,,the ,,works ,,of ,,cornelius          
,,tacitus2  ,,with  ,,an ,,essay ,,on   
,,his ,,life ,,and ,,genius1 ,,notes1   
,,supplements1 c4  ,,by ,,arthur        
,,murphy1 ,,esq4        ,prcipuum munus 
annalium reor1 ne virtutes sileantur1   
utque pravis      dictis factisque ex   
posteritate et infami metus sit4        
,,tacitus1 ,annales1 iii4 s4 #fe4   ,a  
,,new ,,edition1 ,,with ,,the           
,,author',s ,,last ,,corrections4  ,,in 
,,eight ,,volumes4  ,,vol4 ,,viii4      
,,london3 ,,printed ,,for ,,john        
,,stockdale2 ,f4,c4 ,,and ,j4           
,,rivington2 ,j4 ,,walker2 ,r4 ,,lea2   
,,longman1 ,,hurst1 ,,rees1 ,,orme1     
,,and ,,brown2 ,,cadell ,,and ,,davies2 
,j4 ,,mawman2 ,j4 ,,murray2 ,j4         
,,richardson2 ,r4 ,,baldwin2 ,,and ,j4  
,,faulder4  #ahaa4     ,a ,,dialogue    
,,concerning ,,oratory1  ,,or ,,the     
,,causes ,,of ,,corrupt ,,eloquence4    
,,vol4 ,,viii4     ,,contents4   ,i4    
,general introduction1 with the reasons 
for writing an account of the following 

discourse4  ,,ii4 ,the persons engaged  
in the dialogue2 at first1 ,curiatius   
,maternus1 ,julius ,secundus1 and       
,marcus ,aper4  ,,iii4 ,secundus        
endeavours to dissuade ,maternus from   
thinking any more of dramatic           
composition4  ,,iv4 ,maternus gives his 
reasons for persisting4  ,v4 ,aper      
condemns his resolution1 and1 in point  
of utility1 real happiness1 fame and    
dignity1 contends that the oratorical   
profession is preferable to the         
poetical4  ,,viii4 ,he cites the example
 of ,eprius ,marcellus and ,crispus     
,vibius1 who raised themselves by their 
eloquence to the highest honours4  ,,ix4
 ,poetical fame brings with it no       
advantage4  ,x4 ,he exhorts ,maternus to
 relinquish the muses1 and devote his   
whole to eloquence and the business of  
the bar4  ,,xi4 ,maternus defends his   
favourite studies2 the pleasures arising
 from poetry are in their nature        
innocent and sublime2 the fame is       
extensive and immortal4 ,the poet enjoys

 the most delightful intercourse with   
his friends1 whereas the life of the    
public orator is a state of warfare and 
anxiety4  ,,xiv4 ,vipstanius ,messala   
enters the room4 ,he finds his friends  
engaged in a controversy1 and being an  
admirer of ancient eloquence1 he advises
 ,aper to adopt the model of the        
ancients in preference to the plan of   
the modern rhetoricians4  ,,xv4 ,hence a
 difference of opinion concerning the   
merit of the ancients and the moderns4  
,messala1 ,secundus1 and ,maternus1     
profess themselves admirers of the      
oratory that flourished in the time of  
the republic4 ,aper launches out against
 the ancients1 and gives the preference 
to the advocates of his own time4 ,he   
desires to know who are to be accounted 
ancients4  ,,xviii4 ,eloquence has      
various modes1 all changing with the    
conjuncture of the times4 ,but it is the
 nature of men to praise the past1 and  
censure the present4 ,the period when   
,cassius ,severus flourished1 is stated 

to be the point of time at which men    
cease to be ancients2 ,cassius with good
 reason deviated from the ancient       
manner4  ,,xx4 ,defects of ancient      
eloquence3 the modern style more refined
 and elegant4  ,,xxi4 ,the character of 
,calvus1 ,clius1 ,csar and ,brutus1 and 
also of ,asinius ,pollio1 and ,messala  
,corvinus4  ,,xxii4 ,the praise and     
censure of ,cicero4  ,,xxiii4 ,the true 
rhetorical art consists in blending the 
virtues of ancient oratory with the     
beauties of the modern style4  ,,xxiv4  
,maternus observes that there can be no 
dispute about the superior reputation of
 the ancient orators3 he therefore calls
 upon ,messala to take that point for   
granted1 and proceed to an enquiry into 
the causes that produced so great an    
alteration4  ,,xxv4 ,after some         
observations on the eloquence of        
,calvus1 ,asinius ,pollio1 ,csar1       
,cicero1 and others1 ,messala praises   
,gracchus and ,lucius ,crassus1 but     
censures ,mcenas1 ,gallio1 and ,cassius 

,severus4  ,,xxvii4 ,maternus reminds   
,messala of the true point in question2 
,messala proceeds to assign the causes  
which occasioned the decay of eloquence1
 such as the dissipation of the young   
men1 the inattention of their parents1  
the ignorance of rhetorical professors1 
and the total neglect of ancient        
discipline4  ,,xxxiv4 ,he proceeds to   
explain the plan of study1 and the      
institutions1 customs1 and various arts1
 by which orators were formed in the    
time of the republic4  ,,xxxv4 ,the     
defects and vices in the new system of  
education4 ,in this part of the         
dialogue1 the sequel of ,messala's      
discourse is lost1 with the whole of    
what was said by ,secundus1 and the     
beginning of ,maternus3 the supplement  
goes on from this place1 distinguished  
by inverted commas transcriber's note3  
not used1 and the sections marked with  
numerical figures4  #a4 ,messala        
describes the presumption of the young  
advocates on their first appearance at  

the bar2 their want of legal knowledge1 
and the absurd habits which they        
contracted in the schools of the        
rhetoricians4  #b4 ,eloquence totally   
ruined by the preceptors4 ,messala      
concludes with desiring ,secundus and   
,maternus to assign the reasons which   
have occurred to them4  #d4 ,secundus   
gives his opinion4 ,the change of       
government produced a new mode of       
eloquence4 ,the orators under the       
emperors endeavoured to be ingenious    
rather than natural4 ,seneca the first  
who introduced a false taste1 which     
still prevailed in the reign of         
,vespasian4  #h4 ,licinius ,largus      
taught the advocates of his time the    
disgraceful art of hiring applauders by 
profession4 ,this was the bane of all   
true oratory1 and1 for that reason1     
,maternus was right in renouncing the   
forum altogether4  #aj4 ,maternus       
acknowledges that he was disgusted by   
the shameful practices that prevailed at
 the bar1 and therefore resolved to     

devote the rest of his time to poetry   
and the muses4  #aa4 ,an apology for the
 rhetoricians4 ,the praise of           
,quintilian4 ,true eloquence died with  
,cicero4  #ac4 ,the loss of liberty was 
the ruin of genuine oratory4            
,demosthenes flourished under a free    
government4 ,the original goes on from  
this place to the end of the dialogue4  
,,xxxvi4 ,eloquence flourishes most in  
times of public tumult4 ,the crimes of  
turbulent citizens supply the orator    
with his best materials4  ,,xxxvii4 ,in 
the time of the republic1 oratorical    
talents were necessary qualifications1  
and without them no man was deemed      
worthy of being advanced to the         
magistracy4  ,,xxxviii4 ,the ,roman     
orators were not confined in point of   
time2 they might extend their speeches  
to what length they thought proper1 and 
could even adjourn4 ,pompey abridged the
 liberty of speech1 and limited the     
time4  ,,xxxix4 ,the very dress of the  
advocates under the emperors was        

prejudicial to eloquence4  ,,xl4 ,true  
eloquence springs from the vices of men1
 and never was known to exist under a   
calm and settled government4  ,,xli4    
,eloquence changes with the times4      
,every age has its own peculiar         
advantages1 and invidious comparisons   
are unnecessary4  ,,xlii4 ,conclusion of
 the dialogue4   ,the time of this      
dialogue was the sixth of ,vespasian's  
reign4       ,year of ,rome--,of ,christ
     ,consuls4           #hbh           
#ge        ,vespasian1 #fth time2 ,titus
 his son1                               
#dth time4     ,a ,,dialogue            
,,concerning ,,oratory1 ,,or ,,the      
,,causes ,,of ,,corrupt ,,eloquence4    
,i4 ,you have often enquired of me1 my  
good friend1 ,justus ,fabius a1 how and 
from what causes it has proceeded1 that 
while ancient times display a race of   
great and splendid orators1 the present 
age1 dispirited1 and without any claim  
to the praise of eloquence1 has scarcely
 retained the name of an orator4 ,by    

that appellation we now distinguish none
 but those who flourished in a former   
period4 ,to the eminent of the present  
day1 we give the title of speakers1     
pleaders1 advocates1 patrons1 in short1 
every thing but orators4  ,the enquiry  
is in its nature delicate2 tending1 if  
we are not able to contend with         
antiquity1 to impeach our genius1 and if
 we are not willing1 to arraign our     
judgement4 ,an answer to so nice a      
question is more than ,i should venture 
to undertake1 were ,i to rely altogether
 upon myself3 but it happens1 that ,i am
 able to state the sentiments of men    
distinguished by their eloquence1 such  
as it is in modern times2 having1 in the
 early part of my life1 been present at 
their conversation on the very subject  
now before us4 ,what ,i have to offer1  
will not be the result of my own        
thinking3 it is the work of memory only2
 a mere recital of what fell from the   
most celebrated orators of their time3 a
 set of men1 who thought with subtilty1 

and expressed themselves with energy and
 precision2 each1 in his turn1 assigning
 different but probable causes1 at times
 insisting on the same1 and1 in the     
course of the debate1 maintaining his   
own proper character1 and the peculiar  
cast of his mind4 ,what they said upon  
the occasion1 ,i shall relate1 as nearly
 as may be1 in the style and manner of  
the several speakers1 observing always  
the regular course and order of the     
controversy4 ,for a controversy it      
certainly was1 where the speakers of the
 present age did not want an advocate1  
who supported their cause with zeal1    
and1 after treating antiquity with      
sufficient freedom1 and even derision1  
assigned the palm of eloquence to the   
practisers of modern times4   ,,ii4     
,curiatius ,maternus a gave a public    
reading of his tragedy of ,cato4 ,on the
 following day a report prevailed1 that 
the piece had given umbrage to the men  
in power4 ,the author1 it was said1 had 
laboured to display his favourite       

character in the brightest colours2     
anxious for the fame of his hero1 but   
regardless of himself4 ,this soon became
 the topic of public conversation4      
,maternus received a visit from ,marcus 
,aper b and ,julius ,secundus c1 both   
men of genius1 and the first ornaments  
of the forum4 ,i was1 at that time1 a   
constant attendant on those eminent men4
 ,i heard them1 not only in their scenes
 of public business1 but1 feeling an    
inclination to the same studies1 ,i     
followed them with all the ardour of    
youthful emulation4 ,i was admitted to  
their private parties2 ,i heard their   
debates1 and the amusement of their     
social hours3 ,i treasured up their wit1
 and their sentiments on the various    
topics which they had discussed in      
conversation4 ,respected as they were1  
it must1 however1 be acknowledged that  
they did not escape the malignity of    
criticism4 ,it was objected to          
,secundus1 that he had no command of    
words1 no flow of language2 and to      

,aper1 that he was indebted for his     
fame1 not to art or literature1 but to  
the natural powers of a vigorous        
understanding4 ,the truth is1 the style 
of the former was remarkable for its    
purity2 concise1 yet free and copious2  
and the latter was sufficiently versed  
in all branches of general erudition4   
,it might be said of him1 that he       
despised literature1 not that he wanted 
it4 ,he thought1 perhaps1 that1 by      
scorning the aid of letters1 and by     
drawing altogether from his own fund1   
his fame would stand on a more solid    
foundation4   ,,iii4 ,we went together  
to pay our visit to ,maternus4 ,upon    
entering his study1 we found him with   
the tragedy1 which he had read on the   
preceding day1 lying before him4        
,secundus began3 ,and are you then so   
little affected by the censure of       
malignant critics1 as to persist in     
cherishing a tragedy which has given so 
much offence8 ,perhaps you are revising 
the piece1 and1 after retrenching       

certain passages1 intend to send your   
,cato into the world1 ,i will not say   
improved1 but certainly less obnoxious4 
,there lies the poem1 said ,maternus2   
you may1 if you think proper1 peruse it 
with all its imperfections on its head4 
,if ,cato has omitted any thing1        
,thyestes a1 at my next reading1 shall  
atone for all deficiencies4 ,i have     
formed the fable of a tragedy on that   
subject3 the plan is warm in my         
imagination1 and1 that ,i may give my   
whole time to it1 ,i now am eager to    
dispatch an edition of ,cato4 ,marcus   
,aper interposed3 ,and are you1 indeed1 
so enamoured of your dramatic muse1 as  
to renounce your oratorical character1  
and the honours of your profession1 in  
order to sacrifice your time1 ,i think  
it was lately to ,medea1 and now to     
,thyestes8 ,your friends1 in the mean   
time1 expect your patronage2 the        
colonies b invoke your aid1 and the     
municipal cities invite you to the bar4 
,and surely the weight of so many causes

 may be deemed sufficient1 without this 
new solicitude imposed upon you by      
,domitius c or ,cato4 ,and must you thus
 waste all your time1 amusing yourself  
for ever with scenes of fictitious      
distress1 and still labouring to add to 
the fables of ,greece the incidents and 
characters of the ,roman story8   ,,iv4 
,the sharpness of that reproof1 replied 
,maternus1 would1 perhaps1 have         
disconcerted me1 if1 by frequent        
repetition1 it had not lost its sting4  
,to differ on this subject is grown     
familiar to us both4 ,poetry1 it seems1 
is to expect no quarter3 you wage an    
incessant war against the followers of  
that pleasing art2 and ,i1 who am       
charged with deserting my clients1 have 
yet every day the cause of poetry to    
defend4 ,but we have now a fair         
opportunity1 and ,i embrace it with     
pleasure1 since we have a person        
present1 of ability to decide between   
us2 a judge1 who will either lay me     
under an injunction to write no more    

verses1 or1 as ,i rather hope1 encourage
 me1 by his authority1 to renounce for  
ever the dry employment of forensic     
causes 7in which ,i have had my share of
 drudgery71 that ,i may1 for the future1
 be at leisure to cultivate the sublime 
and sacred eloquence of the tragic muse4
   ,v4 ,secundus desired to be heard3 ,i
 am aware1 he said1 that ,aper may      
refuse me as an umpire4 ,before he      
states his objections1 let me follow the
 example of all fair and upright judges1
 who1 in particular cases1 when they    
feel a partiality for one of the        
contending parties1 desire to be excused
 from hearing the cause4 ,the friendship
 and habitual intercourse1 which ,i have
 ever cultivated with ,saleius ,bassus  
a1 that excellent man1 and no less      
excellent poet1 are well known3 and let 
me add1 if poetry is to be arraigned1 ,i
 know no client that can offer such     
handsome bribes4  ,my business1 replied 
,aper1 is not with ,saleius ,bassus3 let
 him1 and all of his description1 who1  

without talents for the bar1 devote     
their time to the muses1 pursue their   
favourite amusement without             
interruption4 ,but ,maternus must not   
think to escape in the crowd4 ,i single 
him out from the rest1 and since we are 
now before a competent judge1 ,i call   
upon him to answer1 how it happens1 that
 a man of his talents1 formed by nature 
to reach the heights of manly eloquence1
 can think of renouncing a profession1  
which not only serves to multiply       
friendships1 but to support them with   
reputation3 a profession1 which enables 
us to conciliate the esteem of foreign  
nations1 and 7if we regard our own      
interest7 lays open the road to the     
first honours of the state2 a           
profession1 which1 besides the celebrity
 that it gives within the walls of      
,rome1 spreads an illustrious name      
throughout this wide extent of the      
empire4  ,if it be wisdom to make the   
ornament and happiness of life the end  
and aim of our actions1 what can be more

 advisable than to embrace an art1 by   
which we are enabled to protect our     
friends2 to defend the cause of         
strangers2 and succour the distressed8  
,nor is this all3 the eminent orator is 
a terror to his enemies3 envy and malice
 tremble1 while they hate him4 ,secure  
in his own strength1 he knows how to    
ward off every danger4 ,his own genius  
is his protection2 a perpetual guard1   
that watches him2 an invincible power1  
that shields him from his enemies4  ,in 
the calm seasons of life1 the true use  
of oratory consists in the assistance   
which it affords to our fellow-citizens4
 ,we then behold the triumph of         
eloquence4 ,have we reason to be alarmed
 for ourselves1 the sword and           
breast-plate are not a better defence in
 the heat of battle4 ,it is at once a   
buckler to cover yourself b and a weapon
 to brandish against your enemy4 ,armed 
with this1 you may appear with courage  
before the tribunals of justice1 in the 
senate1 and even in the presence of the 

prince4 ,we lately saw c ,eprius        
,marcellus arraigned before the fathers3
 in that moment1 when the minds of the  
whole assembly were inflamed against    
him1 what had he to oppose to the       
vehemence of his enemies1 but that      
nervous eloquence which he possessed in 
so eminent a degree8 ,collected in      
himself1 and looking terror to his      
enemies1 he was more than a match for   
,helvidius ,priscus2 a man1 no doubt1 of
 consummate wisdom1 but without that    
flow of eloquence1 which springs from   
practice1 and that skill in argument1   
which is necessary to manage a public   
debate4 ,such is the advantage of       
oratory3 to enlarge upon it were        
superfluous4 ,my friend ,maternus will  
not dispute the point4   ,,vi4 ,i       
proceed to the pleasure arising from the
 exercise of eloquence2 a pleasure which
 does not consist in the mere sensation 
of the moment1 but is felt through life1
 repeated every day1 and almost every   
hour4 ,for let me ask1 to a man of an   

ingenuous and liberal mind1 who knows   
the relish of elegant enjoyments1 what  
can yield such true delight1 as a       
concourse of the most respectable       
characters crowding to his levee8 ,how  
must it enhance his pleasure1 when he   
reflects1 that the visit is not paid to 
him because he is rich1 and wants an    
heir a1 or is in possession of a public 
office1 but purely as a compliment to   
superior talents1 a mark of respect to a
 great and accomplished orator6 ,the    
rich who have no issue1 and the men in  
high rank and power1 are his followers4 
,though he is still young1 and probably 
destitute of fortune1 all concur in     
paying their court to solicit his       
patronage for themselves1 or to         
recommend their friends to his          
protection4 ,in the most splendid       
fortune1 in all the dignity and pride of
 power1 is there any thing that can     
equal the heartfelt satisfaction of the 
able advocate1 when he sees the most    
illustrious citizens1 men respected for 

their years1 and flourishing in the     
opinion of the public1 yet paying their 
court to a rising genius1 and1 in the   
midst of wealth and grandeur1 fairly    
owning1 that they still want something  
superior to all their possessions8 ,what
 shall be said of the attendants1 that  
follow the young orator from the bar1   
and watch his motions to his own house8 
,with what importance does he appear to 
the multitude6 in the courts of         
judicature1 with what veneration6 ,when 
he rises to speak1 the audience is      
hushed in mute attention2 every eye is  
fixed on him alone2 the crowd presses   
round him2 he is master of their        
passions2 they are swayed1 impelled1    
directed1 as he thinks proper4 ,these   
are the fruits of eloquence1 well known 
to all1 and palpable to every common    
observer4  ,there are other pleasures   
more refined and secret1 felt only by   
the initiated4 ,when the orator1 upon   
some great occasion1 comes with a       
well-digested speech1 conscious of his  

matter1 and animated by his subject1 his
 breast expands1 and heaves with        
emotions unfelt before4 ,in his joy     
there is a dignity suited to the weight 
and energy of the composition which he  
has prepared4 ,does he rise to hazard   
himself b in a sudden debate2 he is     
alarmed for himself1 but in that very   
alarm there is a mingle of pleasure1    
which predominates1 till distress itself
 becomes delightful4 ,the mind exults in
 the prompt exertion of its powers1 and 
even glories in its rashness4 ,the      
productions of genius1 and those of the 
field1 have this resemblance3 many      
things are sown1 and brought to maturity
 with toil and care2 yet that1 which    
grows from the wild vigour of nature1   
has the most grateful flavour4   ,,vii4 
,as to myself1 if ,i may allude to my   
own feelings1 the day on which ,i put on
 the manly gown a1 and even the days    
that followed1 when1 as a new man at    
,rome1 born in a city that did not      
favour my pretensions b1 ,i rose in     

succession to the offices of qustor1    
tribune1 and prtor2 those days1 ,i say1 
did not awaken in my breast such exalted
 rapture1 as when1 in the course of my  
profession1 ,i was called forth1 with   
such talents as have fallen to my share1
 to defend the accused2 to argue a      
question of law before the centumviri c1
 or1 in the presence of the prince1 to  
plead for his freedmen1 and the         
procurators appointed by himself4 ,upon 
those occasions ,i towered above all    
places of profit1 and all preferment2 ,i
 looked down on the dignities of        
tribune1 prtor1 and consul2 ,i felt     
within myself1 what neither the favour  
of the great1 nor the wills and codicils
 d of the rich1 can give1 a vigour of   
mind1 an inward energy1 that springs    
from no external cause1 but is          
altogether your own4  ,look through the 
circle of the fine arts1 survey the     
whole compass of the sciences1 and tell 
me in what branch can the professors    
acquire a name to vie with the celebrity

 of a great and powerful orator4 ,his   
fame does not depend on the opinion of  
thinking men1 who attend to business and
 watch the administration of affairs2 he
 is applauded by the youth of ,rome1 at 
least by such of them as are of a       
well-turned disposition1 and hope to    
rise by honourable means4 ,the eminent  
orator is the model which every parent  
recommends to his children4 ,even the   
common people e stand at gaze1 as he    
passes by2 they pronounce his name with 
pleasure1 and point at him as the object
 of their admiration4 ,the provinces    
resound with his praise4 ,the strangers1
 who arrive from all parts1 have heard  
of his genius2 they wish to behold the  
man1 and their curiosity is never at    
rest1 till they have seen his person1   
and perused his countenance4   ,,viii4  
,i have already mentioned ,eprius       
,marcellus and ,crispus ,vibius a4 ,i   
cite living examples1 in preference to  
the names of a former day4 ,those two   
illustrious persons1 ,i will be bold to 

say1 are not less known in the remotest 
parts of the empire1 than they are at   
,capua1 or ,vercell b1 where1 we are    
told1 they both were born4 ,and to what 
is their extensive fame to be           
attributed8 ,not surely to their        
immoderate riches4 ,three hundred       
thousand sesterces cannot give the fame 
of genius4 ,their eloquence may be said 
to have built up their fortunes2 and1   
indeed1 such is the power1 ,i might say 
the inspiration1 of eloquence1 that in  
every age we have examples of men1 who  
by their talents raised themselves to   
the summit of their ambition4  ,but ,i  
waive all former instances4 ,the two1   
whom ,i have mentioned1 are not recorded
 in history1 nor are we to glean an     
imperfect knowledge of them from        
tradition2 they are every day before our
 eyes4 ,they have risen from low        
beginnings2 but the more abject their   
origin1 and the more sordid the poverty1
 in which they set out1 their success   
rises in proportion1 and affords a      

striking proof of what ,i have advanced2
 since it is apparent1 that1 without    
birth or fortune1 neither of them       
recommended by his moral character1 and 
one of them deformed in his person1 they
 have1 notwithstanding all              
disadvantages1 made themselves1 for a   
series of years1 the first men in the   
state4 ,they began their career in the  
forum1 and1 as long as they chose to    
pursue that road of ambition1 they      
flourished in the highest reputation2   
they are now at the head of the         
commonwealth1 the ministers who direct  
and govern1 and so high in favour with  
the prince1 that the respect1 with which
 he receives them1 is little short of   
veneration4  ,the truth is1 ,vespasian  
c1 now in the vale of years1 but always 
open to the voice of truth1 clearly sees
 that the rest of his favourites derive 
all their lustre from the favours1 which
 his munificence has bestowed2 but with 
,marcellus and ,crispus the case is     
different3 they carry into the cabinet1 

what no prince can give1 and no subject 
can receive4 ,compared with the         
advantages which those men possess1 what
 are family-pictures1 statues1 busts1   
and titles of honour8 ,they are things  
of a perishable nature1 yet not without 
their value4 ,marcellus and ,vibius know
 how to estimate them1 as they do wealth
 and honours2 and wealth and honours are
 advantages against which you will      
easily find men that declaim1 but none  
that in their hearts despise them4      
,hence it is1 that in the houses of all 
who have distinguished themselves in the
 career of eloquence1 we see titles1    
statues1 and splendid ornaments1 the    
reward of talents1 and1 at all times1   
the decorations of the great and        
powerful orator4   ,,ix4 ,but to come to
 the point1 from which we started3      
poetry1 to which my friend ,maternus    
wishes to dedicate all his time1 has    
none of these advantages4 ,it confers no
 dignity1 nor does it serve any useful  
purpose4 ,it is attended with some      

pleasure1 but it is the pleasure of a   
moment1 springing from vain applause1   
and bringing with it no solid advantage4
 ,what ,i have said1 and am going to    
add1 may probably1 my good friend       
,maternus1 be unwelcome to your ear2 and
 yet ,i must take the liberty to ask    
you1 if ,agamemnon a or ,jason speaks in
 your piece with dignity of language1   
what useful consequence follows from it8
 ,what client has been defended8 ,who   
confesses an obligation8 ,in that whole 
audience1 who returns to his own house  
with a grateful heart8 ,our friend      
,saleius ,bassus b is1 beyond all       
question1 a poet of eminence1 or1 to use
 a warmer expression1 he has the god    
within him3 but who attends his levee8  
who seeks his patronage1 or follows in  
his train8 ,should he himself1 or his   
intimate friend1 or his near relation1  
happen to be involved in a troublesome  
litigation1 what course do you imagine  
he would take8 ,he would1 most probably1
 apply to his friend1 ,secundus2 or to  

you1 ,maternus2 not because you are a   
poet1 nor yet to obtain a copy of verses
 from you2 of those he has a sufficient 
stock at home1 elegant1 it must be      
owned1 and exquisite in the kind4 ,but  
after all his labour and waste of       
genius1 what is his reward8  ,when in   
the course of a year1 after toiling day 
and night1 he has brought a single poem 
to perfection1 he is obliged to solicit 
his friends and exert his interest1 in  
order to bring together an audience c1  
so obliging as to hear a recital of the 
piece4 ,nor can this be done without    
expence4 ,a room must be hired1 a stage 
or pulpit must be erected2 benches must 
be arranged1 and hand-bills distributed 
throughout the city4 ,what if the       
reading succeeds to the height of his   
wishes8 ,pass but a day or two1 and the 
whole harvest of praise and admiration  
fades away1 like a flower that withers  
in its bloom1 and never ripens into     
fruit4 ,by the event1 however           
flattering1 he gains no friend1 he      

obtains no patronage1 nor does a single 
person go away impressed with the idea  
of an obligation conferred upon him4    
,the poet has been heard with applause2 
he has been received with acclamations2 
and he has enjoyed a short-lived        
transport4  ,bassus1 it is true1 has    
lately received from ,vespasian a       
present of fifty thousand sesterces4    
,upon that occasion1 we all admired the 
generosity of the prince4 ,to deserve so
 distinguished a proof of the           
sovereign's esteem is1 no doubt1 highly 
honourable2 but is it not still more    
honourable1 if your circumstances       
require it1 to serve yourself by your   
talents8 to cultivate your genius1 for  
your own advantage8 and to owe every    
thing to your own industry1 indebted to 
the bounty of no man whatever8 ,it must 
not be forgotten1 that the poet1 who    
would produce any thing truly excellent 
in the kind1 must bid farewell to the   
conversation of his friends2 he must    
renounce1 not only the pleasures of     

,rome1 but also the duties of social    
life2 he must retire from the world2 as 
the poets say1 to groves and grottos    
every muse's son4 ,in other words1 he   
must condemn himself to a sequestered   
life in the gloom of solitude4   ,x4    
,the love of fame1 it seems1 is the     
passion that inspires the poet's genius3
 but even in this respect1 is he so     
amply paid as to rival in any degree the
 professors of the persuasive arts8 ,as 
to the indifferent poet1 men leave him  
to his own a mediocrity3 the real genius
 moves in a narrow circle4 ,let there be
 a reading of a poem by the ablest      
master of his art3 will the fame of his 
performance reach all quarters1 ,i will 
not say of the empire1 but of ,rome     
only8 ,among the strangers who arrive   
from ,spain1 from ,asia1 or from ,gaul1 
who enquires b after ,saleius ,bassus8  
,should it happen that there is one1 who
 thinks1 of him2 his curiosity is soon  
satisfied2 he passes on1 content with a 
transient view1 as if he had seen a     

picture or a statue4  ,in what ,i have  
advanced1 let me not be misunderstood3  
,i do not mean to deter such as are not 
blessed with the gift of oratory1 from  
the practice of their favourite art1 if 
it serves to fill up their time1 and    
gain a degree of reputation4 ,i am an   
admirer of eloquence c2 ,i hold it      
venerable1 and even sacred1 in all its  
shapes1 and every mode of composition4  
,the pathetic of tragedy1 of which you1 
,maternus1 are so great a master2 the   
majesty of the epic1 the gaiety of the  
lyric muse2 the wanton elegy1 the keen  
iambic1 and the pointed epigram2 all    
have their charms2 and ,eloquence1      
whatever may be the subject which she   
chooses to adorn1 is with me the        
sublimest faculty1 the queen of all the 
arts and sciences4 ,but this1 ,maternus1
 is no apology for you1 whose conduct is
 so extraordinary1 that1 though formed  
by nature to reach the summit of        
perfection d1 you choose to wander into 
devious paths1 and rest contented with  

an humble station in the vale beneath4  
,were you a native of ,greece1 where to 
exhibit in the public games e is an     
honourable employment2 and if the gods  
had bestowed upon you the force and     
sinew of the athletic ,nicostratus f2 do
 you imagine that ,i could look tamely  
on1 and see that amazing vigour waste   
itself away in nothing better than the  
frivolous art of darting the javelin1 or
 throwing the coit8 ,to drop the        
allusion1 ,i summon you from the theatre
 and public recitals to the business of 
the forum1 to the tribunals of justice1 
to scenes of real contention1 to a      
conflict worthy of your abilities4 ,you 
cannot decline the challenge1 for you   
are left without an excuse4 ,you cannot 
say1 with a number of others1 that the  
profession of poetry is safer than that 
of the public orator2 since you have    
ventured1 in a tragedy written with     
spirit1 to display the ardour of a bold 
and towering genius4  ,and for whom have
 you provoked so many enemies8 ,not for 

a friend2 that would have had           
alleviating circumstances4 ,you         
undertook the cause of ,cato1 and for   
him committed yourself4 ,you cannot     
plead1 by way of apology1 the duty of an
 advocate1 or the sudden effusion of    
sentiment in the heat and hurry of an   
unpremeditated speech4 ,your plan was   
settled2 a great historical personage   
was your hero1 and you chose him1       
because what falls from so distinguished
 a character1 falls from a height that  
gives it additional weight4 ,i am aware 
of your answer3 you will say1 it was    
that very circumstance that ensured the 
success of your piece2 the sentiments   
were received with sympathetic rapture3 
the room echoed with applause1 and hence
 your fame throughout the city of ,rome4
 ,then let us hear no more of your love 
of quiet and a state of security3 you   
have voluntarily courted danger4 ,for   
myself1 ,i am content with controversies
 of a private nature1 and the incidents 
of the present day4 ,if1 hurried beyond 

the bounds of prudence1 ,i should       
happen1 on any occasion1 to grate the   
ears of men in power1 the zeal of an    
advocate1 in the service of his client1 
will excuse the honest freedom of       
speech1 and1 perhaps1 be deemed a proof 
of integrity4   ,,xi4 ,aper went through
 his argument1 according to his custom1 
with warmth and vehemence4 ,he delivered
 the whole with a peremptory tone and an
 eager eye4 ,as soon as he finished1 ,i 
am prepared1 said ,maternus smiling1 to 
exhibit a charge against the professors 
of oratory1 which may1 perhaps1         
counterbalance the praise so lavishly   
bestowed upon them by my friend4 ,in the
 course of what he said1 ,i was not     
surprised to see him going out of his   
way1 to lay poor poetry prostrate at his
 feet4 ,he has1 indeed1 shewn some      
kindness to such as are not blessed with
 oratorical talents4 ,he has passed an  
act of indulgence in their favour1 and  
they1 it seems1 are allowed to pursue   
their favourite studies4 ,for my part1  

,i will not say that ,i think myself    
wholly unqualified for the eloquence of 
the bar4 ,it may be true1 that ,i have  
some kind of talent for that profession2
 but the tragic muse affords superior   
pleasure4 ,my first attempt was in the  
reign of ,nero1 in opposition to the    
extravagant claims of the prince a1 and 
in defiance of the domineering spirit of
 ,vatinius b1 that pernicious favourite1
 by whose coarse buffoonery the muses   
were every day disgraced1 ,i might say1 
most impiously prophaned4 ,the portion  
of fame1 whatever it be1 that ,i have   
acquired since that time1 is to be      
attributed1 not to the speeches which ,i
 made in the forum1 but to the power of 
dramatic composition4 ,i have1          
therefore1 resolved to take my leave of 
the bar for ever4 ,the homage of        
visitors1 the train of attendants1 and  
the multitude of clients1 which glitter 
so much in the eyes of my friend1 have  
no attraction for me4 ,i regard them as 
,i do pictures1 and busts1 and statues  

of brass2 things1 which indeed are in my
 family1 but they came unlooked for1    
without my stir1 or so much as a wish on
 my part4 ,in my humble station1 ,i find
 that innocence is a better shield than 
oratory4 ,for the last ,i shall have no 
occasion1 unless ,i find it necessary1  
on some future occasion1 to exert myself
 in the just defence of an injured      
friend4   ,,xii4 ,but woods1 and groves 
a1 and solitary places1 have not escaped
 the satyrical vein of my friend4 ,to me
 they afford sensations of a pure       
delight4 ,it is there ,i enjoy the      
pleasures of a poetic imagination2 and  
among those pleasures it is not the     
least1 that they are pursued far from   
the noise and bustle of the world1      
without a client to besiege my doors1   
and not a criminal to distress me with  
the tears of affliction4 ,free from     
those distractions1 the poet retires to 
scenes of solitude1 where peace and     
innocence reside4 ,in those haunts of   
contemplation1 he has his pleasing      

visions4 ,he treads on consecrated      
ground4 ,it was there that ,eloquence   
first grew up1 and there she reared her 
temple4 ,in those retreats she first    
adorned herself with those graces1 which
 have made mankind enamoured of her     
charms2 and there she filled the hearts 
of the wise and good with joy and       
inspiration4 ,oracles first spoke in    
woods and sacred groves4 ,as to the     
species of oratory1 which practises for 
lucre1 or with views of ambition2 that  
sanguinary eloquence b now so much in   
vogue3 it is of modern growth1 the      
offspring of corrupt manners1 and       
degenerate times2 or rather1 as my      
friend ,aper expressed it1 it is a      
weapon in the hands of ill-designing    
men4  ,the early and more happy period  
of the world1 or1 as we poets call it1  
the golden age1 was the ra of true      
eloquence4 ,crimes and orators were then
 unknown4 ,poetry spoke in harmonious   
numbers1 not to varnish evil deeds1 but 
to praise the virtuous1 and celebrate   

the friends of human kind4 ,this was the
 poet's office4 ,the inspired train     
enjoyed the highest honours2 they held  
commerce with the gods2 they partook of 
the ambrosial feast3 they were at once  
the messengers and interpreters of the  
supreme command4 ,they ranked on earth  
with legislators1 heroes1 and demigods4 
,in that bright assembly we find no     
orator1 no pleader of causes4 ,we read  
of ,orpheus c1 of ,linus1 and1 if we    
choose to mount still higher1 we can add
 the name of ,apollo himself4 ,this may 
seem a flight of fancy4 ,aper will treat
 it as mere romance1 and fabulous       
history3 but he will not deny1 that the 
veneration paid to ,homer1 with the     
consent of posterity1 is at least equal 
to the honours obtained by ,demosthenes4
 ,he must likewise admit1 that the fame 
of ,sophocles and ,euripides is not     
confined within narrower limits than    
that of ,lysias d or ,hyperides4 ,to    
come home to our own country1 there are 
at this day more who dispute the        

excellence of ,cicero than of ,virgil4  
,among the orations of ,asinius or      
,messala e1 is there one that can vie   
with the ,medea of ,ovid1 or the        
,thyestes of ,varius8   ,,xiii4 ,if we  
now consider the happy condition of the 
true poet1 and that easy commerce in    
which he passes his time1 need we fear  
to compare his situation with that of   
the boasted orator1 who leads a life of 
anxiety1 oppressed by business1 and     
overwhelmed with care8 ,but it is said1 
his contention1 his toil and danger1 are
 steps to the consulship4 ,how much more
 eligible was the soft retreat in which 
,virgil a passed his days1 loved by the 
prince1 and honoured by the people6 ,to 
prove this the letters of ,augustus are 
still extant2 and the people1 we know1  
hearing in the theatre some verses of   
that divine poet b1 when he himself was 
present1 rose in a body1 and paid him   
every mark of homage1 with a degree of  
veneration nothing short of what they   
usually offered to the emperor4  ,even  

in our own times1 will any man say1 that
 ,secundus ,pomponius c1 in point of    
dignity or extent of fame1 is inferior  
to ,domitius ,afer d8 ,but ,vibius and  
,marcellus have been cited as bright    
examples3 and yet1 in their elevation   
what is there to be coveted8 ,is it to  
be deemed an advantage to those         
ministers1 that they are feared by      
numbers1 and live in fear themselves8   
,they are courted for their favours1 and
 the men1 who obtain their suit1 retire 
with ingratitude1 pleased with their    
success1 yet hating to be obliged4 ,can 
we suppose that the man is happy1 who by
 his artifices has wriggled himself into
 favour1 and yet is never thought by his
 master sufficiently pliant1 nor by the 
people sufficiently free8 ,and after    
all1 what is the amount of all his      
boasted power8 ,the emperor's freedmen  
have enjoyed the same4 ,but as ,virgil  
sweetly sings1 ,me let the sacred muses 
lead to their soft retreats1 their      
living fountains1 and melodious groves1 

where ,i may dwell remote from care1    
master of myself1 and under no necessity
 of doing every day what my heart       
condemns4 ,let me no more be seen at the
 wrangling bar1 a pale and anxious      
candidate for precarious fame2 and let  
neither the tumult of visitors crowding 
to my levee1 nor the eager haste of     
officious freedmen1 disturb my morning  
rest4 ,let me live free from solicitude1
 a stranger to the art of promising     
legacies e1 in order to buy the         
friendship of the great2 and when nature
 shall give the signal to retire1 may ,i
 possess no more than may be safely     
bequeathed to such friends as ,i shall  
think proper4 ,at my funeral let no     
token of sorrow be seen1 no pompous     
mockery of woe4 ,crown f me with        
chaplets2 strew flowers on my grave1 and
 let my friends erect no vain memorial1 
to tell where my remains are lodged4    
,,xiv4 ,maternus finished with an air of
 enthusiasm1 that seemed to lift him    
above himself4 ,in that moment a1       

