will serve to discriminate them 
from those numberless impostors1 who    
have deluded the ignorant with          
professions incompatible with human     
practice1 and have afterwards incensed  
them by practices below the level of    
vulgar rectitude4  ,it is an advantage  
to all narrow wisdom and narrow morals1 
that their maxims have a plausible air3 
and1 on a cursory view1 appear equal to 
first principles4 ,they are light and   
portable4 ,they are as current as copper
 coin2 and about as valuable4 ,they     
serve equally the first capacities and  
the lowest2 and they are1 at least1 as  
useful to the worst men as to the best4 
,of this stamp is the cant of ,not men1 
but measures2 a sort of charm by which  

many people get loose from every        
honorable engagement4 ,when ,i see a man
 acting this desultory and disconnected 
part1 with as much detriment to his own 
fortune as prejudice to the cause of any
 party1 ,i am not persuaded that he is  
right2 but ,i am ready to believe he is 
in earnest4 ,i respect virtue in all its
 situations2 even when it is found in   
the unsuitable company of weakness4 ,i  
lament to see qualities1 rare and       
valuable1 squandered away without any   
public utility4 ,but when a gentleman   
with great visible emoluments abandons  
the party in which he has long acted1   
and tells you1 it is because he proceeds
 upon his own judgment2 that he acts on 
the merits of the several measures as   
they arise2 and that he is obliged to   
follow his own conscience1 and not that 
of others2 he gives reasons which it is 
impossible to controvert1 and discovers 
a character which it is impossible to   
mistake4 ,what shall we think of him who
 never differed from a certain set of   

men until the moment they lost their    
power1 and who never agreed with them in
 a single instance afterwards8 ,would   
not such a coincidence of interest and  
opinion be rather fortunate8 ,would it  
not be an extraordinary cast upon the   
dice1 that a man's connections should   
degenerate into faction1 precisely at   
the critical moment when they lose their
 power1 or he accepts a place8 ,when    
people desert their connections1 the    
desertion is a manifest fact1 upon which
 a direct simple issue lies1 triable by 
plain men4 ,whether a measure of        
government be right or wrong1 is no     
matter of fact1 but a mere affair of    
opinion1 on which men may1 as they do1  
dispute and wrangle without end4 ,but   
whether the individual thinks the       
measure right or wrong1 is a point at   
still a greater distance from the reach 
of all human decision4 ,it is therefore 
very convenient to politicians1 not to  
put the judgment of their conduct on    
overt acts1 cognizable in any ordinary  

court1 but upon such matter as can be   
triable only in that secret tribunal1   
where they are sure of being heard with 
favor1 or where at worst the sentence   
will be only private whipping4  ,i      
believe the reader would wish to find no
 substance in a doctrine which has a    
tendency to destroy all test of         
character as deduced from conduct4 ,he  
will therefore excuse my adding         
something more1 towards the further     
clearing up a point1 which the great    
convenience of obscurity to dishonesty  
has been able to cover with some degree 
of darkness and doubt4  ,in order to    
throw an odium on political connection1 
those politicians suppose it a necessary
 incident to it1 that you are blindly to
 follow the opinions of your party1 when
 in direct opposition to your own clear 
ideas2 a degree of servitude that no    
worthy man could bear the thought of    
submitting to2 and such as1 ,i believe1 
no connections 7except some court       
factions7 ever could be so senselessly  

tyrannical as to impose4 ,men thinking  
freely1 will1 in particular instances1  
think differently4 ,but still as the    
greater part of the measures which arise
 in the course of public business are   
related to1 or dependent on1 some great1
 leading1 general principles in         
government1 a man must be peculiarly    
unfortunate in the choice of his        
political company1 if he does not agree 
with them at least nine times in ten4   
,if he does not concur in these general 
principles upon which the party is      
founded1 and which necessarily draw on a
 concurrence in their application1 he   
ought from the beginning to have chosen 
some other1 more conformable to his     
opinions4 ,when the question is in its  
nature doubtful1 or not very material1  
the modesty which becomes an individual1
 and1 7in spite of our court moralists7 
that partiality which becomes a         
well-chosen friendship1 will frequently 
bring on an acquiescence in the general 
sentiment4 ,thus the disagreement will  

naturally be rare2 it will be only      
enough to indulge freedom1 without      
violating concord1 or disturbing        
arrangement4 ,and this is all that ever 
was required for a character of the     
greatest uniformity and steadiness in   
connection4 ,how men can proceed without
 any connection at all1 is to me utterly
 incomprehensible4 ,of what sort of     
materials must that man be made1 how    
must he be tempered and put together1   
who can sit whole years in ,parliament1 
with five hundred and fifty of his      
fellow-citizens1 amidst the storm of    
such tempestuous passions1 in the sharp 
conflict of so many wits1 and tempers1  
and characters1 in the agitation of such
 mighty questions1 in the discussion of 
such vast and ponderous interests1      
without seeing any one sort of men1     
whose character1 conduct1 or            
disposition1 would lead him to associate
 himself with them1 to aid and be aided1
 in any one system of public utility8   
,i remember an old scholastic aphorism1 

which says1 that the man who lives      
wholly detached from others1 must be    
either an angel or a devil4 ,when ,i see
 in any of these detached gentlemen of  
our times the angelic purity1 power1 and
 beneficence1 ,i shall admit them to be 
angels4 ,in the mean time we are born   
only to be men4 ,we shall do enough if  
we form ourselves to be good ones4 ,it  
is therefore our business carefully to  
cultivate in our minds1 to rear to the  
most perfect vigor and maturity1 every  
sort of generous and honest feeling1    
that belongs to our nature4 ,to bring   
the dispositions that are lovely in     
private life into the service and       
conduct of the commonwealth2 so to be   
patriots1 as not to forget we are       
gentlemen4 ,to cultivate friendships1   
and to incur enmities4 ,to have both    
strong1 but both selected3 in the one1  
to be placable2 in the other immovable4 
,to model our principles to our duties  
and our situation4 ,to be fully         
persuaded1 that all virtue which is     