,vipstanius ,messala entered the room4  
,from the attention that appeared in    
every countenance1 he concluded that    
some important business was the subject 
of debate4 ,i am afraid1 said he1 that  
,i break in upon you at an unseasonable 
time4 ,you have some secret to discuss1 
or1 perhaps1 a consultation upon your   
hands4 ,far from it1 replied ,secundus2 
,i wish you had come sooner4 ,you would 
have had the pleasure of hearing an     
eloquent discourse from our friend      
,aper1 who has been endeavouring to     
persuade ,maternus to dedicate all his  
time to the business of the bar1 and to 
give the whole man to his profession4   
,the answer of ,maternus would have     
entertained you3 he has been defending  
his art1 and but this moment closed an  
animated speech1 that held more of the  
poetical than the oratorical character4 
,i should have been happy1 replied      
,messala1 to have heard both my friends4
 ,it is1 however1 some compensation for 
the loss1 that ,i find men of their     

talents1 instead of giving all their    
time to the little subtleties and knotty
 points of the forum1 extending their   
views to liberal science1 and those     
questions of taste1 which enlarge the   
mind1 and furnish it with ideas drawn   
from the treasures of polite erudition4 
,enquiries of this kind afford          
improvement not only to those who enter 
into the discussion1 but to all who have
 the happiness of being present at the  
debate4 ,it is in consequence of this   
refined and elegant way of thinking1    
that you1 ,secundus1 have gained so much
 applause1 by the life of ,julius       
,asiaticus b1 with which you have lately
 obliged the world4 ,from that specimen1
 we are taught to expect other          
productions of equal beauty from the    
same hand4 ,in like manner1 ,i see with 
pleasure1 that our friend ,aper loves to
 enliven his imagination with topics of 
controversy1 and still lays out his     
leisure in questions of the schools c1  
not1 indeed1 in imitation of the ancient

 orators1 but in the true taste of our  
modern rhetoricians4   ,,xv4 ,i am not  
surprised1 returned ,aper1 at that      
stroke of raillery4 ,it is not enough   
for ,messala1 that the oratory of       
ancient times engrosses all his         
admiration2 he must have his fling at   
the moderns4 ,our talents and our       
studies are sure to feel the sallies of 
his pleasantry a4 ,i have often heard   
you1 my friend ,messala1 in the same    
humour4 ,according to you1 the present  
age has not a single orator to boast of1
 though your own eloquence1 and that of 
your brother1 are sufficient to refute  
the charge4 ,but you assert roundly1 and
 maintain your proposition with an air  
of confidence4 ,you know how high you   
stand1 and while in your general censure
 of the age you include yourself1 the   
smallest tincture of malignity cannot be
 supposed to mingle in a decision1 which
 denies to your own genius1 what by     
common consent is allowed to be your    
undoubted right4  ,i have as yet1       

replied ,messala1 seen no reason to make
 me retract my opinion2 nor do ,i       
believe1 that my two friends here1 or   
even you yourself 7though you sometimes 
affect a different tone71 can seriously 
maintain the opposite doctrine4 ,the    
decline of eloquence is too apparent4   
,the causes which have contributed to   
it1 merit a serious enquiry4 ,i shall be
 obliged to you1 my friends1 for a fair 
solution of the question4 ,i have often 
reflected upon the subject2 but what    
seems to others a full answer1 with me  
serves only to increase the difficulty4 
,what has happened at ,rome1 ,i perceive
 to have been the case in ,greece4 ,the 
modern orators of that country1 such as 
the priest b ,nicetes1 and others who1  
like him1 stun the schools of ,mytelene 
and ,ephesus c1 are fallen to a greater 
distance from schines and ,demosthenes1 
than ,afer and ,africanus d1 or you1 my 
friends1 from ,tully or ,asinius        
,pollio4   ,,xvi4 ,you have started an  
important question1 said ,secundus1 and 

who so able to discuss it as yourself8  
,your talents are equal to the          
difficulty2 your acquisitions in        
literature are known to be extensive1   
and you have considered the subject4 ,i 
have no objection1 replied ,messala3 my 
ideas are at your service1 upon         
condition that1 as ,i go on1 you will   
assist me with the lights of your       
understanding4 ,for two of us ,i can    
venture to answer1 said ,maternus3      
whatever you omit1 or rather1 what you  
leave for us to glean after you1 we     
shall be ready to add to your           
observations4 ,as to our friend ,aper1  
you have told us1 that he is apt to     
differ from you upon this point1 and    
even now ,i see him preparing to give   
battle4 ,he will not tamely bear to see 
us joined in a league in favour of      
antiquity4  ,certainly not1 replied     
,aper1 nor shall the present age1       
unheard and undefended1 be degraded by a
 conspiracy4 ,but before you sound to   
arms1 ,i wish to know1 who are to be    

reckoned among the ancients8 ,at what   
point of time a do you fix your         
favourite ra8 ,when you talk to me of   
antiquity1 ,i carry my view to the first
 ages of the world1 and see before me   
,ulysses and ,nestor1 who flourished    
little less than b thirteen hundred     
years ago4 ,your retrospect1 it seems1  
goes no farther back than to            
,demosthenes and ,hyperides2 men who    
lived in the times of ,philip and       
,alexander1 and indeed survived them    
both4 ,the interval1 between            
,demosthenes and the present age1 is    
little more than c four hundred years2 a
 space of time1 which1 with a view to   
the duration of human life1 may be      
called long2 but1 as a portion of that  
immense tract of time which includes the
 different ages of the world1 it shrinks
 into nothing1 and seems to be but      
yesterday4 ,for if it be true1 as       
,cicero says in his treatise called     
,hortensius1 that the great and genuine 
year is that period in which the        

heavenly bodies revolve to the station  
from which their source began2 and if   
this grand rotation of the whole        
planetary system requires no less than  
twelve thousand nine hundred and        
fifty-four years d of our computation1  
it follows that ,demosthenes1 your      
boasted ancient1 becomes a modern1 and  
even our contemporary2 nay1 that he     
lived in the same year with ourselves2  
,i had almost said1 in the same month e4
   ,,xvii4 ,but ,i am in haste to pass  
to our ,roman orators4 ,menenius        
,agrippa a may fairly be deemed an      
ancient4 ,i take it1 however1 that he is
 not the person1 whom you mean to oppose
 to the professors of modern eloquence4 
,the ra1 which you have in view1 is that
 of b ,cicero and ,csar2 of ,clius c and
 ,calvus2 of ,brutus d1 ,asinius1 and   
,messala4 ,those are the men1 whom you  
place in the front of hour line2 but for
 what reason they are to be classed with
 the ancients1 and not1 as ,i think they
 ought to be1 with the moderns1 ,i am   

still to learn4 ,to begin with ,cicero2 
he1 according to the account of ,tiro1  
his freedman1 was put to death on the   
seventh of the ides of ,december1 during
 the consulship of ,hirtius and ,pansa  
e1 who1 we know1 were both cut off in   
the course of the year1 and left their  
office vacant for ,augustus and ,quintus
 ,pedius4 ,count from that time six and 
fifty years to complete the reign of    
,augustus2 three and twenty for that of 
,tiberius1 four for ,caligula1 eight and
 twenty for ,claudius and ,nero1 one for
 ,galba1 ,otho1 and ,vitellius1 and     
finally six from the accession of       
,vespasian to the present year of our   
felicity1 we shall have from the death  
of ,cicero a period of about f one      
hundred and twenty years1 which may be  
considered as the term allotted to the  
life of man4 ,i myself remember to have 
seen in ,britain a soldier far advanced 
in years1 who averred that he carried   
arms in that very battle g in which his 
countrymen sought to drive ,julius ,csar

 back from their coast4 ,if this        
veteran1 who served in the defence of   
his country against ,csar's invasion1   
had been brought a prisoner to ,rome2   
or1 if his own inclination1 or any other
 accident in the course of things1 had  
conducted him thither1 he might have    
heard1 not only ,csar and ,cicero1 but  
even ourselves in some of our public    
speeches4  ,in the late public largess h
 you will acknowledge that you saw      
several old men1 who assured us that    
they had received more than once1 the   
like distribution from ,augustus        
himself4 ,if that be so1 might not those
 persons have heard ,corvinus i and     
,asinius8 ,corvinus1 we all know1 lived 
through half the reign of ,augustus1 and
 ,asinius almost to the end4 ,how then  
are we to ascertain the just boundaries 
of a century8 ,they are not to be varied
 at pleasure1 so as to place some       
orators in a remote1 and others in a    
recent period1 while people are still   
living1 who heard them all1 and may1    

therefore1 with good reason rank them as
 contemporaries4   ,,xviii4 ,from what  
,i have said1 ,i assume it as a clear   
position1 that the glory1 whatever it   
be1 that accrued to the age in which    
those orators lived1 is not confined to 
that particular period1 but reaches down
 to the present time1 and may more      
properly be said to belong to us1 than  
to ,servius ,galba a1 or to ,carbo b1   
and others of the same or more ancient  
date4 ,of that whole race of orators1 ,i
 may freely say1 that their manner      
cannot now be relished4 ,their language 
is coarse1 and their composition rough1 
uncouth1 and harsh2 and yet your ,calvus
 c1 your ,clius1 and even your favourite
 ,cicero1 condescend to follow that     
inelegant style4 ,it were to be wished  
that they had not thought such models   
worthy of imitation4 ,i mean to speak my
 mind with freedom2 but before ,i       
proceed1 it will be necessary to make a 
preliminary observation1 and it is this3
 ,eloquence has no settled form3 at     

different times it puts on a new garb1  
and changes with the manners and the    
taste of the age4 ,thus we find1 that   
,gracchus d1 compared with the elder    
,cato e1 is full and copious2 but1 in   
his turn1 yields to ,crassus f1 an      
orator more polished1 more correct1 and 
florid4 ,cicero rises superior to both2 
more animated1 more harmonious and      
sublime4 ,he is followed by ,corvinus g1
 who has all the softer graces2 a sweet 
flexibility in his style1 and a curious 
felicity in the choice of his words4    
,which was the greatest orator1 is not  
the question4  ,the use ,i make of these
 examples1 is to prove that eloquence   
does not always wear the same dress1    
but1 even among your celebrated         
ancients1 has its different modes of    
persuasion4 ,and be it remembered1 that 
what differs is not always the worst4   
,yet such is the malignity of the human 
mind1 that what has the sanction of     
antiquity is always admired2 what is    
present1 is sure to be condemned4 ,can  

we doubt that there have been critics1  
who were better pleased with ,appius    
,ccus h than with ,cato8 ,cicero had his
 adversaries i3 it was objected to him1 
that his style was redundant1 turgid1   
never compressed1 void of precision1 and
 destitute of ,attic elegance4 ,we all  
have read the letters of ,calvus and    
,brutus to your famous orator4 ,in the  
course of that correspondence1 we       
plainly see what was ,cicero's opinion  
of those eminent men4 ,the former k     
appeared to him cold and languid2 the   
latter l1 disjointed1 loose1 and        
negligent4 ,on the other hand1 we know  
what they thought in return3 ,calvus did
 not hesitate to say1 that ,cicero was  
diffuse luxuriant to a fault1 and florid
 without vigour4 ,brutus1 in express    
terms1 says1 he was weakened into       
length1 and wanted sinew4 ,if you ask my
 opinion1 each of them had reason on his
 side4 ,i shall hereafter examine them  
separately4 ,my business at present1 is 
not in the detail3 ,i speak of them in  

general terms4   ,,xix4 ,the ra of      
ancient oratory is1 ,i think1 extended  
by its admirers no farther back than the
 time of ,cassius ,severus a4 ,he1 they 
tell us1 was the first who dared to     
deviate from the plain and simple style 
of his predecessors4 ,i admit the fact4 
,he departed from the established forms1
 not through want of genius1 or of      
learning1 but guided by his own good    
sense and superior judgement4 ,he saw   
that the public ear was formed to a new 
manner2 and eloquence1 he knew1 was to  
find new approaches to the heart4 ,in   
the early periods of the commonwealth1 a
 rough unpolished people might well be  
satisfied with the tedious length of    
unskilful speeches1 at a time when to   
make an harangue that took up the whole 
day1 was the orator's highest praise4   
,the prolix exordium1 wasting itself in 
feeble preparation2 the circumstantial  
narration1 the ostentatious division of 
the argument under different heads1 and 
the thousand proofs and logical         

distinctions1 with whatever else is     
contained in the dry precepts of        
,hermagoras b and ,apollodorus1 were in 
that rude period received with universal
 applause4 ,to finish the picture1 if   
your ancient orator could glean a little
 from the common places of philosophy1  
and interweave a few shreds and patches 
with the thread of his discourse1 he was
 extolled to the very skies4 ,nor can   
this be matter of wonder3 the maxims of 
the schools had not been divulged2 they 
came with an air of novelty4 ,even among
 the orators themselves1 there were but 
few who had any tincture of philosophy4 
,nor had they learned the rules of art  
from the teachers of eloquence4  ,in the
 present age1 the tenets of philosophy  
and the precepts of rhetoric are no     
longer a secret4 ,the lowest of our     
popular assemblies are now1 ,i will not 
say fully instructed1 but certainly     
acquainted with the elements of         
literature4 ,the orator1 by consequence1
 finds himself obliged to seek new      

avenues to the heart1 and new graces to 
embellish his discourse1 that he may not
 offend fastidious ears1 especially     
before a tribunal where the judge is no 
longer bound by precedent1 but          
determines according to his will and    
pleasure2 not1 as formerly1 observing   
the measure of time allowed to the      
advocate1 but taking upon himself to    
prescribe the limits4 ,nor is this all3 
the judge1 at present1 will not         
condescend to wait till the orator1 in  
his own way1 opens his case2 but1 of his
 own authority1 reminds him of the point
 in question1 and1 if he wanders1 calls 
him back from his digression1 not       
without a hint that the court wishes to 
dispatch4   ,,xx4 ,who1 at this time1   
would bear to hear an advocate          
introducing himself with a tedious      
preface about the infirmities of his    
constitution8 ,yet that is the          
threadbare exordium of ,corvinus4 ,we   
have five books against ,verres a4 ,who 
can endure that vast redundance8 ,who   

can listen to those endless arguments   
upon points of form1 and cavilling      
exceptions b1 which we find in the      
orations of the same celebrated advocate
 for ,marcus ,tullius c and ,aulus      
,ccina8 ,our modern judges are able to  
anticipate the argument4 ,their         
quickness goes before the speaker4 ,if  
not struck with the vivacity of his     
manner1 the elegance of his sentiments1 
and the glowing colours of his          
descriptions1 they soon grow weary of   
the flat insipid discourse4 ,even in the
 lowest class of life1 there is now a   
relish for rich and splendid ornament4  
,their taste requires the gay1 the      
florid1 and the brilliant4 ,the         
unpolished style of antiquity would now 
succeed as ill at the bar1 as the modern
 actor who should attempt to copy the   
deportment of ,roscius d1 or ,ambivius  
,turpio4 ,even the young men who are    
preparing for the career of eloquence1  
and1 for that purpose1 attend the forum 
and the tribunals of justice1 have now a

 nice discriminating taste4 ,they expect
 to have their imaginations pleased4    
,they wish to carry home some bright    
illustration1 some splendid passage1    
that deserves to be remembered4 ,what   
has struck their fancy1 they communicate
 to each other3 and in their letters1   
the glittering thought1 given with      
sententious brevity1 the poetical       
allusion that enlivened the discourse1  
and the dazzling imagery1 are sure to be
 transmitted to their respective        
colonies and provinces4 ,the ornaments  
of poetic diction are now required1 not1
 indeed1 copied from the rude obsolete  
style of ,accius e and ,pacuvius1 but   
embellished with the graces of ,horace1 
,virgil1 and f ,lucan4 ,the public      
judgement has raised a demand for       
harmonious periods1 and1 in compliance  
with the taste of the age1 our orators  
grow every day more polished and        
adorned4 ,let it not be said that what  
we gain in refinement1 we lose in       
strength4 ,are the temples1 raised by   

our modern architects1 of a weaker      
structure1 because they are not formed  
with shapeless stones1 but with the     
magnificence of polished marble1 and    
decorations of the richest gilding8     
,,xxi4 ,shall ,i fairly own to you the  
impression which ,i generally receive   
from the ancient orators8 ,they make me 
laugh1 or lull me to sleep4 ,nor is this
 the case only1 when ,i read the        
orations of ,canutus a1 ,arrius1        
,furnius1 ,toranius and others of the   
same school1 or rather1 the same        
infirmary b2 an emaciated sickly race of
 orators2 without sinew1 colour1 or     
proportion4 ,but what shall be said of  
your admired ,calvus c8 ,he1 ,i think1  
has left no less than one and twenty    
volumes3 in the whole collection1 there 
is not more than one or two short       
orations1 that can pretend to perfection
 in the kind4 ,upon this point there is 
no difference of opinion4 ,who now reads
 his declamations against ,asitius or   
,drusus8 ,his speeches against ,vatinius

 are in the hands of the curious1       
particularly the second1 which must be  
allowed to be a masterpiece4 ,the       
language is elegant2 the sentiments are 
striking1 and the ear is satisfied with 
the roundness of the periods4 ,in this  
specimen we see that he had an idea of  
just composition1 but his genius was not
 equal to his judgement4 ,the orations  
of ,clius1 though upon the whole        
defective1 are not without their        
beauties4 ,some passages are highly     
finished4 ,in those we acknowledge1 the 
nice touches of modern elegance4 ,in    
general1 however1 the coarse expression1
 the halting period1 and the vulgarity  
of the sentiments1 have too much of the 
leaven of antiquity4  ,if ,clius d is   
still admired1 it is not1 ,i believe1 in
 any of those parts that bear the mark  
of a rude illiterate age4 ,with regard  
to ,julius ,csar e1 engaged as he was in
 projects of vast ambition1 we may      
forgive him the want of that perfection 
which might1 otherwise1 be expected from

 so sublime a genius4 ,brutus1 in like  
manner1 may be excused on account of his
 philosophical speculations4 ,both he   
and ,csar1 in their oratorical attempts1
 fell short of themselves4 ,their       
warmest admirers acknowledge the fact1  
nor is there an instance to the         
contrary1 unless we except ,csar's      
speech for ,decius the ,samnite f1 and  
that of ,brutus for king g ,dejotarus4  
,but are those performances1 and some   
others of the same lukewarm temper1 to  
be received as works of genius8 ,he who 
admires those productions1 may be left  
to admire their verses also4 ,for verses
 they both made1 and sent them into the 
world1 ,i will not say1 with more       
success than ,cicero1 but certainly more
 to their advantage2 for their poetry   
had the good fortune to be little known4
  ,asinius lived near our own times h4  
,he1 seems to have studied in the old   
school of ,menenius and ,appius4 ,he    
composed tragedies as well as orations1 
but in a style so harsh and ragged1 that

 one would think him the disciple of    
,accius and ,pacuvius4 ,he mistook the  
nature of eloquence1 which may then be  
said to have attained its true beauty1  
when the parts unite with smoothness1   
strength1 and proportion4 ,as in the    
human body the veins should not swell   
too high1 nor the bones and sinews      
appear too prominent2 but its form is   
then most graceful1 when a pure and     
temperate blood gives animation i to the
 whole frame2 when the muscles have     
their proper play1 and the colour of    
health is diffused over the several     
parts4 ,i am not willing to disturb the 
memory of ,corvinus ,messala k4 ,if he  
did not reach the graces of modern      
composition1 the defect does not seem to
 have sprung from choice4 ,the vigour of
 his genius was not equal to his        
judgement4   ,,xxii4 ,i now proceed to  
,cicero1 who1 we find1 had often upon   
his hands the very controversy1 that    
engages us at present4 ,it was the      
fashion with his contemporaries to      

admire the ancients1 while he1 on the   
contrary1 contended for the eloquence of
 his own time4 ,were ,i to mention the  
quality that placed him at the head of  
his rivals ,i should say it was the     
solidity of his judgement4 ,it was he   
that first shewed a taste for polished  
and graceful oratory4 ,he was happy in  
his choice of words1 and he had the art 
of giving weight and harmony to his     
composition4 ,we find in many passages a
 warm imagination1 and luminous         
sentences4 ,in his later speeches1 he   
has lively sallies of wit and fancy4    
,experience had then matured his        
judgement1 and after long practice1 he  
found the true oratorical style4 ,in his
 earlier productions we see the rough   
cast of antiquity4 ,the exordium is     
tedious2 the narration is drawn into    
length2 luxuriant passages are not      
retouched with care2 he is not easily   
affected1 and he rarely takes fire2 his 
sentiments are not always happily       
expressed a1 nor are the periods closed 

with energy4 ,there is nothing so highly
 finished1 as to tempt you to avail     
yourself of a borrowed beauty4 ,in      
short1 his speeches are like a rude     
building1 which is strong and durable1  
but wants that grace and consonance of  
parts which give symmetry and perfection
 to the whole4  ,in oratory1 as in      
architecture1 ,i require ornament as    
well as use4 ,from the man of ample     
fortune1 who undertakes to build1 we    
expect elegance and proportion4 ,it is  
not enough that his house will keep out 
the wind and the rain2 it must strike   
the eye1 and present a pleasing object4 
,nor will it suffice that the furniture 
may answer all domestic purposes2 it    
should be rich1 fashionable1 elegant2 it
 should have gold and gems so curiously 
wrought1 that they will bear            
examination1 often viewed1 and always   
admired4 ,the common utensils1 which are
 either mean or sordid1 should be       
carefully removed out of sight4 ,in like
 manner1 the true orator should avoid   

the trite and vulgar4 ,let him reject   
the antiquated phrase1 and whatever is  
covered with the rust of time2 let his  
sentiments be expressed with spirit1 not
 in careless1 ill-constructed1 languid  
periods1 like a dull writer of annals2  
let him banish low scurrility1 and1 in  
short1 let him know how to diversify his
 style1 that he may not fatigue the ear 
with a monotony1 ending for ever with   
the same unvaried cadence b4   ,,xxiii4 
,i shall say nothing of the false wit1  
and insipid play upon words1 which we   
find in ,cicero's orations4 ,his        
pleasant conceits about the wheel of    
fortune a1 and the arch raillery on the 
equivocal meaning of the word verres b1 
do not merit a moment's attention4 ,i   
omit the perpetual recurrence of the    
phrase1 esse videatur c1 which chimes in
 our ears at the close of so many       
sentences1 sounding big1 but signifying 
nothing4 ,these are petty blemishes2 ,i 
mention them with reluctance4 ,i say    
nothing of other defects equally        

improper3 and yet those very defects are
 the delight of such as affect to call  
themselves ancient orators4 ,i need not 
single them out by name3 the men are    
sufficiently known2 it is enough to     
allude1 in general terms1 to the whole  
class4  ,we all are sensible that there 
is a set of critics now existing1 who   
prefer ,lucilius d to ,horace1 and      
,lucretius e to ,virgil2 who despise the
 eloquence of ,aufidius ,bassus f and   
,servilius ,nonianus1 and yet admire    
,varro and g ,sisenna4 ,by these        
pretenders to taste1 the works of our   
modern rhetoricians are thrown by with  
neglect1 and even fastidious disdain2   
while those of ,calvus are held in the  
highest esteem4 ,we see these men       
prosing in their ancient style before   
the judges2 but we see them left without
 an audience1 deserted by the people1   
and hardly endured by their clients4    
,the truth is1 their cold and spiritless
 manner has no attraction4 ,they call it
 sound oratory1 but it is want of       

vigour2 like that precarious state of   
health which weak constitutions preserve
 by abstinence4 ,what physician will    
pronounce that a strong habit of body1  
which requires constant care and anxiety
 of mind8 ,to say barely1 that we are   
not ill1 is surely not enough4 ,true    
health consists in vigour1 a generous   
warmth1 and a certain alacrity in the   
whole frame4 ,he who is only not        
indisposed1 is little distant from      
actual illness4  ,with you1 my friends1 
the case is different3 proceed1 as you  
well can1 and in fact1 as you do1 to    
adorn our age with all the grace and    
splendour of true oratory4 ,it is with  
pleasure1 ,messala1 that ,i see you     
selecting for imitation the liveliest   
models of the ancient school4 ,you too1 
,maternus1 and you1 my friend1 ,secundus
 h1 you both possess the happy art of   
adding to weight of sentiment all the   
dignity of language4 ,to a copious      
invention you unite the judgement that  
knows how to distinguish the specific   

qualities of different authors4 ,the    
beauty of order is yours4 ,when the     
occasion demands it1 you can expand and 
amplify with strength and majesty2 and  
you know when to be concise with energy4
 ,your periods flow with ease1 and your 
composition has every grace of style and
 sentiment4 ,you command the passions   
with resistless sway1 while in          
yourselves you beget a temperance so    
truly dignified1 that1 though1 perhaps1 
envy and the malignity of the times may 
be unwilling to proclaim your merit1    
posterity will do you ample justice i4  
,,xxiv4 ,as soon as ,aper concluded1    
,you see1 said ,maternus1 the zeal and  
ardour of our friend3 in the cause of   
the moderns1 what a torrent of          
eloquence6 against the ancients1 what a 
fund of invective6 ,with great spirit1  
and a vast compass of learning1 he has  
employed against his masters the arts   
for which he is indebted to them4 ,and  
yet all this vehemence must not deter   
you1 ,messala1 from the performance of  

your promise4 ,a formal defence of the  
ancients is by no means necessary4 ,we  
do not presume to vie with that         
illustrious race4 ,we have been praised 
by ,aper1 but we know our inferiority4  
,he himself is aware of it1 though1 in  
imitation of the ancient manner a1 he   
has thought proper1 for the sake of a   
philosophical debate1 to take the wrong 
side of the question4 ,in answer to his 
argument1 we do not desire you to       
expatiate in praise of the ancients3    
their fame wants no addition4 ,what we  
request is1 an investigation of the     
causes which have produced so rapid a   
decline from the flourishing state of   
genuine eloquence4 ,i call it rapid1    
since1 according to ,aper's own         
chronology1 the period from the death of
 ,cicero does not exceed one hundred and
 twenty years b4   ,,xxv4 ,i am willing1
 said ,messala1 to pursue the plan which
 you have recommended4 ,the question1   
whether the men who flourished above one
 hundred years ago1 are to be accounted 

ancients1 has been started by my friend 
,aper1 and1 ,i believe1 it is of the    
first impression4 ,but it is a mere     
dispute about words4 ,the discussion of 
it is of no moment1 provided it be      
granted1 whether we call them ancients1 
or our predecessors1 or give them any   
other appellation1 that the eloquence of
 those times was superior to that of the
 present age4 ,when ,aper tells us1 that
 different periods of time have produced
 new modes of oratory1 ,i see nothing to
 object2 nor shall ,i deny1 that in one 
and the same period the style and       
manners have greatly varied4 ,but this  
,i assume1 that among the orators of    
,greece1 ,demosthenes holds the first   
rank1 and after him a schynes1          
,hyperides1 ,lysias1 and ,lycurgus1 in  
regular succession4 ,that age1 by common
 consent1 is allowed to be the          
flourishing period of ,attic eloquence4 
,in like manner1 ,cicero stands at the  
head of our ,roman orators1 while       
,calvus1 ,asinius1 and ,csar1 ,clius and

 ,brutus1 follow him at a distance2 all 
of them superior1 not only to every     
former age1 but to the whole race that  
came after them4 ,nor is it material    
that they differ in the mode1 since they
 all agree in the kind4 ,calvus is close
 and nervous2 ,asinius more open and    
harmonious2 ,csar is distinguished b by 
the splendour of his diction2 ,clius by 
a caustic severity2 and gravity is the  
characteristic of ,brutus4 ,cicero is   
more luxuriant in amplification1 and he 
has strength and vehemence4 ,they all1  
however1 agree in this3 their eloquence 
is manly1 sound1 and vigorous4 ,examine 
their works1 and you will see the energy
 of congenial minds1 a family-likeness  
in their genius1 however it may take a  
distinct colour from the specific       
qualities of the men4 ,true1 they       
detracted from each other's merit4 ,in  
their letters1 which are still extant1  
we find some strokes of mutual          
hostility4 ,but this littleness does not
 impeach their eloquence3 their jealousy

 was the infirmity of human nature4     
,calvus1 ,asinius1 and ,cicero1 might   
have their fits of animosity1 and1 no   
doubt1 were liable to envy1 malice1 and 
other degrading passions3 they were     
great orators1 but they were men4       
,brutus is the only one of the set1 who 
may be thought superior to petty        
contentions4 ,he spoke his mind with    
freedom1 and1 ,i believe1 without a     
tincture of malice4 ,he did not envy    
,csar himself1 and can it be imagined   
that he envied ,cicero8 ,as to ,galba c1
 ,llius1 and others of a remote period1 
against whom we have heard ,aper's      
declamation1 ,i need not undertake their
 defence1 since ,i am willing to        
acknowledge1 that in their style and    
manner we perceive those defects and    
blemishes which it is natural to expect1
 while art1 as yet in its infancy1 has  
made no advances towards perfection4    
,,xxvi4 ,after all1 if the best form of 
eloquence must be abandoned1 and some1  
new-fangled style must grow into        

fashion1 give me the rapidity of        
,gracchus a1 or the more solemn manner  
of ,crassus b1 with all their           
imperfections1 rather than the          
effeminate delicacy of c ,mcenas1 or the
 tinkling cymbal d of ,gallio4 ,the most
 homely dress is preferable to gawdy    
colours and meretricious ornaments4 ,the
 style in vogue at present1 is an       
innovation1 against every thing just and
 natural2 it is not even manly4 ,the    
luxuriant phrase1 the inanity of tuneful
 periods1 and the wanton levity of the  
whole composition1 are fit for nothing  
but the histrionic art1 as if they were 
written for the stage4 ,to the disgrace 
of the age 7however astonishing it may  
appear71 it is the boast1 the pride1 the
 glory of our present orators1 that     
their periods are musical enough either 
for the dancer's heel e1 or the         
warbler's throat4 ,hence it is1 that by 
a frequent1 but preposterous1 metaphor1 
the orator is said to speak in melodious
 cadence1 and the dancer to move with   

expression4 ,in this view of things1    
even f ,cassius ,severus 7the only      
modern whom ,aper has ventured to name71
 if we compare him with the race that   
followed1 may be fairly pronounced a    
legitimate orator1 though it must be    
acknowledged1 that in what remains of   
his compositing1 he is clumsy without   
strength1 and violent without spirit4   
,he was the first that deviated from the
 great masters of his art4 ,he despised 
all method and regular arrangement2     
indelicate in his choice of words1 he   
paid no regard to decency2 eager to     
attack1 he left himself unguarded2 he   
brandished his weapons without skill or 
address2 and1 to speak plainly1 he      
wrangled1 but did not argue4 ,and yet1  
notwithstanding these defects1 he was1  
as ,i have already said1 superior to all
 that came after him1 whether we regard 
the variety of his learning1 the        
urbanity of his wit1 or the vigour of   
his mind4 ,i expected that ,aper1 after 
naming this orator1 would have drawn up 

the rest of his forces in regular order4
 ,he has fallen1 indeed1 upon ,asinius1 
,clius1 and ,calvus2 but where are his  
champions to enter the lists with them8 
,i imagined that he had a phalanx in    
reserve1 and that we should have seen   
them man by man giving battle to        
,cicero1 ,csar1 and the rest in         
succession4 ,he has singled out some of 
the ancients1 but has brought none of   
his moderns into the field4 ,he thought 
it enough to give them a good character 
in their absence4 ,in this1 perhaps1 he 
acted with prudence3 he was afraid1 if  
he selected a few1 that the rest of the 
tribe would take offence4 ,for among the
 rhetoricians of the present day1 is    
there one to be found1 who does not1 in 
his own opinion1 tower above ,cicero1   
though he has the modesty to yield to   
,gabinianus g8   ,,xxvii4 ,what ,aper   
has omitted1 ,i intend to perform4 ,i   
shall produce his moderns by name1 to   
the end that1 by placing the example    
before our eyes1 we may be able1 more   

distinctly1 to trace the steps by which 
the vigour of ancient eloquence has     
fallen to decay4 ,maternus interrupted  
him4 ,i wish1 he said1 that you would   
come at once to the point3 we claim your
 promise4 ,the superiority of the       
ancients is not in question4 ,we want no
 proof of it4 ,upon that point my       
opinion is decided4 ,but the causes of  
our rapid decline from ancient          
excellence remain to be unfolded4 ,we   
know that you have turned your thoughts 
to this subject1 and we expected from   
you a calm disquisition1 had not the    
violent attack which ,aper made upon    
your favourite orators1 roused your     
spirit1 and1 perhaps1 given you some    
offence4 ,far from it1 replied ,messala2
 he has given me no offence2 nor must   
you1 my friends1 take umbrage1 if at any
 time a word should fall from me1 not   
quite agreeable to your way of thinking4
 ,we are engaged in a free enquiry1 and 
you know1 that1 in this kind of debate1 
the established law allows every man to 

speak his mind without reserve4 ,that is
 the law1 replied ,maternus2 you may    
proceed in perfect security4 ,when you  
speak of the ancients1 speak of them    
with ancient freedom1 which1 ,i fear1 is
 at a lower ebb than even the genius of 
those eminent men4   ,,xxviii4 ,messala 
resumed his discourse3 ,the causes of   
the decay of eloquence are by no means  
difficult to be traced4 ,they are1 ,i   
believe1 well known to you1 ,maternus1  
and also to ,secundus1 not excepting my 
friend ,aper4 ,it seems1 however1 that  
,i am now1 at your request1 to unravel  
the business4 ,but there is no mystery  
in it4 ,we know that eloquence1 with the
 rest of the polite arts1 has lost its  
former lustre3 and yet1 it is not a     
dearth of men1 or a decay of talents1   
that has produced this fatal effect4    
,the true causes are1 the dissipation of
 our young men1 the inattention of      
parents1 the ignorance of those who     
pretend to give instruction1 and the    
total neglect of ancient discipline4    

,the mischief began at ,rome1 it has    
over-run all ,italy1 and is now1 with   
rapid strides1 spreading through the    
provinces4 ,the effects1 however1 are   
more visible at home1 and therefore ,i  
shall confine myself to the reigning    
vices of the capital2 vices that wither 
every virtue in the bud1 and continue   
their baleful influence through every   
season of life4  ,but before ,i enter on
 the subject1 it will not be useless to 
look back to the system of education    
that prevailed in former times1 and to  
the strict discipline of our ancestors1 
in a point of so much moment as the     
formation of youth4 ,in the times to    
which ,i now refer1 the son of every    
family was the legitimate offspring of a
 virtuous mother4 ,the infant1 as soon  
as born1 was not consigned to the mean  
dwelling of a hireling nurse a1 but was 
reared and cherished in the bosom of a  
tender parent4 ,to regulate all         
household affairs1 and attend to her    
infant race1 was1 at that time1 the     

glory of the female character4 ,a       
matron1 related to the family1 and      
distinguished by the purity of her life1
 was chosen to watch the progress of the
 tender mind4 ,in her presence not one  
indecent word was uttered2 nothing was  
done against propriety and good manners4
 ,the hours of study and serious        
employment were settled by her          
direction2 and not only so1 but even the
 diversions of the children were        
conducted with modest reserve and       
sanctity of manners4 ,thus it was that  
,cornelia b1 the mother of the ,gracchi1
 superintended the education of her     
illustrious issue4 ,it was thus that    
,aurelia c trained up ,julius ,csar2 and
 thus ,atia d formed the mind of        
,augustus4 ,the consequence of this     
regular discipline was1 that the young  
mind grew up in innocence1 unstained by 
vice1 unwarped by irregular passions1   
and1 under that culture1 received the   
seeds of science4 ,whatever was the     
peculiar bias1 whether to the military  

art1 the study of the laws1 or the      
profession of eloquence1 that engrossed 
the whole attention1 and the youth1 thus
 directed1 embraced the entire compass  
of one favourite science4   ,,xxix4 ,in 
the present age1 what is our practice8  
,the infant is committed to a ,greek    
chambermaid1 and a slave or two1 chosen 
for the purpose1 generally the worst of 
the whole household train2 all utter    
strangers to every liberal notion4 ,in  
that worshipful society a the youth     
grows up1 imbibing folly and vulgar     
error4 ,throughout the house1 not one   
servant cares what he says or does b in 
the presence of his young master3 and   
indeed how should it be otherwise8 ,the 
parents themselves are the first to give
 their children the worst examples of   
vice and luxury4 ,the stripling         
consequently loses all sense of shame1  
and soon forgets the respect he owes to 
others as well as to himself4 ,a passion
 for horses1 players1 and gladiators c1 
seems to be the epidemic folly of the   

times4 ,the child receives it in his    
mother's womb2 he brings it with him    
into the world2 and in a mind so        
possessed1 what room for science1 or any
 generous purpose8  ,in our houses1 at  
our tables1 sports and interludes are   
the topics of conversation4 ,enter the  
places of academical lectures1 and who  
talks of any other subject8 ,the        
preceptors themselves have caught the   
contagion4 ,nor can this be wondered at4
 ,to establish a strict and regular     
discipline1 and to succeed by giving    
proofs of their genius1 is not the plan 
of our modern rhetoricians4 ,they pay   
their court to the great1 and1 by       
servile adulation1 increase the number  
of their pupils4 ,need ,i mention the   
manner of conveying the first elements  
of school learning8 ,no care is taken to
 give the student a taste for the best  
authors d2 the page of history lies     
neglected2 the study of men and manners 
is no part of their system2 and every   
branch of useful knowledge is left      

uncultivated4 ,a preceptor is called in1
 and education is then thought to be in 
a fair way4 ,but ,i shall have occasion 
hereafter to speak more fully of that   
class of men1 called rhetoricians4 ,it  
will then be seen1 at what period that  
profession first made its appearance at 
,rome1 and what reception it met with   
from our ancestors4   ,,xxx4 ,before ,i 
proceed1 let us advert for a moment to  
the plan of ancient discipline4 ,the    
unwearied diligence of the ancient      
orators1 their habits of meditation1 and
 their daily exercise in the whole      
circle of arts and sciences1 are amply  
displayed in the books which they have  
transmitted to us4 ,the treatise of     
,cicero1 entitled ,brutus a1 is in all  
our hands4 ,in that work1 after         
commemorating the orators of a former   
day1 he closes the account with the     
particulars of his own progress in      
science1 and the method he took in      
educating himself to the profession of  
oratory4 ,he studied the civil law under

 b ,mucius ,scvola2 he was instructed in
 the various systems of philosophy1 by  
,philo c of the academic school1 and by 
,diodorus the stoic2 and though ,rome1  
at that time1 abounded with the best    
professors1 he made a voyage to ,greece 
d1 and thence to ,asia1 in order to     
enrich his mind with every branch of    
learning4 ,hence that store of knowledge
 which appears in all his writings4     
,geometry1 music1 grammar1 and every    
useful art1 were familiar to him4 ,he   
embraced the whole science of logic e   
and ethics4 ,he studied the operations  
of nature4 ,his diligence of enquiry    
opened to him the long chain of causes  
and effects1 and1 in short1 the whole   
system of physiology was his own4 ,from 
a mind thus replenished1 it is no       
wonder1 my good friends1 that we see in 
the compositions of that extraordinary  
man that affluence of ideas1 and that   
prodigious flow of eloquence4 ,in fact1 
it is not with oratory as with the other
 arts1 which are confined to certain    

objects1 and circumscribed within their 
own peculiar limits4 ,he alone deserves 
the name of an orator1 who can speak in 
a copious style1 with ease or dignity1  
as the subject requires2 who can find   
language to decorate his argument2 who  
through the passions can command the    
understanding2 and1 while he serves     
mankind1 knows how to delight the       
judgement and the imagination of his    
audience4   ,,xxxi4 ,such was1 in       
ancient times1 the idea of an orator4   
,to form that illustrious character1 it 
was not thought necessary to declaim in 
the schools of rhetoricians a1 or to    
make a vain parade in fictitious        
controversies1 which were not only void 
of all reality1 but even of a shadow of 
probability4 ,our ancestors pursued a   
different plan3 they stored their minds 
with just ideas of moral good and evil2 
with the rules of right and wrong1 and  
the fair and foul in human transactions4
 ,these1 on every controverted point1   
are the orator's province4 ,in courts of

 law1 just and unjust undergo his       
discussion2 in political debate1 between
 what is expedient and honourable1 it is
 his to draw the line2 and those        
questions are so blended in their       
nature1 that they enter into every      
cause4 ,on such important topics1 who   
can hope to bring variety of matter1 and
 to dignify that matter with style and  
sentiment1 if he has not1 beforehand1   
enlarged his mind with the knowledge of 
human nature8 with the laws of moral    
obligation8 the deformity of vice1 the  
beauty of virtue1 and other points which
 do not immediately belong to the theory
 of ethics8  ,the orator1 who has       
enriched his mind with these materials1 
may be truly said to have acquired the  
powers of persuasion4 ,he who knows the 
nature of indignation1 will be able to  
kindle or allay that passion in the     
breast of the judge2 and the advocate   
who has considered the effect of        
compassion1 and from what secret springs
 it flows1 will best know how to soften 

the mind1 and melt it into tenderness4  
,it is by these secrets of his art that 
the orator gains his influence4 ,whether
 he has to do with the prejudiced1 the  
angry1 the envious1 the melancholy1 or  
the timid1 he can bridle their various  
passions1 and hold the reins in his own 
hand4 ,according to the disposition of  
his audience1 he will know when to check
 the workings of the heart1 and when to 
raise them to their full tumult of      
emotion4  ,some critics are chiefly     
pleased with that close mode of oratory1
 which in a laconic manner states the   
facts1 and forms an immediate           
conclusion3 in that case1 it is obvious 
how necessary it is to be a complete    
master of the rules of logic4 ,others   
delight in a more open1 free1 and       
copious style1 where the arguments are  
drawn from topics of general knowledge2 
for this purpose1 the peripatetic school
 b will supply the orator with ample    
materials4 ,the academic philosopher c  
will inspire him with warmth and energy2

 ,plato will give the sublime1 and      
,xenophon that equal flow which charms  
us in that amiable writer4 ,the         
rhetorical figure1 which is called      
exclamation1 so frequent with ,epicurus 
d and ,metrodorus1 will add to a        
discourse those sudden breaks of        
passion1 which give motion1 strength1   
and vehemence4  ,it is not for the stoic
 school1 nor for their imaginary wise   
man1 that ,i am laying down rules4 ,i am
 forming an orator1 whose business it   
is1 not to adhere to one sect1 but to go
 the round of all the arts and sciences4
 ,accordingly we find1 that the great   
master of ancient eloquence laid their  
foundation in a thorough study of the   
civil law1 and to that fund they added  
grammar1 music1 and geometry4 ,the fact 
is1 in most of the causes that occur1   
perhaps in every cause1 a due knowledge 
of the whole system of jurisprudence is 
an indispensable requisite4 ,there are  
likewise many subjects of litigation1 in
 which an acquaintance with other       

sciences is of the highest use4         
,,xxxii4 ,am ,i to be told1 that to gain
 some slight information on particular  
subjects1 as occasion may require1 will 
sufficiently answer the purposes of an  
orator8 ,in answer to this1 let it be   
observed1 that the application of what  
we draw from our own fund1 is very      
different from the use we make of what  
we borrow4 ,whether we speak from       
digested knowledge1 or the mere         
suggestion of others1 the effect is soon
 perceived4 ,add to this1 that conflux  
of ideas with which the different       
sciences enrich the mind1 gives an air  
of dignity to whatever we say1 even in  
cases where that depth of knowledge is  
not required4 ,science adorns the       
speaker at all times1 and1 where it is  
least expected1 confers a grace that    
charms every hearer2 the man of         
erudition feels it1 and the unlettered  
part of the audience acknowledge the    
effect without knowing the cause4 ,a    
murmur of applause ensues2 the speaker  

is allowed to have laid in a store of   
knowledge2 he possesses all the powers  
of persuasion1 and then is called an    
orator indeed4  ,i take the liberty to  
add1 if we aspire to that honourable    
appellation1 that there is no way but   
that which ,i have chalked out4 ,no man 
was ever yet a complete orator1 and1 ,i 
affirm1 never can be1 unless1 like the  
soldier marching to the field of battle1
 he enters the forum armed at all points
 with the sciences and the liberal arts4
 ,is that the case in these our modern  
times8 ,the style which we hear every   
day1 abounds with colloquial barbarisms1
 and vulgar phraseology3 no knowledge of
 the laws is heard2 our municipal policy
 is wholly neglected1 and even the      
decrees of the senate are treated with  
contempt and derision4 ,moral philosophy
 is discarded1 and the maxims of ancient
 wisdom are unworthy of their notice4   
,in this manner1 eloquence is dethroned2
 she is banished from her rightful      
dominions1 and obliged to dwell in the  

cold regions of antithesis1 forced      
conceit1 and pointed sentences4 ,the    
consequence is1 that she1 who was once  
the sovereign mistress of the sciences1 
and led them as handmaids in her train1 
is now deprived of her attendants1      
reduced1 impoverished1 and1 stripped of 
her usual honours 7,i might say of her  
genius71 compelled to exercise a mere   
plebeian art4  ,and now1 my friends1 ,i 
think ,i have laid open the efficient   
cause of the decline of eloquence4 ,need
 ,i call witnesses to support my        
opinion8 ,i name ,demosthenes among the 
,greeks4 ,he1 we are assured1 constantly
 attended a the lectures of ,plato4 ,i  
name ,cicero among the ,romans3 he tells
 us 7,i believe ,i can repeat his       
words71 that if he attained any degree  
of excellence1 he owed it1 not so much  
to the precepts of rhetoricians1 as to  
his meditations in the walks of the     
academic school4 ,i am aware that other 
causes of our present degeneracy may be 
added2 but that task ,i leave to my     

friends1 since ,i now may flatter myself
 that ,i have performed my promise4 ,in 
doing it1 ,i fear1 that1 as often       
happens to me1 ,i have incurred the     
danger of giving offence4 ,were a       
certain class of men to hear the        
principles which ,i have advanced in    
favour of legal knowledge and sound     
philosophy1 ,i should expect to be told 
that ,i have been all the time          
commending my own visionary schemes4    
,,xxxiii4 ,you will excuse me1 replied  
,maternus1 if ,i take the liberty to say
 that you have by no means finished your
 part of our enquiry4 ,you seem to have 
spread your canvas1 and to have touched 
the outlines of your plan2 but there are
 other parts that still require the     
colouring of so masterly a hand4 ,the   
stores of knowledge1 with which the     
ancients enlarged their minds1 you have 
fairly explained1 and1 in contrast to   
that pleasing picture1 you have given us
 a true draught of modern ignorance4    
,but we now wish to know1 what were the 

exercises1 and what the discipline1 by  
which the youth of former times prepared
 themselves for the honours of their    
profession4 ,it will not1 ,i believe1 be
 contended1 that theory1 and systems of 
art1 are of themselves sufficient to    
form a genuine orator4 ,it is by        
practice1 and by constant exertion1 that
 the faculty of speech improves1 till   
the genius of the man expands1 and      
flourishes in its full vigour4 ,this1 ,i
 think1 you will not deny1 and my two   
friends1 if ,i may judge by their looks1
 seem to give their assent4 ,aper and   
,secundus agreed without hesitation4    
,messala proceeded as follows3 ,having1 
as ,i conceive1 shewn the seed-plots of 
ancient eloquence1 and the fountains of 
science1 from which they drew such      
copious streams2 it remains now to give 
some idea of the labour1 the assiduity1 
and the exercises1 by which they trained
 themselves to their profession4 ,i need
 not observe1 that in the pursuit of    
science1 method and constant exercise   

are indispensable3 for who can hope1    
without regular attention1 to master    
abstract schemes of philosophy1 and     
embrace the whole compass of the        
sciences8 ,knowledge must be grafted in 
the mind by frequent meditation a2 to   
that must be added the faculty of       
conveying our ideas2 and1 to make sure  
of our impression1 we must be able to   
adorn our thoughts with the colours of  
true eloquence4 ,hence it is evident    
that the same arts1 by which the mind   
lays in its stock of knowledge1 must be 
still pursued1 in order to attain a     
clear and graceful manner of conveying  
that knowledge to others4 ,this may be  
thought refined and too abstruse4 ,if1  
however1 we are still to be told that   
science and elocution are things in     
themselves distinct and unrelated2 this1
 at least1 may be assumed1 that he1 who1
 with a fund of previous knowledge1     
undertakes the province of oratory1 will
 bring with him a mind well seasoned1   
and duly prepared for the study and     

exercise of real eloquence4   ,,xxxiv4  
,the practice of our ancestors was      
agreeable to this theory4 ,the youth1   
who was intended for public declamation1
 went forth1 under the care of his      
father1 or some near relation1 with all 
the advantages of home-discipline2 his  
mind was expanded by the fine arts1 and 
impregnated with science4 ,he was       
conducted to the most eminent orator of 
the time4 ,under that illustrious       
patronage he visited the forum2 he      
attended his patron upon all occasions2 
he listened with attention to his       
pleadings in the tribunals of justice1  
and his public harangues before the     
people2 he heard him in the warmth of   
argument2 he noted his sudden replies1  
and thus1 in the field of battle1 if ,i 
may so express myself1 he learned the   
first rudiments of rhetorical warfare4  
,the advantages of this method are      
obvious3 the young candidate gained     
courage1 and improved his judgement2 he 
studied in open day1 amidst the heat of 

the conflict1 where nothing weak or idle
 could be said with impunity2 where     
every thing absurd was instantly rebuked
 by the judge1 exposed to ridicule by   
the adversary1 and condemned by the     
whole bar4  ,in this manner the student 
was initiated in the rules of sound and 
manly eloquence2 and1 though it be true1
 that he placed himself under the       
auspices of one orator only1 he heard   
the rest in their turn1 and in that     
diversity of tastes which always        
prevails in mixed assemblies1 he was    
enabled to distinguish what was         
excellent or defective in the kind4 ,the
 orator in actual business was the best 
preceptor3 the instructions which he    
gave1 were living eloquence1 the        
substance1 and not the shadow4 ,he was  
himself a real combatant1 engaged with a
 zealous antagonist1 both in earnest1   
and not like gladiators1 in a mock      
contest1 fighting for prizes4 ,it was a 
struggle for victory1 before an audience
 always changing1 yet always full2 where

 the speaker had his enemies as well as 
his admirers2 and between both1 what was
 brilliant met with applause2 what was  
defective1 was sure to be condemned4 ,in
 this clash of opinions1 the genuine    
orator flourished1 and acquired that    
lasting fame1 which1 we all know1 does  
not depend on the voice of friends only1
 but must rebound from the benches      
filled with your enemies4 ,extorted     
applause is the best suffrage4  ,in that
 school1 the youth of expectation1 such 
as ,i have delineated1 was reared and   
educated by the most eminent genius of  
the times4 ,in the forum1 he was        
enlightened by the experience of others2
 he was instructed in the knowledge of  
the laws1 accustomed to the eye of the  
judges1 habituated to the looks of a    
numerous audience1 and acquainted with  
the popular taste4 ,after this          
preparation1 he was called forth to     
conduct a prosecution1 or to take upon  
himself the whole weight of the defence4
 ,the fruit of his application was then 

seen at once4 ,he was equal1 in his     
first outset1 to the most arduous       
business4 ,thus it was that ,crassus1 at
 the age of nineteen a1 stood forth the 
accuser of ,papirius ,carbo3 thus       
,julius ,csar1 at one and twenty1       
arraigned ,dolabella2 ,asinius ,pollio1 
about the same age1 attacked ,caius     
,cato2 and ,calvus1 but a little older1 
flamed out against ,vatinius4 ,their    
several speeches are still extant1 and  
we all read them with admiration4       
,,xxxv4 ,in opposition to this system of
 education1 what is our modern practice8
 ,our young men are led a to academical 
prolusions in the school of vain        
professors1 who call themselves         
rhetoricians2 a race of impostors1 who  
made their first appearance at ,rome1   
not long before the days of ,cicero4    
,that they were unwelcome visitors1 is  
evident from the circumstance of their  
being silenced by the two censors b1    
,crassus and ,domitius4 ,they were      
ordered1 says ,cicero1 to shut up their 

school of impudence4 ,those scenes1     
however1 are open at present1 and there 
our young students listen to mountebank 
oratory4 ,i am at a loss how to         
determine which is most fatal to all    
true genius1 the place itself1 the      
company that frequent it1 or the plan of
 study universally adopted4 ,can the    
place impress the mind with awe and     
respect1 where none are ever seen but   
the raw1 the unskilful1 and the         
ignorant8 ,in such an assembly what     
advantage can arise8 ,boys harangue     
before boys1 and young men exhibit      
before their fellows4 ,the speaker is   
pleased with his declamation1 and the   
hearer with his judgement4 ,the very    
subjects on which they display their    
talents1 tend to no useful purpose4     
,they are of two sorts1 persuasive or   
controversial4 ,the first1 supposed to  
be of the lighter kind1 are usually     
assigned to the youngest scholars3 the  
last are reserved for students of longer
 practice and riper judgement4 ,but1    

gracious powers6 what are the           
compositions produced on these          
occasions8  ,the subject is remote from 
truth1 and even probability1 unlike any 
thing that ever happened in human life3 
and no wonder if the superstructure     
perfectly agrees with the foundation4   
,it is to these scenic exercises that we
 owe a number of frivolous topics1 such 
as the reward due to the slayer of a    
tyrant2 the election to be made by c    
violated virgins2 the rites and         
ceremonies proper to be used during a   
raging pestilence2 the loose behaviour  
of married women2 with other fictitious 
subjects1 hackneyed in the schools1 and 
seldom or never heard of in our courts  
of justice4 ,these imaginary questions  
are treated with gaudy flourishes1 and  
all the tumor of unnatural language4    
,but after all this mighty parade1 call 
these striplings from their schools of  
rhetoric1 into the presence of the      
judges1 and to the real business of the 
bar d3   #a4 ,what figure will they make

 before that solemn judicature8 ,trained
 up in chimerical exercises1 strangers  
to the municipal laws1 unacquainted with
 the principles of natural justice and  
the rights of nations1 they will bring  
with them that false taste which they   
have been for years acquiring1 but      
nothing worthy of the public ear1       
nothing useful to their clients4 ,they  
have succeeded in nothing but the art of
 making themselves ridiculous4 ,the     
peculiar quality of the teacher a1      
whatever it be1 is sure to transfuse    
itself into the performance of the      
pupil4 ,is the master haughty1 fierce1  
and arrogant2 the scholar swells with   
confidence2 his eye threatens prodigious
 things1 and his harangue is an         
ostentatious display of the             
common-places of school oratory1 dressed
 up with dazzling splendour1 and        
thundered forth with emphasis4 ,on the  
other hand1 does the master value       
himself for the delicacy of his taste1  
for the foppery of glittering conceits  

and tinsel ornament2 the youth who has  
been educated under him1 sets out with  
the same artificial prettiness1 the same
 foppery of style and manner4 ,a simper 
plays on his countenance2 his elocution 
is soft and delicate2 his action        
pathetic2 his sentences entangled in a  
maze of sweet perplexity2 he plays off  
the whole of his theatrical skill1 and  
hopes to elevate and surprise4   #b4    
,this love of finery1 this ambition to  
shine and glitter1 has destroyed all    
true eloquence4 ,oratory is not the     
child of hireling teachers2 it springs  
from another source1 from a love of     
liberty1 from a mind replete with moral 
science1 and a thorough knowledge of the
 laws2 from a due respect for the best  
examples1 from profound meditation a1   
and a style formed by constant practice4
 ,while these were thought essential    
requisites1 eloquence flourished4 ,but  
the true beauties of language fell into 
disuse1 and oratory went to ruin4 ,the  
spirit evaporated2 ,i fear1 to revive no

 more4 ,i wish ,i may prove a false     
prophet1 but we know the progress of art
 in every age and country4 ,rude at     
first1 it rises from low beginnings1 and
 goes on improving1 till it reaches the 
highest perfection in the kind4 ,but at 
that point it is never stationary3 it   
soon declines1 and from the corruption  
of what is good1 it is not in the nature
 of man1 nor in the power of human      
faculties1 to rise again to the same    
degree of excellence4   #c4 ,messala    
closed with a degree of vehemence1 and  
then turning to ,maternus and ,secundus 
a1 ,it is yours1 he said1 to pursue this
 train of argument2 or if any cause of  
the decay of eloquence lies still       
deeper1 you will oblige us by bringing  
it to light4 ,maternus1 ,i presume1 will
 find no difficulty3 a poetic genius    
holds commerce with the gods1 and to him
 nothing will remain a secret4 ,as for  
,secundus1 he has been long a shining   
ornament of the forum1 and by his own   
experience knows how to distinguish     

genuine eloquence from the corrupt and  
vicious4 ,maternus heard this sally of  
his friend's good humour with a smile4  
,the task1 he said1 which you have      
imposed upon us1 we will endeavour to   
execute4 ,but though ,i am the          
interpreter of the gods1 ,i must        
notwithstanding request that ,secundus  
may take the lead4 ,he is master of the 
subject1 and1 in questions of this kind1
 experience is better than inspiration4 
#d4 ,secundus a complied with his       
friend's request4 ,i yield1 he said1 the
 more willingly1 as ,i shall hazard no  
new opinion1 but rather confirm what has
 been urged by ,messala4 ,it is certain1
 that1 as painters are formed by        
painters1 and poets by the example of   
poets1 so the young orator must learn   
his art from orators only4 ,in the      
schools of rhetoricians b1 who think    
themselves the fountain-head of         
eloquence1 every thing is false and     
vitiated4 ,the true principles of the   
persuasive art are never known to the   

professor1 or if at any time there may  
be found a preceptor of superior genius1
 can it be expected that he shall be    
able to transfuse into the mind of his  
pupil all his own conceptions1 pure1    
unmixed1 and free from error8 ,the      
sensibility of the master1 since we have
 allowed him genius1 will be an         
impediment3 the uniformity of the same  
dull tedious round will give him        
disgust1 and the student will turn from 
it with aversion4 ,and yet ,i am        
inclined to think1 that the decay of    
eloquence would not have been so rapid1 
if other causes1 more fatal than the    
corruption of the schools1 had not      
co-operated4 ,when the worst models     
became the objects of imitation1 and not
 only the young men of the age1 but even
 the whole body of the people1 admired  
the new way of speaking1 eloquence fell 
at once into that state of degeneracy1  
from which nothing can recover it4 ,we1 
who came afterwards1 found ourselves in 
a hopeless situation3 we were driven to 

wretched expedients1 to forced conceits1
 and the glitter of frivolous sentences2
 we were obliged to hunt after wit1 when
 we could be no longer eloquent4 ,by    
what pernicious examples this was       
accomplished1 has been explained by our 
friend ,messala4   #e4 ,we are none of  
us strangers to those unhappy times1    
when ,rome1 grown weary of her vast     
renown in arms1 began to think of       
striking into new paths of fame1 no     
longer willing to depend on the glory of
 our ancestors4 ,the whole power of the 
state was centred in a single ruler1 and
 by the policy of the prince1 men were  
taught to think no more of ancient      
honour4 ,invention was on the stretch   
for novelty1 and all looked for         
something better than perfection2       
something rare1 far-fetched1 and        
exquisite4 ,new modes of pleasure were  
devised4 ,in that period of luxury and  
dissipation1 when the rage for new      
inventions was grown epidemic1 ,seneca  
arose4 ,his talents were of a peculiar  

sort1 acute1 refined and polished2 but  
polished to a degree that made him      
prefer affectation and wit to truth and 
nature4 ,the predominance of his genius 
was great1 and1 by consequence1 he gave 
the mortal stab to all true eloquence a4
 ,when ,i say this1 let me not be       
suspected of that low malignity which   
would tarnish the fame of a great       
character4 ,i admire the man1 and the   
philosopher4 ,the undaunted firmness    
with which he braved the tyrant's frown1
 will do immortal honour to his memory4 
,but the fact is 7and why should ,i     
disguise it871 the virtues of the writer
 have undone his country4   #f4 ,to     
bring about this unhappy revolution1 no 
man was so eminently qualified a4 ,his  
understanding was large and             
comprehensive2 his genius rich and      
powerful2 his way of thinking ingenious1
 elegant1 and even charming4 ,his       
researches in moral philosophy excited  
the admiration of all2 and moral        
philosophy is never so highly praised1  

as when the manners are in a state of   
degeneracy4 ,seneca knew the taste of   
the times4 ,he had the art to gratify   
the public ear4 ,his style is neat1 yet 
animated2 concise1 yet clear2 familiar1 
yet seldom inelegant4 ,free from        
redundancy1 his periods are often       
abrupt1 but they surprise by their      
vivacity4 ,he shines in pointed         
sentences2 and that unceasing           
persecution of vice1 which is kept up   
with uncommon ardour1 spreads a lustre  
over all his writings4 ,his brilliant   
style charmed by its novelty4 ,every    
page sparkles with wit1 with gay        
allusions1 and sentiments of virtue4 ,no
 wonder that the graceful ease1 and     
sometimes the dignity of his expression1
 made their way into the forum4 ,what   
pleased universally1 soon found a number
 of imitators4 ,add to this the         
advantages of rank and honours4 ,he     
mixed in the splendour1 and perhaps in  
the vices1 of the court4 ,the resentment
 of ,caligula1 and the acts of          

oppression which soon after followed1   
served only to adorn his name4 ,to crown
 all1 ,nero was his pupil1 and his      
murderer4 ,hence the character and      
genius of the man rose to the highest   
eminence4 ,what was admired1 was        
imitated1 and true oratory was heard no 
more4 ,the love of novelty prevailed1   
and for the dignified simplicity of     
ancient eloquence no taste remained4    
,the art itself1 and all its necessary  
discipline1 became ridiculous4 ,in that 
black period1 when vice triumphed at    
large1 and virtue had every thing to    
fear1 the temper of the times was       
propitious to the corruptors of taste   
and liberal science4 ,the dignity of    
composition was no longer of use4 ,it   
had no power to stop the torrent of vice
 which deluged the city of ,rome1 and   
virtue found it a feeble protection4 ,in
 such a conjuncture it was not safe to  
speak the sentiments of the heart4 ,to  
be obscure1 abrupt1 and dark1 was the   
best expedient4 ,then it was that the   

affected sententious brevity came into  
vogue4 ,to speak concisely1 and with an 
air of precipitation1 was the general   
practice4 ,to work the ruin of a person 
accused1 a single sentence1 or a        
splendid phrase1 was sufficient4 ,men   
defended themselves in a short brilliant
 expression2 and if that did not protect
 them1 they died with a lively          
apophthegm1 and their last words were   
wit4 ,this was the fashion introduced by
 ,seneca4 ,the peculiar1 but agreeable  
vices of his style1 wrought the downfall
 of eloquence4 ,the solid was exchanged 
for the brilliant1 and they1 who ceased 
to be orators1 studied to be ingenious4 
#g4 ,of late1 indeed1 we have seen the  
dawn of better times4 ,in the course of 
the last six years ,vespasian has       
revived our hopes a4 ,the friend of     
regular manners1 and the encourager of  
ancient virtue1 by which ,rome was      
raised to the highest pinnacle of glory1
 he has restored the public peace1 and  
with it the blessings of liberty4 ,under

 his propitious influence1 the arts and 
sciences begin once more to flourish1   
and genius has been honoured with his   
munificence4 ,the example of his sons b 
has helped to kindle a spirit of        
emulation4 ,we beheld1 with pleasure1   
the two princes adding to the dignity of
 their rank1 and their fame in arms1 all
 the grace and elegance of polite       
literature4 ,but it is fatally true1    
that when the public taste is once      
corrupted1 the mind which has been      
warped1 seldom recovers its former tone4
 ,this difficulty was rendered still    
more insurmountable by the licentious   
spirit of our young men1 and the popular
 applause1 that encouraged the false    
taste of the times4 ,i need not1 in this
 company1 call to mind the unbridled    
presumption1 with which1 as soon as     
genuine eloquence expired1 the young men
 of the age took possession of the      
forum4 ,of modest worth and ancient     
manners nothing remained4 ,we know that 
in former times the youthful candidate  

was introduced in the forum by a person 
of consular rank c1 and by him set      
forward in his road to fame4 ,that      
laudable custom being at an end1 all    
fences were thrown down3 no sense of    
shame remained1 no respect for the      
tribunals of justice4 ,the aspiring     
genius wanted no patronage2 he scorned  
the usual forms of a regular            
introduction2 and1 with full confidence 
in his own powers1 he obtruded himself  
on the court4 ,neither the solemnity of 
the place1 nor the sanctity of laws1 nor
 the importance of the oratorical       
character1 could restrain the           
impetuosity of young ambition4          
,unconscious of the importance of the   
undertaking1 and less sensible of his   
own incapacity1 the bold adventurer     
rushed at once into the most arduous    
business4 ,arrogance supplied the place 
of talents4   #h4 ,to oppose the        
torrent1 that bore down every thing1 the
 danger of losing all fair and honest   
fame was the only circumstance that     

could afford a ray of hope4 ,but even   
that slender fence was soon removed by  
the arts of a ,largius ,licinius4 ,he   
was the first that opened a new road to 
ambition4 ,he intrigued for fame1 and   
filled the benches with an audience     
suborned to applaud his declamations4   
,he had his circle round him1 and shouts
 of approbation followed4 ,it was upon  
that occasion that ,domitius ,afer b    
emphatically said1 ,eloquence is now at 
the last gasp4 ,it had1 indeed1 at that 
time shewn manifest symptoms of decay1  
but its total ruin may be dated from the
 introduction of a mercenary band c to  
flatter and applaud4 ,if we except a    
chosen few1 whose superior genius has   
not as yet been seduced from truth and  
nature1 the rest are followed by their  
partisans1 like actors on the stage1    
subsisting altogether on the bought     
suffrages of mean and prostitute        
hirelings4 ,nor is this sordid traffic  
carried on with secrecy3 we see the     
bargain made in the face of the court2  

the bribe is distributed with as little 
ceremony as if they were in a private   
party at the orator's own house4 ,having
 sold their voices1 this venal crew rush
 forward from one tribunal to another1  
the distributors of fame1 and the sole  
judges of literary merit4 ,the practice 
is1 no doubt1 disgraceful4 ,to brand it 
with infamy1 two new terms have been    
invented d1 one in the ,greek language1 
importing the venders of praise1 and the
 other in the ,latin idiom1 signifying  
the parasites who sell their applause   
for a supper4 ,but sarcastic expressions
 have not been able to cure the         
mischief3 the applauders by profession  
have taken courage1 and the name1 which 
was intended as a stroke of ridicule1 is
 now become an honourable appellation4  
#i4 ,this infamous practice rages at    
present with increasing violence4 ,the  
party no longer consists of freeborn    
citizens2 our very slaves are hired4    
,even before they arrive at full age1 we
 see them distributing the rewards of   

eloquence4 ,without attending to what is
 said1 and without sense enough to      
understand1 they are sure to crowd the  
courts of justice1 whenever a raw young 
man1 stung with the love of fame1 but   
without talents to deserve it1 obtrudes 
himself in the character of an advocate4
 ,the hall resounds with acclamations1  
or rather with a kind of bellowing2 for 
,i know not by what term to express that
 savage uproar1 which would disgrace a  
theatre4  ,upon the whole1 when ,i      
consider these infamous practices1 which
 have brought so much dishonour upon a  
liberal profession1 ,i am far from      
wondering that you1 ,maternus1 judged it
 time to sound your retreat4 ,when you  
could no longer attend with honour1 you 
did well1 my friend1 to devote yourself 
entirely to the muses4 ,and now1 since  
you are to close the debate1 permit me  
to request1 that1 besides unfolding the 
causes of corrupt eloquence1 you will   
fairly tell us1 whether you entertain   
any hopes of better times1 and1 if you  

do1 by what means a reformation may be  
accomplished4   #aj4 ,it is true a1 said
 ,maternus1 that seeing the forum       
deluged by an inundation of vices1 ,i   
was glad1 as my friend expressed it1 to 
sound my retreat4 ,i saw corruption     
rushing on with hasty strides1 too      
shameful to be defended1 and too        
powerful to be resisted4 ,and yet1      
though urged by all those motives1 ,i   
should hardly have renounced the        
business of the bar1 if the bias of my  
nature had not inclined me to other     
studies4 ,i balanced1 however1 for some 
time4 ,it was1 at first1 my fixed       
resolution to stand to the last a poor  
remnant of that integrity and manly     
eloquence1 which still lingered at the  
bar1 and shewed some signs of life4 ,it 
was my intention to emulate1 not1       
indeed1 with equal powers1 but certainly
 with equal firmness1 the bright models 
of ancient times1 and1 in that course of
 practice1 to defend the fortunes1 the  
dignity1 and the innocence of my        

fellow-citizens4 ,but the strong impulse
 of inclination was not to be resisted4 
,i laid down my arms1 and deserted to   
the safe and tranquil camp of the muses4
 ,but though a deserter1 ,i have not    
quite forgot the service in which ,i was
 enlisted4 ,i honour the professors of  
real eloquence1 and that sentiment1 ,i  
hope1 will be always warm in my heart4  
#aa4 ,in my solitary walks1 and moments 
of meditation1 it often happens1 that ,i
 fall into a train of thinking on the   
flourishing state of ancient eloquence1 
and the abject condition to which it is 
reduced in modern times4 ,the result of 
my reflections ,i shall venture to      
unfold1 not with a spirit of            
controversy1 nor yet dogmatically to    
enforce my own opinion4 ,i may differ in
 some points1 but from a collision of   
sentiments it is possible that some new 
light may be struck out4 ,my friend     
,aper will1 therefore1 excuse me1 if ,i 
do not1 with him1 prefer the false      
glitter of the moderns to the solid     

vigour of ancient genius4 ,at the same  
time1 it is not my intention to         
disparage his friends4 ,messala too1    
whom you1 ,secundus1 have closely       
followed1 will forgive me1 if ,i do not1
 in every thing1 coincide with his      
opinion4 ,the vices of the forum1 which 
you have both1 as becomes men of        
integrity1 attacked with vehemence1 will
 not have me for their apologist4 ,but  
still ,i may be allowed to ask1 have not
 you been too much exasperated against  
the rhetoricians8  ,i will not say in   
their favour1 that ,i think them equal  
to the task of reviving the honours of  
eloquence2 but ,i have known among them1
 men of unblemished morals1 of regular  
discipline1 great erudition1 and talents
 every way fit to form the minds of     
youth to a just taste for science and   
the persuasive arts4 ,in this number one
 in particular a has lately shone forth 
with superior lustre4 ,from his         
abilities1 all that is in the power of  
man may fairly be expected4 ,a genius   

like his would have been the ornament of
 better times4 ,posterity will admire   
and honour him4 ,and yet ,i would not   
have ,secundus amuse himself with       
ill-grounded hopes3 neither the learning
 of that most excellent man1 nor the    
industry of such as may follow him1 will
 be able to promote the interests of    
,eloquence1 or to establish her former  
glory4 ,it is a lost cause4 ,before the 
vices1 which have been so ably          
described1 had spread a general         
infection1 all true oratory was at an   
end4 ,the revolutions in our government1
 and the violence of the times1 began   
the mischief1 and1 in the end1 gave the 
fatal blow4   #ab4 ,nor are we to wonder
 at this event4 ,in the course of human 
affairs there is no stability1 nothing  
secure or permanent4 ,it is with our    
minds as with our bodies3 the latter1 as
 soon as they have attained their full  
growth1 and seem to flourish in the     
vigour of health1 begin1 from that      
moment1 to feel the gradual approaches  

of decay4 ,our intellectual powers      
proceed in the same manner2 they gain   
strength by degrees1 they arrive at     
maturity1 and1 when they can no longer  
improve1 they languish1 droop1 and fade 
away4 ,this is the law of nature1 to    
which every age1 and every nation1 of   
which we have any historical records1   
have been obliged to submit4 ,there is  
besides another general law1 hard       
perhaps1 but wonderfully ordained1 and  
it is this3 nature1 whose operations are
 always simple and uniform1 never       
suffers in any age or country1 more than
 one great example of perfection in the 
kind a4 ,this was the case in ,greece1  
that prolific parent of genius and of   
science4 ,she had but one ,homer1 one   
,plato1 one ,demosthenes4 ,the same has 
happened at ,rome3 ,virgil stands at the
 head of his art1 and ,cicero is still  
unrivalled4 ,during a space of seven    
hundred years our ancestors were        
struggling to reach the summit of       
perfection3 ,cicero at length arose2 he 

thundered forth his immortal energy1 and
 nature was satisfied with the wonder   
she had made4 ,the force of genius could
 go no further4 ,a new road to fame was 
to be found4 ,we aimed at wit1 and gay  
conceit1 and glittering sentences4 ,the 
change1 indeed1 was great2 but it       
naturally followed the new form of      
government4 ,genius died with public    
liberty4   #ac4 ,we find that the       
discourse of men always conforms to the 
temper of the times4 ,among savage      
nations a language is never copious4 ,a 
few words serve the purpose of          
barbarians1 and those are always uncouth
 and harsh1 without the artifice of     
connection2 short1 abrupt1 and nervous4 
,in a state of polished society1 where a
 single ruler sways the sceptre1 the    
powers of the mind take a softer tone1  
and language grows more refined4 ,but   
affectation follows1 and precision gives
 way to delicacy4 ,the just and natural 
expression is no longer the fashion4    
,living in ease and luxury1 men look for

 elegance1 and hope by novelty to give a
 grace to adulation4 ,in other nations1 
where the first principles of the civil 
union are maintained in vigour2 where   
the people live under the government of 
laws1 and not the will of man2 where the
 spirit of liberty pervades all ranks   
and orders of the state2 where every    
individual holds himself bound1 at the  
hazard of his life1 to defend the       
constitution framed by his ancestors2   
where1 without being guilty of an       
impious crime1 no man dares to violate  
the rights of the whole community2 in   
such a state1 the national eloquence    
will be prompt1 bold1 and animated4     
,should internal dissensions shake the  
public peace1 or foreign enemies        
threaten to invade the land1 ,eloquence 
comes forth arrayed in terror2 she      
wields her thunder1 and commands all    
hearts4 ,it is true1 that upon those    
occasions men of ambition endeavour1 for
 their own purposes1 to spread the flame
 of sedition2 while the good and        

virtuous combine their force to quell   
the turbulent1 and repel the menaces of 
a foreign enemy4 ,liberty gains new     
strength by the conflict1 and the true  
patriot has the glory of serving his    
country1 distinguished by his valour in 
the field1 and in debate no less        
terrible by his eloquence4   #ad4 ,hence
 it is that in free governments we see a
 constellation of orators4 ,hence       
,demosthenes displayed the powers of his
 amazing genius1 and acquired immortal  
honour4 ,he saw a quick and lively      
people1 dissolved in luxury1 open to the
 seductions of wealth1 and ready to     
submit to a master2 he saw a great and  
warlike monarch threatening destruction 
to the liberties of his country2 he saw 
that prince at the head of powerful     
armies1 renowned for victory1 possessed 
of an opulent treasury1 formidable in   
battle1 and1 by his secret arts1 still  
more so in the cabinet2 he saw that     
king1 inflamed by ambition and the lust 
of dominion1 determined to destroy the  

liberties of ,greece4 ,it was that      
alarming crisis that called forth the   
powers of ,demosthenes4 ,armed with     
eloquence1 and with eloquence only1 he  
stood as a bulwark against a combination
 of enemies foreign and domestic4 ,he   
roused his countrymen from their        
lethargy3 he kindled the holy flame of  
liberty2 he counteracted the            
machinations of ,philip1 detected his   
clandestine frauds1 and fired the men of
 ,athens with indignation4 ,to effect   
these generous purposes1 and defeat the 
policy of a subtle enemy1 what powers of
 mind were necessary6 how vast1 how     
copious1 how sublime6 ,he thundered and 
lightened in his discourse2 he faced    
every danger with undaunted resolution4 
,difficulties served only to inspire him
 with new ardour4 ,the love of his      
country glowed in his heart2 liberty    
roused all his powers1 and ,fame held   
forth her immortal wreath to reward his 
labours4 ,these were the fine incentives
 that roused his genius1 and no wonder  

that his mind expanded with vast        
conceptions4 ,he thought for his        
country1 and1 by consequence1 every     
sentiment was sublime2 every expression 
was grand and magnificent4   ,,xxxvi4   
,the true spirit of genuine eloquence a1
 like an intense fire1 is kept alive by 
fresh materials3 every new commotion    
gives it vigour1 and in proportion as it
 burns1 it expands and brightens to a   
purer flame4 ,the same causes at ,rome  
produced the same effect4 ,tempestuous  
times called forth the genius of our    
ancestors4 ,the moderns1 it is true1    
have taken fire1 and rose above         
themselves1 as often as a quiet1        
settled1 and uniform government gave a  
fair opportunity2 but eloquence1 it is  
certain1 flourishes most under a bold   
and turbulent democracy1 where the      
ambitious citizen1 who best can mould to
 his purposes a fierce and contentious  
multitude1 is sure to be the idol of the
 people4 ,in the conflict of parties1   
that kept our ancestors in agitation1   

laws were multiplied2 the leading chiefs
 were the favourite demagogues2 the     
magistrates were often engaged in       
midnight debate2 eminent citizens were  
brought to a public trial2 families were
 set at variance2 the nobles were split 
into factions1 and the senate waged     
incessant war against the people4 ,hence
 that flame of eloquence which blazed   
out under the republican government1 and
 hence that constant fuel that kept the 
flame alive4  ,the state1 it is true1   
was often thrown into convulsions3 but  
talents were exercised1 and genius      
opened the way to public honours4 ,he   
who possessed the powers of persuasion1 
rose to eminence1 and by the arts which 
gave him popularity1 he was sure to     
eclipse his colleagues4 ,he strengthened
 his interest with the leading men1 and 
gained weight and influence not only in 
the senate1 but in all assemblies of the
 people4 ,foreign nations b courted his 
friendship4 ,the magistrates1 setting   
out for their provinces1 made it their  

business to ingratiate themselves with  
the popular speaker1 and1 at their      
return1 took care to renew their homage4
 ,the powerful orator had no occasion to
 solicit for preferment3 the offices of 
prtor and consul stood open to receive  
him4 ,he was invited to those exalted   
stations4 ,even in the rank of a private
 citizen he had a considerable share of 
power1 since his authority swayed at    
once the senate and the people4 ,it was 
in those days a settled maxim1 that no  
man could either rise to dignities1 or  
support himself in office1 without      
possessing1 in an eminent degree1 a     
power of words1 and dignity of language4
  ,nor can this be a matter of wonder1  
when we recollect1 that persons of      
distinguished genius were1 on various   
occasions1 called forth by the voice of 
the people1 and in their presence       
obliged to act an important part4       
,eloquence was the ruling passion of    
all4 ,the reason is1 it was not then    
sufficient merely to vote in the senate2

 it was necessary to support that vote  
with strength of reasoning1 and a flow  
of language4 ,moreover1 in all          
prosecutions1 the party accused was     
expected to make his defence in person1 
and to examine the witnesses c1 who at  
that time were not allowed to speak in  
written depositions1 but were obliged to
 give their testimony in open court4 ,in
 this manner1 necessity1 no less than   
the temptation of bright rewards1       
conspired to make men cultivate the arts
 of oratory4 ,he who was known to       
possess the powers of speech1 was held  
in the highest veneration4 ,the mute and
 silent character fell into contempt4   
,the dread of shame was a motive not    
less powerful than the ambition that    
aimed at honours4 ,to sink into the     
humiliating rank of a client1 instead of
 maintaining the dignity of a patron1   
was a degrading thought4 ,men were      
unwilling to see the followers of their 
ancestors transferred to other families 
for protection4 ,above all1 they dreaded

 the disgrace of being thought unworthy 
of civil honours2 and1 if by intrigue   
they attained their wishes1 the fear of 
being despised for incapacity was a spur
 to quicken their ardour in the pursuit 
of literary fame and commanding         
eloquence4   ,,xxxvii4 ,i do not know   
whether you have as yet seen the        
historical memoirs which ,mucianus a has
 collected1 and lately published1       
containing1 in eleven volumes1 the      
transactions of the times1 and1 in three
 more1 the letters of eminent men who   
figured on the stage of public business4
 ,this portion of history is well       
authenticated by the original papers1   
still extant in the libraries of the    
curious4 ,from this valuable collection 
it appears1 that ,pompey and ,crassus b 
owed their elevation as much to their   
talents as to their fame in arms2 and   
that ,lentulus c1 ,metellus1 ,lucullus1 
,curio1 and others of that class1 took  
care to enlarge their minds1 and        
distinguish themselves by their powers  

of speech4 ,to say all in one word1 no  
man1 in those times1 rose to eminence in
 the state1 who had not given proof of  
his genius in the forum and the         
tribunals of justice4  ,to this it may  
be added1 that the importance1 the      
splendour1 and magnitude of the         
questions discussed in that period1     
served to animate the public orator4    
,the subject1 beyond all doubt1 lifts   
the mind above itself3 it gives vigour  
to sentiment1 and energy to expression4 
,let the topic be a paltry theft1 a dry 
form of pleading1 or a petty            
misdemeanor2 will not the orator feel   
himself cramped and chilled by the      
meanness of the question8 ,give him a   
cause of magnitude1 such as bribery in  
the election of magistrates1 a charge   
for plundering the allies of ,rome1 or  
the murder of ,roman citizens1 how      
different then his emotions6 how sublime
 each sentiment6 what dignity of        
language6 ,the effect1 it must be       
admitted1 springs from the disasters of 

society4 ,it is true1 that form of      
government1 in which no such evils      
occur1 must1 beyond all question1 be    
allowed to be the best2 but since1 in   
the course of human affairs1 sudden     
convulsions must happen1 my position is1
 that they produced1 at ,rome1 that     
flame of eloquence which at this hour is
 so much admired4 ,the mind of the      
orator grows and expands with his       
subject4 ,without ample materials no    
splendid oration was ever yet produced4 
,demosthenes1 ,i believe1 did not owe   
his vast reputation to the speeches     
which he made against his guardians d2  
nor was it either the oration in defence
 of ,quinctius1 or that for ,archias the
 poet1 that established the character of
 ,cicero4 ,it was ,catiline1 it was     
,verres1 it was ,milo and ,mark ,antony1
 that spread so much glory round him4   
,let me not be misunderstood3 ,i do not 
say1 that for the sake of hearing a     
bright display of eloquence1 it is fit  
that the public peace should be         

disturbed by the machinations of        
turbulent and lawless men4 ,but1 not to 
lose sight of the question before us1   
let it be remembered1 that we are       
enquiring about an art which thrives and
 flourishes most in tempestuous times4  
,it were1 no doubt1 better that the     
public should enjoy the sweets of peace1
 than be harassed by the calamities of  
war3 but still it is war that produces  
the soldier and great commander4 ,it is 
the same with ,eloquence4 ,the oftener  
she is obliged1 if ,i may so express it1
 to take the field1 the more frequent   
the engagement1 in which she gives and  
receives alternate wounds1 and the more 
formidable her adversary2 the more she  
rises in pomp and grandeur1 and returns 
from the warfare of the forum crowned   
with unfading laurels4 ,he1 who         
encounters danger1 is ever sure to win  
the suffrages of mankind4 ,for such is  
the nature of the human mind1 that1 in  
general1 we choose a state of security  
for ourselves1 but never fail to gaze   

with admiration on the man1 whom we see1
 in the conflict of parties1 facing his 
adversaries1 and surmounting            
difficulties4   ,,xxxviii4 ,i proceed to
 another advantage of the ancient forum2
 ,i mean the form of proceeding and the 
rules of practice observed in those     
days4 ,our modern custom is1 ,i grant1  
more conducive to truth and justice2 but
 that of former times gave to eloquence 
a free career1 and1 by consequence1     
greater weight and splendour4 ,the      
advocate was not1 as now1 confined to a 
few hours a2 he might adjourn as often  
as it suited his convenience2 he might  
expatiate1 as his genius prompted him3  
and the number of days1 like that of the
 several patrons1 was unlimited4 ,pompey
 was the first who circumscribed the    
genius of men within narrower limits b4 
,in his third consulship he gave a check
 to eloquence1 and1 as it were1 bridled 
its spirit1 but still left all causes to
 be tried according to law in the forum1
 and before the prtors4 ,the importance 

of the business1 which was decided in   
that court of justice1 will be evident1 
if we compare it with the transactions  
before the centumvirs c1 who at present 
have cognizance of all matters whatever4
 ,we have not so much as one oration of 
,cicero or ,csar1 of ,brutus1 ,clius1 or
 ,calvus1 or any other person famous for
 his eloquence1 which was delivered     
before the last-mentioned jurisdiction1 
excepting only the speeches of ,asinius 
,pollio d for the heirs of ,urbinia4    
,but those speeches were delivered about
 the middle of the reign of ,augustus1  
when1 after a long peace with foreign   
nations1 and a profound tranquillity at 
home1 that wise and politic prince had  
conquered all opposition1 and not only  
triumphed over party and faction1 but   
subdued eloquence itself4   ,,xxxix4    
,what ,i am going to say will appear1   
perhaps1 too minute2 it may border on   
the ridiculous1 and excite your mirth3  
with all my heart2 ,i will hazard it for
 that very reason4 ,the dress now in use

 at the bar has an air of meanness3 the 
speaker is confined in a close robe a1  
and loses all the grace of action4 ,the 
very courts of judicature are another   
objection2 all causes are heard1 at     
present1 in little narrow rooms1 where  
spirit and strenuous exertion are       
unnecessary4 ,the orator1 like a        
generous steed1 requires liberty and    
ample space3 before a scanty tribunal   
his spirit droops1 and the dullness of  
the scene damps the powers of genius4   
,add to this1 we pay no attention to    
style2 and indeed how should we8 ,no    
time is allowed for the beauties of     
composition3 the judge calls upon you to
 begin1 and you must obey1 liable1 at   
the same time1 to frequent              
interruptions1 while documents are read1
 and witnesses examined4  ,during all   
this formality1 what kind of an audience
 has the orator to invigorate his       
faculties8 ,two or three stragglers drop
 in by chance1 and to them the whole    
business seems to be transacted in      

solitude4 ,but the orator requires a    
different scene4 ,he delights in        
clamour1 tumult1 and bursts of applause4
 ,eloquence must have her theatre1 as   
was the case in ancient times1 when the 
forum was crowded with the first men in 
,rome2 when a numerous train of clients 
pressed forward with eager expectation2 
when the people1 in their several       
tribes2 when ambassadors from the       
colonies1 and a great part of ,italy2   
attended to hear the debate2 in short1  
when all ,rome was interested in the    
event4 ,we know that in the cases of    
,cornelius1 ,scaurus1 ,milo1 ,bestia1   
and ,vatinius1 the concourse was so     
great1 that those several causes were   
tried before the whole body of the      
people4 ,a scene so vast and magnificent
 was enough to inflame the most languid 
orator4 ,the speeches delivered upon    
those occasions are in every body's     
hands1 and1 by their intrinsic          
excellence1 we of this day estimate the 
genius of the respective authors4       

,,xl4 ,if we now consider the frequent  
assemblies of the people1 and the right 
of prosecuting the most eminent men in  
the state2 if we reflect on the glory   
that sprung from the declared hostility 
of the most illustrious characters2 if  
we recollect1 that even ,scipio1 ,sylla1
 and ,pompey1 were not sheltered from   
the storms of eloquence1 what a number  
of causes shall we see conspiring to    
rouse the spirit of the ancient forum6  
,the malignity of the human heart1      
always adverse to superior characters1  
encouraged the orator to persist4 ,the  
very players1 by sarcastic allusions to 
men in power1 gratified the public ear1 
and1 by consequence1 sharpened the wit  
and acrimony of the bold declaimer4     
,need ,i observe to you1 that in all ,i 
have said1 ,i have not been speaking of 
that temperate faculty a which delights 
in quiet times1 supported by its own    
integrity1 and the virtues of           
moderation8 ,i speak of popular         
eloquence1 the genuine offspring of that

 licentiousness1 to which fools and     
ill-designing men have given the name of
 liberty3 ,i speak of bold and turbulent
 oratory1 that inflamer of the people1  
and constant companion of sedition2 that
 fierce incendiary1 that knows no       
compliance1 and scorns to temporize2    
busy1 rash1 and arrogant1 but1 in quiet 
and well regulated governments1 utterly 
unknown4 ,who ever heard of an orator at
 ,crete or ,lacedmon8 ,in those states a
 system of rigorous discipline was      
established by the first principles of  
the constitution4 ,macedonian and       
,persian eloquence are equally unknown4 
,the same may be said of every country1 
where the plan of government was fixed  
and uniform4  ,at ,rhodes1 indeed1 and  
also at ,athens1 orators existed without
 number1 and the reason is1 in those    
communities the people directed every   
thing2 a giddy multitude governed1 and1 
to say the truth1 all things were in the
 power of all4 ,in like manner1 while   
,rome was engaged in one perpetual scene

 of contention2 while parties1 factions1
 and internal divisions1 convulsed the  
state2 no peace in the forum1 in the    
senate no union of sentiment2 while the 
tribunals of justice acted without      
moderation2 while the magistrates knew  
no bounds1 and no man paid respect to   
eminent merit2 in such times it must be 
acknowledged that ,rome produced a race 
of noble orators2 as in the wild        
uncultivated field the richest          
vegetables will often shoot up1 and     
flourish with uncommon vigour4 ,and yet 
it is fair to ask1 ,could all the       
eloquence of the ,gracchi atone for the 
laws which they imposed on their        
country8 ,could the fame which ,cicero  
obtained by his eloquence1 compensate   
for the tragic end to which it brought  
him b8   ,,xli4 ,the forum1 at present1 
is the last sad relic of ancient        
oratory4 ,but does that epitome of      
former greatness give the idea of a city
 so well regulated1 that we may rest    
contented with our form of government1  

without wishing for a reformation of    
abuses8 ,if we except the man of guilt1 
or such as labour under the hard hand of
 oppression1 who resorts to us for our  
assistance8 ,if a municipal city applies
 for protection1 it is1 when the        
inhabitants1 harassed by the adjacent   
states1 or rent and torn by intestine   
divisions1 sue for protection4 ,the     
province1 that addresses the senate for 
a redress of grievances1 has been       
oppressed and plundered1 before we hear 
of the complaint4 ,it is true1 we       
vindicate the injured1 but to suffer no 
oppression would surely be better than  
to obtain relief4 ,find1 if you can1 in 
any part of the world a wise and happy  
community1 where no man offends against 
the laws3 in such a nation what can be  
the use of oratory8 ,you may as well    
profess the healing art where ill health
 is never known4 ,let men enjoy bodily  
vigour1 and the practice of physic will 
have no encouragement4 ,in like manner1 
where sober manners prevail1 and        

submission to the authority of          
government is the national virtue1 the  
powers of persuasion are rendered       
useless4 ,eloquence has lost her field  
of glory4 ,in the senate1 what need of  
elaborate speeches1 when all good men   
are already of one mind8 ,what occasion 
for studied harangues before a popular  
assembly1 where the form of government  
leaves nothing to the decision of a wild
 democracy1 but the whole administration
 is conducted by the wisdom of a single 
ruler8 ,and again2 when crimes are rare1
 and in fact of no great moment1 what   
avails the boasted right of individuals 
to commence a voluntary prosecution8    
,what necessity for a studied defence1  
often composed in a style of vehemence1 
artfully addressed to the passions1 and 
generally stretched beyond all bounds1  
when justice is executed in mercy1 and  
the judge is of himself disposed to     
succour the distressed8  ,believe me1 my
 very good1 and 7as far as the times    
will admit7 my eloquent friends1 had it 

been your lot to live under the old     
republic1 and the men whom we so much   
admire had been reserved for the present
 age2 if some god had changed the period
 of theirs and your existence1 the flame
 of genius had been yours1 and the      
chiefs of antiquity would now be acting 
with minds subdued to the temper of the 
times4 ,upon the whole1 since no man can
 enjoy a state of calm tranquillity1    
and1 at the same time1 raise a great and
 splendid reputation2 to be content with
 the benefits of the age in which we    
live1 without detracting from our       
ancestors1 is the virtue that best      
becomes us4   ,,xlii4 ,maternus         
concluded a his discourse4 ,there have  
been1 said ,messala1 some points        
advanced1 to which ,i do not entirely   
accede2 and others1 which ,i think      
require farther explanation4 ,but the   
day is well nigh spent4 ,we will1       
therefore1 adjourn the debate4 ,be it as
 you think proper1 replied ,maternus2   
and if1 in what ,i have said1 you find  

any thing not sufficiently clear1 we    
will adjust those matters in some future
 conference4 ,hereupon he rose from his 
seat1 and embracing ,aper1 ,i am afraid1
 he said1 that it will fare hardly with 
you1 my good friend4 ,i shall cite you  
to answer before the poets1 and ,messala
 will arraign you at the bar of the     
antiquarians4 ,and ,i1 replied ,aper1   
shall make reprisals on you both before 
the school professors and the           
rhetoricians4 ,this occasioned some     
mirth and raillery4 ,we laughed1 and    
parted in good humour4   ,,end ,,of     
,,the ,,dialogue4     ,,notes ,,on ,,the
 ,,dialogue ,,concerning ,,oratory4     
,the scene of the following ,dialogue is
 laid in the sixth year of ,vespasian1  
,a4,u4,c4 #hbh4 ,a4,d4 #ge4 ,the        
commentators are much divided in their  
opinions about the real author2 his work
 they all agree is a masterpiece in the 
kind2 written with taste and judgement2 
entertaining1 profound1 and elegant4    
,but whether it is to be ascribed to    