impracticable is spurious2 and rather to
 run the risk of falling into faults in 
a course which leads us to act with     
effect and energy1 than to loiter out   
our days without blame1 and without use4
 ,public life is a situation of power   
and energy2 he trespasses against his   
duty who sleeps upon his watch1 as well 
as he that goes over to the enemy4      
,there is1 however1 a time for all      
things4 ,it is not every conjuncture    
which calls with equal force upon the   
activity of honest men2 but critical    
exigencies now and then arise2 and ,i am
 mistaken1 if this be not one of them4  
,men will see the necessity of honest   
combination2 but they may see it when it
 is too late4 ,they may embody1 when it 
will be ruinous to themselves1 and of no
 advantage to the country2 when1 for    
want of such a timely union as may      
enable them to oppose in favor of the   
laws1 with the laws on their side1 they 
may at length find themselves under the 
necessity of conspiring1 instead of     

consulting4 ,the law1 for which they    
stand1 may become a weapon in the hands 
of its bitterest enemies2 and they will 
be cast1 at length1 into that miserable 
alternative between slavery and civil   
confusion1 which no good man can look   
upon without horror2 an alternative in  
which it is impossible he should take   
either part1 with a conscience perfectly
 at repose4 ,to keep that situation of  
guilt and remorse at the utmost distance
 is1 therefore1 our first obligation4   
,early activity may prevent late and    
fruitless violence4 ,as yet we work in  
the light4 ,the scheme of the enemies of
 public tranquillity has disarranged1 it
 has not destroyed us4  ,if the reader  
believes that there really exists such a
 faction as ,i have described2 a faction
 ruling by the private inclinations of a
 court1 against the general sense of the
 people2 and that this faction1 whilst  
it pursues a scheme for undermining all 
the foundations of our freedom1 weakens 
7for the present at least7 all the      

powers of executory government1         
rendering us abroad contemptible1 and at
 home distracted2 he will believe also1 
that nothing but a firm combination of  
public men against this body1 and that1 
too1 supported by the hearty concurrence
 of the people at large1 can possibly   
get the better of it4 ,the people will  
see the necessity of restoring public   
men to an attention to the public       
opinion1 and of restoring the           
constitution to its original principles4
 ,above all1 they will endeavor to keep 
the ,house of ,commons from assuming a  
character which does not belong to it4  
,they will endeavor to keep that ,house1
 for its existence1 for its powers1 and 
its privileges1 as independent of every 
other1 and as dependent upon themselves1
 as possible4 ,this servitude is to a   
,house of ,commons 7like obedience to   
the ,divine law7 perfect freedom4 ,for  
if they once quit this natural1         
rational1 and liberal obedience1 having 
deserted the only proper foundation of  

their power1 they must seek a support in
 an abject and unnatural dependence     
somewhere else4 ,when1 through the      
medium of this just connection with     
their constituents1 the genuine dignity 
of the ,house of ,commons is restored1  
it will begin to think of casting from  
it1 with scorn1 as badges of servility1 
all the false ornaments of illegal      
power1 with which it has been1 for some 
time1 disgraced4 ,it will begin to think
 of its old office of ,,control4 ,it    
will not suffer that last of evils to   
predominate in the country3 men without 
popular confidence1 public opinion1     
natural connection1 or mutual trust1    
invested with all the powers of         
government4  ,when they have learned    
this lesson themselves1 they will be    
willing and able to teach the court1    
that it is the true interest of the     
prince to have but one administration2  
and that one composed of those who      
recommend themselves to their sovereign 
through the opinion of their country1   

and not by their obsequiousness to a    
favorite4 ,such men will serve their    
sovereign with affection and fidelity2  
because his choice of them1 upon such   
principles1 is a compliment to their    
virtue4 ,they will be able to serve him 
effectually2 because they will add the  
weight of the country to the force of   
the executory power4 ,they will be able 
to serve their king with dignity2       
because they will never abuse his name  
to the gratification of their private   
spleen or avarice4 ,this1 with          
allowances for human frailty1 may       
probably be the general character of a  
ministry1 which thinks itself           
accountable to the ,house of ,commons2  
when the ,house of ,commons thinks      
itself accountable to its constituents4 
,if other ideas should prevail1 things  
must remain in their present confusion1 
until they are hurried into all the rage
 of civil violence1 or until they sink  
into the dead repose of despotism4      
,,end ,,of ,,vol4 ,i4  ,,footnotes3     

#ajb ,mm4 de ,sully1 tom4 i4 p4 #acc4   
#ajc ,uxor ,hugonis de ,nevill dat      
,domino ,regi ducentas ,gallinas1 eo    
quod possit jacere una nocte cum ,domino
 suo ,hugone de ,nevill4--,maddox1      
,hist4 ,exch4 c4 xiii4 p4 #cbf4  #ajd   
,sentiments of an ,honest ,man4  #aje   
,see the political writings of the late 
,dr4 ,brown1 and many others4     999999
 ,transcriber's notes1 corrections      
999999  p#cbi behindhand         3 was  
behind-hand1 inconsistent with p#ddb    
p#djc pernicious         3 was          
prenicious  7see ,,html version for     
pagenumbers7 999999 ,end ,transcriber's 
notes 999999