,tacitus1 ,quintilian1 or any other     
person whom they cannot name1 is a      
question upon which they have exhausted 
a store of learning4 ,they have given   
us1 according to their custom1 much     
controversy1 and little decision4 ,in   
this field of conjecture ,lipsius led   
the way4 ,he published1 in #aegd1 the   
first good edition of ,tacitus1 with    
emendations of the text1 and not        
removed2 he still remains in suspense4  
,cum multa dixerim1 claudo tamen omnia  
hoc responso2 ,,mihi ,,non ,,liquere4   
,gronovius ,pichena1 ,ryckius1          
,rhenanus1 and others1 have entered     
warmly into the dispute4 ,an elegant    
modern writer has hazarded a new        
conjecture4 ,the last of ,sir ,thomas   
,fitzosborne's ,letters is a kind of    
preface to ,mr4 ,melmoth's ,translation 
of the ,dialogue before us4 ,he says2 of
 all the conversation pieces1 whether   
ancient or modern1 either of the moral  
or polite kind1 he knows not one more   
elegantly written than the little       

anonymous ,dialogue concerning the rise 
and decline of eloquence among the      
,romans4 ,he calls it anonymous1 though 
he is aware1 that it has been ascribed  
not only to ,tacitus and ,quintilian1   
but even to ,suetonius4 ,the reasons1   
however1 are so inconclusive1 that he is
 inclined to give it to the younger     
,pliny4 ,he thinks it perfectly         
coincides with ,pliny's age2 it is      
addressed to one of his particular      
friends1 and is marked with similar     
expressions and sentiments4 ,but1 with  
all due submission to ,mr4 ,melmoth1 his
 new candidate cannot long hold us in   
suspense4 ,it appears in the account of 
the eruption of ,mount ,vesuvius1 in    
which ,pliny's uncle lost his life4     
,a4,u4,c4 #hcb4 ,a4,d4 #gi1 that ,pliny 
was then eighteen years old1 and1 as the
 ,dialogue was in #hbh1 he could then be
 no more than fourteen2 a time of life1 
when he was neither fit to be admitted  
to a learned debate1 nor capable of     
understanding it4 ,besides this1 two    

letters to his friend ,,fabius are still
 extant2 one in the first book1 epist4  
#aa2 the other1 book vii4 epist4 #b4 ,no
 mention of the ,dialogue occurs in     
either of those letters1 nor in any     
other part of his works2 a circumstance1
 which could scarce have happened to a  
writer so tenderly anxious about his    
literary character1 if the work in      
question had been the production of his 
part4 ,brotier1 the last1 and1 it may be
 said1 the best of all the editors of   
,tacitus1 is of opinion that a tract1 so
 beautiful and judicious1 ought not1    
without better reasons than have been as
 yet assigned1 to be adjudged from      
,tacitus to any other writer4 ,he relies
 much on the first edition1 which was   
published at ,venice 7#adfh71 containing
 the last six books of the ,annals 7the 
first six not being then found71 the    
five books of the ,history1 and the     
,dialogue1 intitled1 ,cornelii ,taciti  
,equitis ,romani ,dialogus de           
,oratoribus claris4 ,there were also in 

the ,vatican1 manuscript copies of the  
,dialogue de ,oratoribus4 ,in #aeae1    
when the six first ,annals were found in
 ,germany1 a new edition1 under the     
patronage of ,leo ,x4 was published by  
,beroaldus1 carefully collated with the 
manuscript1 which was afterwards placed 
in the ,florentine ,library4 ,those     
early authorities preponderate with     
,brotier against all modern conjecture2 
more especially1 since the age of       
,tacitus agrees with the time of the    
,dialogue4 ,he was four years older than
 his friend ,pliny1 and1 at eighteen1   
might properly be allowed by his friends
 to be of their party4 ,in two years    
afterwards 7,a4,u4 #hcj71 he married    
,agricola's daughter1 and he expressly  
says1 7,life of ,agricola1 sect4 ix47   
that he was then a very young man4 ,the 
arguments1 drawn by the several         
commentators from the difference of     
style1 ,brotier thinks are of no weight4
 ,the style of a young author will      
naturally differ from what he has       

settled by practice at an advanced      
period of life4 ,this has been observed 
in many eminent writers1 and in none    
more than ,lipsius himself4 ,his        
language1 in the outset1 was easy1      
flowing1 and elegant2 but1 as he        
advanced in years1 it became stiff1     
abrupt1 and harsh4 ,tacitus relates a   
conversation on a literary subject2 and 
in such a piece1 who can expect to find 
the style of an historian or an         
annalist8 ,for these reasons ,brotier   
thinks that this ,dialogue may1 with    
good reason1 be ascribed to ,tacitus4   
,the translator enters no farther into  
the controversy1 than to say1 that in a 
case where certainty cannot be obtained1
 we must rest satisfied with the best   
evidence the nature of the thing will   
admit4 ,the dispute is of no importance2
 for1 as ,lipsius says1 whether we give 
the ,dialogue to ,quintilian or to      
,tacitus1 no inconvenience can arise4   
,whoever was the author1 it is a        
performance of uncommon beauty4  ,before

 we close this introduction1 it will not
 be improper to say a word or two about 
,brotier's ,supplement4 ,in the wreck of
 ancient literature a considerable part 
of this ,dialogue has perished1 and1 by 
consequence1 a chasm is left1 much to be
 lamented by every reader of taste4 ,to 
avoid the inconvenience of a broken     
context1 ,brotier has endeavoured to    
compensate for the loss4 ,what he has   
added1 will be found in the progress of 
the work2 and as it is executed by the  
learned editor with great elegance1 and 
equal probability1 it is hoped that the 
insertion of it will be more agreeable  
to the reader1 than a dull pause of     
melancholy regret4   ,section ,i4  a    
,justus ,fabius was consul ,a4,u4,c4    
#hfd1 ,a4,d4 #aaa4 ,but as he did not   
begin the year1 his name does not appear
 in the ,,fasti ,,consulares4 ,there are
 two letters to him from his friend     
,pliny2 the first1 lib4 i4 epist4 #aa2  
the other1 lib4 vii4 ep4 #b4 it is      
remarkable1 that in the last1 the author

 talks of sending some of his writings  
for his friend's perusal2 quram quid    
potissimum ex nugis meis tibi exhibeam2 
but not a word is said about the decline
 of eloquence4   ,section ,,ii4  a      
,concerning ,maternus nothing is known  
with any kind of certainty4 ,dio relates
 that a sophist1 of that name1 was put  
to death by ,domitian1 for a school     
declamation against tyrants3 but not one
 of the commentators ventures to assert 
that he was the ,curiatius ,maternus1   
who makes so conspicuous a figure in the
 ,dialogue before us4  b ,no mention is 
made of ,marcus ,aper1 either by        
,quintilian or ,pliny4 ,it is supposed  
that he was father of ,marcus ,flavius  
,aper1 who was substituted consul       
,a4,u4,c4 #hhc1 ,a4,d4 #acj4 ,his       
oratorical character1 and that of       
,secundus1 as we find them drawn in this
 section1 are not unlike what we are    
told by ,cicero of ,crassus and         
,antonius4 ,crassus1 he says1 was not   
willing to be thought destitute of      

literature1 but he wished to have it    
said of him1 that he despised it1 and   
preferred the good sense of the ,romans 
to the refinements of ,greece4          
,antonius1 on the other hand1 was of    
opinion that his fame would rise to     
greater magnitude1 if he was considered 
as a man wholly illiterate1 and void of 
education4 ,in this manner they both    
expected to increase their popularity2  
the former by despising the ,greeks1 and
 the latter by not knowing them4 ,fuit  
hoc in utroque eorum1 ut ,crassus non   
tam existimari vellet non didicisse1    
quam illa despicere1 et nostrorum       
hominum in omni genere prudentiam ,grcis
 anteferre4 ,antonius autem             
probabiliorem populo orationem fore     
censebat suam1 si omnin didicisse       
nunquam putaretur2 atque ita se uterque 
graviorem fore1 si alter contemnere1    
alter ne nosse quidem ,grcos videretur4 
,cicero ,de ,orat4 lib4 ii4 cap4 #a4  c 
,quintilian makes honourable mention of 
,julius ,secundus1 who1 if he had not   

been prematurely cut off1 would have    
transmitted his name to posterity among 
the most celebrated orators4 ,he would  
have added1 and he was daily doing it1  
whatever was requisite to complete his  
oratorical genius2 and all that could be
 desired1 was more vigour in argument1  
and more attention to matter and        
sentiment1 than to the choice of words4 
,but he died too soon1 and his fame was1
 in some degree1 intercepted4 ,he has1  
notwithstanding1 left a considerable    
name4 ,his diction was rich and copious2
 he explained every thing with grace and
 elegance2 his periods flowed with a    
suavity that charmed his audience2 his  
language1 when metaphorical1 was bold1  
yet accurate2 and1 if he hazarded an    
unusual phrase1 he was justified by the 
energy with which his meaning was       
conveyed4 ,julio ,secundo1 si longior   
contigisset tas1 clarissimum profecto   
nomen oratoris apud posteros foret4     
,adjecisset enim1 atque adjiciebat1     
cteris virtutibus suis1 quod desiderari 

potest2 id est autem1 ut esset multo    
magis pugnax1 et spius ad curam rerum ab
 elocutione respiceret4 ,cterum         
interceptus quoque magnum sibi vindicat 
locum4 ,ea est facundia1 tanta in       
explicando1 quod velit1 gratia2 tam     
candidum1 et lene1 et speciosum dicendi 
genus2 tanta verborum1 etiam qu assumpta
 sunt1 proprietas2 tanta in quibusdam1  
ex periculo petitis1 significantia4     
,quintil4 lib4 x4 s4 #a4 ,it is         
remarkable1 that ,quintilian1 in his    
list of ,roman orators1 has neither     
mentioned ,maternus1 nor ,marcus ,aper4 
,the ,dialogue1 for that reason1 seems  
to be improperly ascribed to him3 men   
who figure so much in the enquiry       
concerning oratory1 would not have been 
omitted by the critic who thought their 
conversation worth recording4   ,section
 ,,iii4  a ,thyestes was a common and   
popular subject of ancient tragedy4     
,indignatur item privatis1 et prope     
socco      ,dignis carminibus narrari   
coena ,thyest4                          

,,horat4 ,,ars ,,poet4 ver4 #ij4  b ,it 
was the custom of the colonies and      
municipal towns1 to pay their court to  
some great orator at ,rome1 in order to 
obtain his patronage1 whenever they     
should have occasion to apply to the    
senate for a redress of grievances4  c  
,domitius was another subject of        
tragedy1 taken from the ,roman story4   
,who he was1 does not clearly appear4   
,brotier thinks it was ,domitius1 the   
avowed enemy of ,julius ,csar1 who moved
 in the senate for a law to recall that 
general from the command of the army in 
,gaul1 and1 afterwards1 on the breaking 
out of the civil war1 fell bravely at   
the battle of ,pharsalia4 ,see          
,suetonius1 ,life of ,nero1 section #b4 
,such a character might furnish the     
subject of a tragedy4 ,the ,roman poets 
were in the habit of enriching their    
drama with domestic occurrences1 and the
 practice was applauded by ,horace4     
,nec minimum merure decus1 vestigia     
,grca      ,ausi deserere1 et celebrare 

domestica facta4                        
,,ars ,,poet4 ver4 #bhf4       ,no path 
to fame our poets left untried2         
,nor small their merit1 when with       
conscious pride      ,they scorn'd to   
take from ,greece the storied theme1    
,but dar'd to sing their own domestic   
fame4                                   
,,francis',s ,,horace4   ,section ,v4  a
 ,there were at ,rome several eminent   
men of the name of ,bassus4 ,with regard
 to the person here called ,saleius     
,bassus1 the commentators have not been 
able to glean much information4 ,some   
have contended that it was to him       
,persius addressed his sixth satire3    
,admovit jam bruma foco te1 ,basse1     
,sabino4  ,but if we may believe the old
 scholiast1 his name was ,c,,sius       
,,bassus1 a much admired lyric poet1 who
 was living on his own farm1 at the time
 when ,mount ,vesuvius discharged its   
torrents of fire1 and made the country  
round a scene of desolation4 ,the poet  
and his house were overwhelmed by the   

eruption of the lava1 which happened    
,a4,u4 #hcb1 in the reign of ,titus4    
,quintilian says of him 7b4 x4 chap4    
#a471 that if after ,horace any poet    
deserves to be mentioned1 ,csius ,bassus
 was the man4 ,si quem adjicere velis1  
is erit ,csius ,bassus4 ,saleius ,bassus
 is mentioned by ,juvenal as an eminent 
poet in distress3                       
----,at ,serrano tenuique ,saleio       
,gloria quantalibet quid erit1 si gloria
 tantum est8                            
,,sat4 vii4 ver4 #hj4       ,but to poor
 ,bassus what avails a name1      ,to   
starve on compliments and empty fame6   
,,dryden',s ,,juvenal4  ,quintilian     
says1 he possessed a poetic genius1 but 
so warm and vehement1 that1 even in an  
advanced age1 his spirit was not under  
the control of sober judgement4         
,vehemens et poeticum ingenium ,,saleii 
,,bassi fuit2 nec ipsum senectute       
maturum4 ,this passage affords an       
insuperable argument against ,lipsius1  
and the rest of the critics who named   

,quintilian as a candidate for the      
honour of this elegant composition4 ,can
 it be imagined that a writer of fair   
integrity1 would in his great work speak
 of ,bassus as he deserved1 and in the  
,dialogue overrate him beyond all       
proportion8 ,duplicity was not a part of
 ,quintilian's character4  b ,tacitus1  
it may be presumed with good reason1 was
 a diligent reader of ,cicero1 ,livy1   
,sallust1 and ,seneca4 ,he has1 in      
various parts of his works1 coincidences
 of sentiment and diction1 that plainly 
shew the source from which they sprung4 
,in the present case1 when he calls     
eloquence a buckler to protect yourself1
 and a weapon to annoy your adversary1  
can anyone doubt but he had his eye on  
the following sentence in ,cicero de    
,oratore8 ,quid autem tam necessarium1  
quam tenere semper arma1 quibus vel     
tectus ipse esse possis1 vel provocare  
integros1 et te ulcisci lacessitus8  c  
,eprius ,marcellus is often a           
conspicuous figure in the ,annals and   

the ,history of ,tacitus4 ,to a bad     
heart he united the gift of eloquence4  
,in the ,annals1 b4 xvi4 s4 #bh1 he     
makes a vehement speech against ,ptus   
,thrasea1 and afterwards wrought the    
destruction of that excellent man4 ,for 
that exploit1 he was attacked1 in the   
beginning of ,vespasian's reign1 by     
,helvidius ,priscus4 ,in the ,history   
7book iv4 s4 #g and #h7 we see them both
 engaged in a violent contention4 ,in   
the following year 7#hbc71 ,helvidius in
 the senate opened an accusation in     
form2 but ,marcellus1 by using his      
eloquence as his buckler and his        
offensive weapon1 was able to ward off  
the blow4 ,he rose from his seat1 and1  
,i leave you1 he said1 ,i leave you to  
give the law to the senate3 reign1 if   
you will1 even in the presence of the   
prince4 ,see ,hist4 iv4 s4 #dc4 ,see    
also1 ,life of ,agricola1 s4 #aa4 notes 
a and b4   ,section ,,vi4  a ,to be rich
 and have no issue1 gave to the person  
so circumstanced the highest consequence

 at ,rome4 ,all ranks of men paid their 
court to him4 ,to discourage a life of  
celibacy1 and promote population1       
,augustus passed a law1 called ,papia   
,poppa1 whereby bachelors were subjected
 to penalties4 ,hence the compliment    
paid by ,horace to his patron3          
,diva producas sobolem1 patrumque       
,prosperes decreta super jugandis       
,foeminis1 prolisque nov feraci         
,lege marita4                           
,,carmen ,s,,culare4       ,bring the   
springing birth to light1        ,and   
with ev'ry genial grace        ,prolific
 of an endless race1      ,oh6 crown our
 vows1 and bless the nuptial rite4      
,,francis',s ,,horace4  ,but marriage   
was not brought into fashion4 ,in       
proportion to the rapid degeneracy of   
the manners under the emperors1 celibacy
 grew into respect2 insomuch1 that we   
find 7,annals xii4 s4 #eb7 a man too    
strong for his prosecutors1 because he  
was rich1 old1 and childless4 ,valuitque
 pecunios orbitate et senect4  b ,the   

faculty of speaking on a sudden         
question1 with unpremeditated eloquence1
 ,quintilian says1 is the reward of     
study and diligent application4 ,the    
speech1 composed at leisure1 will often 
want the warmth and energy1 which       
accompany the rapid emotions of the     
mind4 ,the passions1 when roused and    
animated1 and the images which present  
themselves in a glow of enthusiasm1 are 
the inspirers of true eloquence4        
,composition has not always this happy  
effect2 the process is slow2 languor is 
apt to succeed2 the passions subside1   
and the spirit of the discourse         
evaporates4 ,maximus vero studiorum     
fructus est1 et velut prmium quoddam    
amplissimum longi laboris1 ex tempore   
dicendi facultas4 ,pectus est enim quod 
disertos facit1 et vis mentis4 ,nam ben 
concepti affectus1 et recentes rerum    
imagines1 continuo impetu feruntur1 qu  
nonnunquam mor stili refrigescunt1 et   
dilat won revertuntur4 ,quintilian4 lib4
 x4 cap4 #g4   ,section ,,vii4  a ,the  

translation is not quite accurate in    
this place4 ,the original says1 when ,i 
obtained the laticlave1 and the ,english
 calls it the manly gown1 which1 it must
 be admitted1 is not the exact sense4   
,the toga virilis1 or the manly gown1   
was assumed1 when the youth came to     
man's estate1 or the age of seventeen   
years4 ,on that occasion the friends of 
the young man conducted him to the forum
 7or sometimes to the capitol71 and     
there invested him with the new gown4   
,this was called dies tirocinii2 the day
 on which he commenced a tiro1 or a     
candidate for preferment in the army4   
,the laticlave1 was an additional honour
 often granted at the same time4 ,the   
sons of senators and patricians were    
entitled to that distinction1 as a      
matter of right3 but the young men1     
descended from such as were not         
patricians1 did not wear the laticlave1 
till they entered into the service of   
the commonwealth1 and undertook the     
functions of the civil magistracy4      

,augustus ,csar changed that custom4 ,he
 gave leave to the sons of senators1 in 
general1 to assume the laticlave        
presently after the time of putting on  
the toga virilis1 though they were not  
capable of civil honours4 ,the emperors 
who succeeded1 allowed the same         
privilege1 as a favour to illustrious   
families4 ,ovid speaks of himself and   
his brother assuming the manly gown and 
the laticlave at the same time3         
,interea1 tacito passu labentibus annis1
        ,liberior fratri sumpta mihique 
toga2      ,induiturque humeris cum lato
 purpura clavo4  ,pliny the younger     
shews1 that the laticlave was a favour  
granted by the emperor on particular    
occasions4 ,he says1 he applied for his 
friend1 and succeeded3 ,ego ,sexto      
latumclavum a ,csare nostro impetravi4  
,lib4 ii4 epist4 #i4 ,the latusclavus   
was a robe worn by consuls1 prtors1     
generals in triumph1 and senators1 who  
were called laticlavii4 ,their sons were
 admitted to the same honour2 but the   

emperors had a power to bestow this     
garment of distinction1 and all         
privileges belonging to it1 upon such as
 they thought worthy of that honour4    
,this is what ,marcus ,aper says1 in the
 ,dialogue1 that he obtained2 and1 when 
the translation mentions the manly gown1
 the expression falls short of the      
speaker's idea4 ,dacier has given an    
account of the laticlave1 which has been
 well received by the learned4 ,he tells
 us1 that whatever was made to be put on
 another thing1 was called clavus1 not  
because it had any resemblance to a     
nail1 but because it was made an adjunct
 to another subject4 ,in fact1 the clavi
 were purple galloons1 with which the   
,romans bordered the fore part of the   
tunic1 on both sides1 and when drawn    
close together1 they formed an ornament 
in the middle of the vestment4 ,it was1 
for that reason1 called by the ,greeks1 
,greek3 mesoporphuron4 ,the broad       
galloons made the laticlave1 and the    
narrow the angusticlave4 ,the laticlave1

 ,dacier adds1 is not to be confounded  
with the prtexta4 ,the latter was1 at   
first1 appropriated to the magistrates1 
and the sacerdotal order2 but1 in time1 
was extended to the sons of eminent     
families1 to be worn as a mark of       
distinction1 till the age of seventeen1 
when it was laid aside for the manly    
gown4 ,see ,dacier's ,horace1 lib4 i4   
sat4 #e2 and see ,kennet's ,roman       
,antiquities1 p4 #cjf4  b ,marcus ,aper1
 ,julius ,secundus1 and ,curiatius      
,maternus1 according to ,brotier and    
others1 were natives of ,gaul4 ,aper    
7section x47 mentions the ,gauls as     
their common countrymen3 ,ne quid de    
,gallis nostris loquamur4 ,if that was  
the fact1 a new man at ,rome would have 
difficulties to surmount4 ,ammianus     
,marcellinus 7a ,latin historian of the 
fourth century7 says1 that at ,rome the 
people despised every thing that did not
 grow before their eyes within the walls
 of the city1 except the rich who had no
 children2 and the veneration paid to   

such as had no heirs was altogether     
incredible4 ,vile esse quidquid extra   
urbis pomrium nascitur1 stimant2 nec    
credi potest qua obsequiorum diversitate
 coluntur homines sine liberis ,rom4    
,lib4 xiv4 s4 #e4 ,in such a city a     
young man and a stranger could not      
expect to be favoured4  c ,all causes of
 a private nature were heard before the 
centumviri4 ,three were chosen out of   
every tribe1 and the tribes amounted to 
five and thirty1 so that in fact #aje   
were chosen2 but1 for the sake of a     
round number1 they were called          
,,centumviri4 ,the causes that were     
heard before that jurisdiction are      
enumerated by ,cicero1 ,de ,orat4 lib4  
i4 s4 #ch4  d ,the translation says1 the
 wills and codicils of the rich2 but it 
is by no means certain that those words 
convey the meaning of the text1 which   
simply says1 nec codicillis datur4      
,after due enquiry1 it appears that     
codicillus was used by the ,latin       
authors1 for what we now call the       

letters patent of a prince4 ,codicils1  
in the modern sense of the word1        
implying a supplement to a will1 were   
unknown to the intent ,roman law4 ,the  
,twelve ,tables mention testaments only4
 ,codicils1 in aid to wills1 were first 
introduced in the time of ,augustus2    
but1 whatever their operation was1      
legacies granted by those additional    
writings were for some time of no       
validity4 ,to confirm this1 we are told 
that the daughter of ,lentulus          
discharged certain legacies1 which1     
being given by codicil1 she was not     
bound to pay4 ,in time1 however1        
codicils1 as an addition made by the    
testator to his will1 grew into use1 and
 the legacies thereby granted were      
confirmed4 ,this might be the case in   
the sixth year of ,vespasian1 when the  
,dialogue passed between the parties2   
but it is1 notwithstanding1 highly      
probable1 that the word codicilli means1
 in the passage before us1 the letters  
patent of the prince4 ,it is used in    

that sense by ,suetonius1 who relates1  
that ,tiberius1 after passing a night   
and two days in revelling with          
,pomponius ,flaccus and ,lucius ,piso1  
granted to the former the province of   
,syria1 and made the latter prefect of  
the city2 declaring them1 in the        
patents1 pleasant companions1 and the   
friends of all hours4 ,codicillis quoque
 jucundissimos et omnium horarum amicos 
professus4 ,suet4 in ,tib4 s4 #db4  e   
,the common people are called1 in the   
original1 tunicatus populus2 that class 
of men1 who wore the tunic1 and not the 
toga1 or the ,roman gown4 ,the tunica1  
or close coat1 was the common garment   
worn within doors1 and abroad1 under the
 toga4 ,kennet says1 the proletarii1 the
 capite censi1 and the rest of the dregs
 of the city1 could not afford to wear  
the toga1 and therefore went in their   
tunics2 whence ,horace says 7lib4 i4    
epist4 #g74       ,vilia vendentem      
tunicato scruta popello4  ,the ,,toga1  
however1 was the peculiar dress of the  

,roman people4 ,,virgil distinguishes   
his countrymen by their mode of apparel3
       ,romanos rerum dominos1 gentemque
 togatam4  ,but1 though this was the    
,roman habit1 the lower citizens were   
obliged to appear abroad is their       
tunica1 or close garment4 ,the love of  
praise is so eager a passion1 that the  
public orator is here represented as    
delighting in the applause of the       
rabble4 ,persius1 the satirist1 has said
 the same thing3       ,pulchrum est    
digito monstrari1 et dicier4 ,,hic      
,,est4   ,section ,,viii4  a ,the       
character of ,eprius ,marcellus has been
 already stated1 section v4 note c4     
,crispus ,vibius is mentioned as a man  
of weight and influence1 ,annals1 book  
xiv4 s4 #bh4 ,quintilian has mentioned  
him to his advantage3 he calls him1 book
 v4 chap4 #ac1 a man of agreeable and   
elegant talents1 vir ingenii jucundi et 
elegantis2 and again1 ,vibius ,crispus  
was distinguished by the elegance of his
 composition1 and the sweetness of his  

manner2 a man born to please1 but fitter
 for private suits1 than for the        
importance of public causes4 ,et        
,,vibius ,,crispus1 compositus1 et      
jucundus1 et delectationi natus2        
privatis tamen causis1 quam publicis1   
melior4 ,lib4 x4 cap4 #a4  b ,which of  
these two men was born at ,capua1 and   
which at ,vercell1 is not clearly       
expressed in the original4 ,eprius      
,marcellus1 who has been described of a 
prompt and daring spirit1 ready to      
embark in every mischief1 and by his    
eloquence able to give colour to the    
worst cause1 must at this time have     
become a new man1 since we find him     
mentioned in this ,dialogue with        
unbounded praise4 ,he1 it seems1 and    
,vibius ,crispus were the favourites at 
,vespasian's court4 ,vercell1 now       
,verceil1 was situated in the eastern   
part of ,piedmont4 ,capua1 rendered     
famous by ,hannibal1 was a city in      
,campania1 always deemed the seat of    
pleasure4  c ,vespasian is said to have 

been what is uncommon among sovereign   
princes1 a patient hearer of truth4 ,his
 attention to men of letters may be     
considered as a proof of that assertion4
 ,the younger ,pliny tells us1 that his 
uncle1 the author of the ,natural       
,history1 used to visit ,vespasian      
before day-light1 and gained admittance 
to the emperor1 who devoted his nights  
to study4 ,ante lucem ibat ad           
,vespasianum imperatorem3 nam ille      
quoque noctibus utebatur4 ,lib4 iii4    
epist4 #e4   ,section ,,ix4  a          
,agamemnon and ,jason were two favourite
 dramatic subjects with the ,roman      
poets4 ,after their example1 the moderns
 seem to have been enamoured with those 
two ,grecian heroes4 ,racine has        
displayed the former1 in his tragedy of 
,iphigenia1 and the late ,mr4 ,thomson  
in a performance of great merit1        
entitled ,agamemnon4 ,corneille1 and1   
the late ,mr4 ,glover1 thought ,jason   
and ,medea worthy of their talents4  b  
,saleius ,bassus has been already       

mentioned1 s4 v4 note a4 ,it may be     
added in this place1 that the critics of
 his time concurred in giving him the   
warmest praise1 not only as a good and  
excellent man1 but also as an eminent   
and admirable poet4 ,he was descended   
from a family of distinction1 but was   
poor and often distressed4 ,whether he  
or ,csius ,bassus was the friend of     
,persius1 is not perfectly clear4 ,be   
the fact as it may1 the satirist        
describes a fine poet1 and his verses   
were applicable to either of them3      
,jamne lyr1 et tetrico vivunt tibi      
pectine chord8      ,mire opifex numeris
 veterum primordia rerum1      ,atque   
marem strepitum fidis intendisse ,latin2
      ,mox juvenes agitare jocos1 et    
pollice honesto      ,egregios lusisse  
senes4                                  
,,persius1 sat4 vi4   c ,before the     
invention of printing1 copies were not  
easily multiplied4 ,authors were eager  
to enjoy their fame1 and the pen of the 
transcriber was slow and tedious4       

,public rehearsals were the road to     
fame4 ,but an audience was to be drawn  
together by interest1 by solicitation1  
and public advertisements4 ,pliny1 in   
one of his letters1 has given a lively  
description of the difficulties which   
the author had to surmount4 ,this year1 
he says1 has produced poets in great    
abundance4 ,scarce a day has passed in  
the month of ,april1 without the recital
 of a poem4 ,but the greater part of the
 audience comes with reluctance2 they   
loiter in the lobbies1 and there enter  
into idle chat1 occasionally desiring to
 know1 whether the poet is in his       
pulpit8 has he begun8 is his preface    
over8 has he almost finished8 ,they     
condescended1 at last1 to enter the     
room2 they looked round with an air of  
indifference1 and soon retired1 some by 
stealth1 and others with open contempt4 
,hence the greater praise is due to     
those authors1 who do not suffer their  
genius to droop1 but1 on the contrary1  
amidst the most discouraging            

circumstances1 still persist to         
cultivate the liberal arts4 ,pliny adds1
 that he himself attended all the public
 readings1 and1 for that purpose1 staid 
longer in the city than was usual with  
him4 ,being1 at length1 released1 he    
intended1 in his rural retreat1 to      
finish a work of his own1 but not to    
read it in public1 lest he should be    
thought to claim a return of the        
civility which he had shewn to others4  
,he was a bearer1 and not a creditor4   
,the favour conferred1 if redemanded1   
ceases to be a favour4 ,magnum proventum
 poetarum annus hic attulit4 ,toto mense
 ,aprili nullus fere dies1 quo non      
recitaret aliquis4 ,tametsi ad audiendum
 pigre coitur4 ,plerique in stationibus 
sedent1 tempusque audiendis fabulis     
conterunt1 ac subinde sibi nuntiari     
jubent1 an jam recitator intraverit1 an 
dixerit prfationem1 an ex magn parte    
evolverit librum8 ,tum demum1 ac tune   
quoque lent1 cunctanterque veniunt1 nec 
tamen remanent1 sed ante finem recedunt2

 alii dissimulanter1 ac furtim1 alii1   
simpliciter1 ac liber4 ,sed tanto magis 
laudandi probandique sunt1 quos a       
scribendi recitandique studio hc        
auditorum vel desidia1 vel superbia non 
retardat4 ,equidem prope nemini defui3  
his ex causis longius1 quam             
destinaveram1 tempus in urbe consumpsi4 
,possum jam repetere secessum1 et       
scribere aliquid1 quod non recitem1 ne  
videar1 quorum recitationibus affui1 non
 auditor fuisse1 sed creditor4 ,nam1 ut 
in cteris rebus1 ita in audiendi        
officio1 perit gratia si reposcatur4    
,pliny1 lib4 i4 ep4 #ac4 ,such was the  
state of literature under the worst of  
the emperors4 ,the ,augustan age was    
over4 ,in the reigns of ,tiberius and   
,caligula learning drooped1 but in some 
degree revived under the dull and stupid
 ,claudius4 ,pliny1 in the letter above 
cited1 says of that emperor1 that1 one  
day hearing a noise in his palace1 he   
enquired what was the cause1 and1 being 
informed that ,nonianus was reciting in 

public1 went immediately to the place1  
and became one of the audience4 ,after  
that time letters met with no           
encouragement from the great4 ,lord     
,shaftesbury says1 he cannot but wonder 
how the ,romans1 after the extinction of
 the ,csarean and ,claudian family1 and 
a short interval of princes raised and  
destroyed with much disorder and public 
ruin1 were able to regain their         
perishing dominion1 and retrieve their  
sinking state1 by an after-race of wise 
and able princes1 successively adopted1 
and taken from a private state to rule  
the empire of the world4 ,they were men1
 who not only possessed the military    
virtues1 and supported that sort of     
discipline in the highest degree2 but as
 they sought the interest of the world1 
they did what was in their power to     
restore liberty1 and raise again the    
perishing arts1 and the decayed virtue  
of mankind4 ,but the season was past3   
barbarity and gothicism were already    
entered into the arts1 ere the savages  

made an impression on the empire4 ,see  
,advice to an ,author1 part4 ii4 s4 #a4 
,the gothicism1 hinted at by            
,shaftesbury1 appears manifestly in the 
wretched situation to which the best    
authors were reduced4 ,the poets who    
could not hope to procure an audience1  
haunted the baths and public walks1 in  
order to fasten on their friends1 and1  
at any rate1 obtain a hearing for their 
works4 ,juvenal says1 the plantations   
and marble columns of ,julius ,fronto   
resounded with the vociferation of      
reciting poets3       ,frontonis platani
 convulsaque marmora clamant            
,semper1 et assiduo rupt lectore column4
      ,expectes eadem a summo minimoque 
poet4                                   
,,sat4 i4 ver4 #ab4  ,the same author   
observes1 that the poet1 who aspired to 
literary fame1 might borrow an house for
 the purpose of a public reading2 and   
the great man who accommodated the      
writer1 might arrange his friends and   
freedmen on the back seats1 with        

direction not to be sparing of their    
applause2 but still a stage or pulpit1  
with convenient benches1 was to be      
procured1 and that expence the patrons  
of letters would not supply4            
----,at si dulcedine fam      ,contentus
 recites1 ,maculonus commodat des4      
,scit dare libertos extrem in parte     
sedentes      ,ordinis1 et magnas       
comitum disponere voces4      ,nemo     
dabit procerum1 quanti subsellia        
constent4                               
,,sat4 vii4 ver4 #ci4  ,statius1 in     
,juvenal's time1 was a favourite poet4  
,if he announced a reading1 his auditors
 went in crowds4 ,he delighted all      
degrees and ranks of men2 but1 when the 
hour of applause was over1 the author   
was obliged to sell a tragedy to ,paris1
 the famous actor1 in order to procure a
 dinner1       ,curritur ad vocem       
jucundam1 et carmen amic8               
,thebaidos1 ltam fecit cum ,statius     
urbem8      ,promisitque diem3 tant     
dulcedine vulgi      ,auditur2 sed cum  

fregit subsellia versu1      ,esurit1   
intactam ,paridi nisi vendit ,agaven4   
,,sat4 vii4 ver4 #hb4  ,this was the    
hard lot of poetry1 and this the state  
of public reading1 which ,aper describes
 to his friend ,maternus4   ,section ,x4
  a ,horace has the same observation3   
----,mediocribus esse poetis      ,non  
,dii1 non homines1 non concessere       
column4                           ,,art 
,,of ,,poetry1 ver4 #cgb4       ,but    
,god and man1 and letter'd post denies1 
,that poets ever are of middling size4  
,,francis',s ,,horace4  b               
,notwithstanding all that is said1 in   
this ,dialogue1 of ,saleius ,bassus1 it 
does not appear1 in the judgement of    
,quintilian1 that he was a poet whose   
fame could extend itself to the distant 
provinces4 ,perfection in the kind is   
necessary4 ,livy1 the historian1 was at 
the head of his profession4 ,in         
consequence of his vast reputation1 we  
know from ,pliny1 the consul1 that a    
native of the city of ,cadiz was so     

struck with the character of that great 
writer1 that he made a journey to ,rome1
 with no other intent than to see that  
celebrated genius2 and having gratified 
his curiosity1 without staying to view  
the wonders of that magnificent city1   
returned home perfectly satisfied4      
,nunquamne legisti ,gaditanum quemdam   
,titi ,livii nomine glorique commotum1  
ad visendum eum ab ultimo terrarum orbe 
venisse2 statimque1 ut viderat1 abiisse8
 ,lib4 ii4 epist4 #c4  c ,in ,homer and 
,virgil1 as well as in the dramatic     
poets of the first order1 we frequently 
have passages of real eloquence1 with   
the difference which ,quintilian        
mentions3 the poet1 he says1 is a slave 
to the measure of his verse2 and1 not   
being able at all times to make use of  
the true and proper word1 he is obliged 
to quit the natural and easy way of     
expression1 and avail himself of new    
modes and turns of phraseology1 such as 
tropes1 and metaphors1 with the liberty 
of transposing words1 and lengthening or

 shortening syllables as he sees        
occasion4 ,quod alligati ad certam pedum
 necessitatem non semper propriis uti   
possint1 sed depulsi a rect vi1         
necessario ad qudam diverticula         
confugiant2 nec mutare qudam modo verba1
 sed extendere1 corripere1 convertere1  
dividere cogantur4 ,quint1 lib4 x4 cap4 
#a4 ,the speaker in the ,dialogue is    
aware of this distinction1 and1 subject 
to it1 the various branches of poetry   
are with him so many different modes of 
eloquence4  d ,the original has1 the    
citadel of eloquence1 which calls to    
mind an admired passage in ,lucretius3  
,sed nil dulcius est bene quam munita   
tenere      ,edita doctrin sapientum    
templa serena1      ,despicere unde     
queas alios1 passimque videre           
,errare1 atque viam pallantes qurere    
vit4                                    
,lib4 ii4 ver4 #g4  e ,it is a fact well
 known1 that in ,greece the most        
illustrious of both sexes thought it    
honourable to exercise themselves in the

 exhibitions of the theatre1 and even to
 appear in the athletic games4          
,plutarch1 it is true1 will have it1    
that all scenic arts were prohibited at 
,sparta by the laws of ,lycurgus2 and   
yet ,cornelius ,nepos assures us1 that  
no ,lacedmonian matron1 however high her
 quality1 was ashamed to act for hire on
 the public stage4 ,he adds1 that       
throughout ,greece1 it was deemed the   
highest honour to obtain the prize in   
the ,olympic games1 and no man blushed  
to be a performer in plays and          
pantomimes1 and give himself a spectacle
 to the people4 ,nulla ,lacedmoni tam   
est nobilis vidua1 qu non in scenam eat 
mercede conducta4 ,magnis in laudibus   
tot fuit ,grci1 victorem ,olympi citari4
 ,in scenam vero prodire1 et populo esse
 spectaculo nemini in iisdem gentibus   
fuit turpitudini4 ,cor4 ,nep4 in ,prfat4
 ,it appears1 however1 from a story told
 by lian and cited by ,shaftesbury1     
,advice to an ,author1 part ii4 s4 #c1  
that the ,greek women were by law       

excluded from the ,olympic games4       
,whoever was found to transgress1 or    
even to cross the river ,alpheus1 during
 the celebration of that great          
spectacle1 was liable to be thrown from 
a rock4 ,the consequence was1 that not  
one female was detected1 except         
,callipatria1 or1 as others called her1 
,pherenic4 ,this woman1 disguised in the
 habit of a teacher of gymnastic        
exercises1 introduced her son1          
,pisidorus1 to contend for the victor's 
prize4 ,her son succeeded4 ,transported 
with joy at a sight so glorious1 the    
mother overleaped the fence1 which      
enclosed the magistrates1 and1 in the   
violence of that exertion1 let fall her 
garment4 ,she was1 by consequence1 known
 to be a woman1 but absolved from all   
criminality4 ,for that mild and         
equitable sentence1 she was indebted to 
the merit of her father1 her brothers1  
and her son1 who all obtained the       
victor's crown4 ,the incident1 however1 
gave birth to a new law1 whereby it was 

enacted1 that the masters of the        
gymnastic art should1 for the future1   
come naked to the ,olympic games4 lian  
lib4 x4 cap4 #a2 and see ,pausanias1    
lib4 v4 cap4 #f4  f ,nicostratus is     
praised by ,pausanias 7lib4 v4 cap4     
#bj71 as a great master of the athletic 
arts4 ,quintilian has also recorded his 
prowess4 ,nicostratus1 whom in our youth
 we saw advanced in years1 would        
instruct his pupil in every branch of   
his art1 and make him1 what he was      
himself1 an invincible champion4        
,invincible he was1 since1 on one and   
the same day1 he entered the lists as a 
wrestler and a boxer1 and was proclaimed
 conqueror in both4 ,ac si fuerit qui   
docebitur1 ille1 quem adolescentes      
vidimus1 ,nicostratus1 omnibus in eo    
docendi partibus similiter uteretur2    
efficietque illum1 qualis hic fuit1     
luctando pugnandoque quorum utroque in  
certamine iisdem diebus coronabatur     
invictum4 ,quint4 lib1 ii4 cap4 #h4     
,section ,,xi4  a ,nero's ambition to   

excel in poetry was not only ridiculous1
 but1 at the same time1 destructive to  
,lucan1 and almost all the good authors 
of the age4 ,see ,annals1 b4 xv4        
,according to the old scholiast on the  
,satires of ,persius1 the following     
verses were either written by ,nero1 or 
made in imitation of that emperor's     
style3       ,torva ,mimalloneis        
implerunt cornua bombis1      ,et raptum
 vitulo caput ablatura superbo          
,bassaris1 et lyncem ,mnas flexura      
corymbis1      ,evion ingeminat3        
reparabilis adsonat echo4  ,the         
affectation of rhyme1 which many ages   
afterwards was the essential part of    
monkish verse1 the tumour of the words1 
and the wretched penury of thought1 may 
be imputed to a frivolous prince1 who   
studied his art of poetry in the manner 
described by ,tacitus1 ,annals1 b4 xiv4 
s4 #af4 ,and yet it may be a question1  
whether the satirist would have the     
hardiness to insert the very words of an
 imperial poet1 armed with despotic     

power4 ,a burlesque imitation would     
answer the purpose2 and it may be       
inferred from another passage in the    
same poem1 that ,persius was content to 
ridicule the mode of versification then 
in vogue at court4       ,claudere sic  
versum didicit2 ,berecynthius ,attin1   
,et qui cruleum dirimebat ,nerea        
,delphin4      ,sic costam longo        
subduximus ,apennino4  b ,vatinius was a
 favourite at the court of ,nero4       
,tacitus calls him the spawn of a       
cook's-shop and a tippling-house2 sutrin
 et tabern alumnus4 ,he recommended     
himself to the favour of the prince by  
his scurrility and vulgar humour4       
,being1 by those arts1 raised above     
himself1 he became the declared enemy of
 all good men1 and acted a distinguished
 part among the vilest instruments of   
that pernicious court4 ,see his         
character1 ,annals xv4 s4 #cd4 ,when an 
illiberal and low buffoon basks in the  
sunshine of a court1 and enjoys         
exorbitant power1 the cause of          

literature can have nothing to expect4  
,the liberal arts must1 by consequence1 
be degraded by a corrupt taste1 and     
learning will be left to run wild and   
grow to seed4   ,section ,,xii4  a ,that
 poetry requires a retreat from the     
bustle of the world1 has been so often  
repeated1 that it is now considered as a
 truth1 from which there can be no      
appeal4 ,milton1 it is true1 wrote his  
,paradise ,lost in a small house near   
,bunhill ,fields2 and ,dryden courted   
the muse in the hurry and dissipation of
 a town life4 ,but neither of them fixed
 his residence by choice4 ,pope grew    
immortal on the banks of the ,thames4   
,but though the country seems to be the 
seat of contemplation1 two great writers
 have been in opposite opinions4 ,cicero
 says1 woods and groves1 and rivers     
winding through the meadows1 and the    
refreshing breeze1 with the melody of   
birds1 may have their attraction2 but   
they rather relax the mind into         
indolence1 than rouse our attention1 or 

give vigour to our faculties4 ,sylvarum 
amnitas1 et prterlabentia flumina1 et   
inspirantes ramis arborum aur1          
volucrumque cantus1 et ipsa late        
circumspiciendi libertas ad se trahunt2 
at mihi remittere potius voluptas ista  
videtur cogitationem1 quam intendere4   
,de ,orat4 lib4 ii4 ,this1 perhaps1 may 
be true as applied to the public orator1
 whose scene of action lay in the forum 
or the senate4 ,pliny1 on the other     
hand1 says to his friend ,tacitus1 there
 is something in the solemnity of       
venerable woods1 and the awful silence  
which prevails in those places1 that    
strongly disposes us to study and       
contemplation4 ,for the future1         
therefore1 whenever you hunt1 take along
 with you your pen and paper1 as well as
 your basket and bottle2 for you will   
find the mountains not more inhabited by
 ,diana1 than by ,minerva4 ,jam undique 
sylv1 et solitudo1 ipsumque illud       
silentium1 quod venationi datur1 magna  
cogitationis incitamenta sunt4 ,proinde1

 cum1 venabere1 licebit1 auctore me1 ut 
panarium et lagunculam1 sic etiam       
pugillares feras4 ,experiaris non       
,dianam magis montibus quam ,minervam   
inerrare4 ,lib4 i4 epist4 #f4 ,between  
these two different opinions1 a true    
poet may be allowed to decide4 ,horace  
describes the noise and tumult of a city
 life1 and then says1       ,scriptorum 
chorus omnis amat nemus1 et fugit urbes4
                         ,epist4 lib4   
ii4 ep4 ii4 ver4 #gg4       ,alas6 to   
grottos and to groves we run1      ,to  
ease and silence1 ev'ry muse's son4     
,,pope4  b ,the expression in the       
original is full and expressive1 lucros 
hujus et sanguinantis eloquenti2 that   
gainful and blood-thirsty eloquence4    
,the immoderate wealth acquired by      
,eprius ,marcellus has been mentioned in
 this ,dialogue1 section #h4 ,pliny     
gives us an idea of the vast            
acquisitions gained by ,regulus1 the    
notorious informer4 ,from a state of    
indigence1 he rose1 by a train of       

villainous actions1 to such immense     
riches1 that he once consulted the      
omens1 to know how soon he should be    
worth sixty millions of sesterces1 and  
found them so favourable1 that he had no
 doubt of being worth double that sum4  
,aspice ,regulum1 qui ex paupere et     
tenui ad tantas opes per flagitia       
processit1 ut ipse mihi dixerit1 cum    
consuleret1 quam cito sestertium        
sexcennies impleturus esset1 invenisse  
se exta duplicata1 quibus portendi      
millies et ducenties habiturum4 ,lib4   
ii4 ep4 #bj4 ,in another epistle the    
same author relates1 that ,regulus1     
having lost his son1 was visited upon   
that occasion by multitudes of people1  
who all in secret detested him1 yet paid
 their court with as much assiduity as  
if they esteemed and loved him4 ,they   
retaliated upon this man his own        
insidious arts3 to gain the friendship  
of ,regulus1 they played the game of    
,regulus himself4 ,he1 in the mean time1
 dwells in his villa on the other side  

of the ,tiber1 where he has covered a   
large tract of ground with magnificent  
porticos1 and lined the banks of the    
river with elegant statues2 profuse1    
with all his avarice1 and1 in the depth 
of infamy1 proud and vain-glorious4     
,convenitur ad eum mir celebritate3     
cuncti detestantur1 oderunt2 et1 quasi  
probent1 quasi diligant1 cursant1       
frequentant1 utque breviter1 quod       
sentio1 enunciem1 in ,regulo demerendo1 
,regulum imitantur4 ,tenet se trans     
,tyberim in hortis1 in quibus latissimum
 solum porticibus immensis1 ripam       
statuis suis occupavit2 ut est1 in summ 
avaritia sumptuosus1 in summ infami     
gloriosus4 ,lib4 iv4 ep4 #b4 ,all this  
splendour1 in which ,regulus lived1 was 
the fruit of a gainful and blood-thirsty
 eloquence2 if that may be called       
eloquence1 which ,pliny says was nothing
 more than a crazed imagination2 nihil  
prter ingenium insanum4 ,lib4 iv4 ep4   
#g4  c ,orpheus1 in poetic story1 was   
the son of ,calliope1 and ,linus boasted

 of ,apollo for his father4             
----,nec ,thracius ,orpheus1      ,nec  
,linus2 huic mater quamvis1 atque huic  
pater adsit1      ,orphei ,calliopea1   
,lino formosus ,apollo4                 
,,virg4 ,,ecl4 iv4 ver4 #ee4       ,not 
,orpheus' self1 nor ,linus1 should      
exceed      ,my lofty lays1 or gain the 
poet's meed1      ,though ,phbus1 though
 ,calliope inspire1      ,and one the   
mother aid1 and one the sire4           
,,wharton',s ,,virgil4  ,orpheus        
embarked in the ,argonautic expedition4 
,his history of it1 together with his   
hymns1 is still extant2 but whether     
genuine1 is much doubted4  d ,lysias1   
the celebrated orator1 was a native of  
,syracuse1 the chief town in ,sicily4   
,he lived about four hundred years      
before the ,christian ra4 ,cicero says1 
that he did not addict himself to the   
practice of the bar2 but his            
compositions were so judicious1 so pure 
and elegant1 that you might venture to  
pronounce him a perfect orator4 ,tum    

fuit ,lysias1 ipse quidem in causis     
forensibus non versatus sed egregi      
subtilis scriptor1 atque elegans1 quem  
jam prope audeas oratorem perfectum     
dicere4 ,cicero ,de ,claris ,orat4 s4   
#ce4 ,quintilian gives the same opinion4
 ,lysias1 he says1 preceded             
,demosthenes3 he is acute and elegant1  
and if to teach the art of speaking were
 the only business of an orator1 nothing
 more perfect can be found4 ,he has no  
redundancy1 nothing superfluous1 nothing
 too refined1 or foreign to his purpose3
 his style is flowing1 but more like a  
pure fountain1 than a noble river4 ,his 
tate ,lysias major1 subtilis atque      
elegans1 et quo nihil1 si oratori satis 
sit docere1 quras perfectius4 ,nihil    
enim est inane1 nihil arcessitum2 puro  
tamen fonti1 quam magno flumini propior4
 ,quint1 lib4 x4 cap4 #a4 ,a            
considerable number of his orations is  
still extant1 all written with exquisite
 taste and inexpressible sweetness4 ,see
 a very pleasing translation by ,dr4    

,gillies4  ,hyperides flourished at     
,athens in the time of ,demosthenes1    
schynes1 ,lycurgus1 and other famous    
orators4 ,that age1 says ,cicero1 poured
 forth a torrent of eloquence1 of the   
best and purest kind1 without the false 
glitter of affected ornament1 in a style
 of noble simplicity1 which lasted to   
the end of that period4 ,huic ,hyperides
 proximus1 et schynes fuit1 et          
,lycurgus1 aliique plures4 ,hc enim tas 
effudit hanc copiam2 et1 ut opinio mea  
fert1 succus ille et sanguis incorruptus
 usque ad hanc tatem oratorum fuit1 in  
qua naturalis inesset1 non fucatus      
nitor4 ,de ,claris ,orat4 s4 #cf4       
,quintilian allows to ,hyperides a keen 
discernment1 and great sweetness of     
style2 but he pronounces him an orator  
designed by nature to shine in causes of
 no great moment4 ,dulcis in primis et  
acutus ,hyperides2 sed minoribus causis1
 ut non dixerim utilior1 magis par4     
,lib4 x4 cap4 #a4 ,whatever might be the
 case when this ,dialogue happened1 it  

is certain1 at present1 that the fame of
 ,sophocles and ,euripides has eclipsed 
the two ,greek orators4  e ,for an      
account of ,asinius ,pollio and         
,corvinus ,messala1 see ,annals1 b4 xi4 
s4 #f4 ,quintilian 7b4 xii4 chap4 #aj7  
commends the diligence of ,pollio1 and  
the dignity of ,messala4 ,in another    
part of his ,institutes1 he praises the 
invention1 the judgement1 and spirit of 
,pollio1 but at the same time says1 he  
fell so short of the suavity and        
splendour of ,cicero1 that he might well
 pass for an orator of a former age4 ,he
 adds1 that ,messala was natural and    
elegant3 the grandeur of his style      
seemed to announce the nobility of his  
birth2 but still he wanted force and    
energy4 ,malta in ,asinio ,pollione     
inventio1 summa diligentia1 adeo ut     
quibusdam etiam nimia videatur2 et      
consilii et animi satis2 a nitore et    
jucunditate ,ciceronis ita longe abest1 
ut videri possit sculo prior4 ,at       
,messala nitidus et candidus1 et        

quodammodo pr se ferens in dicendo      
nobilitatem suam1 viribus minor4        
,quintilian1 lib4 x4 cap4 #a4 ,the two  
great poets of the ,augustan age have   
transmitted the name of ,asinius ,pollio
 to the latest posterity4 ,virgil has   
celebrated him as a poet1 and a         
commander of armies1 in the ,illyrican  
and ,dalmatic wars4       ,tu mihi1 seu 
magni superas jam saxa ,timavi1         
,sive oram ,illyrici legis quoris2 en   
erit unquam      ,ille dies1 mihi cum   
liceat tua dicere facta8      ,en erit1 
ut liceat totum mihi ferre per orbem    
,sola ,sophocleo tua carmina digna      
cothurno8                               
,,eclog4 viii4 ver4 #f4       ,o        
,pollio6 leading thy victorious bands   
,o'er deep ,timavus1 or ,illyria's      
sands2      ,o when thy glorious deeds  
shall ,i rehearse8      ,when tell the  
world how matchless is thy verse1       
,worthy the lofty stage of laurell'd    
,greece1      ,great rival of majestic  
,sophocles6                             

,,wharton',s ,,virgil4  ,horace has     
added the orator and the statesman3     
,paulum sever musa tragedi      ,desit  
theatris2 mox1 ubi publicas        ,res 
ordinaris1 grande munus                 
,cecropio repetes cothurno1             
,insigne mstis prsidium reis1      ,et  
consulenti1 ,pollio1 curi1        ,cui  
laurus ternos honores                   
,dalmatico peperit triumpho4            
,lib4 ii4 ode #a4       ,retard a while 
thy glowing vein1      ,nor swell the   
solemn tragic scene2      ,and when thy 
sage1 thy patriot cares      ,have      
form'd the train of ,rome's affairs1    
,with lofty rapture reinflam'd1 diffuse 
,heroic thoughts1 and wake the buskin'd 
muse4                                   
,,francis',s ,,horace4  ,but after all1 
the question put by ,maternus1 is1 can  
any of their orations be compared to the
 ,medea of ,ovid1 or the ,thyestes of   
,varius8 ,those two tragedies are so    
often praised by the critics of         
antiquity1 that the republic of letters 

has reason to lament the loss4          
,quintilian says that the ,medea of     
,ovid was a specimen of genius1 that    
shewed to what heights the poet could   
have risen1 had he thought fit rather to
 curb1 than give the rein to his        
imagination4 ,ovidii ,medea videtur mihi
 ostendere quantum vir ille prstare     
potuisset1 si ingenio suo temperare1    
quam indulgere maluisset4 ,lib4 x4 cap4 
#a4  ,the works of ,varius1 if we except
 a few fragments1 are wholly lost4      
,horace1 in his journey to ,brundusium1 
met him and ,virgil1 and he mentions the
 incident with the rapture of a friend  
who loved them both3       ,plotius1 et 
,varius ,sinuess1 ,virgiliusque         
,occurrunt2 anim quales neque           
candidiores      ,terra tulit1 neque    
queis me sit devinctior alter4          
,lib4 i4 sat4 #e4  ,horace also         
celebrates ,varius as a poet of sublime 
genius4 ,he begins his ,ode to ,agrippa 
with the following lines3               
,scriberis ,vario fortis1 et hostium    

,victor1 ,monii carminis alite1         
,quam rem cumque ferox navibus1 aut     
equis            ,miles te duce         
gesserit4                               
,lib4 i4 ode #f4       ,varius1 who     
soars on epic wing1      ,agrippa1 shall
 thy conquests sing1      ,whate'er1    
inspir'd by thy command1      ,the      
soldier dar'd on sea or land4           
,,francis',s ,,horace4  ,a few fragments
 only of his works have reached         
posterity4 ,his tragedy of ,,thyestes is
 highly praised by ,quintilian4 ,that   
judicious critic does not hesitate to   
say1 that it may be opposed to the best 
productions of the ,greek stage4 ,jam   
,varii ,thyestes cuilibet ,grcorum      
comparari potest4 ,varius lived in high 
favour at the court of ,augustus4 ,after
 the death of ,virgil1 he was joined    
with ,plotinus and ,tucca to revise the 
works of that admirable poet4 ,the      
,varus of ,virgil1 so often celebrated  
in the ,pastorals1 was1 notwithstanding 
what some of the commentators have said1

 a different person from ,varius1 the   
author of ,thyestes4   ,section ,,xiii4 
a ,the rural delight of ,virgil is      
described by himself3       ,rura mihi  
et rigui placeant in vallibus amnes2    
,flumina amem1 sylvasque inglorius4 ,o  
ubi campi1      ,sperchiusque1 et       
virginibus bacchata ,lacnis             
,taygeta6 ,o quis me gelidis sub        
montibus ,hmi      ,sistat1 et ingenti  
ramorum protegat umbr8                  
,,georgica1 lib4 ii4 ver4 #dhe4         
,me may the lowly vales and woodland    
please1      ,and winding rivers1 and   
inglorious ease2      ,o that ,i        
wander'd by ,sperchius' flood1      ,or 
on ,taygetus' sacred top ,i stood6      
,who in cool ,hmus' vales my limbs will 
lay1      ,and in the darkest thicket   
hide from day8                          
,,wharton',s ,,virg4  ,besides this     
poetical retreat1 which his imagination 
could command at any time1 ,virgil had a
 real and delightful villa near ,naples1
 where he composed his ,georgics1 and   

wrote great part of the neid4  b ,when  
,augustus1 or any eminent citizen1      
distinguished by his public merit1      
appeared in the theatre1 the people     
testified their joy by acclamations1 and
 unbounded applause4 ,it is recorded by 
,horace1 that ,mcenas received that     
public honour4                          
----,datus in theatro             ,cum  
tibi plausus1      ,care ,mcenas eques1 
ut paterni      ,fluminis rip1 simul et 
jocosa      ,redderet laudes tibi       
,vaticani             ,montis imago4    
,lib4 i4 ode #bj4  ,when ,virgil        
appeared1 the audience paid the same    
compliment to a man whose poetry adorned
 the ,roman story4 ,the letters from    
,augustus1 which are mentioned in this  
passage1 have perished in the ruins of  
ancient literature4  c ,pomponius       
,secundus was of consular rank1 and an  
eminent writer of tragedy4 ,see ,annals1
 b4 ii4 s4 #ac4 ,his life was written by
 ,pliny the elder1 whose nephew mentions
 the fact 7book iii4 epist4 #e71 and    

says it was a tribute to friendship4    
,quintilian pronounces him the best of  
all the dramatic poets whom he had seen2
 though the critics whose judgement was 
matured by years1 did not think him     
sufficiently tragical4 ,they admitted1  
however1 that his erudition was         
considerable1 and the beauty of his     
composition surpassed all his           
contemporaries4 ,eorum1 quos viderim1   
longe princeps ,pomponius ,secundus1    
quem senes parum tragicum putabant1     
eruditione ac nitore prstare            
confitebantur4 ,lib4 x4 cap4 #a4  d     
,quintilian makes honourable mention of 
,domitius ,afer4 ,he says1 when he was a
 boy1 the speeches of that orator for   
,volusenus ,catulus were held in high   
estimation4 ,et nobis pueris insignes   
pro ,voluseno ,catulo ,domitii ,afri    
orationes ferebantur4 ,lib4 x4 cap #a4  
,he adds1 in another part of the same   
chapter1 that ,domitius ,afer and       
,julius ,africanus were1 of all the     
orators who flourished in his time1     

without comparison the best4 ,but ,afer 
stands distinguished by the splendour of
 his diction1 and the rhetorical art    
which he has displayed in all his       
compositions4 ,you would not scruple to 
rank him among the ancient orators4     
,eorum quos viderim1 ,domitius ,afer et 
,julius ,secundus longe prstantissimi4  
,verborum arte ille1 et toto genere     
dicendi prferendus1 et quem in numero   
veterum locare non timeas4 ,lib4 x4 cap4
 #a4 ,quintilian relates1 that in a     
conversation which he had when a young  
man1 he asked ,domitius ,afer what poet 
was1 in his opinion1 the next to ,homer8
 ,the answer was1 ,virgil is undoubtedly
 the second epic poet1 but he is nearer 
to the first than to the third4 ,utar   
enim verbis1 qu ex ,afro ,domitio       
juvenis accepi2 qui mihi interroganti1  
quem ,homero crederet maxim accedere3   
,secundus1 inquit1 est ,virgilius1      
propior tamen primo quam tertio4 ,lib4  
x4 cap4 #a4 ,we may believe that        
,quintilian thought highly of the man   

whose judgement he cites as an          
authority4 ,quintilian1 however1 had in 
view nothing but the talents of this    
celebrated orator4 ,tacitus1 as a moral 
historian1 looked at the character of   
the man4 ,he introduces him on the stage
 of public business in the reign of     
,tiberius1 and there represents him in  
haste to advance himself by any kind of 
crime4 ,quoquo facinore properus clare  
cere4 ,he tells us1 in the same passage 
7,annals1 b4 iv4 s4 #eb71 that ,tiberius
 pronounced him an orator in his own    
right1 suo jure disertum4 ,afer died in 
the reign of ,nero1 ,a4,u4,c4 #hab1     
,a4,d4 #ei4 ,in relating his death1     
,tacitus observes1 that he raised       
himself by his eloquence to the first   
civil honours2 but he does not dismiss  
him without condemning his morals4      
,annals1 b4 xiv4 s4 #ai4  e ,we find in 
the ,annals and the ,history of         
,tacitus1 a number of instances to      
justify the sentiments of ,maternus4    
,the rich found it necessary to bequeath

 part of their substance to the prince1 
in order to secure the remainder for    
their families4 ,for the same reason1   
,agricola made ,domitian joint heir with
 his wife and daughter4 ,life of        
,agricola1 section #dc4  f ,by a law of 
the ,twelve ,tables1 a crown1 when      
fairly earned by virtue1 was placed on  
the head of the deceased1 and another   
was ordered to be given to his father4  
,the spirit of the law1 ,cicero says1   
plainly intimated1 that commendation was
 a tribute due to departed virtue4 ,a   
crown was given not only to him who     
earned it1 but also to the father1 who  
gave birth to distinguished merit4 ,illa
 jam significatio est1 laudis ornamenta 
ad mortuos pertinere1 quod coronam      
virtute partam1 et ei qui peperisset1 et
 ejus parenti1 sine fraude lex impositam
 esse jubet4 ,de ,legibus1 lib4 ii4 s4  
#bd4 ,this is the reward to which       
,maternus aspires2 and1 that being      
granted1 he desires1 as ,horace did     
before him1 to waive the pomp of funeral

 ceremonies4       ,absint inani funere 
nni1      ,luctusque turpes et          
querimoni2        ,compesce clamorem1 ac
 sepulchri          ,mitte supervacuos  
honores4                       ,lib4 ii4
 ode #bj4       ,my friends1 the funeral
 sorrow spare1      ,the plaintive song1
 and tender tear2      ,nor let the     
voice of grief profane1      ,with loud 
laments1 the solemn scene2      ,nor    
o'er your poet's empty urn      ,with   
useless idle sorrow mourn4              
,,francis',s ,,horace4   ,section ,,xiv4
  a ,vipstanius ,messala commanded a    
legion1 and1 at the head of it1 went    
over to ,vespasian's party in the       
contention with ,vitellius4 ,he was a   
man of illustrious birth1 and equal     
merit2 the only one1 says ,tacitus1 who 
entered into that war from motives of   
virtue4 ,legioni ,vipstanius ,messala   
prerat1 claris majoribus1 egregius ipse1
 et qui solus ad id bellum artes bonas  
attulisset4 ,hist4 lib4 iii4 s4 #i4 ,he 
was brother to ,regulus1 the vile       

informer1 who has been mentioned4 ,see  
,life of ,agricola1 section #b4 note a1 
and this tract1 s4 xii4 note b4         
,messala1 we are told by ,tacitus1      
before he had attained the senatorian   
age1 acquired great fame by pleading the
 cause of his profligate brother with   
extraordinary eloquence1 and family     
affection4 ,magnam eo die pietatis      
eloquentique famam ,vipstanius ,messala 
adeptus est2 nondum senatori tate1 ausus
 pro fratre ,aquilio ,regulo deprecari4 
,hist4 lib4 iv4 s4 #db4 ,since ,messala 
has now joined the company1 the         
,dialogue takes a new turn1 and1 by an  
easy and natural transition1 slides into
 the question concerning the causes of  
the decline of eloquence4  b ,this is   
probably the same ,asiaticus1 who1 in   
the revolt of the provinces of ,gaul1   
fought on the side of ,,vindex4 ,see    
,hist4 b4 ii4 s4 #id4 ,biography was1 in
 that evil period1 a tribute paid by the
 friends of departed merit1 and the only
 kind of writing1 in which men could    

dare faintly to utter a sentiment in    
favour of virtue and public liberty4  c 
,in the declamations of ,seneca and     
,quintilian1 we have abundant examples  
of these scholastic exercises1 which    
,juvenal has placed in a ridiculous     
light4       ,et nos ergo manum ferul   
subduximus1 et nos      ,consilium      
dedimus ,syll1 privatus ut altum        
,dormiret4                              
,sat4 i4 ver4 #ae4       ,provok'd by   
these incorrigible fools1      ,i left  
declaiming in pedantic schools2         
,where1 with men-boys1 ,i strove to get 
renown1      ,advising ,sylla to a      
private gown4                           
,,dryden',s ,,juvenal4   ,section ,,xv4 
a ,the eloquence of ,cicero1 and the    
eminent orators of that age1 was        
preferred by all men of sound judgement 
to the unnatural and affected style that
 prevailed under the emperors4          
,quintilian gives a decided opinion4    
,cicero1 he says1 was allowed to be the 
reigning orator of his time1 and his    

name1 with posterity1 is not so much    
that of a man1 as of eloquence itself4  
,quare non immerito ab hominibus tatis  
su1 regnare in judiciis dictus est3 apud
 posteros vero id consecutus1 ut ,cicero
 jam non hominis1 sed eloquenti nomen   
habeatur4 ,lib4 x4 cap4 #a4 ,pliny the  
younger professed that ,cicero was the  
orator with whom he aspired to enter    
into competition4 ,not content with the 
eloquence of his own times1 he held it  
absurd not to follow the best examples  
of a former age4 ,est enim mihi cum     
,cicerone mulatio1 nec sum contentus    
eloquenti sculi nostri4 ,nam            
stultissimum credo1 ad imitandum non    
optima quque prponere4 ,lib4 i4 epist4  
#e4  b ,nicetes was a native of ,smyrna1
 and a rhetorician in great celebrity4  
,seneca says 7,controversiarum1 lib4 iv4
 cap4 #be71 that his scholars1 content  
with hearing their master1 had no       
ambition to be heard themselves4 ,pliny 
the younger1 among the commendations    
which he bestows on a friend1 mentions1 

as a praise-worthy part of his          
character1 that he attended the lectures
 of ,quintilian and ,nicetes ,sacerdos1 
of whom ,pliny himself was at that time 
a constant follower4 ,erat non studiorum
 tantum1 verum etiam studiosorum        
amantissimus1 ac prope quotidie ad      
audiendos1 quos tunc ego frequentabam1  
,quintilianum et ,niceten ,sacerdotem1  
ventitabat4 ,lib4 vi4 epist4 #f4  c     
,mitylene was the chief city of the isle
 of ,lesbos1 in the gean ,sea1 near the 
coast of ,asia4 ,the place at this day  
is called ,metelin1 subject to the      
,turkish dominion4 ,ephesus was a city  
of ,ionia1 in the ,lesser ,asia1 now    
called ,ajaloue by the ,turks1 who are  
masters of the place4  d ,domitius ,afer
 and ,julius ,africanus have been       
already mentioned1 section xiii4 note d4
 ,both are highly praised by            
,quintilian4 ,for ,asinius ,pollio1 see 
s4 xii4 note e4   ,section ,,xvi4  a    
,quintilian puts the same question2 and1
 according to him1 ,demosthenes is the  

last of the ancients among the ,greeks1 
as ,cicero is among the ,romans4 ,see   
,quintilian1 lib4 viii4 cap4 #e4  b ,the
 siege of ,troy is supposed to have been
 brought to a conclusion eleven hundred 
and ninety-three years before ,christian
 ra4 ,from that time to the sixth year  
of ,vespasian 7,a4,u4,c4 #hbh71 when    
this ,dialogue was had1 the number of   
years that intervened was about #abfh2 a
 period which1 with propriety1 may be   
said to be little less than #acjj years4
  c ,demosthenes died1 before ,christ   
#cbb years1 ,a4,u4,c4 #dcb4 ,from that  
time to the sixth of ,vespasian1        
,a4,u4,c4 #hbh1 the intervening space   
was about #cif years4 ,aper calls it    
little more than #djj years2 but in a   
conversation-piece strict accuracy is   
not to be expected4  d ,in the rude     
state of astronomy1 which prevailed     
during many ages of the world1 it was   
natural that mankind should differ in   
their computation of time4 ,the ancient 
,egyptians1 according to ,diodorus      

,siculus1 lib4 i4 and ,pliny the elder1 
lib4 vii4 s4 #dh1 measured time by the  
new moons4 ,some called the summer one  
year1 and the winter another4 ,at first 
thirty days were a lunar year2 three1   
four1 and six months were afterwards    
added1 and hence in the ,egyptian       
chronology the vast number of years from
 the beginning of the world4 ,herodotus 
informs us1 that the ,egyptians1 in     
process of time1 formed the idea of the 
solar or solstitial year1 subdivided    
into twelve months4 ,the ,roman year at 
first was lunar1 consisting1 in the time
 of ,romulus1 of ten months4 ,numa      
,pompilius added two4 ,men saw a        
diversity in the seasons1 and wishing to
 know the cause1 began at length to     
perceive that the distance or proximity 
of the sun occasioned the various       
operations of nature2 but it was long   
before the space of time1 wherein that  
luminary performs his course through the
 zodiac1 and returns to the point from  
which he set out1 was called a year4    

,the great year 7annus magnus71 or the  
,,platonic ,,year1 is the space of time1
 wherein the seven planets complete     
their revolutions1 and all set out again
 from the same point of the heavens     
where their course began before4        
,mathematicians have been much divided  
in their calculations4 ,brotier         
observes1 that ,riccioli makes the great
 year #be1ibj solar years2 ,tycho       
,brahe1 #be1haf2 and ,cassini1 #bd1hjj4 
,cicero expressly calls it a period of  
#ab1ied years4 ,horum annorum1 quos in  
fastis habemus1 ,,magnus annos duodecim 
millia nonagentos quinquaginta quatuor  
amplectitur solstitiales scilicet4 ,for 
a full and accurate dissertation on the 
,,annus ,,magnus1 see the ,memoirs of   
the ,academy of ,belles ,lettres1 tom4  
xxii4 #dto edit4 p4 #hb4  ,brotier1 in  
his note on this passage1 relates a fact
 not universally known4 ,he mentions a  
letter from one of the ,jesuits on the  
mission1 dated ,peking1 #beth ,october  
#agbe1 in which it is stated1 that in   

the month of ,march preceding1 when     
,jupiter1 ,mars1 ,venus1 and ,mercury   
were in conjunction1 the ,chinese       
mathematicians fancied that an          
approximation of ,saturn was near at    
hand1 and1 in that persuasion1          
congratulated the emperor               
,,yong-,,tching on the renovation of the
 world1 which was shortly to take place4
 ,the emperor received the addresses of 
the nobility1 and gave credit to the    
opinion of the philosophers in all his  
public edicts4 ,meanwhile1 ,father      
,kegler endeavoured to undeceive the    
emperor1 and to convince him that the   
whole was a mistake of the ,chinese     
mathematicians3 but he tried in vain2   
flattery succeeded at court1 and        
triumphed over truth4  e ,the argument  
is this3 ,if the great year is the      
measure of time2 then1 as it consists1  
according to ,cicero1 of #ab1ied solar  
years1 the whole being divided by       
twelve1 every month of the great year   
would be clearly #ajhj years4 ,according

 to that calculation1 ,demosthenes not  
only lived in the same year with the    
persons engaged in the ,dialogue1 but1  
it may be said1 in the same month4      
,these are the months to which ,virgil  
alludes in the fourth eclogue3          
,incipient magni procedere menses4      
,section ,,xvii4  a ,menenius ,agrippa  
was consul ,a4,u4,c4 #bea4 ,in less than
 ten years afterwards1 violent          
dissensions broke out between the       
patrician order and the common people1  
who complained that they were harassed  
and oppressed by their affluent         
creditors4 ,one ,sicinius was their     
factious demagogue4 ,he told them1 that 
it was in vain they fought the battles  
of their country1 since they were no    
better than slaves and prisoners at     
,rome4 ,he added1 that men are born     
equal2 that the fruits of the earth were
 the common birth-right of all1 and an  
agrarian law was necessary2 that they   
groaned under a load of debts and taxes2
 and that a lazy and corrupt aristocracy

 battened at ease on the spoils of their
 labour and industry4 ,by the advice of 
this incendiary1 the discontented       
citizens made a secession to the ,,mons 
,,sacer1 about three miles out of the   
city4 ,the fathers1 in the meantime1    
were covered with consternation4 ,in    
order1 however1 to appease the fury of  
the multitude1 they dispatched ,menenius
 ,agrippa to their camp4 ,in the rude   
unpolished style of the times 7prisco   
illo dicendi et horrido modo1 says      
,livy71 that orator told them3       ,at
 the time when the powers of man did    
not1 as at present1      co-operate to  
one useful end1 and the members of the  
human      body had their separate      
interest1 their factions1 and           
cabals2 it was agreed among them1 that  
the belly maintained      itself by     
their toil and labour1 enjoying1 in the 
middle of      all1 a state of calm     
repose1 pampered with luxuries1 and     
gratified with every kind of pleasure4  
,a conspiracy      followed1 and the    

several members of the body took the    
covenant4 ,the hand would no longer     
administer food2 the      mouth would   
not accept it1 and the drudgery of      
mastication      was too much for the   
teeth4 ,they continued in this          
resolution1 determined to starve the    
,,treasury of the body1      till they  
began to feel the consequences of their 
ill-advised revolt4 ,the several members
 lost their former      vigour1 and the 
whole body was falling into a rapid     
decline4      ,it was then seen that the
 belly was formed for the good of       
the whole2 that it was by no means lazy1
 idle1 and inactive2      but1 while it 
was properly supported1 took care to    
distribute nourishment to every part1   
and having digested      the supplies1  
filled the veins with pure and wholesome
      blood4  ,the analogy1 which this  
fable bore to the sedition of the ,roman
 people1 was understood and felt4 ,the  
discontented multitude saw that the     
state of man described by ,menenius1 was

 like to an insurrection4 ,they returned
 to ,rome1 and submitted to legal       
government4 ,tempore1 quo in homine non1
 ut nunc1 omnia in unum consentiebant1  
sed singulis membris suum cuique        
consilium1 sum sermo fuerat1 indignatas 
reliquas partes1 su cur1 suo labore1 ac 
ministerio1 ventri omnia quri2 ventrem  
in medio quietum1 nihil aliud1 quam     
datis voluptatibus frui2 conspirasse    
inde1 ne manus ad os cibum ferrent1 nec 
os acciperit datum1 nec dentes          
conficerent4 ,hac ir dum ventrem fame   
domare vellent1 ipsa un membra1 totumque
 corpus ad extremam tabem venisse4 ,inde
 apparuisse1 ventris quoque haud segne  
ministerium esse2 nec magis ali quam    
alere eum2 reddentem in omnes corporis  
partes hunc1 quo vivimus vigemusque1    
divisum1 pariter in venas1 maturum      
confecto cibo sanguinem4 ,livy1 lib4 ii4
 s4 #cb4 ,st4 ,paul has made use of a   
similar argument2       ,the body is not
 one member1 but many3 if the foot shall
      say1 ,because ,i am not the hand1 

,i am not of the body2 is it1           
therefore1 not of the body8 and if the  
ear shall say1      ,because ,i am not  
the eye1 ,i am not of the body2 is it1  
therefore1 not of the body8 ,if the     
whole body were an eye1      where were 
the hearing8 ,if the whole were hearing1
 where      were the smelling8 ,but now 
hath ,god set the members everyone      
of them in the body1 as it hath pleased 
him4 ,and if they      were all one     
member1 where were the body8 ,but now   
are they      many members1 yet but one 
body3 and the eye cannot say unto       
the hand1 ,i have no need of thee2 nor  
again1 the head to the      feet1 ,i    
have no need of you4 ,and whether one   
member suffer1      all the members     
suffer with it2 or one member be        
honoured1      all the members rejoice  
with it4                   ,first       
,epistle to the ,corinthians1 chap4 xii4
  ,this reasoning of ,st4 ,paul merits  
the attention of those friends of       
innovation1 who are not content with the

 station in which ,god has placed them1 
and1 therefore1 object to all           
subordination1 all ranks in society4  b 
,csar the dictator was1 as the poet     
expresses it1 graced with both          
,minervas4 ,quintilian is of opinion1   
that if he had devoted his whole time to
 the profession of eloquence1 he would  
have been the great rival of ,cicero4   
,the energy of his language1 his        
strength of conception1 and his power   
over the passions1 were so striking1    
that he may be said to have harangued   
with the same spirit that he fought4    
,caius vero ,csar si foro tantum        
vacasset1 non alius ex nostris contra   
,ciceronem nominaretur4 ,tanta in eo vis
 est1 id acumen1 ea concitatio1 ut illum
 eodem animo dixisse1 quo bellavit1     
appareat4 ,lib4 x4 cap4 #a4 ,to speak of
 ,cicero in this place1 were to hold a  
candle to the sun4 ,it will be          
sufficient to refer to ,quintilian1 who 
in the chapter above cited has drawn a  
beautiful parallel between him and      

,demosthenes4 ,the ,roman orator1 he    
admits1 improved himself by a diligent  
study of the best models of ,greece4 ,he
 attained the warmth and the sublime of 
,demosthenes1 the harmony of ,plato1 and
 the sweet flexibility of ,isocrates4   
,his own native genius supplied the     
rest4 ,he was not content1 as ,pindar   
expresses it1 to collect the drops that 
rained down from heaven1 but had in     
himself the living fountain of that     
copious flow1 and that sublime1 that    
pathetic energy1 which were bestowed    
upon him by the bounty of ,providence1  
that in one man eloquence might exert   
all her powers4 ,nam mihi videtur       
,marcus ,tullius1 cum se totum ad       
imitationem ,grcorum contulisset1       
effinxisse vim ,demosthenis1 copiam     
,platonis1 jucunditatem ,isocratis4 ,nec
 vero quod in quoque optimum fuit studio
 consecutus est tantum1 sed plurimas vel
 potius omnes ex se ipso virtutes       
extulit immortalis ingenii beatissim    
ubertate4 ,non enim pluvias 7ut ait     

,pindarus7 aquas colligit sed vivo      
gurgite exundat1 dono quodam providenti 
genitus1 in quo vires suas eloquentia   
experiretur4 ,lib4 x4 cap4 #a4  c       
,marcus ,clius ,rufus1 in the judgement 
of ,quintilian1 was an orator of        
considerable genius4 ,in the conduct of 
a prosecution1 he was remarkable for a  
certain urbanity1 that gave a secret    
charm to his whole speech4 ,it is to be 
regretted that he was not a man of      
better conduct and longer life4 ,multum 
ingenii in ,clio1 et prcipu in accusando
 multa urbanitas2 dignusque vir1 cui et 
mens melior1 et vita longior            
contigisset4 ,quint1 lib4 x4 cap4 #a4   
,his letters to ,cicero make the eighth 
book of the ,epistol ad ,familiares4    
,velleius ,paterculus says of him1 that 
his style of eloquence and his cast of  
mind bore a resemblance to ,curio1 but  
raised him above that factious orator4  
,his genius for mischief and evil deeds 
was not inferior to ,curio1 and his     
motives were strong and urgent1 since   

his fortune was worse than even his     
frame of mind4 ,marcus ,clius1 vir      
eloquio animoque ,curioni simillimus1   
sed in utroque perfectior2 nec minus    
ingenios nequam1 cum ne in modic quidem 
servari posset1 quippe pejor illi res   
familiaris1 quam mens4 ,vell4 ,patere4  
lib4 ii4 s4 #fh4  ,licinius ,macer      
,calvus1 we are told by ,seneca1        
maintained a long but unjust contention 
with ,cicero himself for the palm of    
eloquence4 ,he was a warm and vehement  
accuser1 insomuch that ,vatinius1 though
 defended by ,cicero1 interrupted       
,calvus in the middle of his speech1 and
 said to the judges1 ,though this man   
has a torrent of words1 does it follow  
that ,i must be condemned8 ,calvus diu  
cum ,cicerone iniquissimam litem de     
principatu eloquenti habuit2 et usque e 
violentus accusator et concitatus fuit1 
ut in media actione ejus surgeret       
,vatinius reus1 et exclamaret1 ,rogo    
vos1 judices1 si iste disertus est1 ideo
 me damnari oportet8 ,seneca1 ,controv4 

lib4 iii4 cap4 #ai4 ,cicero could not   
dread him as a rival1 and it may        
therefore be presumed1 that he has drawn
 his character with an impartial hand4  
,calvus was an orator more improved by  
literature than ,curio4 ,he spoke with  
accuracy1 and in his composition shewed 
great taste and delicacy2 but1 labouring
 to refine his language1 he was too     
attentive to little niceties4 ,he wished
 to make no bad blood1 and he lost the  
good4 ,his style was polished with timid
 caution2 but while it pleased the ear  
of the learned1 the spirit evaporated1  
and of course made no impression in the 
forum1 which is the theatre of          
eloquence4 ,ad ,calvum revertamur2 qui  
orator fuisset cum literis eruditior    
quam ,curio1 tum etiam accuratius       
quoddam dicendi1 et exquisitius         
afferebat genus2 quod quamquam scienter 
eleganterque tractabat1 nimium tamen    
inquirens in se1 atque ipse sese        
observans1 metuensque ne vitiosum       
colligeret1 etiam verum sanguinem       

deperdebat4 ,itaque ejus oratio nimi    
religione attenuata1 doctis et attent   
audientibus erat illustris1 a           
multitudine autem1 et a foro1 cui nata  
eloquentia est1 devorabatur4 ,de ,claris
 ,orat4 s4 #bhh4 ,quintilian says1 there
 were1 who preferred him to all the     
orators of his time4 ,others were of    
opinion that1 by being too severe a     
critic on himself1 he polished too much1
 and grew weak by refinement4 ,but his  
manner was grave and solid2 his style   
was chaste1 and often animated4 ,to be  
thought a man of attic eloquence was the
 height of his ambition4 ,if he had     
lived to see his error1 and to give to  
his eloquence a true and perfect form1  
not by retrenching 7for there was       
nothing to be taken away71 but by adding
 certain qualities that were wanted1 he 
would have reached the summit of his    
art4 ,by a premature death his fame was 
nipped in the bud4 ,inveni qui ,calvum  
prferrent omnibus2 inveni qui contr     
crederent eum1 nimi contra se calumni1  

verum sanguinem perdidisse4 ,sed est et 
sancta et gravis oratio1 et castigata1  
et frequenter vehemens quoque4 ,imitator
 est autem ,atticorum2 fecitque illi    
properata mors injuriam1 si quid        
adjecturus1 non si quid detracturus     
fuit4 ,quintil4 lib4 x4 cap4 #a4  d     
,this was the famous ,marcus ,junius    
,brutus1 who stood forth in the cause of
 liberty1 and delivered his country from
 the usurpation of ,julius ,csar4       
,cicero describes him in that great     
tragic scene1 brandishing his bloody    
dagger1 and calling on ,cicero by name1 
to tell him that his country was free4  
,csare interfecto1 statim cruentum alt  
extollens ,marcus ,brutus pugionem1     
,ciceronem nominatim exclamavit1 atque  
ei recuperatam libertatem est           
gratulatus4 ,philippic1 ii4 s4 #bh4 ,the
 late ,doctor ,akenside has retouched   
this passage with all the colours of a  
sublime imagination4       ,look then   
abroad through nature1 through the range
      ,of planets1 suns1 and adamantine 

spheres1      ,wheeling unshaken through
 the void immense1      ,and speak1 ,o  
man6 does this capacious scene          
,with half that kindling majesty dilate 
,thy strong conception1 as when ,brutus 
rose      ,refulgent from the stroke of 
,csar's fate1      ,amid the crowd of   
patriots1 and his arm      ,aloft       
extending1 like eternal ,jove      ,when
 guilt brings down the thunder1 call'd  
aloud      ,on ,tully's name1 and shook 
his crimson steel1      ,and bade the   
,father of his ,country hail6      ,for1
 lo6 the tyrant prostrate in the dust1  
,and ,rome again is free4               
,,pleasures ,,of ,,imag4 b4 i4 ver4     
#dhg4  ,according to ,quintilian1       
,brutus was fitter for philosophical    
speculations1 and books of moral theory1
 than for the career of public oratory4 
,in the former he was equal to the      
weight and dignity of his subject3 you  
clearly saw that he believed what he    
said4 ,egregius vero multoque quam in   
orationibus prstantior ,brutus1 suffecit

 ponderi rerum2 scias eum sentire qu    
dicit4 ,quintil4 lib4 x4 cap4 #a4  ,for 
,asinius ,pollio and ,messala1 see      
section xii4 note e4  e ,hirtius and    
,pansa were consuls ,a4,u4,c4 #gaa2     
before the ,christian ra #dc4 ,in this  
year1 the famous triple league1 called  
the ,,triumvirate1 was formed between   
,augustus1 ,lepidus1 and ,antony4 ,the  
proscription1 or the list of those who  
were doomed to die for the crime of     
adhering to the cause of liberty1 was   
also settled1 and ,cicero was one of the
 number4 ,a band of assassins went in   
quest of him to his villa1 called       
,astura1 near the sea-shore4 ,their     
leader was one ,popilius ,lnas1 a       
military tribune1 whom ,cicero had      
formerly defended with success in a     
capital cause4 ,they overtook ,cicero in
 his litter4 ,he commanded his servants 
to set him down1 and make no resistance2
 then looking upon his executioners with
 a presence and firmness which almost   
daunted them1 and thrusting his neck as 

forward as he could out of the litter1  
he bade them do their work1 and take    
what they wanted4 ,the murderers cut off
 his head1 and both his hands4 ,popilius
 undertook to convey them to ,rome1 as  
the most agreeable present to ,antony2  
without reflecting on the infamy of     
carrying that head1 which had saved his 
own4 ,he found ,antony in the forum1 and
 upon shewing the spoils which he       
brought1 was rewarded on the spot with  
the honour of a crown1 and about eight  
thousand pounds sterling4 ,antony       
ordered the head to be fixed upon the   
rostra1 between the two hands2 a sad    
spectacle to the people1 who beheld     
those mangled members1 which used to    
exert themselves1 from that place1 in   
defence of the lives1 the fortunes1 and 
the liberties of ,rome4 ,cicero was     
killed on the seventh of ,december1     
about ten days from the settlement of   
the triumvirate1 after he had lived     
sixty-three years1 eleven months1 and   
five days4 ,see ,middleton's ,life of   

,cicero1 #dto edit4 vol4 ii4 p4 #die to 
#dih4 ,velleius ,paterculus1 after      
mentioning ,cicero's death1 breaks out  
in a strain of indignation1 that almost 
redeems the character of that           
time-serving writer4 ,he says to        
,antony1 in a spirited apostrophe1 you  
have no reason to exult3 you have gained
 no point by paying the assassin1 who   
stopped that eloquent mouth1 and cut off
 that illustrious head4 ,you have paid  
the wages of murder1 and you have       
destroyed a consul who was the          
conservator of the commonwealth4 ,by    
that act you delivered ,cicero from a   
distracted world1 from the infirmities  
of old age1 and from a life which1 under
 your usurpation1 would have been worse 
than death4 ,his fame was not to be     
crushed3 the glory of his actions and   
his eloquence still remains1 and you    
have raised it higher than ever4 ,he    
lives1 and will continue to live in     
every age and nation4 ,posterity will   
admire and venerate the torrent of      

eloquence1 which he poured out against  
yourself1 and will for ever execrate the
 horrible murder which you committed4   
,nihil tamen egisti1 ,marce ,antoni     
7cogit enim excedere propositi formam   
operis erumpens animo ac pectore        
indignatio73 nihil1 inquam1 egisti2     
mercedem clestissimi oris1 et clarissimi
 capitis abscissi numerando2            
auctoramentoque funebri ad conservatoris
 quondam reipublic tantique consulis    
irritando necem4 ,rapuisti tu ,marco    
,ciceroni lucem sollicitam et tatem     
senilem1 et vitam miseriorem te         
principe1 quam sub te triumviro mortem4 
,famam vero1 gloriamque factorum atque  
dictorum adeo non abstulisti1 ut        
auxeris4 ,vivit1 vivetque per omnium    
sculorum memoriam2 omnisque posteritas  
illius in te scripta mirabitur1 tuum in 
eum factum execrabitur4 ,vell4 ,paterc4 
lib4 ii4 s4 #ff4  f ,between the        
consulship of ,augustus1 which began    
immediately after the destruction of    
,hirtius and ,pansa1 ,a4,u4,c4 #gaa1 and

 the death of that emperor1 which was   
,a4,u4 #gfg1 fifty-six years intervened1
 and to the sixth of ,vespasian         
7,a4,u4,c4 #hbh71 about #aah years4 ,for
 the sake of a round number1 it is      
called in the ,dialogue a space of #abj 
years4  g ,julius ,csar landed in       
,britain in the years of ,rome #fii and 
#gjj4 ,see ,life of ,agricola1 s4 #ac4  
note a4 ,it does not appear when ,aper  
was in ,britain2 it could not be till   
the year of ,rome #gif1 when ,aulus     
,plautius1 by order of the emperor      
,claudius1 undertook the conquest of the
 island4 ,see ,life of ,agricola1 s4    
#ad4 note a4 ,at that time1 the ,briton 
who fought against ,csar1 must have been
 far advanced in years4  h ,a largess   
was given to the people1 in the fourth  
year of ,vespasian1 when ,domitian      
entered on his second consulship4 ,this1
 ,brotier says1 appears on a medal1 with
 this inscription3 ,,cong4 ,,ii4 ,,cos4 
,,ii4 ,congiarium alterum1 ,domitiano   
consule secundm4 ,the custom of giving  

large distributions to the people was   
for many ages established at ,rome4     
,brotier traces it from ,ancus ,martius1
 the fourth king of ,rome1 when the     
poverty of the people called for relief4
 ,the like bounty was distributed by the
 generals1 who returned in triumph4     
,lucullus and ,julius ,csar displayed1  
on those occasions1 great pomp and      
magnificence4 ,corn1 wine1 and oil1 were
 plentifully distributed1 and the       
popularity1 acquired by those means1    
was1 perhaps1 the ruin of the           
commonwealth4 ,csar lavished money4     
,augustus followed the example1 and     
,tiberius did the same2 but prodigality 
was not his practice4 ,his politic      
genius taught him all the arts of       
governing4 ,the bounties thus           
distributed1 were called1 when given to 
the people1 ,,congiaria1 and1 to the    
soldiers1 ,,donativa4 ,whoever desires  
to form an idea of the number of ,roman 
citizens who1 at different times1       
received largesses1 and the prodigious  

expence attending them1 may see an      
account drawn up with diligent attention
 by ,brotier1 in an elaborate note on   
this passage4 ,he begins with ,julius   
,csar2 and pursues the enquiry through  
the several successive emperors1 fixing 
the date and expence at every period1 as
 low down as the consulship of          
,constantius and ,galerius ,maximianus2 
when1 the empire being divided into the 
eastern and western1 its former         
magnificence was1 by consequence1 much  
diminished4  i ,the person here called  
,corvinus was the same as ,corvinus     
,messala1 who flourished in the reign of
 ,augustus1 at the same time with       
,asinius ,pollio4 ,see s4 xii4 note e4  
,section ,,xviii4  a ,servius ,sulpicius
 ,galba was consul ,a4,u4,c4 #faj1      
before the ,christian ra #add4 ,cicero  
says of him1 that he was1 in his day1 an
 orator of eminence4 ,when he spoke in  
public1 the natural energy of his mind  
supported him1 and the warmth of his    
imagination made him vehement and       

pathetic2 his language was animated1    
bold1 and rapid2 but when he1           
afterwards1 took his pen in hand to     
correct and polish1 the fit of          
enthusiasm was over2 his passions ebbed 
away1 and the composition was cold and  
languid4 ,galbam fortasse vis non       
ingenii solum1 sed etiam animi1 et      
naturalis quidam dolor1 dicentem        
incendebat1 efficiebatque1 ut et        
incitata1 et gravis1 et vehemens esset  
oratio2 dein cum otiosus stilum         
prehenderat1 motusque omnis animi1      
tanquam ventus1 hominem defecerat1      
flaccescebat oratio4 ,ardor animi non   
semper adest1 isque cum consedit1 omnis 
illa vis1 et quasi flamma oratoris      
extinguitur4 ,de ,claris ,orat4 s4 #ic4 
,suetonius says1 that the person here   
intended was of consular dignity1 and1  
by his eloquence1 gave weight and lustre
 to his family4 ,life of ,galba1 s4 iii4
  b ,caius ,papirius ,carbo was consul  
,a4,u4,c4 #fcd4 ,cicero wishes that he  
had proved himself as good a citizen1 as

 he was an orator4 ,being impeached for 
his turbulent and seditious conduct1 he 
did not choose to stand the event of a  
trial1 but escaped the judgement of the 
senate by a voluntary death4 ,his life  
was spent in forensic causes4 ,men of   
sense1 who heard him have reported1 that
 he was a fluent1 animated1 and         
harmonious speaker2 at times pathetic1  
always pleasing1 and abounding with wit4
 ,carbo1 quoad vita suppeditavit1 est in
 multis judiciis causisque cognitus4    
,hunc qui audierant prudentes homines1  
canorum oratorem1 et volubilem1 et satis
 acrem1 atque eundem et vehementem1 et  
valde dulcem1 et perfacetum fuisse      
dicebant4 ,de ,claris ,orat4 s4 #aje4  c
 ,calvus and ,clius have been mentioned 
already4 ,see s4 xvii4 note c4  d ,caius
 ,gracchus was tribune of the people    
,a4,u4,c4 #fcc4 ,in that character he   
took the popular side against the       
patricians2 and1 pursuing the plan of   
the agrarian law laid down by his       
brother1 ,tiberius ,gracchus1 he was    

able by his eloquence to keep the city  
of ,rome in violent agitation4 ,amidst  
the tumult1 the senate1 by a decree1    
ordered the consul1 ,lucius ,opimius1 to
 take care that the commonwealth        
received no injury2 and1 says ,cicero1  
not a single night intervened1 before   
that magistrate put ,gracchus to death4 
,decrevit senatus1 ut ,lucius ,opimius1 
consul1 videret1 ne quid detrimenti     
respublica caperet3 nox nulla           
intercessit2 interfectus est propter    
quasdam seditionum suspiciones ,caius   
,gracchus1 clarissimo patre natus1 avis 
majoribus4 ,orat4 i4 in ,catilinam4 ,his
 reputation as an orator towers above   
all his contemporaries4 ,cicero says1   
the commonwealth and the interests of   
literature suffered greatly by his      
untimely end4 ,he wishes that the love  
of his country1 and not zeal for the    
memory of his brother1 had inspired his 
actions4 ,his eloquence was such as left
 him without a rival3 in his diction1   
what a noble splendour6 in his          

sentiments1 what elevation6 and in the  
whole of his manner1 what weight and    
dignity6 ,his compositions1 it is true1 
are not retouched with care2 they want  
the polish of the last hand2 what is    
well begun1 is seldom highly finished2  
and yet he1 if any one1 deserves to be  
the study of the ,roman youth4 ,in him  
they will find what can1 at once1       
quicken their genius1 and enrich the    
understanding4 ,damnum enim1 illius     
immaturo interitu1 res ,roman1 ,latinque
 liter fecerunt4 ,utinam non tam fratri 
pietatem1 quam patri prstare voluisset4 
,eloquentia quidem nescio an habuisset  
parem3 grandis est verbis1 sapiens      
sententiis1 genere toto gravis4 ,manus  
extrema non accessit operibus ejus2     
prclare inchoata multa1 perfecta non    
plane4 ,legendus est hic orator1 si     
quisquam alius1 juventuti2 non enim     
solum acuere1 sed etiam alere ingenium  
potest4 ,de ,claris ,orat4 s4 #abe1     
#abf4  e ,this is the celebrated ,marcus
 ,portius ,cato1 commonly known by the  

name of ,cato the censor4 ,he was qustor
 under ,scipio1 who commanded against   
the ,carthaginians1 ,a4,u4,c4 #edh4 ,he 
rose through the regular gradations of  
the magistracy to the consulship4 ,when 
prtor1 he governed the province of      
,sardinia1 and exerted himself in the   
reform of all abuses introduced by his  
predecessors4 ,from his own person1 and 
his manner of living1 he banished every 
appearance of luxury4 ,when he had      
occasion to visit the towns that lay    
within his government1 he went on foot1 
clothed with the plainest attire1       
without a vehicle following him1 or more
 than one servant1 who carried the robe 
of office1 and a vase1 to make libations
 at the altar4 ,he sat in judgement with
 the dignity of a magistrate1 and       
punished every offence with inflexible  
rigour4 ,he had the happy art of uniting
 in his own person two things almost    
incompatible2 namely1 strict severity   
and sweetness of manners4 ,under his    
administration1 justice was at once     

terrible and amiable4 ,plutarch relates 
that he never wore a dress that cost    
more than thirty shillings2 that his    
wine was no better than what was        
consumed by his slaves2 and that by     
leading a laborious life1 he meant to   
harden his constitution for the service 
of his country4 ,he never ceased to     
condemn the luxury of the times4 ,on    
this subject a remarkable apophthegm is 
recorded by ,plutarch2 ,it is           
impossible1 said ,cato1 to save a city1 
in which a single fish sells for more   
money than an ox4 ,the account given of 
him by ,cicero in the ,cato ,major1     
excites our veneration of the man4 ,he  
was master of every liberal art1 and    
every branch of science1 known in that  
age4 ,some men rose to eminence by their
 skill in jurisprudence2 others by their
 eloquence2 and a great number by their 
military talents4 ,cato shone in all    
alike4 ,the patricians were often       
leagued against him1 but his virtue and 
his eloquence were a match for the      

proudest connections4 ,he was chosen    
,,censor1 in opposition to a number of  
powerful candidates1 ,a4,u4,c4 #efh4 ,he
 was the adviser of the third ,punic    
war4 ,the question occasioned several   
warm debates in the senate4 ,cato always
 insisted on the demolition of          
,carthage3 ,,delenda ,,est ,,carthago4  
,he preferred an accusation against     
,servius ,sulpicius ,galba on a charge  
of peculation in ,spain1 ,a4,u4,c4 #fjc2
 and1 though he was then ninety years   
old1 according to ,livy 7,cicero says he
 lived to eighty-five71 he conducted the
 business with so much vigour1 that     
,galba1 in order to excite compassion1  
produced his children before the senate1
 and by that artifice escaped a sentence
 of condemnation4 ,quintilian gives the 
following character of ,cato the censor3
 ,his genius1 like his learning1 was    
universal3 historian1 orator1 lawyer1 he
 cultivated the three branches2 and what
 he undertook1 he touched with a        
master-hand4 ,the science of husbandry  

was also his4 ,great as his attainments 
were1 they were acquired in camps1      
amidst the din of arms2 and in the city 
of ,rome1 amidst scenes of contention1  
and the uproar of civil discord4 ,though
 he lived in rude unpolished times1 he  
applied himself1 when far advanced in   
the vale of years1 to the study of      
,greek literature1 and thereby gave a   
signal proof that even in old age the   
willing mind may be enriched with new   
stores of knowledge4 ,marcus ,censorius 
,cato1 idem orator1 idem histori        
conditor1 idem juris1 idem rerum        
rusticarum peritissimus fuit4 ,inter tot
 opera militi1 tantas domi contentions1 
ridi sculo literas ,grcas1 tate jam     
declinat didicit1 ut esset hominibus    
documento1 ea quoque percipi posse1 qu  
senes concupissent4 ,lib4 xii4 cap4 #aa4
  f ,lucius ,licinius ,crassus is often 
mentioned1 and always to his advantage1 
by ,cicero ,,de ,,claris ,,oratoribus4  
,he was born1 as appears in that        
treatise 7sect4 #afa71 during the       

consulship of ,llius and ,cpio1         
,a4,u4,c4 #fad3 he was contemporary with
 ,antonius1 the celebrated orator1 and  
father of ,antony the triumvir4 ,crassus
 was about four and thirty years older  
than ,cicero4 ,when ,philippus the      
consul shewed himself disposed to       
encroach on the privileges of the       
senate1 and1 in the presence of that    
body1 offered indignities to ,licinius  
,crassus1 the orator1 as ,cicero informs
 us1 broke out in a blaze of eloquence  
against that violent outrage1 concluding
 with that remarkable sentence3 ,he     
shall not be to me ,a ,,consul1 to whom 
,i am not ,a ,,senator4 ,non es mihi    
consul1 quia nec ego tibi senator sum4  
,see ,valerius ,maximus1 lib4 xli4 cap4 
#b4 ,cicero has given his oratorical    
character4 ,he possessed a wonderful    
dignity of language1 could enliven his  
discourse with wit and pleasantry1 never
 descending to vulgar humour2 refined1  
and polished1 without a tincture of     
scurrility4 ,he preserved the true      

,latin idiom2 in his selection of words 
accurate1 with apparent facility2 no    
stiffness1 no affectation appeared2 in  
his train of reasoning always clear and 
methodical2 and1 when the cause hinged  
upon a question of law1 or the moral    
distinctions of good and evil1 no man   
possessed such a fund of argument1 and  
happy illustration4 ,crasso nihil statuo
 fieri potuisse perfectius3 erat summa  
gravitas2 erat cum gravitate junctus    
facetiarum et urbanitatis oratorius1 non
 scurrilis1 lepos4 ,latin loquendi      
accurata1 et1 sine molesti1 diligens    
elegantia2 in disserendo mira           
explicatio2 cum de jure civili1 cum de  
quo et bono disputaretur1 argumentorum  
et similitudinum copia4 ,de ,claris     
,orat4 s4 #adc4 ,in ,cicero's books ,,de
 ,,oratore1 ,licinius ,crassus supports 
a capital part in the dialogue2 but in  
the opening of the third book1 we have a
 pathetic account of his death1 written1
 as the ,italians say1 con amore4       
,crassus returned from his villa1 where 

the dialogue passed1 to take part in the
 debate against ,philippus the consul1  
who had declared to an assembly of the  
people1 that he was obliged to seek new 
counsellors1 for with such a senate he  
could not conduct the affairs of the    
commonwealth4 ,the conduct of ,crassus1 
upon that occasion1 has been mentioned  
already4 ,the vehemence1 with which he  
exerted himself1 threw him into a       
violent fever1 and1 on the seventh day  
following1 put a period to his life4    
,then1 says ,cicero1 that tuneful swan  
expired3 we hoped once more to hear the 
melody of his voice1 and went1 in that  
expectation1 to the senate-house2 but   
all that remained was to gaze on the    
spot where that eloquent orator spoke   
for the last time in the service of his 
country4 ,illud immortalitate dignum    
ingenium1 illa humanitas1 illa virtus   
,lucii ,crassi morte extincta subit est1
 vix diebus decem post eum diem1 qui hoc
 et superiore libra continetur4 ,illa   
tanquam cycnea fuit divini hominis vox1 

et oratio1 quam quasi expectantes1 post 
ejus interitum veniebamus in curiam1 ut 
vestigium illud ipsum1 in quo ille      
postremum institisset1 contueremur4 ,de 
,orat4 lib1 iii4 s4 #a4 and #f4 ,this   
passage will naturally call to mind the 
death of the great earl of ,chatham4 ,he
 went1 in a feeble state of health1 to  
attend a debate of the first importance4
 ,nothing could detain him from the     
service of his country4 ,the dying notes
 of the ,,british ,,swan were heard in  
the ,house of ,peers4 ,he was conveyed  
to his own house1 and on the eleventh of
 ,may #aggh1 he breathed his last4 ,the 
news reached the ,house of ,commons late
 in the evening1 when ,colonel ,,barre  
had the honour of being the first to    
shed a patriot tear on that melancholy  
occasion4 ,in a strain of manly sorrow1 
and with that unprepared eloquence which
 the heart inspires1 he moved for a     
funeral at the public expence1 and a    
monument to the memory of virtue and    
departed genius4 ,by performing that    

pious office1 ,colonel ,,barre may be   
said to have made his own name immortal4
 ,history will record the transaction4  
g ,messala ,corvinus is often1 in this  
,dialogue1 called ,corvinus only4 ,see  
s4 xii4 note e4  h ,appius ,claudius was
 censor in the year of ,rome #ddb2      
dictator1 #dfe2 and1 having at a very   
advanced age lost his sight1 he became  
better known by the name of ,appius     
,ccus4 ,afterwards1 ,a4,u4 #dgb1 when   
,pyrrhus1 by his ambassador1 offered    
terms of peace1 and a treaty of         
alliance1 ,appius1 whom blindness1 and  
the infirmities of age1 had for some    
time withheld from public business1     
desired to be conveyed in a litter to   
the senate-house4 ,being conducted to   
his place1 he delivered his sentiments  
in so forcible a manner1 that the       
fathers resolved to prosecute the war1  
and never to hear of an accommodation1  
till ,italy was evacuated by ,pyrrhus   
and his army4 ,see ,livy1 b4 xiii4 s4   
#ca4 ,cicero relates the same fact in   

his ,,cato ,,major1 and further adds1   
that the speech made by ,,appius ,c,,cus
 was then extant4 ,ovid mentions the    
temple of ,bellona1 built and dedicated 
by ,appius1 who1 when blind1 saw every  
thing by the light of his understanding1
 and rejected all terms of accommodation
 with ,pyrrhus4       ,hac sacrata die  
,tusco ,bellona duello        ,dicitur1 
et ,latio prospera semper adest4        
,appius est auctor1 ,pyrrho qui pace    
negat        ,multum animo vidit1 lumine
 ccus erat4                             
,,fastorum lib vi4 ver4 #bja4  i        
,quintilian acknowledges this fact1 with
 his usual candour4 ,the question       
concerning ,attic and ,asiatic eloquence
 was of long standing4 ,the style of the
 former was close1 pure1 and elegant2   
the latter was said to be diffuse and   
ostentatious4 ,in the ,,attic1 nothing  
was idle1 nothing redundant3 the        
,,asiatic swelled above all bounds1     
affecting to dazzle by strokes of wit1  
by affectation and superfluous ornament4

 ,cicero was said by his enemies to be  
an orator of the last school4 ,they did 
not scruple to pronounce him turgid1    
copious to a fault1 often redundant1 and
 too fond of repetition4 ,his wit1 they 
said1 was the false glitter of vain     
conceit1 frigid1 and out of season2 his 
composition was cold and languid2       
wire-drawn into amplification1 and      
fuller of meretricious finery than      
became a man4 ,et antiqua quidem illa   
divisio inter ,asianos et ,atticos fuit2
 cum hi pressi1 et integri1 contra1     
inflati illi et inanes haberentur2 et in
 his nihil superflueret1 illis judicium 
maxim ac modus deesset4 ,ciceronem tamen
 et suorum homines temporum incessere   
audebant ut tumidiorem1 et ,asianum1 et 
redundantem1 et in repetitionibus       
nimium1 et in salibus aliquando         
frigidum1 et in compositione fractum1   
exultantem1 ac pen 7quod procul absit7  
viro molliorem4 ,quintil4 lib4 xii4 cap4
 #aj4 ,the same author adds1 that1 when 
the great orator was cut off by ,marc   

,antony's proscription1 and could no    
longer answer for himself1 the men who  
either personally hated him1 or envied  
his genius1 or chose to pay their court 
to the1 triumvirate1 poured forth their 
malignity without reserve4 ,it is       
unnecessary to observe1 that            
,quintilian1 in sundry parts of his     
work1 has vindicated ,cicero from these 
aspersions4 ,see s4 xvii4 note b4  k    
,for ,calvus1 see s4 xvii4 note c4 ,for 
,brutus1 see the same section1 note d4  
,what ,cicero thought of ,calvus has    
been already quoted from the tract ,de  
,claris ,oratoribus1 in note c1 s4 xvii4
 ,by being too severe a critic on       
himself1 he lost strength1 while he     
aimed at elegance4 ,it is1 therefore1   
properly said in this ,dialogue1 that   
,cicero thought ,calvus cold and        
enervated4 ,but did he think ,brutus    
disjointed1 loose and negligent--otiosum
 atque disjunctum8 ,that he often       
thought him disjointed is not           
improbable4 ,brutus was a close thinker1

 and he aimed at the precision and      
brevity of ,attic eloquence4 ,the       
sententious speaker is1 of course1 full 
and concise4 ,he has no studied         
transitions1 above the minute care of   
artful connections4 ,to discard the     
copulatives for the sake of energy was a
 rule laid down by the best ancient     
critics4 ,cicero has observed that an   
oration may be said to be disjointed1   
when the copulatives are omitted1 and   
strokes of sentiment follow one another 
in quick succession4 ,dissolutio sive   
disjunctio est1 qu conjunctionibus e    
medio sublatis1 partibus separatis      
effertur1 hoc modo3 ,gere morem parenti2
 pare cognatis2 obsequere amicis2       
obtempera legibus4 ,ad ,herennium1 lib4 
iv4 s4 #da4 ,in this manner1 ,brutus    
might appear disjointed1 and that       
figure1 often repeated1 might grow into 
a fault4 ,but how is the word ,,otiosus 
to be understood8 ,if it means a neglect
 of connectives1 it may1 perhaps1 apply 
to ,brutus4 ,there is no room to think  

that ,cicero used it in a worse sense1  
since we find him in a letter to        
,atticus declaring1 that the oratorical 
style of ,brutus was1 in language as    
well as sentiment1 elegant to a degree  
that nothing could surpass4 ,est enim   
oratio ejus scripta elegantissim1       
sententiis et verbis1 ut nihil possit   
ultra4 ,a grave philosopher1 like       
,brutus1 might reject the graces of     
transition and regular connection1 and1 
for that reason1 might be thought       
negligent and abrupt4 ,this disjointed  
style1 which the ,french call style     
coup1 was the manner cultivated by      
,seneca1 for which ,caligula pronounced 
him1 sand without lime2 arenam sine     
calce4 ,sueton4 ,life of ,calig4 s4 #ec4
 ,we know from ,quintilian1 that a      
spirit of emulation1 and even jealousy1 
subsisted between the eminent orators of
 ,cicero's time2 that he himself was so 
far from ascribing perfection to        
,demosthenes1 that he used to say1 he   
often found him napping2 that ,brutus   

and ,calvus sat in judgement on ,cicero1
 and did not wish to conceal their      
objections2 and that the two ,pollios   
were so far from being satisfied with   
,cicero's style and manner1 that their  
criticisms were little short of declared
 hostility4 ,quamquam neque ipsi        
,ciceroni ,demosthenes videatur satis   
esse perfectus1 quem dormitare interdum 
dicit2 nec ,cicero ,bruto ,calvoque1 qui
 cert compositionem illius etiam apud   
ipsum reprehendunt2 ne ,asinio utrique1 
qui vitia orationis ejus etiam inimic   
pluribus locis insequuntur4 ,quintil4   
lib4 xii4 cap4 #a4   ,section ,,xix4  a 
,cassius ,severus lived in the latter   
end of the reign of ,augustus1 and      
through a considerable part of that of  
,tiberius4 ,he was an orator1 according 
to ,quintilian1 who1 if read with due   
caution1 might serve as a model worthy  
of imitation4 ,it is to be regretted1   
that to the many excellent qualities of 
his style he did not add more weight1   
more strength and dignity1 and thereby  

give colour and a body to his           
sentiments4 ,with those requisites1 he  
would have ranked with the most eminent 
orators4 ,to his excellent genius he    
united keen reflection1 great energy1   
and a peculiar urbanity1 which gave a   
secret charm to his speeches4 ,but the  
warmth of his temper hurried him on2 he 
listened more to his passions than to   
his judgement2 he possessed a vein of   
wit1 but he mingled with it too much    
acrimony2 and wit1 when it misses its   
aim1 feels the mortification and the    
ridicule which usually attend           
disappointed malice4 ,multa1 si cum     
judicio legatur1 dabit imitatione digna 
,,cassius ,,severus1 qui1 si cteris     
virtutibus colorem et gravitatem        
orationis adjecisset1 ponendus inter    
prcipuos foret1 ,nam et ingenii plurimum
 est in eo1 et acerbitas mira1 et       
urbanitas1 et vis summa2 sed plus       
stomacho qum consilio dedit2 prterea ut 
amari sales1 ita frequenter amaritudo   
ipsa ridicula est4 ,lib4 x4 cap4 #a4 ,we

 read in ,suetonius 7,life of ,octavius1
 s4 #ef71 that ,cassius had the         
hardiness to institute a prosecution for
 the crime of poisoning against         
,asprenas ,nonius1 who was1 at the time1
 linked in the closest friendship with  
,augustus4 ,not content with accusations
 against the first men in ,rome1 he     
chose to vent his malevolence in        
lampoons and defamatory libels1 against 
the most distinguished of both sexes4   
,it was this that provoked ,horace to   
declare war against ,cassius1 in an ode 
7lib1 v4 ode #f71 which begins1 ,quid   
immerentes hospites vexas1 canis4 ,see  
an account of his malevolent spirit1    
,annals1 b1 i4 s4 #gb4 ,he was at length
 condemned for his indiscriminate abuse1
 and banished by ,augustus to the isle  
of ,crete4 ,but his satirical rage was  
not to be controlled4 ,he continued in  
exile to discharge his malignity1 till1 
at last1 at the end of ten years1 the   
senate took cognizance of his guilt1 and
 ,tiberius ordered him to be removed    

from ,crete to the ,rock of ,seriphos1  
where he languished in old age and      
misery4 ,see ,annals1 b4 iv4 s4 #ba4    
,the period of ancient oratory ended    
about the time when ,cassius began his  
career4 ,he was the first of the new    
school4  b ,these two rhetoricians      
flourished in the time of ,augustus4    
,apollodorus1 we are told by ,quintilian
 7b4 iii4 chap4 #a71 was the preceptor  
of ,augustus4 ,he taught in opposition  
to ,theodorus ,gadareus1 who read       
lectures at ,rhodes1 and was attended by
 ,tiberius during his retreat in that   
island4 ,the two contending masters were
 the founders of opposite sects1 called 
the ,apollodorean and ,theodorian4 ,but 
true eloquence1 which knows no laws but 
those of nature and good sense1 gained  
nothing by party divisions4 ,literature 
was distracted by new doctrines2        
rhetoric became a trick in the hands of 
sophists1 and all sound oratory         
disappeared4 ,hermagoras1 ,quintilian   
says1 in the chapter already cited1 was 

the disciple of ,theodorus4   ,section  
,,xx4  a ,doctor ,middleton says1 ,of   
the seven excellent orations1 which now 
remain on the subject of ,,verres1 the  
first two only were spoken2 the one     
called1 ,the ,divination2 the other1    
,the first ,action1 which is nothing    
more than a general preface to the whole
 cause4 ,the other five were published  
afterwards1 as they were prepared and   
intended to be spoken1 if ,verres had   
made a regular defence3 for as this was 
the only cause in which ,cicero had yet 
been engaged1 or ever designed to be    
engaged1 as an accuser1 so he was       
willing to leave those orations as a    
specimen of his abilities in that way1  
and the pattern of a just and diligent  
impeachment of a great and corrupt      
magistrate4 ,life of ,cicero1 vol4 i4 p4
 #hf1 #dto edit4  b ,the ,digest        
enumerates a multitude of rules         
concerning exceptions to persons1       
things1 the form of the action1 the     
niceties of pleading1 and1 as the phrase

 is1 motions in arrest of judgement4    
,formula1 was the set of words necessary
 to be used in the pleadings4 ,see the  
,digest1 lib4 xliv4 tit4 #a4 ,de        
,exceptionibus1 ,prscriptionibus1 et    
,prjudiciis4 ,see also ,cujacius1       
observat4 xxiii4  c ,the oration for    
,marcus ,tullius is highly praised by   
,macrobius1 but is not to be found in   
,cicero's works4 ,the oration for ,aulus
 ,ccina is still extant4 ,the cause was 
about the right of succession to a      
private estate1 which depended on a     
subtle point of law1 arising from the   
interpretation of the prtor's interdict4
 ,it shews ,cicero's exact knowledge and
 skill in the civil law1 and that his   
public character and employment gave no 
interruption to his usual diligence in  
pleading causes4 ,middleton's ,life of  
,cicero1 vol4 i4 p4 #aaf1 #dto edit4  d 
,roscius1 in the last period of the     
republic1 was the comedian1 whom all    
,rome admired for his talents4 ,the     
great esteemed and loved him for his    

morals4 sop1 the tragedian1 was his     
contemporary4 ,horace1 in the epistle to
 ,augustus1 has mentioned them both with
 their proper and distinctive qualities4
          ----,ea cum reprehendere coner
      ,qu ,,gravis ,,sopus1 qu ,,doctus 
,,roscius egit4  ,a certain measured    
gravity of elocution being requisite in 
tragedy1 that quality is assigned to the
 former1 and the latter is called       
,,doctus1 because he was a complete     
master of his art2 so truly learned in  
the principles of his profession1 that  
he possessed1 in a wonderful degree1 the
 secret charm that gave inimitable      
graces to his voice and action4         
,quintilian1 in a few words1 has given a
 commentary on the passage in ,horace4  
,grief1 he says1 is expressed by slow   
and deliberate accents2 for that reason1
 sop spoke with gravity2 ,roscius with  
quickness2 the former being a tragedian1
 the latter a comedian4 ,plus autem     
affectus habent lentiora2 ideoque       
,roscius citatior1 sopus gravior fuit1  

quod ille comdias1 his tragdias egit4   
,lib4 xi4 cap4 #a4 ,cicero was the great
 friend and patron of ,roscius4 ,an     
elegant oration in his behalf is still  
extant4 ,the cause was this3 ,one       
,,fannius had made over to ,roscius a   
young slave1 to be formed by him to the 
stage1 on condition of a partnership in 
the profits which the slave should      
acquire by acting4 ,the slave was       
afterwards killed4 ,roscius prosecuted  
the murderer for damages1 and obtained1 
by composition1 a little farm1 worth    
about eight hundred pounds1 for his     
particular share4 ,,fannius also sued   
separately1 and was supposed to have    
gained as much2 but1 pretending to have 
recovered nothing1 he sued ,,roscius for
 the moiety of what he had received4    
,one cannot but observe1 says ,dr4      
,middleton1 from ,cicero's pleading1 the
 wonderful esteem and reputation in     
which ,roscius then flourished4 ,has    
,roscius1 says he1 defrauded his        
partner8 ,can such a stain stick upon   

such a man2 a man who1 ,i speak it with 
confidence1 has more integrity than     
skill1 more veracity than experience8 a 
man whom the people of ,rome know to be 
a better citizen than he is an actor2   
and1 while he makes the first figure on 
the stage for his art1 is worthy of a   
seat in the senate for his virtue4 ,quem
 populus ,romanus meliorem virum quam   
histrionem esse arbitratur2 qui ita     
dignissimus est scen propter artificium1
 ut dignissimus sit curi propter        
abstinentiam4 ,pro ,roscio ,comdo1 s4   
#ag ,in another place1 ,cicero says1 he 
was such an artist1 as to seem the only 
one fit to appear on the stage2 yet such
 a man1 as to seem the only one who     
should not come upon it at all4 ,cum    
artifex ejusmodi sit1 ut solus dignus   
videatur esse qui in scen spectetur2 tum
 vir ejusmodi est1 ut solus dignus      
videatur1 qui eo non accedat4 ,pro      
,publ4 ,quinctio1 s4 #gh4 ,what ,cicero 
has said in his pleadings might be      
thought oratorical1 introduced merely to

 serve the cause1 if we did not find the
 comedian praised with equal warmth in  
the dialogue ,,de ,,oratore4 ,it is     
there said of ,roscius1 that every thing
 he did was perfect in the kind1 and    
executed with consummate grace1 with a  
secret charm1 that touched1 affected1   
and delighted the whole audience3       
insomuch1 that when a man excelled in   
any other profession1 it was grown into 
a proverb to call him1 ,,the ,,roscius  
,,of ,,his ,,art4 ,videtisne1 quam nihil
 ab eo nisi perfect1 nihil nisi cum summ
 venustate fiat8 nihil1 nisi ita ut     
deceat1 et uti omnes moveat1 atque      
delectet8 ,itaque hoc jam diu est       
consecutus1 ut in quo quisque artificio 
excelleret1 is in suo genere ,roscius   
diceretur4 ,de ,orat4 lib4 i4 s4 #acj4  
,after so much honourable testimony1 one
 cannot but wonder why the ,,doctus     
,,roscius of ,horace is mentioned in    
this ,dialogue with an air of           
disparagement4 ,it may be1 that ,,aper1 
the speaker in this passage1 was        

determined to degrade the orators of    
antiquity2 and the comedian was1        
therefore1 to expect no quarter4        
,dacier1 in his notes on the ,epistle to
 ,augustus1 observes that ,roscius wrote
 a book1 in which he undertook to prove 
to ,cicero1 that in all the stores of   
eloquence there were not so many        
different expressions for one and the   
same thing1 as in the dramatic art there
 were modes of action1 and casts of     
countenance1 to mark the sentiment1 and 
convey it to the mind with its due      
degree of emotion4 ,it is to be lamented
 that such a book has not come down to  
us4 ,it would1 perhaps1 be more valuable
 than the best treatise of rhetoric4    
,ambivius ,turpio acted in most of      
,terence's plays1 and seems to have been
 a manager of the theatre4 ,cicero1 in  
the treatise ,de ,senectute1 says3 ,he1 
who sat near him in the first rows1     
received the greatest pleasure2 but     
still1 those1 who were at the further   
end of the theatre1 were delighted with 

him4 ,turpione ,ambivio magis           
delectatur1 qui in prim cave spectat2   
delectatur tamen etiam qui in ultim4  e 
,,accius and ,,pacuvius flourished at   
,rome about the middle of the sixth     
century from the foundation of the city4
 ,accius1 according to ,horace1 was held
 to be a poet of a sublime genius1 and  
,pacuvius 7who lived to be ninety years 
old7 was respected for his age and      
profound learning4       ,ambigitur     
quoties uter utro sit prior1 aufert     
,,pacuvius docti famam senis1 ,,accius  
alti4                                   
,,epist4 ,,ad ,,aug4 ver4 #ef4          
,velleius ,paterculus says1 that        
,,accius was thought equal to the best  
writers of the ,greek tragedy4 ,he had  
not1 indeed1 the diligent touches of the
 polishing hand1 which we see in the    
poets of ,athens1 but he had more spirit
 and vigour4 ,accius usque in ,grcorum  
comparationem erectus4 ,in illis lim in 
hoc pen plus videri fuisse sanguinis4   
,he is often quoted by ,cicero in his   

book ,de ,natur ,deorum4 ,but after all1
 it is from the great critic1 who gives 
the best account of the ,roman poets1   
orators1 and historians1 that we are to 
take the genuine character of ,,accius  
and ,,pacuvius1 since their works are   
lost in the general mass of ancient     
literature4 ,they were both excellent   
tragic poets3 elevation of sentiment1   
grandeur of expression1 and dignity of  
character1 stamped a value on their     
productions2 and yet1 we must not expect
 to find the grace and elegance of      
genuine composition4 ,to give the       
finishing hand to their works was not   
their practice3 the defect1 however1 is 
not to be imputed to them2 it was the   
vice of the age4 ,force and dignity are 
the characteristics of ,,accius2 while  
the critics1 who wish to be thought deep
 and profound1 admire ,,pacuvius for his
 extensive learning4 ,tragdi scriptores 
,accius atque ,pacuvius1 clarissimi     
sententiarum verborumque pondere1 et    
auctoritate personarum4 ,cterum nitor1  

et summa in excolendis operibus manus1  
magis videri potest temporibus1 quam    
ipsis defuisse4 ,virium tamen ,accio    
plus tribuitur2 ,pacuvium videri        
doctiorem1 qui esse docti affectant1    
volunt4 ,quintil4 lib4 x4 cap4 #a4 ,it  
was the fashion in ,horace's time to    
prefer the writers of the old school to 
the new race that gave so much lustre to
 the ,augustan age4 ,in opposition to   
such erroneous criticism1 the poet      
pronounces a decided judgement1 which   
seems to be confirmed by the opinion of 
,quintilian4       ,si qudam nimis      
antiqu1 si pleraque dur      ,dicere    
credit eos1 ignav multa fatetur1        
,et sapit1 et mecum facit1 et ,jove     
judicat quo4                            
,,epist4 ,,ad ,,august4 ver4 #ff4       
,but that sometimes their style uncouth 
appears1      ,and their harsh numbers  
rudely hurt our ears2      ,or that full
 flatly flows the languid line1         
,he1 who owns this1 has ,jove's assent  
and mine4                               

,,francis',s ,,horace4  f ,lucan was    
nephew to ,seneca1 and a poet of great  
celebrity4 ,he was born1 in the reign of
 ,caligula1 at ,corduba in ,spain4 ,his 
superior genius made ,nero his mortal   
enemy4 ,he was put to death by that     
inhuman emperor1 ,a4,u4,c4 #hah1 in the 
twenty-seventh year of his age4 ,see the
 ,annals1 b4 xv4 s4 #gj4 ,as a writer1  
,quintilian says1 that he possessed an  
ardent genius1 impetuous1 rapid1 and    
remarkable for the vigour of his        
sentiments3 but he chooses to class him 
with the orators1 rather than the poets4
 ,lucanus ardens1 et concitatus1 et     
sententiis clarissimus2 et1 ut dicam    
quod sentio1 magis oratoribus quam      
poetis annumerandus4 ,lib4 x4 cap4 #a4  
,scaliger1 on the other hand1 contends  
that ,lucan was a true poet1 and that   
the critics do but trifle1 when they    
object that he wrote history1 not an    
epic poem4 ,,strada in his ,prolusions1 
has given1 among other imitations1 a    
narrative in ,lucan's manner2 and1      

though he thinks that poet has not the  
skill of ,virgil1 he places him on the  
summit of ,parnassus1 managing his      
,pegasus with difficulty1 often in      
danger of falling from the ridge of a   
precipice1 yet delighting his reader    
with the pleasure of seeing him escape4 
,this is the true character of ,lucan4  
,the love of liberty was his ruling     
passion4 ,it is but justice to add1 that
 his sentiments1 when free from         
antithesis and the ,ovidian manner1 are 
not excelled by any poet of antiquity4  
,from him1 as well as from ,virgil and  
,horace1 the orator is required to cull 
such passages as will help to enrich his
 discourse2 and the practice is         
recommended by ,quintilian1 who         
observes1 that ,cicero1 ,asinius        
,pollio1 and others1 frequently cited   
verses from ,ennius1 ,accius1 ,pacuvius1
 and ,terence1 in order to grace their  
speeches with polite literature1 and    
enliven the imagination of their        
hearers4 ,by those poetic insertions1   

the ear is relieved from the harsh      
monotony of the forum2 and the poets1   
cited occasionally1 serve by their      
authority to establish the proposition  
advanced by the speaker4 ,nam prcipue   
quidem apud ,ciceronem1 frequenter tamen
 apud ,asinium etiam1 et cteros1 qui    
sunt proximi1 vidimus ,,ennii1 ,,accii1 
,,pacuvii1 ,,terentii et aliorum inseri 
versus1 summ non eruditionis mod grati1 
sed etiam jucunditatis2 cum poeticis    
voluptatibus aures a forensi asperitate 
respirent1 quibus accedit non mediocris 
utilitas1 cum sententiis eorum1 velut   
quibusdam testimoniis1 qu proposuere    
confirmant4 ,quintil4 lib4 i4 cap4 #h4  
,section ,,xxi4  a ,there is in this    
place a blunder of the copyists1 which  
almost makes the sentence               
unintelligible4 ,the translator1 without
 entering into minute controversies1    
has1 upon all such occasions1 adopted   
what appeared1 from the context1 to be  
the most probable sense4 ,it remains1   
therefore1 to enquire1 who were the     

several orators here enumerated4        
,,canutius may be the person mentioned  
by ,suetonius ,de ,claris ,rhetoribus4  
,cicero says of ,,arrius1 that he was a 
striking proof of what consequence it   
was at ,rome to be useful to others1 and
 always ready to be subservient to their
 honour1 or to ward off danger4 ,for1 by
 that assiduity1 ,arrius raised himself 
from a low beginning to wealth and      
honours1 and was even ranked in the     
number of orators1 though void of       
learning1 and without genius1 or        
abilities4 ,loco infimo natus1 et       
honores1 et pecuniam1 et gratiam        
consecutus1 etiam in patronorum1 sine   
doctrin1 sine ingenio1 aliquem numerum  
pervenerat4 ,de ,claris ,orat4 s4 #bdc4 
,,furnius may be supposed1 not without  
probability1 to be the person with whom 
,cicero corresponded4 ,epist4 ad        
,familiares1 lib4 x4 ep4 #be1 #bf4 ,with
 regard to ,terrianus we are left in the
 dark4 ,the commentators offer various  
conjectures2 but conjecture is often a  

specious amusement2 the ingenious folly 
of men1 who take pains to bewilder      
themselves1 and reason only to shew     
their useless learning4  b ,the puny    
orators are said to be in an infirmary1 
like sickly men1 who were nothing but   
skin and bone4 ,these1 says ,cicero1    
were admirers of the ,attic manner2 but 
it were to be wished that they had the  
wholesome blood1 not merely the bones1  
of their favourite declaimers4 ,attico  
genere dicendi se gaudere dicunt2 atqui 
utinam imitarentur nec ossa solum1 sed  
etiam et sanguinem4 ,cicero ,de ,claris 
,oratoribus4  c ,what is here said of   
,calvus is not confirmed by the         
judgement of ,quintilian4 ,see s4 xvii4 
note c4 ,his orations1 which were extant
 at the time of this ,dialogue1 are now 
totally lost4  d ,for ,quintilian's     
opinion of ,clius1 see s4 xvii4 note c4 
e ,here again ,quintilian1 that candid  
and able judge1 has given a different   
opinion4 ,see s4 xvii4 note b4 ,it may  
be proper to add the testimony of       

,velleius ,paterculus4 ,csar1 he says1  
had an elevation of soul1 that towered  
above humanity1 and was almost          
incredible2 the rapid progress of his   
wars1 his firmness in the hour of       
danger1 and the grandeur of his vast    
conceptions1 bore a near affinity to    
,alexander1 but to ,alexander neither   
drunk1 nor mad with passion4 ,animo     
super humanam et naturam1 et fidem      
evectus1 celeritate bellandi1 patienti  
periculorum1 magnitudine cogitationum2  
magno illi ,alexandro1 sed sobrio neque 
iracundo1 simillimus4 ,vel4 ,patercul4  
lib4 ii4 s4 #da4 ,even ,cicero tells us1
 that1 of all the eminent orators1 he   
was the person who spoke the ,latin     
language in the greatest purity1 and    
arrived at that consummate perfection by
 study1 by diligent application1 and his
 thorough knowledge of all polite       
literature4 ,illum omnium fer oratorum  
,latin loqui elegantissim3 ut esset     
perfecta illa ben loquendi laus1 multis 
litteris1 et iis quidem reconditis et   

exquisitis1 summoque studio et diligenti
 est consecutus4 ,de ,claris ,orat4 s4  
#beb4  f ,csar's speech for ,decius the 
,samnite1 and all his other productions 
7except the ,commentaries71 are totally 
lost4  g ,this speech of ,brutus is also
 lost with his other works4 ,cicero     
says1 he heard him plead the cause of   
,dejotarus with great elegance1 and a   
flow of harmonious periods4 ,causam     
,dejotari1 fidelissimi atque optimi     
regis1 ornatissim et copiosissim a      
,bruto me audisse defensam4 ,de ,claris 
,orat4 s4 #ba4 ,he tells us in another  
place1 that ,csar observed of ,brutus1  
that whatever he desired1 he desired    
with ardour2 and therefore1 in the cause
 of ,dejotarus1 he exerted himself with 
warmth1 with vehemence1 and great       
freedom of language4 ,quidquid vult1    
vald vult2 ideoque1 cum pro rege        
,dejotaro dixerit1 vald vehementer eum  
visum1 et liber dicere4 ,ad ,attic4 lib4
 xiv4 ep4 #a4 ,the same ,dejotarus was  
afterwards defended by ,cicero before   

,csar himself4 ,see the ,oration pro    
,rege ,dejotaro4  h ,see what is said of
 ,asinius ,pollio1 s4 xii4 note e4  i   
,pliny the younger has the same         
metaphorical allusions1 which we here   
find in the ,dialogue4 ,speaking of the 
difference between the oratorial and    
historical style2 the latter1 he says1  
may be content with the bones1 the      
muscles1 and the nerves2 the former must
 have the prominence of the flesh1 the  
brawny vigour1 and the flowing mane4    
,habent quidem oratio et historia multa 
communia1 sed plura diversa in his      
ipsis1 qu communia videntur4 ,narrat    
sane illa1 narrat hc1 sed aliter4 ,huic 
pleraque humilia1 et sordida1 et ex     
medio petita3 illi omnia recondita1     
splendida1 excelsa conveniunt4 ,hanc    
spius ossa1 musculi1 nervi2 illam tori  
quidam1 et quasi jub decent4 ,lib4 v4   
ep4 #h4  k ,messala ,corvinus has been  
often mentioned4 ,see for him s4 xii4   
note e4   ,section ,,xxii4  a ,the words
 sententia and sensus were technical    

terms with the critics of antiquity4    
,quintilian gives the distinct meaning  
of each1 with his usual precision4      
,according to the established usage1 the
 word sensus signified our ideas or     
conceptions1 as they rise in the mind3  
by sententia was intended1 a            
proposition1 in the close of a period1  
so expressed1 as to dart a sudden       
brilliancy1 for that reason called lumen
 orationis4 ,he says1 these artificial  
ornaments1 which the ancients used but  
sparingly1 were the constant practice of
 the modern orators4 ,consuetudo jam    
tenuit1 ut mente concepta1 ,,sensus     
vocaremus2 lumina autem1 prcipuque in   
clausulis posita1 ,,sententias4 ,qu     
minus crebra apud antiquos1 nostris     
temporibus modo carent4 ,lib4 viii4 cap4
 #e4 ,these luminous sentences1         
,quintilian says1 may be called the eyes
 of an oration2 but eyes are not to be  
placed in every part1 lest the other    
members should lose their function4 ,ego
 vero hc lumina orationis velut oculos  

quosdam esse eloquenti credo3 sed neque 
oculos esse toto corpore velim1 ne ctera
 membra suum officium perdant4 ,lib4    
viii1 cap4 #e4 ,as ,cowley says1        
,jewels at nose and lips but ill appear2
      ,rather than all things1 wit let  
none be there4  b ,in order to form a   
good style1 the sentence should always  
be closed with variety1 strength1 and   
harmony4 ,the ancient rhetoricians held 
this to be so essentially requisite1    
that ,quintilian has given it a full    
discussion4 ,that1 he says1 which       
offends the ear1 will not easily gain   
admission to the mind4 ,words should be 
fitted to their places1 so that they may
 aptly coalesce with one another4 ,in   
building1 the most ill shapen stones may
 be conveniently fixed2 and in like     
manner1 a good style must have proper   
words in proper places1 all arranged in 
order1 and closing the sentence with    
grace and harmony4 ,nihil intrare potest
 in affectum1 quod in aure1 velut quodam
 vestibulo1 statim offendit4 ,non enim  

ad pedes verba dimensa sunt2 ideoque ex 
loco transferuntur in locum1 ut         
jungantur quo congruunt maxim2 sicut in 
structur saxorum rudium etiam ipsa      
enormitas invenit cui applicari1 et in  
quo possit insistere4 ,felicissimus     
tamen sermo est1 cui et rectus ordo1 et 
apta junctura1 et cum his numerus       
opportun cadens contingit4 ,quintil4    
lib4 ix4 cap4 #d4   ,section ,,xxiii4  a
 ,the remark in this place alludes to a 
passage in the oration against ,,piso1  
where we find a frivolous stroke of     
false wit4 ,cicero reproaches ,piso for 
his dissolute manners1 and his          
scandalous debauchery4 ,who1 he says1 in
 all that time1 saw you sober8 ,who     
beheld you doing any one thing1 worthy  
of a liberal mind8 ,did you once appear 
in public8 ,the house of your colleague 
resounded with songs and minstrels3 he  
himself danced naked in the midst of his
 wanton company2 and while he wheeled   
about with alacrity in the circular     
motion of the dance1 he never once      

thought of ,,the ,,wheel ,,of ,,fortune4
 ,quis te illis diebus sobrium1 quis    
agentem aliquid1 quod esset libero      
dignum8 ,quis denique in publico vidit8 
,cum colleg tui domus cantu et cymbalis 
personaret2 cumque ipse nudus in        
convivio saltaret1 in quo ne tum quidem1
 cum illum suum ,,saltatorium ,,versaret
 ,,orbem1 ,,fortun ,,rotam              
pertimescebat4 ,oratio in ,pisonem1     
prima pars1 s4 #bb4 ,delph4 edit4 vol4  
iii4  b ,the passage here alluded to1   
presents us with a double pun4 ,the word
 ,verres is the name of a man1 and also 
signifies a boar pig1 as we read in     
,horace1 ,verris obliquum meditantis    
ictum4 ,lib4 iii4 ode #bb4 ,the word jus
 is likewise of twofold meaning1        
importing law and sauce1 or broth2      
tepidumque ligurierit jus4 ,lib4 i4 sat4
 #c4 ,the objection to ,cicero is1 that 
playing on both the words1 and taking   
advantage of their ambiguous meaning1 he
 says it could not be matter of wonder  
that the ,verrian jus was such bad      

,,hog-,,soup4 ,the wit 7if it deserves  
that name7 is mean enough2 but1 in      
justice to ,cicero1 it should be        
remembered1 that he himself calls it    
frigid1 and says1 that the men1 who in  
their anger could be so very facetious1 
as to blame the priest who did not      
sacrifice such a hog 7,verres71 were    
idle and ridiculous4 ,he adds1 that he  
should not descend to repeat such       
sayings 7for they were neither witty1   
nor worthy of notice in such a cause71  
had he not thought it material to shew1 
that the iniquity of ,,verres was1 in   
the mouth of the vulgar1 a subject of   
ridicule1 and a proverbial joke4 ,hinc  
illi homines erant1 qui etiam ridiculi  
inveniebantur ex dolore3 quorum alii1 ut
 audistis1 negabant mirandum esse1 ,,jus
 tam nequam esse ,,verrinum3 alii etiam 
frigidiores erant2 sed quia             
stomachabantur1 ridiculi videbantur     
esse1 cum ,,sacerdotem execrabantur1 qui
 ,,verrem tam nequam reliquisset1 ,qu   
ego non commemorarem 7neque enim        

perfacet dicta1 neque porro hac         
severitate digna sunt7 nisi vos id      
vellem recordari1 istius nequitiam et   
iniquitatem tum in ore vulgi1 atque     
communibus proverbiis esse versatam4 ,in
 ,verrem1 lib4 i4 pars tertia1 s4 #aba4 
c ,quintilian acknowledges that the     
words esse videatur 7it seems to be7    
occur frequently in ,cicero's ,orations4
 ,he adds1 that he knew several1 who    
fancied that they had performed wonders1
 when they placed that phrase in the    
close of a sentence4 ,noveram quosdam1  
qui se pulchr expressisse genus illud   
clestis hujus in dicendo viri sibi      
viderentur1 si in clausul posuissent    
esse videatur4 ,quintil4 lib4 x4 cap4   
#b4  d ,the species of composition1     
called satire1 was altogether of ,roman 
growth4 ,lucilius had the honour of     
being the inventor2 and he succeeded so 
well1 that even in ,quintilian's time1  
his admirers preferred him not only to  
the writers who followed in the same    
way1 but to all poets of every          

denomination4 ,lucilius quosdam ita     
deditos sibi adhuc habet imitatores1 ut 
eum non ejusdem modo operis1 sed omnibus
 poetis prferre non dubitent4 ,lib4 x4  
cap4 #a4 ,the great critic1 however1    
pronounces judgement in favour of       
,horace1 who1 he says1 is more terse and
 pure2 a more acute observer of life1   
and qualified by nature to touch the    
ridicule of the manners with the nicest 
hand4 ,multo est tersior1 ac purus magis
 ,horatius1 et ad notandos hominum mores
 prcipuus4  e ,lucretius is not without 
his partisans at this hour4 ,many of the
 ,french critics speak of him with      
rapture2 and1 in ,england1 ,dr4 ,wharton
 of ,winchester seems to be at the head 
of his admirers4 ,he does not scruple to
 say that ,lucretius had more spirit1   
fire1 and energy1 more of the vivida vis
 animi1 than any of the ,roman poets4   
,it is neither safe nor desirable to    
differ from so fine a genius as ,dr4    
,wharton4 ,the passages which he has    
quoted from his favourite poet1 shew    

great taste in the selection4 ,it should
 be remembered1 however1 that           
,quintilian does not treat ,lucretius   
with the same passionate fondness4 ,he  
places ,virgil next to ,homer2 and the  
rest1 he says1 of the ,roman poets      
follow at a great distance4 ,,macer and 
,,lucretius deserve to be read3 they    
have handled their respective subjects  
with taste and elegance2 but ,macer has 
no elevation1 and ,lucretius is not     
easily understood4 ,cteri omnes longe   
sequuntur4 ,nam ,,macer et ,,lucretius  
legendi quidem2 elegantes in su quisque 
materi1 sed alter humilis1 alter        
difficilis4 ,lib4 x4 cap4 #a4 ,statius1 
the poet1 who flourished in the reign of
 ,domitian1 knew the value of           
,lucretius1 and1 in one line1 seems to  
have given his true character2 et docti 
furor arduus ,lucreti2 but had he been  
to decide between him and ,virgil1 it is
 probable1 that he would say to         
,lucretius1 as he did to himself1       
----,nec tu divinam neida tenta1        

,sed longe sequere1 et vestigia semper  
adora4                     ,,thebaidos  
lib4 xii4 ver4 #haf4   f ,aufidius      
,bassus and ,servilius ,nonianus were   
writers of history4 ,bassus1 according  
to ,quintilian1 deserved great          
commendation1 particularly in his       
,history of the ,german war4 ,in some of
 his other works he fell short of       
himself4 ,servilius ,nonianus was known 
to ,quintilian1 and1 in that critic's   
judgement1 was an author of considerable
 merit1 sententious in his manner1 but  
more diffuse than becomes the historic  
character4 ,see ,quintilian1 lib4 x4    
cap4 #a4 ,the death of ,,servilius1 an  
eminent orator and historian1 is        
mentioned by ,tacitus in the ,annals1 b4
 xiv4 s4 #ai2 but the additional name of
 ,,nonianus is omitted4 ,the passage1   
however1 is supposed to relate to the   
person commended by ,quintilian4 ,he    
died in the reign of ,nero1 ,a4,u4,c4   
#hab2 of the ,christian ra #ei4  g      
,varro was universally allowed to be the

 most learned of the ,romans4 ,he wrote 
on several subjects with profound       
erudition4 ,quintilian says1 he was     
completely master of the ,latin         
language1 and thoroughly conversant in  
the antiquities of ,greece and ,rome4   
,his works will enlarge our sphere of   
knowledge1 but can add nothing to       
eloquence4 ,peritissimus lingu ,latin1  
et omnis antiquitatis1 et rerum         
,grcarum1 nostrarumque2 plus tamen      
scienti collaturus1 quam eloquenti4     
,lib4 x4 cap4 #a4  ,sisenna1 we are told
 by ,cicero1 was a man of learning1 well
 skilled in the ,roman language1        
acquainted with the laws and            
constitution of his country1 and        
possessed of no small share of wit2 but 
eloquence was not his element1 and his  
practice in the forum was               
inconsiderable4 ,see ,de ,claris        
,oratoribus1 s4 #bbh4 ,in a subsequent  
part of the same work1 ,cicero says1    
that ,sisenna was of opinion1 that to   
use uncommon words was the perfection of

 style4 ,to prove this he relates a     
pleasant anecdote4 ,one ,caius ,rufus   
carried on a prosecution4 ,sisenna      
appeared for the defendant2 and1 to     
express his contempt of his adversary1  
said that many parts of the charge      
deserved to be spit upon4 ,for this     
purpose he coined so strange a word1    
that the prosecutor implored the        
protection of the judges4 ,i do not1    
said he1 understand ,sisenna2 ,i am     
circumvented2 ,i fear that some snare is
 laid for me4 ,what does he mean by     
sputatilica8 ,i know that sputa is      
spittle3 but what is tilica8 ,the court 
laughed at the oddity of a word so      
strangely compounded4 ,rufio accusante  
,chritilium1 ,sisenna defendens dixit   
qudam ejus ,,sputatilica esse crimina4  
,tum ,caius ,rufius1 ,circumvenior1     
inquit1 judices1 nisi subvenitis4       
,sisenna quid dicat nescio2 metuo       
insidias4 ,,sputatilica6 quid est hoc8  
,sputa quid sit1 scio2 tilica nescio4   
,maximi risus1 ,de ,claris ,oratoribus1 

s4 #bfj4 ,whether this was the same     
,sisenna1 who is said in the former     
quotation to have been a correct        
speaker1 does not appear with any degree
 of certainty4  h ,for the character of 
,secundus1 see s4 ii4 note c4  i        
,quintilian says1 the merit of a fine   
writer flourishes after his death1 for  
envy does not go down to posterity4 ,ad 
posteros enim virtus durabit1 nec       
perveniet invidia4 ,lib4 iii4 c4 #a4    
,envy is always sure to pursue living   
merit2 and therefore1 ,cleo observes to 
,alexander1 that ,hercules and ,bacchus 
were not numbered among the gods1 till  
they conquered the malignity of their   
contemporaries4 ,nec ,herculem1 nec     
,patrem ,liberum1 prius dicatos deos1   
qum vicissent secum viventium invidiam4 
,quintus ,curtius1 lib4 viii4 s4 #ah4   
,pliny the younger has a beautiful      
epistle on this subject4 ,after         
praising1 in the highest manner1 the    
various works of ,pompeius ,saturninus1 
he says to his correspondent1 ,let it be

 no objection to such an author1 that he
 is still living4 ,if he flourished in a
 distant part of the world1 we should   
not only procure his books1 but we      
should have his picture in our houses3  
and shall his fame be tarnished1 because
 we have the man before our eyes8 ,shall
 malignity make us cease to admire him1 
because we see him1 hear him1 esteem and
 love him8 ,neque enim debet operibus   
ejus obesse1 ,,quod ,,vivit4 ,an si     
inter eos1 quos nunquam vidimus1        
floruisset1 non solum libros ejus1 verum
 etiam imagines conquireremus1 ejusdem  
nunc honor prsentis et gratia quasi     
satietate languescet8 ,at hoc pravum    
malignumque est1 non admirari hominem   
admiratione dignissimum1 quia videre1   
alloqui1 audire1 complecti1 nec laudare 
tantum1 verum etiam amare contingit4    
,lib4 i4 ep4 #af4   ,section ,,xxiv4  a 
,in the ,dialogues of ,plato1 and others
 of the academic school1 the ablest     
philosophers occasionally supported a   
wrong hypothesis1 in order to provoke a 

thorough discussion of some important   
question4  b ,cicero was killed on the  
seventh of ,december1 in the consulship 
of ,hirtius and ,pansa1 ,a4,u4,c4 #gaa2 
before ,christ1 #dc4 ,from that time to 
the sixth of ,vespasian the number of   
years is exactly #aag2 though in the    
,dialogue said to be #abj4 ,see s4 xvii4
 note e4   ,section ,,xxv4  a ,see      
,plutarch's ,lives of ,lysias1          
,lycurgus1 ,demosthenes1 and ,hyperides4
 ,see also the elegant translation of   
the ,orations of ,lysias1 by ,dr4       
,gillies4  b ,for ,quintilian's opinion 
of ,csar's eloquence1 see s4 xvii4 note 
b4 ,to what is there said may be added  
the authority of ,cicero1 who fairly    
owns1 that ,csar's constant habit of    
speaking his language with purity and   
correctness1 exempted him from all the  
vices of the corrupt style adopted by   
others4 ,to that politeness of          
expression which every well-bred        
citizen1 though he does not aspire to be
 an orator1 ought to practise1 when     

,csar adds the splendid ornaments of    
eloquence1 he may then be said to place 
the finest pictures in the best light4  
,in his manner there is nothing         
mechanical1 nothing of professional     
craft3 his voice is impressive1 and his 
action dignified4 ,to air these         
qualities he unites a certain majesty of
 mien and figure1 that bespeaks a noble 
mind4 ,csar autem rationem adhibens1    
consuetudinem vitiosam et corruptam pur 
et incorrupt consuetudine emendat4      
,itaque cum ad hanc elegantiam verborum 
,latinorum1 qu etiam si orator non sis1 
et sis ingenuus civis ,romanus1 tamen   
necessaria est1 adjungit illa oratorio1 
ornamenta dicendi2 tum videtur tanquam  
tabulas bene pictas collocare in bono   
lumine4 ,hanc cum habeat prcipuam laudem
 in communibus1 non video cui debeat    
cedere4 ,splendidam quamdam1 minimeque  
veteratoriam rationem dicendi tenet1    
voce1 motu3 form etiam magnific1 et     
generos quodammodo4 ,de ,claris         
,oratoribus1 s4 #bfa4  ,for ,clius1 see 

s4 xvii4 note c2 and for ,brutus1 the   
same section1 note d4  c ,servius ,galba
 has been already mentioned1 s4 xviii4  
note a4 ,caius ,llius was consul        
,a4,u4,c4 #fad2 before the ,christian   
ra1 #adj4 ,he was the intimate friend of
 ,scipio1 and the patron of ,lucilius1  
the first ,roman satirist4 ,see ,horace1
 lib4 ii4 sat4 i4 ver4 #ga4       ,quin 
ubi se a vulgo et scen in secret remrant
      ,virtus ,scipiad1 et mitis        
sapientia ,ll1      ,nugari cum illo1 et
 discincti ludere1 donec                
,decoqueretur olus1 soliti4       ,when 
,scipio's virtue1 and of milder vein    
,when ,llius' wisdom1 from the busy     
scene      ,and crowd of life1 the      
vulgar and the great4      ,could with  
their favourite satirist retreat1       
,lightly they laugh'd at many an idle   
jest1      ,until their frugal feast of 
herbs was drest4                        
,,francis',s ,,horace4  ,it is probable1
 that the harsh manner of ,lucilius1    
durus componere versus1 infected the    

eloquence of ,llius1 since we find in   
,cicero1 that his style was unpolished1 
and had much of the rust of antiquity4  
,multo tamen vetustior et horridior ille
 quam ,scipio1 et1 cum sint in dicendo  
vari1 voluntates1 delectari mihi magis  
antiquitate videtur1 et lubenter verbis 
etiam uti paulo magis priscis ,llius4   
,de ,claris ,oratoribus1 s4 #hc4        
,section ,,xxvi4  a ,for an account of  
,caius ,gracchus1 see s4 xviii4 note d4 
b ,for ,lucius ,crassus1 see s4 xviii4  
note f4  c ,the false taste of ,mcenas  
has been noted by the poets and critics 
who flourished after his death4 ,his    
affected prettinesses are compared to   
the prim curls1 in which women and      
effeminate men tricked out their hair4  
,seneca1 who was himself tainted with   
affectation1 has left a beautiful       
epistle on the very question that makes 
the main subject of the present         
,dialogue4 ,he points out the causes of 
the corrupt taste that debauched the    
eloquence of those times and imputes the

 mischief to the degeneracy of the      
manners4 ,whatever the man was1 such was
 the orator4 ,talis oratio quails vita4 
,when ancient discipline relaxed1 luxury
 succeeded1 and language became         
delicate1 brilliant1 spangled with      
conceits4 ,simplicity was laid aside1   
and quaint expressions grew into        
fashion4 ,does the mind sink into       
languor1 the body moves reluctantly4 ,is
 the man softened into effeminacy1 you  
see it in his gait4 ,is he quick and    
eager1 he walks with alacrity4 ,the     
powers of the understanding are affected
 in the same manner4 ,having laid this  
down as his principle1 ,seneca proceeds 
to describe the soft delicacy of        
,mcenas1 and he finds the same vice in  
his phraseology4 ,he cites a number of  
the lady-like terms1 which the great    
patron of letters considered as         
exquisite beauties4 ,in all this1 says  
he1 we see the man who walked the       
streets of ,rome in his open and flowing
 robe4 ,nonne statim1 cum hc legis1     

occurrit hunc esse1 qui solutis tunicis 
in urbe semper incesserit8 ,seneca1     
epist4 cxiv4 ,what he has said of       
,mcenas is perfectly just4 ,the         
fopperies of that celebrated minister   
are in this ,dialogue called            
,,calamistri2 an allusion borrowed from 
,cicero1 who praises the beautiful      
simplicity of ,csar's ,commentaries1 and
 says there were men of a vicious taste1
 who wanted to apply the curling-iron1  
that is1 to introduce the glitter of    
conceit and antithesis in the place of  
truth and nature4 ,commentarios quosdam 
scripsit rerum suarum1 valde quidem     
probandos3 nudi enim sunt1 et recti1 et 
venusti1 omni ornatu orationis1 tanquam 
veste1 detracto4 ,ineptis gratum        
fortasse fecit1 qui volunt illa         
,,calamistris inurere4 ,cicero ,de      
,claris ,orat4 s4 #bfb4  d ,who ,gallio 
was1 is not clearly settled by the      
commentators4 ,quintilian1 lib4 iii4    
cap4 #a1 makes mention of ,gallio1 who  
wrote a treatise of eloquence2 and in   

the ,annals1 b4 xv4 s4 #gc1 we find     
,junius ,gallio1 the brother of ,seneca2
 but whether either of them is the      
person here intended1 remains uncertain4
 ,whoever he was1 his eloquence was a   
tinkling cymbal4 ,quintilian says of    
such orators1 who are all inflated1     
tumid1 corrupt1 and jingling1 that their
 malady does not proceed from a full and
 rich constitution1 but from mere       
infirmity2 for1       ,as in bodies1    
thus in souls we find1      ,what wants 
in blood and spirits1 swell'd with wind4
  ,nam tumidos1 et corruptos1 et        
tinnulos1 et quocumque alio cacozeli    
genere peccantes1 certum habeo1 non     
virium1 sed infirmitatis vitio laborare3
 ut corpora non robore1 sed valetudine  
inflantur4 ,quintil4 lib4 ii4 cap4 #c4  
e ,pliny declares1 without ceremony1    
that he was ashamed of the corrupt      
effeminate style that disgraced the     
courts of justice1 and made him think of
 withdrawing from the forum4 ,he calls  
it sing-song1 and says that nothing but 

musical instruments could be added4     
,pudet referre1 qu quam fract           
pronunciatione dicantur2 quibus quam    
teneris clamoribus excipiantur4 ,plausus
 tantum1 ac sola cymbala et tympana1    
illis canticis desunt4 ,pliny1 lib4 ii4 
epist4 #ad4 ,the chief aim of ,persius  
in his first satire is levelled against 
the bad poets of his time1 and also the 
spurious orators1 who enervated their   
eloquence by antithesis1 far-fetched    
metaphors1 and points of wit1 delivered 
with the softest tone of voice1 and     
ridiculous airs of affectation4         
,fur es1 ait ,pedio3 ,pedius quid8      
,crimina rasis      ,librat in          
antithetis2 doctus posuisse figuras     
,laudatur4 ,bellum hoc6 hoc bellum6 an  
,romule ceves8      ,men' moveat quippe1
 et1 cantet si naufragus1 assem         
,protulerim8 ,cantas1 cum fract te in   
trabe pictum      ,ex humero portes8    
,,persius1 sat4 i4 ver4 #he4            
,theft1 says the accuser1 to thy charge 
,i lay1      ,o ,pedius4 ,what does     

gentle ,pedius say8      ,studious to   
please the genius of the times1         
,with periods1 points1 and tropes1 he   
slurs his crimes4      ,he lards with   
flourishes his long harangue3      ',tis
 fine1 say'st thou4 ,what6 to be        
prais'd1 and hang8      ,effeminate     
,roman6 shall such stuff prevail1       
,to tickle thee1 and make thee wag thy  
tail8      ,say1 should a shipwreck'd   
sailor sing his woe1      ,wouldst thou 
be mov'd to pity1 and bestow      ,an   
alms8 ,what's more prepost'rous than to 
see      ,a merry beggar8 wit in misery6
                                        
,,dryden',s ,,persius4  f ,for ,cassius 
,severus1 see s4 xix4 note a4  g        
,gabinianus was a teacher of rhetoric in
 the reign of ,vespasian4 ,eusebius1 in 
his ,chronicon1 eighth of ,vespasian1   
says that ,gabinianus1 a celebrated     
rhetorician1 was a teacher of eloquence 
in ,gaul4 ,gabinianus1 celeberrimi      
nominis rhetor1 in ,galli docuit4 ,his  
admirers deemed him another ,cicero1    

and1 after him1 all such orators were   
called ,,cicerones ,,gabistiani4        
,section ,,xxviii4  a ,in order to brand
 and stigmatise the ,roman matrons who  
committed the care of their infant      
children to hired nurses1 ,tacitus      
observes1 that no such custom was known 
among the savages of ,germany4 ,see     
,manners of the ,germans1 s4 xx4 ,see   
also ,quintilian1 on the subject of     
education1 lib4 i4 cap4 #b and #c4  b   
,cornelia1 the mother of the two        
,gracchi1 was daughter to the first     
,scipio ,africanus4 ,the sons1          
,quintilian says1 owed much of their    
eloquence to the care and institutions  
of their mother1 whose taste and        
learning were fully displayed in her    
letters1 which were then in the hands of
 the public4 ,nam ,gracchorum eloquenti 
multum contulisse accepimus ,corneliam  
matrem1 cujus doctissimus sermo in      
posteros quoque est epistolis traditus4 
,quint4 lib4 i4 cap4 #a4 ,to the same   
effect ,cicero3 ,fuit ,gracchus         

diligenti ,corneli matris a puero       
doctus1 et ,grcis litteris eruditus4 ,de
 ,claris ,orat4 s4 #ajd4 ,again1 ,cicero
 says1 ,we have read the letters of     
,cornelia1 the mother of the ,gracchi1  
from which it appears1 that the sons    
were educated1 not so much in the lap of
 their mother1 as her conversation4     
,legimus epistolas ,corneli1 matris     
,gracchorum3 apparet filios non tam in  
gremio educatos1 quam in sermone matris4
 ,de ,claris ,orat4 s4 #baa4 ,pliny the 
elder informs us that a statue was      
erected to her memory1 though ,cato the 
,censor declaimed against shewing so    
much honour to women1 even in the       
provinces4 ,but with all his vehemence  
he could not prevent it in the city of  
,rome4 ,pliny1 lib4 xxxiv4 s4 #ad4  c   
,for ,aurelia1 the mother of ,julius    
,csar1 see ,the ,genealogical ,table of 
the ,csars1 ,no4 #b4  d ,for ,atia1 the 
mother of ,augustus1 see ,genealogical  
,table of the ,csars1 ,no4 #ad4 ,as     
another instance of maternal care1      

,tacitus informs us that ,julia         
,procilla superintended the education of
 her son4 ,see ,life of ,agricola1 s4   
iv4   ,section ,,xxix4  a ,quintilian   
thinks the first elements of education  
so highly material1 that he has two long
 chapters on the subject4 ,he requires1 
in the first place1 that the language of
 the nurses should be pure and correct4 
,their manners are of great importance1 
but1 he adds1 let them speak with       
propriety4 ,it is to them that the      
infant first attends2 he listens1 and   
endeavours to imitate them4 ,the first  
colour1 imbibed by yarn or thread1 is   
sure to last4 ,what is bad1 generally   
adheres tenaciously4 ,let the child1    
therefore1 not learn in his infancy1    
what he must afterwards take pains to   
unlearn4 ,ante omnia1 ne sit vitiosus   
sermo nutricibus4 ,et morum quidem in   
his haud dubi prior ratio est2 rect     
tamen etiam loquantur4 ,has primm audiet
 puer2 harum verba effingere imitando   
conabitur4 ,et natur tenacissimi sumus  

eorum1 qu rudibus annis percipimus2 nec 
lanarum colores1 quibus simplex ille    
candor mutatus est1 elui possunt4 ,et hc
 ipsa magis pertinaciter hrent1 qu      
deteriora sunt4 ,non assuescat ergo1 ne 
dum infans quidem est1 sermoni1 qui     
dediscendus est4 ,quint4 lib4 i4 cap4   
#a4 ,plutarch has a long discourse on   
the breeding of children1 in which all  
mistakes are pointed out1 and the best  
rules enforced with great acuteness of  
observation4  b ,juvenal has one entire 
satire on the subject of education3     
,nil dictu fdum visuque hc limina       
tangat1      ,intra qu puer est4 ,procul
 hinc1 procul inde puell      ,lenonum1 
et cantus pernoctantis parasiti4        
,maxima debetur puero reverentia4       
,,sat4 xiv4 ver4 #dd4       ,suffer no  
lewdness1 no indecent speech1      ,th' 
apartment of the tender youth to reach4 
,far be from thence the glutton         
parasite1      ,who sings his drunken   
catches all the night4      ,boys from  
their parents may this rev'rence claim4 

,,dryden',s ,,juvenal4  c ,the rage of  
the ,romans for the diversions of the   
theatre1 and public spectacles of every 
kind1 is often mentioned by ,horace1    
,juvenal1 and other writers under the   
emperors4 ,seneca says1 that1 at one    
time1 three ways were wanted to as many 
different theatres3 tribus eodem tempore
 theatris vi postulantur4 ,and again1   
the most illustrious of the ,roman youth
 are no better than slaves to the       
pantomimic performers4 ,ostendam        
nobilissimos juvenes mancipia           
pantomimorum4 ,epist4 #dg4 ,it was for  
this reason that ,petronius lays it down
 as a rule to be observed by the young  
student1 never to list himself in the   
parties and factions of the theatre3    
----,neve plausor in scen      ,sedeat  
redemptus1 histrioni addictus4  ,it is  
well known1 that theatrical parties     
distracted the ,roman citizens1 and rose
 almost to phrensy4 ,they were          
distinguished by the green and the blue1
 ,caligula1 as we read in ,suetonius1   

attached himself to the former1 and was 
so fond of the charioteers1 who wore    
green liveries1 that he lived for a     
considerable time in the stables1 where 
their horses were kept4 ,prasin factioni
 ita addictus et deditus1 ut cnaret in  
stabulo assidue et maneret4 ,life of    
,caligula1 s4 #ee4 ,montesquieu reckons 
such party-divisions among the causes   
that wrought the downfall of the empire4
 ,constantinople1 he says1 was split    
into two factions1 the green and the    
blue1 which owed their origin to the    
inclination of the people to favour one 
set of charioteers in the circus rather 
than another4 ,these two parties raged  
in every city throughout the empire1 and
 their fury rose in proportion to the   
number of inhabitants4 ,justinian       
favoured the blues1 who became so elate 
with pride1 that they trampled on the   
laws4 ,all ties of friendship1 all      
natural affection1 and all relative     
duties1 were extinguished4 ,whole       
families were destroyed2 and the empire 

was a scene of anarchy and wild         
contention4 ,he1 who felt himself       
capable of the most atrocious deeds1    
declared himself a ,,blue1 and the      
,,greens were massacred with impunity4  
,montesquieu1 ,grandeur et ,dcadence des
 ,romains1 chap4 xx4  d ,quintilian1 in 
his tenth book1 chap4 #a4 has given a   
full account of the best ,greek and     
,roman poets1 orators1 and historians2  
and in b4 ii4 ch4 #f1 he draws up a     
regular scheme for the young student to 
pursue in his course of reading4 ,there 
are1 he says1 two rocks1 on which they  
may split4 ,the first1 by being led by  
some fond admirer of antiquity to set   
too high a value on the manner of ,cato 
and the ,gracchi2 for1 in that commerce1
 they will be in danger of growing dry1 
harsh1 and rugged4 ,the strong          
conception of those men will be beyond  
the reach of tender minds4 ,their style1
 indeed1 may be copied2 and the youth   
may flatter himself1 when he has        
contracted the rust of antiquity1 that  

he resembles the illustrious orators of 
a former age4 ,on the other hand1 the   
florid decorations and false glitter of 
the moderns may have a secret charm1 the
 more dangerous1 and seductive1 as the  
petty flourishes of our new way of      
writing may prove acceptable to the     
youthful mind4 ,duo autem genera maxim  
cavenda pueris puto3 unum1 ne quis eos  
antiquitatis nimius admirator in        
,gracchorum1 ,catonisque1 et aliorum    
similium lectione durescere velit4      
,erunt enim horridi atque jejuni4 ,nam  
neque vim eorum adhuc intellectu        
consequentur2 et elocutione1 qu tum sine
 dubio erat optima1 sed nostris         
temporibus aliena1 contenti1 quod est   
pessimum1 similes sibi magnis viris     
videbuntur4 ,alterum1 quod huic diversum
 est1 ne recentis hujus lascivi         
flosculis capti1 voluptate qudam prav   
deliniantur1 ut prdulce illud genus1 et 
puerilibus ingeniis hoc gratius1 quo    
propius est1 adament4 ,such was the     
doctrine of ,quintilian4 ,his practice1 

we may be sure1 was consonant to his own
 rules4 ,under such a master the youth  
of ,rome might be initiated in science1 
and formed to a just taste for eloquence
 and legitimate composition2 but one man
 was not equal to the task4 ,the        
rhetoricians and pedagogues of the age  
preferred the novelty and meretricious  
ornaments of the style then in vogue4   
,section ,,xxx4  a ,this is the         
treatise1 or history of the most eminent
 orators 7,,de ,,claris ,,oratoribus71  
which has been so often cited in the    
course of these notes4 ,it is also      
entitled ,,brutus2 a work replete with  
the soundest criticism1 and by its      
variety and elegance always charming4  b
 ,quintus ,mucius ,scvola was the great 
lawyer of his time4 ,cicero draws a     
comparison between him and ,crassus4    
,they were both engaged1 on opposite    
sides1 in a cause before the            
,,centumviri4 ,crassus proved himself   
the best lawyer among the orators of    
that day1 and ,scvola the most eloquent 

of the lawyers4 ,ut eloquentium juris   
peritissimus ,crassus2 jurisperitorum   
eloquentissimus ,scvola putaretur4 ,de  
,claris ,orat4 s4 #ade4 ,during the     
consulship of ,sylla1 ,a4,u4,c4 #fff1   
,cicero being then in the nineteenth    
year of his age1 and wishing to acquire 
a competent knowledge of the principles 
of jurisprudence1 attached himself to   
,mucius ,scvola1 who did not undertake  
the task of instructing pupils1 but1 by 
conversing freely with all who consulted
 him1 gave a fair opportunity to those  
who thirsted after knowledge4 ,ego autem
 juris civilis studio1 multum oper dabam
 ,q4 ,scvol1 qui quamquam nemini se ad  
docendum dabat1 tamen1 consulentibus    
respondendo1 studiosos audiendi docebat4
 ,de ,claris ,orat4 s4 #cjf4  c ,philo  
was a leading philosopher of the        
academic school4 ,to avoid the fury of  
,mithridates1 who waged a long war with 
the ,romans1 he fled from ,athens1 and1 
with some of the most eminent of his    
fellow-citizens1 repaired to ,rome4     

,cicero was struck with his philosophy1 
and became his pupil4 ,cm princeps      
academi ,philo1 cum ,atheniensium       
optimatibus1 ,mithridatico bello1 domo  
profugisset1 ,romamque venisset1 totum  
ei me tradidi1 admirabili quodam ad     
philosophiam studio concitatus4 ,de     
,claris ,orat4 s4 #cjf4  ,cicero adds1  
that he gave board and lodging1 at his  
own house1 to ,diodotus the stoic1 and1 
under that master1 employed himself in  
various branches of literature1 but     
particularly in the study of logic1     
which may be considered as a mode of    
eloquence1 contracted1 close1 and       
nervous4 ,eram cum stoico ,diodoto3 qui 
cum habitavisset apud me1 mecumque      
vixisset1 nuper est domi me mortuus4 ,a 
quo1 cum in aliis rebus1 tum            
studiosissime in dialectic exercebar1 qu
 quasi contracta et adstricta eloquentia
 putanda est4 ,de ,claris ,orat4 s4     
#cji4  d ,cicero gives an account of his
 travels1 which he undertook1 after     
having employed two years in the        

business of the forum1 where he gained  
an early reputation4 ,at ,athens1 he    
passed six months with ,antiochus1 the  
principal philosopher of the old        
academy1 and1 under the direction of    
that able master1 resumed those abstract
 speculations which he had cultivated   
from his earliest youth4 ,nor did he    
neglect his rhetorical exercises4 ,in   
that pursuit1 he was assisted by        
,demetrius1 the ,syrian1 who was allowed
 to be a skilful preceptor4 ,he passed  
from ,greece into ,asia2 and1 in the    
course of his travels through that      
country1 he lived in constant habits    
with ,menippus of ,stratonica2 a man    
eminent for his learning2 who1 if to be 
neither frivolous1 nor unintelligible1  
is the character of ,attic eloquence1   
might fairly be called a disciple of    
that school4 ,he met with many other    
professors of rhetoric1 such as         
,dionysius of ,magnesia1 schylus of     
,cnidos1 and ,zenocles of ,adramytus2   
but not content with their assistance1  

he went to ,rhodes1 and renewed his     
friendship with ,,molo1 whom he had     
heard at ,rome1 and knew to be an able  
pleader in real causes2 a fine writer1  
and a judicious critic1 who could1 with 
a just discernment of the beauties as   
well as the faults of a composition1    
point out the road to excellence1 and   
improve the taste of his scholars4 ,in  
his attention to the ,roman orator1 the 
point he aimed at 7,cicero will not say 
that he succeeded7 was1 to lop away     
superfluous branches1 and confine within
 its proper channel a stream of         
eloquence1 too apt to swell above all   
bounds1 and overflow its banks4 ,after  
two years thus spent in the pursuit of  
knowledge1 and improvement in his       
oratorical profession1 ,cicero returned 
to ,rome almost a new man4 ,is 7,,molo7 
dedit operam 7si modo id consequi       
potuit7 ut nimis redundantes nos1 et    
superfluentes juvenili quadam dicendi   
impunitate1 et licenti1 reprimeret1 et  
quasi extra ripas diffluentes crceret4  

,ita recepi me biennio post1 non modo   
exercitatior1 sed prop mutatus4 ,see ,de
 ,claris ,oratoribus1 s4 #cae and #caf4 
e ,cicero is here said to have been a   
complete master of philosophy1 which1   
according to ,quintilian1 was divided   
into three branches1 namely1 physics1   
ethics1 and logic4 ,it has been         
mentioned in this section1 note c1 that 
,cicero called logic a contracted and   
close mode of eloquence4 ,that          
observation is fully explained by       
,quintilian4 ,speaking of logic1 the    
use1 he says1 of that contentious art1  
consists in just definition1 which      
presents to the mind the precise idea2  
and in nice discrimination1 which marks 
the essential difference of things4 ,it 
is this faculty that throws a sudden    
light on every difficult question1      
removes all ambiguity1 clears up what   
was doubtful1 divides1 develops1 and    
separates1 and then collects the        
argument to a point4 ,but the orator    
must not be too fond of this close      

combat4 ,the minute attention1 which    
logic requires1 will exclude what is of 
higher value2 while it aims at          
precision1 the vigour of the mind is    
lost in subtlety4 ,we often see men1 who
 argue with wonderful craft2 but1 when  
petty controversy will no longer serve  
their purpose1 we see the same men      
without warmth or energy1 cold1 languid1
 and unequal to the conflict2 like those
 little animals1 which are brisk in     
narrow places1 and by their agility     
baffle their pursuers1 but in the open  
field are soon overpowered4 ,hc pars    
dialectica1 sive illam dicere malimus   
disputatricem1 ut est utilis spe et     
finitionibus1 et comprehensionibus1 et  
separandis qu sunt differentia1 et      
resolvend ambiguitate1 et distinguendo1 
dividendo1 illiciendo1 implicando2 ita  
si totum sibi vindicaverit in foro      
certamen1 obstabit melioribus1 et sectas
 ad tenuitatem vires ips subtilitate    
consumet4 ,itaque reperias quosdam in   
disputando mir callidos2 cum ab ill ver 

cavillatione discesserint1 non magis    
sufficere in aliquo graviori actu1 quam 
parva qudam animalia1 qu in angustiis   
mobilia1 campo deprehenduntur4 ,quint4  
lib4 xii4 cap4 #b4  ,ethics1 or moral   
philosophy1 the same great critic holds 
to be indispensably requisite4 ,jam     
quidem pars illa moralis1 qu dicitur    
ethice1 cert tota oratori est           
accommodata4 ,nam in tant causarum      
varietate1 nulla fer dici potest1 cujus 
non parte aliqu tractatus qui et boni   
reperiantur4 ,lib4 xii4 ,unless the mind
 be enriched with a store of knowledge1 
there may he loquacity1 but nothing that
 deserves the name of oratory4          
,eloquence1 says ,lord ,bolingbroke1    
must flow like a stream that is fed by  
an abundant spring1 and not spout forth 
a little frothy stream1 on some gaudy   
day1 and remain dry for the rest of the 
year4 ,see ,spirit of ,patriotism4      
,with regard to natural philosophy1     
,quintilian has a sentiment so truly    
sublime1 that to omit it in this place  

would look like insensibility4 ,if1 says
 he1 the universe is conducted by a     
superintending ,providence1 it follows  
that good men should govern the nations 
of the earth4 ,and if the soul of man is
 of celestial origin1 it is evident that
 we should tread in the paths of virtue1
 all aspiring to our native source1 not 
slaves to passion1 and the pleasures of 
the world4 ,these are important topics2 
they often occur to the public orator1  
and demand all his eloquence4 ,nam si   
regitur providenti mundus1 administranda
 cert bonis viris erit respublica4 ,si  
divina nostris animis origo1 tendendum  
ad virtutem1 nec voluptatibus terreni   
corporis serviendum4 ,an hoc non        
frequenter tractabit orator8 ,quint4    
lib4 xii4 cap4 #b4   ,section ,,xxxi4  a
 ,quintilian1 as well as ,seneca1 has   
left a collection of                    
school-declamations1 but he has given   
his opinion of all such performances4   
,they are mere imitation1 and1 by       
consequence1 have not the force and     

spirit which a real cause inspires4 ,in 
public harangues1 the subject is founded
 in reality2 in declamations1 all is    
fiction4 ,omnis imitatio ficta est2 quo 
fit ut minus sanguinis ac virium        
declamationes habeant1 quam orationes2  
quod in his vera1 in illis assimulata   
materia est4 ,lib4 x4 cap4 #b4          
,petronius has given a lively           
description of the rhetoricians of his  
time4 ,the consequence1 he says1 of     
their turgid style1 and the pompous     
swell of sounding periods1 has ever been
 the same3 when their scholars enter the
 forum1 they look as if they were       
transported into a new world4 ,the      
teachers of rhetoric have been the bane 
of all true eloquence4 ,hc ipsa         
tolerabilia essent1 si ad eloquentiam   
ituris viam facerent3 nunc et rerum     
tumore1 et sententiarum vanissimo       
strepitu1 hoc tantum proficiunt1 ut quum
 in forum venerint1 putent se in alium  
terrarum orbem delatos4 ,pace vestr     
liceat dixisse1 primi omnium eloquentiam

 perdidistis4 ,petron4 in ,satyrico1    
cap4 #a and #b4 ,that gay writer1 who   
passed his days in luxury and voluptuous
 pleasures 7see his character1 ,annals1 
b4 xvi4 s4 #ah71 was1 amidst all his    
dissipation1 a man of learning1 and1 at 
intervals1 of deep reflection4 ,he knew 
the value of true philosophy1 and1      
therefore1 directs the young orator to  
the ,socratic school1 and to that plan  
of education which we have before us in 
the present ,dialogue4 ,he bids his     
scholar begin with ,homer1 and there    
drink deep of the ,pierian spring3 after
 that1 he recommends the moral system2  
and1 when his mind is thus enlarged1 he 
allows him to wield the arms of         
,demosthenes4                           
----,det primos versibus annos1         
,moniumque bibat felici pectore fontem3 
,mox et ,socratico plenus grege mutet   
habenas      ,liber1 et ingentis quatiat
 ,demosthenis arma4  b ,cicero has left 
a book1 entitled ,,topica1 in which he  
treats at large of the method of finding

 proper arguments4 ,this1 he observes1  
was executed by ,aristotle1 whom he     
pronounces the great master both of     
invention and judgement4 ,cum omnis     
ratio diligens disserendi duas habeat   
partes2 unam ,,inveniendi1 alteram      
,,judicandi2 utriusque princeps1 ut mihi
 quidem videtur1 ,aristoteles fuit4     
,ciceronis ,topica1 s4 vi4 ,the sources 
from which arguments may be drawn1 are  
called ,,loci ,,communes1 ,,common      
,,places4 ,to supply the orator with    
ample materials1 and to render him      
copious on every subject1 was the design
 of the ,greek preceptor1 and for that  
purpose he gave his ,,topica4           
,aristoteles adolescentes1 non ad       
philosophorum morem tenuiter disserendi1
 sed ad copiam rhetorum in utramque     
partem1 ut ornatius et uberius dici     
posset1 exercuit2 idemque locos 7sic    
enim appellat7 quasi argumentorum notas 
tradidit1 unde omnis in utramque partem 
traheretur oratio4 ,cicero1 ,de         
,oratore4 ,aristotle was the most       

eminent of ,plato's scholars3 he retired
 to a gymnasium1 or place of exercise1  
in the neighbourhood of ,athens1 called 
the ,lyceum1 where1 from a custom1 which
 he and his followers observed1 of      
discussing points of philosophy1 as they
 walked in the porticos of the place1   
they obtained the name of ,peripatetics1
 or the walking philosophers4 ,see      
,middleton's ,life of ,cicero1 vol4 ii4 
p4 #ecg1 #dto edit4  c ,the academic    
sect derived its origin from ,socrates1 
and its name from a celebrated          
gymnasium1 or place of exercise1 in the 
suburbs of ,athens1 called the ,academy1
 after ,ecademus1 who possessed it in   
the time of the ,tyndarid4 ,it was      
afterwards purchased1 and dedicated to  
the public1 for the convenience of walks
 and exercises for the citizens of      
,athens4 ,it was gradually improved with
 plantations1 groves and porticos for   
the particular use of the professors or 
masters of the academic school2 where   
several of them are said to have spent  

their lives1 and to have resided so     
strictly1 as scarce ever to have come   
within the city4 ,see ,middleton's ,life
 of ,cicero1 #dto edit4 vol4 ii4 p4     
#ecf4 ,plato1 and his followers1        
continued to reside in the porticos of  
the academy4 ,they chose                
----,the green retreats      ,of        
,academus1 and the thymy vale1          
,where1 oft inchanted with ,socratic    
sounds1      ,ilyssus pure devolv'd his 
tuneful stream      ,in gentle murmurs4 
,,akenside1 ,,pleas4 ,,of ,,imag4  ,for 
dexterity in argument1 the orator is    
referred to this school1 for the reason 
given by ,quintilian1 who says that the 
custom of supporting an argument on     
either side of the question1 approaches 
nearest to the orator's practice in     
forensic causes4 ,academiam quidam      
utilissimam credunt1 quod mos in        
utramque partem disserendi ad           
exercitationem forensium causarum proxim
 accedat4 ,lib4 xii4 cap4 #b ,quintilian
 assures us that we are indebted to the 

academic philosophy for the ablest      
orators1 and it is to that school that  
,horace sends his poet for instruction3 
,rem tibi ,socratic poterunt ostendere  
chart1      ,verbaque provisam rem non  
invita sequentur4                       
,,ars ,,poet4 ver4 #caj4       ,good    
sense1 that fountain of the muse's art1 
,let the rich page of ,socrates impart2 
,and if the mind with clear conception  
glow1      ,the willing words in just   
expressions flow4                       
,,francis',s ,,horace4  d ,epicurus made
 frequent use of the rhetorical figure  
called exclamation2 and in his life1 by 
,diogenes ,lrtius1 we find a variety of 
instances4 ,it is for that manner of    
giving animation to a discourse that    
,epicurus is mentioned in the ,dialogue4
 ,for the rest1 ,quintilian tells us    
what to think of him4 ,epicurus1 he     
says1 dismisses the orator from his     
school1 since he advises his pupil to   
pay no regard to science or to method4  
,epicurus imprimis nos a se ipse        

dimittit1 qui fugere omnem disciplinam  
navigatione quam velocissima jubet4     
,lib4 xii4 cap4 #b4 ,metrodorus was the 
favourite disciple of ,epicurus4        
,brotier says that a statue of the      
master and the scholar1 with their heads
 joined together1 was found at ,rome in 
the year #agdc4  ,it is worthy of       
notice1 that except the stoics1 who1    
without aiming at elegance of language1 
argued closely and with vigour1         
,quintilian proscribes the remaining    
sects of philosophers4 ,aristippus1 he  
says1 placed his summum bonum in bodily 
pleasure1 and therefore could be no     
friend to the strict regimen of the     
accomplished orator4 ,much less could   
,pyrrho be of use1 since he doubted     
whether there was any such thing in     
existence as the judges before whom the 
cause must be pleaded4 ,to him the party
 accused1 and the senate1 were alike    
non-entities4 ,neque vero ,aristippus1  
summum in voluptate corpora bonum       
ponens1 ad hunc nos laborem adhortetur4 

,pyrrho quidem1 quas in hoc opere partes
 habere potest8 cui judices esse apud   
quos verba faciat1 et reum pro quo      
loquatur1 et senatum1 in quo sit dicenda
 sententia1 non liquebat4 ,quintil4 lib4
 xii4 cap4 #b4   ,section ,,xxxii4  a   
,we are told by ,quintilian1 that       
,demosthenes1 the great orator of       
,greece1 was an assiduous hearer of     
,plato3 ,constat ,demosthenem1 principem
 omnium ,grci oratorum1 dedisse operam  
,platoni4 ,lib4 xii4 cap4 #b4 ,and      
,cicero expressly says1 that1 if he     
might venture to call himself an orator1
 he was made so1 not by the manufacture 
of the schools of rhetoric1 but in the  
walks of the ,academy4 ,fateor me       
oratorem1 si modo sim1 aut etiam        
quicumque sim1 non ex rhetorum          
officinis1 sed ex ,academi spatiis      
extitisse4 ,ad ,brutum ,orator1 s4 #ab4 
,section ,,xxxiii4  a ,the ancient      
critics made a wide distinction1 between
 a mere facility of speech1 and what    
they called the oratorical faculty4     

,this is fully explained by ,asinius    
,pollio1 who said of himself1 that by   
pleading at first with propriety1 he    
succeeded so far as to be often called  
upon2 by pleading frequently1 he began  
to lose the propriety with which he set 
out2 and the reason was1 by constant    
practice he acquired rashness1 not a    
just confidence in himself2 a fluent    
facility1 not the true faculty of an    
orator4 ,commod agenda factum est1 ut   
spe agerem2 spe agenda1 ut minus commod2
 quia scilicet nimia facilitas magis    
quam facultas1 nec fiducia1 sed         
temeritas1 paratur4 ,quintil4 lib4 xii4 
,section ,,xxxiv4  a ,there is in this  
place a trifling mistake1 either in     
,messala1 the speaker1 or in the        
copyists4 ,crassus was born ,a4,u4,c4   
#fad4 ,see s4 xviii4 note f4 ,papirius  
,carbo1 the person accused1 was consul  
,a4,u4,c4 #fcd1 and the prosecution was 
in the following year1 when ,crassus    
expressly says1 that he was then only   
one and twenty4 ,quippe qui omnium      

maturrim ad publicas causas accesserim1 
annosque natus ,,unum ,,et ,,viginti1   
nobilissimum hominem et eloquentissimum 
in judicium vocrim4 ,cicero1 ,de ,orat4 
lib4 iii4 s4 #gd4 ,pliny the consul was 
another instance of early pleading4 ,he 
says himself1 that he began his career  
in the forum at the age of nineteen1    
and1 after long practice1 he could only 
see the functions of an orator as it    
were in a mist4 ,undevicessimo tatis    
anno dicere in foro cpi1 et nunc demum1 
quid prstare debeat orator1 adhuc tamen 
per caliginem video4 ,lib4 v4 epist4 #h4
 ,quintilian relates of ,csar1 ,calvus1 
and ,pollio1 that they all three        
appeared at the bar1 long before they   
arrived at their qustorian age1 which   
was seven and twenty4 ,calvus1 ,csar1   
,pollio1 multum ante qustoriam omnes    
tatem gravissima judicia susceperunt4   
,quintilian1 lib4 xii4 cap4 #f4         
,section ,,xxxv4  a ,lipsius1 in his    
note on this passage1 says1 that he once
 thought the word scena in the text     

ought to be changed to schola2 but he   
afterwards saw his mistake4 ,the place  
of fictitious declamation and spurious  
eloquence1 where the teachers played a  
ridiculous part1 was properly called a  
theatrical scene4  b ,lucius ,licinius  
,crassus and ,domitius nobarbus were    
censors ,a4,u4,c4 #ffb4 ,crassus himself
 informs us1 that1 for two years        
together1 a new race of men1 called     
,rhetoricians1 or masters of eloquence1 
kept open schools at ,rome1 till he     
thought fit to exercise his censorian   
authority1 and by an edict to banish the
 whole tribe from the city of ,rome2 and
 this1 he says1 he did1 not1 as some    
people suggested1 to hinder the talents 
of youth from being cultivated1 but to  
save their genius from being corrupted1 
and the young mind from being confirmed 
in shameless ignorance4 ,audacity was   
all the new masters could teach2 and    
this being the only thing to be acquired
 on that stage of impudence1 he thought 
it the duty of a ,roman censor to crush 

the mischief in the bud4 ,latini 7sic   
diis placet7 hoc biennio magistri       
dicendi extiterunt2 quos ego censor     
edicto meo sustuleram2 non quo 7ut      
nescio quos dicere aiebant7 acui ingenia
 adolescentium nollem1 sed1 contra1     
ingenia obtundi nolui1 corroborari      
impudentiam4 ,hos vero novos magistros  
nihil intelligebam posse docere1 nisi ut
 auderent4 ,hoc cum unum traderetur1 et 
cum impudenti ludus esset1 putavi esse  
censoris1 ne longius id serperet1       
providere4 ,de ,orat4 lib4 iii4 s4 #ic  
and #id4 ,aulus ,gellius mentions a     
former expulsion of the rhetoricians1 by
 a decree of the senate1 in the         
consulship of ,fannius ,strabo and      
,valerius ,messala1 ,a4,u4,c4 #eic4 ,he 
gives the words of the decree1 and also 
of the edict1 by which the teachers were
 banished by ,crassus1 several years    
after4 ,see ,a4 ,gellius1 ,noctes       
,attic1 lib4 xv4 cap4 #b4 ,see also     
,suetonius1 ,de ,claris ,rhet4 s4 #a4  c
 ,seneca has left a collection of       

declamations in the two kinds1 viz4 the 
persuasive1 and controversial4 ,see his 
,,suasori1 and ,,controversi4 ,in the   
first class1 the questions are1 ,whether
 ,alexander should attempt the ,indian  
ocean8 ,whether he should enter         
,babylon1 when the augurs denounced     
impending danger8 ,whether ,cicero1 to  
appease the wrath of ,marc ,antony1     
should burn all his works8 ,the subjects
 in the second class are more complex4  
,a priestess was taken prisoner by a    
band of pirates1 and sold to slavery4   
,the purchaser abandoned her to         
prostitution4 ,her person being rendered
 venal1 a soldier made his offers of    
gallantry4 ,she desired the price of her
 prostituted charms2 but the military   
man resolved to use force and insolence1
 and she stabbed him in the attempt4    
,for this she was prosecuted1 and       
acquitted4 ,she then desired to be      
restored to her rank of priestess3 that 
point was decided against her4 ,these   
instances may serve as a specimen of the

 trifling declamations1 into which such 
a man as ,seneca was betrayed by his own
 imagination4 ,petronius has described  
the literary farce of the schools4      
,young men1 he says1 were there trained 
up in folly1 neither seeing nor hearing 
any thing that could be of use in the   
business of life4 ,they were taught to  
think of nothing1 but pirates loaded    
with fetters on the sea-shore2 tyrants  
by their edicts commanding sons to      
murder their fathers2 the responses of  
oracles demanding a sacrifice of three  
or more virgins1 in order to abate an   
epidemic pestilence4 ,all these         
discourses1 void of common sense1 are   
tricked out in the gaudy colours of     
exquisite eloquence1 soft1 sweet1 and   
seasoned to the palate4 ,in this        
ridiculous boy's-play the scholars      
trifle away their time2 they are laughed
 at in the forum1 and still worse1 what 
they learn in their youth they do not   
forget at an advanced age4 ,ego         
adolescentulos existimo in scholis      

stultissimos fieri1 quia nihil ex iis1  
qu in usu habemus1 aut audiunt aut      
vident2 sed piratas cum catenis in      
littore stantes1 et tyrannos edicta     
scribentes1 quibus imperent filiis1 ut  
patrum suorum capita prcidant2 sed      
responsa in pestilenti data1 ut virgines
 tres aut plures immolentur2 sed        
mellitos verborum globos1 et omnia dicta
 factaque quasi papavere et sesamo      
sparsa4 ,nunc pueri in scholis ludunt2  
juvenes ridentur in foro2 et1 quod      
utroque turpius est1 quod quisque       
perperam discit1 in senectute confiteri 
non vult4 ,petron4 in ,satyrico1 cap4 #c
 and #d4  d ,here unfortunately begins a
 chasm in the original4 ,the words are1 
,cum ad veros judices ventum est1 99 99 
99 99 rem cogitare 99 99 99 99 nihil    
humile1 nihil abjectum eloqui poterat4  
,this is unintelligible4 ,what follows  
from the words magna eloquentia sicut   
flamma1 palpably belongs to ,maternus1  
who is the last speaker in the          
,dialogue4 ,the whole of what ,secundus 

said is lost4 ,the expedient has been1  
to divide the sequel between ,secundus  
and ,maternus2 but that is mere         
patch-work4 ,we are told in the first   
section of the ,dialogue1 that the      
several persons present spoke their     
minds1 each in his turn assigning       
different but probable causes1 and at   
times agreeing on the same4 ,there can1 
therefore1 be no doubt but ,secundus    
took his turn in the course of the      
enquiry4 ,of all the editors of         
,tacitus1 ,brotier is the only one who  
has adverted to this circumstance4 ,to  
supply the loss1 as well as it can now  
be done by conjecture1 that ingenious   
commentator has added a ,supplement1    
with so much taste1 and such a degree of
 probability1 that it has been judged   
proper to adopt what he has added4 ,the 
thread of the discourse will be         
unbroken1 and the reader1 it is hoped1  
will prefer a regular continuity to a   
mere vacant space4 ,the inverted comma  
in the margin of the text transcriber's 

note3 not used1 but numbered with       
decimal rather than ,roman numerals will
 mark the supplemental part1 as far as  
section #cf1 where the original proceeds
 to the end of the ,dialogue4 ,the      
sections of the ,supplement will be     
marked1 for the sake of distinction1    
with figures1 instead of the ,roman     
numeral letters4   ,,supplement4        
,section #a4  a ,petronius says1 you may
 as well expect that the person1 who is 
for ever shut up in a kitchen1 should be
 sweet and fresh1 as that young men1    
trained up in such absurd and ridiculous
 interludes1 should improve their taste 
or judgement4 ,qui inter hc nutriuntur1 
non magis sapere possunt1 quam bene     
olere1 qui in culin habitant4           
,petronius1 in ,satyrico1 s4 #b4        
,section #b4  a ,the means by which an  
orator is nourished1 formed1 and raised 
to eminence1 are here enumerated4 ,these
 are the requisites1 that lead to that  
distinguished eloquence1 which is finely
 described by ,petronius1 when he says1 

a sublime oration1 but sublime within   
due bounds1 is neither deformed with    
affectation1 nor turgid in any part1    
but1 depending on truth and simplicity1 
rises to unaffected grandeur4 ,grandis1 
et1 ut ita dicam1 pudica oratio1 non est
 maculosa1 nec turgida1 sed naturali    
pulchritudine exsurgit4 ,petronius1 in  
,satyrico1 s4 #b4   ,section #c4  a     
,maternus engaged for himself and       
,secundus1 that they would communicate  
their sentiments3 see s4 #af4 ,in       
consequence of that promise1 ,messala   
now calls upon them both4 ,they have    
already declared themselves admirers of 
ancient eloquence4 ,it now remains to be
 known1 whether they agree with ,messala
 as to the cause that occasioned a rapid
 decline3 or whether they can produce   
new reasons of their own4   ,section #d4
  a ,secundus proceeds to give his      
opinion4 ,this is managed by ,brotier   
with great art and judgement1 since it  
is evident in the original text that    
,maternus closed the debate4 ,according 

to what is said in the introduction to  
the ,dialogue1 ,secundus agrees with    
,messala upon most points1 but still    
assigns different1 but probable reasons4
 ,a revolution1 he says1 happened in    
literature2 a new taste prevailed1 and  
the worst models were deemed worthy of  
imitation4 ,the emotions of the heart   
were suppressed4 ,men could no longer   
yield to the impulse of genius4 ,they   
endeavoured to embellish their          
composition with novelty2 they sparkled 
with wit1 and amused their readers with 
point1 antithesis1 and forced conceits4 
,they fell into the case of the man1    
who1 according to ,martial1 was         
ingenious1 but not eloquent3       ,cum 
sexaginta numeret ,casselius annos2     
,ingeniosus homo est3 quando disertus   
erit8                              ,lib4
 vii4 epig4 #h4  b ,enough1 perhaps1 has
 been already said in the notes1        
concerning the teachers of rhetoric2 but
 it will not be useless to cite one     
passage more from ,petronius1 who in    

literature1 as well as convivial        
pleasure1 may be allowed to be arbiter  
elegantiarum4 ,the rhetoricians1 he     
says1 came originally from ,asia2 they  
were1 however1 neither known to ,pindar1
 and the nine lyric poets1 nor to       
,plato1 or ,demosthenes4 ,they arrived  
at ,athens in evil hour1 and imported   
with them that enormous frothy          
loquacity1 which at once1 like a        
pestilence1 blasted all the powers of   
genius1 and established the rules of    
corrupt eloquence4 ,nondum umbraticus   
doctor ingenia deleverat1 cum ,pindarus 
novemque lyrici ,homericis versibus     
canere non timuerunt4 ,certe neque      
,platona1 neque ,demosthenem1 ad hoc    
genus exercitationis accessisse video4  
,nuper ventosa isthc et enormis         
loquacitas ,athenas ex ,asia            
commigravit1 animosque juvenum ad magna 
surgentes veluti pestilenti quodam      
sidere afflavit2 simulque corrupt       
eloquenti regula stetit et obtinuit4    
,petron4 ,satyricon1 s4 #b4   ,section  

#e4  a ,when the public taste was       
vitiated1 and to elevate and surprise1  
as ,bayes says1 was the new way of      
writing1 ,seneca is1 with good reason1  
ranked in the class of ingenious1 but   
affected authors4 ,menage says1 if all  
the books in the world were in the fire1
 there is not one1 whom he would so     
eagerly snatch from the flames as       
,plutarch4 ,that author never tires him2
 he reads him often1 and always finds   
new beauties4 ,he cannot say the same of
 ,seneca2 not but there are admirable   
passages in his works1 but when brought 
to the test they lose their apparent    
beauty by a close examination4 ,seneca  
serves to be quoted in the warmth of    
conversation1 but is not of equal value 
in the closet4 ,whatever be the subject1
 he wishes to shine1 and1 by            
consequence1 his thoughts are too       
refined1 and often false4 ,menagiana1   
tom4 ii4 p4 #a4   ,section #f4  a ,this 
charge against ,seneca is by no means   
new4 ,quintilian was his contemporary2  

he saw and heard the man1 and1 in less  
than twenty years after his death1      
pronounced judgement against him4 ,in   
the conclusion of the first chapter of  
his tenth book1 after having given an   
account of the ,greek and ,roman        
authors1 he says1 he reserved ,seneca   
for the last place1 because1 having     
always endeavoured to counteract the    
influence of a bad taste1 he was        
supposed to be influenced by motives of 
personal enmity4 ,but the case was      
otherwise4 ,he saw that ,seneca was the 
favourite of the times1 and1 to check   
the torrent that threatened the ruin of 
all true eloquence1 he exerted his best 
efforts to diffuse a sounder judgement4 
,he did not wish that ,seneca should be 
laid aside3 but he could not in silence 
see him preferred to the writers of the 
,augustan age1 whom that writer         
endeavoured to depreciate1 conscious    
that1 having chosen a different style1  
he could not hope to please the taste of
 those who were charmed with the authors

 of a former day4 ,but ,seneca was still
 in fashion2 his partisans continued to 
admire1 though it cannot be said that   
they imitated him4 ,he fell short of the
 ancients1 and they were still more     
beneath their model4 ,since they were   
content to copy1 it were to be wished   
that they had been able to vie with him4
 ,he pleased by his defects1 and the    
herd of imitators chose the worst4 ,they
 acquired a vicious manner1 and         
flattered themselves that they resembled
 their master4 ,but the truth is1 they  
disgraced him4 ,seneca1 it must be      
allowed1 had many great and excellent   
qualities2 a lively imagination1 vast   
erudition1 and extensive knowledge4 ,he 
frequently employed others to make      
researches for him1 and was often       
deceived4 ,he embraced all subjects2 in 
his philosophy1 not always profound1 but
 a keen censor of the manners1 and on   
moral subjects truly admirable4 ,he has 
brilliant passages1 and beautiful       
sentiments2 but the expression is in a  

false taste1 the more dangerous1 as he  
abounds with delightful vices4 ,you     
would have wished that he had written   
with his own imagination1 and the       
judgement of others4 ,to sum up his     
character2 had he known how to rate     
little things1 had he been above the    
petty ambition of always shining1 had he
 not been fond of himself1 had he not   
weakened his force by minute and        
dazzling sentences1 he would have       
gained1 not the admiration of boys1 but 
the suffrage of the judicious4 ,at      
present he may be read with safety by   
those who have made acquaintance with   
better models4 ,his works afford the    
fairest opportunity of distinguishing   
the beauties of fine writing from their 
opposite vices4 ,he has much to be      
approved1 and even admired3 but a just  
selection is necessary1 and it is to be 
regretted that he did not choose for    
himself4 ,such was the judgement of     
,quintilian3 the learned reader will1   
perhaps1 be glad to have the whole      

passage in the author's words1 rather   
than be referred to another book4 ,ex   
industri ,senecam1 in omni genere       
eloquenti versatum1 distuli1 propter    
vulgatam falso de me opinionem1 qu      
damnare eum1 et invisum quoque habere   
sum creditus4 ,quod1 accidit mihi1 dum  
corruptum1 et omnibus vitiis fractum    
dicendi genus revocare ad severiora     
judicia contendo4 ,tum autem solus hic  
fere in manibus adolescentium fuit4     
,quem non equidem omnino conabar        
excutere1 sed potioribus prferri non    
sinebam1 quos ille non destiterat       
incessere1 cum1 diversi sibi conscius   
generis1 placere se in dicendo posse iis
 quibus illi placerent1 diffideret4     
,amabant autem eum magis1 qum           
imitabantur2 tantumque ab illo          
defluebant1 quantum ille ab antiquis    
descenderat4 ,foret enim optandum1      
pares1 aut saltem proximos1 illi viro   
fieri4 ,sed placebat propter sola vitia1
 et ad ea se quisque dirigebat          
effingenda1 qu poterat4 ,deinde cum se  

jactaret eodem modo dicere1 ,senecam    
infamabat4 ,cujus et mult alioqui et    
magn virtutes fuerunt2 ingenium facile  
et copiosum2 plurimum studii2 et        
multarum rerum cognitio1 in qu tamen    
aliquando ab iis1 quibus inquirenda     
qudam mandabat1 deceptus est4 ,tractavit
 etiam omnem fer studiorum materiam2 ,in
 philosophi parum diligens1 egregius    
tamen vitiorum insectator4 ,multa in eo 
clarque sententi2 multa etiam morum     
grati legenda2 sed in eloquendo corrupta
 pleraque1 atque eo perniciosissima1    
quod abundat dulcibus vitiis4 ,velles   
eum suo ingenio dixisse1 alieno judicio4
 ,nam si aliqua contempsisset2 si parum 
concupisset1 si non omnia sua amasset2  
si rerum pondera minutissimis sententiis
 non fregisset1 consensu potius         
eruditorum1 qum puerorum amore          
comprobaretur4 ,verm sic quoque jam     
robustis1 et severiore genere satis     
firmatis1 legendus1 vel ideo1 quod      
exercere potest utrimque judicium4      
,multa enim 7ut dixi7 probanda in eo1   

multa etiam admiranda sunt2 eligere modo
 cur sit1 quod utinam ipse fecisset4    
,quintil4 lib4 x4 cap4 #a4 ,from this it
 is evident1 that ,seneca1 even in the  
meridian of his fame and power1 was     
considered as the grand corrupter of    
eloquence4 ,the charge is1 therefore1   
renewed in this ,dialogue1 with strict  
propriety4 ,rollin1 who had nourished   
his mind with ancient literature1 and   
was1 in his time1 the ,quintilian of    
,france1 has given the same opinion of  
,seneca1 who1 he says1 knew how to play 
the critic on the works of others1 and  
to condemn the strained metaphor1 the   
forced conceit1 the tinsel sentence1 and
 all the blemishes of a corrupt style1  
without desiring to weed them out of his
 own productions4 ,in a letter to his   
friend 7epist4 #aad71 which has been    
mentioned section xxvi4 note c1 ,seneca 
admits a general depravity of taste1 and
 with great acuteness1 and1 indeed1     
elegance1 traces it to its source1 to   
the luxury and effeminate manners of the

 age2 he compares the florid orators of 
his time to a set of young fops1 well   
powdered and perfumed1 just issuing from
 their toilette3 ,barb et com nitidos1  
de capsul totos2 he adds1 that such     
affected finery is not the true ornament
 of a man4 ,non est ornamentum virile1  
concinnitas4 ,and yet1 says ,rollin1 he 
did not know that he was sitting to     
himself for the picture4 ,he aimed for  
ever at something new1 far fetched1     
ingenious1 and pointed4 ,he preferred   
wit to truth and dignified simplicity4  
,the marvellous was with him better than
 the natural2 and he chose to surprise  
and dazzle1 rather than merit the       
approbation of sober judgement4 ,his    
talents placed him at the head of the   
fashion1 and with those enchanting vices
 which ,quintilian ascribes to him1 he  
was1 no doubt1 the person who           
contributed most to the corruption of   
taste and eloquence4 ,see ,rollin's     
,belles ,lettres1 vol4 i4 sur le ,gout4 
,another eminent critic1 ,l',,abbe      

,,gedoyn1 who has given an elegant      
translation of ,quintilian1 has1 in the 
preface to that work1 entered fully into
 the question concerning the decline of 
eloquence4 ,he admits that ,seneca did  
great mischief1 but he takes the matter 
up much higher4 ,he traces it to ,,ovid1
 and imputes the taste for wit and      
spurious ornament1 which prevailed under
 the emperors1 to the false1 but        
seducing charms of that celebrated poet4
 ,ovid was1 undoubtedly1 the greatest   
wit of his time2 but his wit knew no    
bounds4 ,his fault was1 exuberance4     
,nescivit quod bene cessit relinquere1  
says ,seneca1 who had himself the same  
defect4 ,whatever is ,ovid's subject1   
the redundance of a copious fancy still 
appears4 ,does he bewail his own        
misfortunes2 he seems to think1 that1   
unless he is witty1 he cannot be an     
object of compassion4 ,does he write    
letters to and from disappointed lovers2
 the greatest part flows from fancy1 and
 little from the heart4 ,he gives us the

 brilliant for the pathetic4 ,with these
 faults1 ,ovid had such enchanting      
graces1 that his style and manner       
infected every branch of literature4    
,the tribe of imitators had not the     
genius of their master2 but being       
determined to shine in spite of nature1 
they ruined all true taste and          
eloquence4 ,this is the natural progress
 of imitation1 and ,seneca was well     
aware of it4 ,he tells us that the      
faults and blemishes of a corrupt style 
are ever introduced by some superior    
genius1 who has risen to eminence in bad
 writing2 his admirers imitate a vicious
 manner1 and thus a false taste goes    
round from one to another4 ,hc vitia    
unus aliquis inducit1 sub quo tunc      
eloquentia est3 cteri imitantur2 et     
alter alteri tradunt4 ,epist4 #aad4     
,seneca1 however1 did not know that he  
was describing himself4 ,tacitus says he
 had a genius suited to the taste of the
 age4 ,ingenium amnum et temporis ejus  
auribus accommodatum4 ,he adopted the   

faults of ,ovid1 and was able to        
propagate them4 ,for these reasons1 the 
,abb ,gedoyn is of opinion1 that ,ovid  
began the mischief1 and ,seneca laid the
 axe to the root of the tree4 ,it is    
certain1 that1 during the remaining     
period of the empire1 true eloquence    
never revived4   ,section #g4  a        
,historians have concurred in taxing    
,vespasian with avarice1 in some        
instances1 mean and sordid2 but they    
agree1 at the same time1 that the use   
which he made of his accumulated riches1
 by encouraging the arts1 and extending 
liberal rewards to men of genius1 is a  
sufficient apology for his love of      
money4  b ,titus1 it is needless to say1
 was the friend of virtue and of every  
liberal art4 ,even that monster         
,domitian was versed in polite learning1
 and by fits and starts capable of      
intense application3 but we read in     
,tacitus1 that his studies and his      
pretended love of poetry served as a    
cloak to hide his real character4 ,see  

,history1 b4 iv4 s4 #hf4  c ,pliny the  
younger describes the young men of his  
time rushing forward into the forum     
without knowledge or decency4 ,he was   
told1 he says1 by persons advanced in   
years1 that1 according to ancient usage1
 no young man1 even of the first        
distinction1 was allowed to appear at   
the bar1 unless he was introduced by one
 of consular dignity4 ,but1 in his time1
 all fences of respect and decency were 
thrown down4 ,young men scorned to be   
introduced2 they forced their way1 and  
took possession of the forum without any
 kind of recommendation4 ,at hercule    
ante memoriam meam 7majores natu ita    
solent dicere71 ne nobilissimis quidem  
adolescentibus locus erat1 nisi aliquo  
consulari producente2 tant veneratione  
pulcherrimum opus celebrabatur4 ,nunc   
refractis pudoris et reverenti          
claustris1 omnia patent omnibus4 ,nec   
inducuntur1 sed irrumpunt4 ,plin4 lib4  
ii4 epist4 #ad4   ,section #h4  a ,this 
want of decorum before the tribunals of 

justice would appear incredible1 were it
 not well attested by the younger       
,pliny4 ,the audience1 he says1 was     
suited to the orators4 ,mercenary       
wretches were hired to applaud in the   
courts1 where they were treated at the  
expence of the advocate1 as openly as if
 they were in a banqueting-room4        
,sequuntur auditores actoribus similes1 
conducti et redempti mancipes4          
,convenitur in medi basilic1 ubi tam    
palam sportul quam in triclinio dantur4 
,plin4 lib1 ii4 epist4 #ad4 ,he adds in 
the same epistle1 ,,largius ,,licinius  
first introduced this custom1 merely    
that he might procure an audience4      
,primus hunc audiendi morem induxit     
,largius ,licinius1 hactenus tamen ut   
auditores corrogaret4  b ,this anecdote 
is also related by ,pliny1 in the       
following manner3 ,quintilian1 his      
preceptor1 told him that one day1 when  
he attended ,domitius ,afer in a cause  
before the centumviri1 a sudden and     
outrageous noise was heard from the     

adjoining court4 ,afer made a pause2 the
 disturbance ceased1 and he resumed the 
thread of his discourse4 ,he was        
interrupted a second and a third time4  
,he asked1 who was the advocate that    
occasioned so much uproar8 ,being told1 
that ,licinius was the person1 he       
addressed himself to the court in these 
words3 ,centumvirs6 all true eloquence  
is now at an end4 ,ex ,quintiliano1     
prceptore meo1 audisse memini3 narrabat 
ille1 ,assectabar ,domitium ,afrum1 cum 
apud centumviros diceret graviter et    
lent 7hoc enim illi actionis genus      
erat71 audiit ex proximo immodicum      
insolitumque clamorem2 admiratus        
reticuit2 ubi silentium factum est1     
repetit quod abruperat2 iterum clamor1  
iterum reticuit2 et post silentium1 cpit
 idem tertio4 ,novissim quis diceret    
qusivit4 ,responsum est1 ,licinius4 ,tum
 intermiss caus1 ,,centumviri1 inquit1  
,,hoc ,,artificium ,,periit4 ,lib4 ii4  
ep4 #ad4 ,domitius ,afer has been       
mentioned1 s4 xiii4 note d4 ,to what is 

there said of him may be added a fact   
related by ,quintilian1 who says that   
,afer1 when old and superannuated1 still
 continued at the bar1 exhibiting the   
decay of genius1 and every day          
diminishing that high reputation which  
he once possessed4 ,hence men said of   
him1 he had rather decline than desist4 
,malle eum deficere1 quam desinere4     
,quint4 lib4 xii4 cap4 #aa4  c ,the men 
who applauded for hire1 went from court 
to court to bellow forth their venal    
approbation4 ,pliny says1 ,no longer ago
 than yesterday1 two of my nomenclators1
 both about the age of seventeen1 were  
bribed to play the part of critics4     
,their pay was about three denarii3 that
 at present is the price of eloquence4  
,ex judicio in judicium pari mercede    
transitur4 ,heri duo nomenclatores mei  
7habent sane tatem eorum1 qui nuper     
togas sumpserunt71 ternis denariis ad   
laudandum trahebantur4 ,tanti constat1  
ut sis disertus4 ,lib4 ii4 epist4 #ad4  
d ,the whole account of the trade of    

puffing is related in the ,dialogue1 on 
the authority of ,pliny1 who tells us   
that those wretched sycophants had two  
nick-names2 one in ,greek1 ,greek3      
,sophokleis1 and the other in ,latin1   
,,laudic,,ni2 the former from sophos1   
the usual exclamation of applause1 as in
 ,martial3 ,quid tam grande sophos      
clamat tibi turba1 togata2 the ,latin   
word importing parasites who sold their 
praise for a supper4 ,inde jam non      
inurban ,greek3 ,sophokleis vocantur2   
iisdem nomen ,latinum impositum est1    
,,laudic,,ni4 ,et tamen crescit indies  
fditas utrque lingu notata4 ,lib4 ii4   
epist4 #ad4   ,section #aj4  a ,pliny   
tells us1 that he employed much of his  
time in pleading causes before the      
centumviri2 but he grew ashamed of the  
business1 when he found those courts    
attended by a set of bold young men1 and
 not by lawyers of any note or          
consequence4 ,but still the service of  
his friends1 and his time of life1      
induced him to continue his practice for

 some while longer1 lest he should seem1
 by quitting it abruptly1 to fly from   
fatigue1 not from the indecorum of the  
place4 ,he contrived however to appear  
but seldom1 in order to withdraw himself
 by degrees4 ,nos tamen adhuc et        
utilitas amicorum1 et ratio tatis1      
moratur ac retinet4 ,veremur enim ne    
fort non has indignitates reliquisse1   
sed laborem fugisse videamur4 ,sumus    
tamen solito rariores1 quod initium est 
gradatim desinendi4 ,lib4 ii4 epist4    
#ad4   ,section #aa4  a ,the person here
 distinguished from the rest of the     
rhetoricians1 is the celebrated         
,quintilian1 of whose elegant taste and 
superior judgement it were superfluous  
to say a word4 ,martial has given his   
character in two lines3--               
,quintiliane1 vag moderator summe       
juvent1        ,gloria ,roman1          
,quintiliane1 tog4                      
,lib4 ii4 epig4 #ij4  ,it is generally  
supposed that he was a native of        
,calaguris 7now ,calahorra71 a city in  

,spain1 rendered famous by the martial  
spirit of ,sertorius1 who there stood a 
siege against ,pompey4 ,vossius1        
however1 thinks that he was born a      
,roman2 and ,,gedoyn1 the elegant       
translator mentioned section #f4 note a1
 accedes to that opinion1 since ,martial
 does not claim him as his countryman4  
,the same writer says1 that it is still 
uncertain when ,quintilian was born1 and
 when he died2 but1 after a diligent    
enquiry1 he thinks it probable that the 
great critic was born towards the latter
 end of ,tiberius2 and1 of course1 when 
,domitius ,afer died in the reign of    
,nero1 ,a4,u4,c4 #hab1 ,a4,d4 #ei1 that 
he was then two and twenty4 ,his        
,institutions of an ,orator were written
 in the latter end of ,domitian1 when   
,quintilian1 as he himself says1 was far
 advanced in years4 ,the time of his    
death is no where mentioned1 but it     
probably was under ,nerva or ,trajan4   
,it must not be dissembled1 that this   
admirable author was not exempt from the

 epidemic vice of the age in which he   
lived4 ,he flattered ,domitian1 and that
 strain of adulation is the only blemish
 in his work4 ,the love of literature   
may be said to have been his ruling     
passion2 but1 in his estimation1        
learning and genius are subordinate to  
honour1 truth1 and virtue4   ,section   
#ab4  a ,maternus1 without contradicting
 ,messala or ,secundus1 gives his       
opinion1 viz4 that the decline of       
eloquence1 however other causes might   
conspire1 was chiefly occasioned by the 
ruin of a free constitution4 ,to this he
 adds another observation1 which seems  
to be founded in truth1 as we find that1
 since the revival of letters1 ,spain   
has produced one ,,cervantes2 ,france1  
one ,,moliere2 ,england1 one            
,,shakspeare1 and one ,,milton4         
,section #ac4  a ,examples of short1    
abrupt1 and even sublime speeches out of
 the mouth of ,barbarians1 might1 if the
 occasion required it1 be produced in   
great abundance4 ,mr4 ,locke has        

observed1 that the humours of a people  
may be learned from their usage of      
words4 ,seneca has said the same1 and1  
in epistle cxiv4 has explained himself  
on the subject with acute reasoning and 
beautiful illustration4 ,the whole      
letter merits the attention of the      
judicious critic4 ,the remainder of     
this1 and the whole of the following    
section1 serve to enforce the           
proposition of the speaker1 viz4 that   
,roman eloquence died with public       
liberty4 ,the ,supplement ends here4    
,the original text is resumed in the    
next section1 and proceeds unbroken to  
the end of the ,dialogue4   ,section    
,,xxxvi4  a ,when great and powerful    
eloquence is compared to a flame1 that  
must be supported by fresh materials1 it
 is evident that the sentence is a      
continuation1 not the opening of a new  
argument4 ,it has been observed1 and it 
will not be improper to repeat1 that the
 two former speakers 7,messala and      
,secundus7 having stated1 according to  

their way of thinking1 the causes of    
corrupt eloquence1 ,maternus1 as was    
promised in the outset of the ,dialogue1
 now proceeds to give another reason1   
and1 perhaps1 the strongest of all2     
namely1 the alteration of the government
 from the old republican form to the    
absolute sway of a single ruler4  b ,the
 colonies1 the provinces1 and the       
nations that submitted to the ,roman    
arms1 had their patrons in the capital1 
whom they courted with assiduity4 ,it   
was this mark of distinction that raised
 the ambitious citizen to the first     
honours in the state4 ,to have a number 
of clients1 as well at home as in the   
most important colonies1 was the        
unremitting desire1 the study1 and      
constant labour of all who aimed at     
pre-eminence2 insomuch that1 in the time
 of the old republic1 the men who wished
 to be distinguished patrons1           
impoverished1 and often ruined their    
families1 by their profusion and        
magnificence4 ,they paid court to the   

common people1 to the provinces1 and    
states in alliance with ,rome2 and1 in  
their turn1 they received the homage of 
their clients4 ,see ,annals1 b4 iii4 s4 
#ee4  c ,we read in ,quintilian1 that   
oral testimony1 and depositions signed  
by the witnesses1 were both in use in   
his time4 ,written evidence1 he         
observes1 was easily combated2 because  
the witness who chose to speak in the   
presence of a few who signed his        
attestation1 might be guilty of a       
violation of truth with greater         
confidence2 and besides1 not being cited
 to speak1 his being a volunteer in the 
cause was a circumstance against him1   
since it shewed that he acted with      
ill-will to the opposite party4 ,with   
regard to the witness who gives his     
testimony in open court1 the advocate   
has more upon his hands3 he must press  
him with questions1 and in a set speech 
observe upon his evidence4 ,he must also
 support his own witnesses1 and1        
therefore1 must draw up two lines of    

battle4 ,maximus patronis circa         
testimonia sudor est4 ,ea dicuntur aut  
per tabulas1 aut a prsentibus4          
,simplicior contra tabulas pugna4 ,nam  
et minus obstitisse videtur pudor inter 
paucos signatores1 et pro diffidenti    
premitur absentia4 ,tacit prterea qudam 
significatione refragatur his omnibus1  
quod nemo per tabulas dat testimonium1  
nisi su voluntate2 quo ipso non esse    
amicum ei se1 contra quem dicit1        
fatetur4 ,cum prsentibus ver ingens     
dimicatio est3 ideoque velut duplici    
contra eos1 proque his1 acie            
confligitur1 actionum et                
interrogationum4 ,quint4 lib4 v4 cap4   
#g4   ,section ,,xxxvii4  a ,for an     
account of ,mucianus1 see section #g1   
note c transcriber's note3 reference    
does not match2 also the ,history1 b4   
ii4 s4 #e4 ,suetonius relates that      
,vespasian1 having undertaken to restore
 three thousand brazen plates1 which had
 perished in the conflagration of the   
capital 7see the ,hist4 of ,tacitus1 b4 

iii4 s4 #ga71 ordered a diligent search 
to be made for copies1 and thereby      
furnished the government with a         
collection of curious and ancient       
records1 containing the decrees of the  
senate1 acts of the commons1 and        
treaties of alliance1 almost from the   
building of the city4 ,suetonius1 ,life 
of ,vespasian1 s4 #h4 ,this1 with the   
addition of speeches and letters        
composed by men of eminence1 was1 most  
probably1 the collection published by   
,mucianus4 ,we may be sure that it      
contained a fund of information1 and    
curious materials for history2 but the  
whole is unfortunately lost4  b ,the    
person intended in this place must not  
be confounded with ,lucius ,crassus1 the
 orator celebrated by ,cicero in the    
,dialogue ,,de ,,oratore4 ,what is here 
said1 relates to ,marcus ,crassus1 who  
was joined in the triumvirate with      
,pompey and ,csar2 a man famous for his 
riches1 his avarice1 and his            
misfortunes4 ,while ,csar was engaged in

 ,gaul1 and ,pompey in ,spain1 ,crassus 
invaded ,asia1 where1 in a battle with  
the ,parthians1 his whole army was cut  
to pieces4 ,he himself was in danger of 
being taken prisoner1 but he fell by the
 sword of the enemy4 ,his head was cut  
off1 and carried to ,orodes1 the        
,parthian king1 who ordered liquid gold 
to be infused into his mouth1 that he1  
who thirsted for gold1 might be glutted 
with it after his death4 ,caput ejus    
recisum ad regem reportatum1 ludibrio   
fuit1 neque indigno4 ,aurum enim        
liquidum in rictum oris infusum est1 ut 
cujus animus arserat auri cupiditate1   
ejus etiam mortuum et exangue corpus    
auro uteretur4 ,florus1 lib4 iii4 cap4  
#aa4 ,cicero says1 that with slender    
talents1 and a small stock of learning1 
he was able for some years1 by his      
assiduity and interest1 to maintain his 
rank in the list of eminent orators4    
,mediocriter a doctrin instructus1      
angustius etiam a natur1 labore et      
industri1 et quod adhibebat ad          

obtinendas causas curam etiam1 et       
gratiam1 in principibus patronis aliquot
 annos fuit4 ,in hujus oratione sermo   
,latinus erat1 verba non abjecta1 res   
composit diligenter2 nullus flos tamen1 
neque lumen ullum3 animi magna1 vocis   
parva contentio2 omnia fer ut similiter1
 atque uno modo dicerentur4 ,cicero1 ,de
 ,claris ,oratoribus1 s4 #bcc4  c       
,lentulus succeeded more by his action  
than by real ability4 ,with a quick and 
animated countenance1 he was not a man  
of penetration2 though fluent in speech1
 he had no command of words4 ,his voice 
was sweet and melodious2 his action     
graceful2 and with those advantages he  
was able to conceal all other defects4  
,cneius autem ,lentulus multo majorem   
opinionem dicendi actione faciebat1 quam
 quanta in eo facultas erat2 qui cum    
esset nec peracutus 7quamquam et ex     
facie et ex vultu videbatur7 nec        
abundans verbis1 etsi fallebat in eo    
ipso2 sed voce suavi et canor calebat in
 agendo1 ut ea1 qu deerant1 non         

desiderarentur4 ,cicero1 ,de ,claris    
,oratoribus1 s4 #bcd4 ,metellus1        
,lucullus1 and ,curio1 are mentioned by 
,cicero in the same work4 ,curio was a  
senator of great spirit and popularity4 
,he exerted himself with zeal and ardour
 for the legal constitution and the     
liberties of his country against the    
ambition of ,julius ,csar1 but          
afterwards sold himself to that artful  
politician1 and favoured his designs4   
,the calamities that followed are by the
 best historians laid to his charge4    
,lucan says of him1       ,audax venali 
comitatur ,curio lingu2      ,vox       
quondam populi1 libertatemque tueri     
,ausus1 et armatos plebi miscere        
potentes4                               
,lib4 i4 ver4 #bfi4  ,and again1        
,momntumque fuit mutatus ,curio rerum1  
,gallorum captus spoliis1 et ,csaris    
auro4                  ,,pharsalia1 lib4
 iv4 ver4 #hai4  d ,demosthenes1 when   
not more than seven years old1 lost his 
father1 and was left under the care of  

three guardians1 who thought an orphan  
lawful prey1 and did not scruple to     
embezzle his effects4 ,in the mean time 
,demosthenes pursued a plan of          
education1 without the aid or advice of 
his tutors4 ,he became the scholar of   
,isocrates1 and he was the hearer of    
,plato4 ,under those masters his        
progress was such1 that at the age of   
seventeen he was able to conduct a suit 
against his guardians4 ,the young orator
 succeeded so well in that prelude to   
his future fame1 that the plunderers of 
the orphan's portion were condemned to  
refund a large sum4 ,it is said that    
,demosthenes1 afterwards1 released the  
whole or the greatest part4   ,section  
,,xxxviii4  a ,the rule for allowing a  
limited space of time for the hearing of
 causes1 the extent of which could not  
be known1 began1 as ,pliny the younger  
informs us1 under the emperors1 and was 
fully established for the reasons which 
he gives4 ,the custom1 he says1 of      
allowing two water-glasses 7i4e4 two    

hour-glasses7 or only one1 and sometimes
 half a one1 prevailed1 because the     
advocates grew tired before the business
 was explained1 and the judges were     
ready to decide before they understood  
the question4 ,pliny1 with some         
indignation1 asks1 ,are we wiser than   
our ancestors8 are the laws more just at
 present8 ,our ancestors allowed many   
hours1 many days1 and many adjournments1
 in every cause2 and for my part1 as    
often as ,i sit in judgement1 ,i allow  
as much time as the advocate requires2  
for would it not be rashness to guess   
what space of time is necessary in a    
cause which has not been opened8 ,but   
some unnecessary things may be said2 and
 is it not better1 that what is         
unnecessary should be spoken1 than that 
what is necessary should be omitted8    
,and who can tell what is necessary1    
till he has heard8 ,patience in a judge 
ought to be considered as one of the    
chief branches of his duty1 as it       
certainly is of justice4 ,see ,plin4 b4 

vi4 ep4 #b4 ,in ,england1 there is no   
danger of arbitrary rules1 to gratify   
the impatience of the court1 or to      
stifle justice4 ,the province of juries1
 since the late declaratory act in the  
case of libels1 is now better           
understood2 and every judge is taught1  
that a cause is tried before him1 not   
,,by ,,him4 ,it is his to expound the   
law1 and wait1 with temper1 for the     
verdict of those whom the constitution  
has intrusted4  b ,pompey's third       
consulship was ,a4,u4,c4 #gjb2 before   
,christ1 #eb4 ,he was at first sole     
consul1 and in six or seven months      
,metellus ,scipio became his colleague4 
c ,the centumviri1 as mentioned s4 vii4 
note c1 were a body of men composed of  
three out of every tribe1 for the       
decision of such matters as the prtors  
referred to their judgement4 ,the nature
 of the several causes1 that came before
 that judicature1 may be seen in the    
first book ,,de ,,oratore4  d ,the      
question in this cause before the       

centumviri was1 whether ,clusinius      
,figulus1 the son of ,urbinia1 fled from
 his post in battle1 and1 being taken   
prisoner1 remained in captivity during a
 length of time1 till he made his escape
 into ,italy2 or1 as was contended by   
,asinius ,pollio1 whether the defendant 
did not serve under two masters1 who    
practised physic1 and1 being discharged 
by them1 voluntarily sell himself as a  
slave8 ,see ,quintilian1 lib4 vii4 cap4 
#b4   ,section ,,xxxix4  a ,the         
advocates1 at that time1 wore a tight   
cloak1 or mantle1 like that which the   
,romans used on a journey4 ,cicero1 in  
his oration for ,milo1 argues that he   
who wore that inconvenient dress1 was   
not likely to have formed a design      
against the life of any man4 ,apparet   
uter esset insidiator2 uter nihil       
cogitaret mali3 cum alter veheretur in  
rheda1 penulatus1 un sederet uxor4 ,quid
 horum non impeditissimum8 ,vestitus8 an
 vehiculum8 an comes8 ,a                
travelling-cloak could give neither     

grace nor dignity to an orator at the   
bar4 ,the business was transacted in a  
kind of chat with the judges3 what room 
for eloquence1 and that commanding      
action which springs from the emotions  
of the soul1 and inflames every breast  
with kindred passions8 ,the cold        
inanimate orator is described1 by       
,quintilian1 speaking with his hand     
under his robe2 manum intra pallium     
continens4 ,section ,,xl4  a ,maternus  
is now drawing to a conclusion1 and1    
therefore1 calls to mind the proposition
 with which he set out2 viz4 that the   
flame of oratory is kept alive by fresh 
materials1 and always blazes forth in   
times of danger and public commotion4   
,the unimpassioned style1 which suited  
the areopagus of ,athens1 or the courts 
of ,rome1 where the advocate spoke by an
 hour-glass1 does not deserve the name  
of genuine eloquence4 ,the orations of  
,cicero for ,marcellus1 ,ligarius1 and  
king ,dejotarus1 were spoken before     
,csar1 when he was master of the ,roman 

world4 ,in those speeches1 what have we 
to admire1 except delicacy of sentiment1
 and elegance of diction8 ,how different
 from the torrent1 tempest1 and         
whirlwind of passion1 that roused1      
inflamed1 and commanded the senate1 and 
the people1 against ,catiline and ,marc 
,antony6  b ,for the account of         
,cicero's death by ,velleius            
,paterculus1 see s4 xvii4 note e4       
,juvenal ascribes the murder of the     
great ,roman orator to the second       
,philippic against ,antony4             
----,ridenda poemata malo1      ,quam te
 conspicu divina ,philippica fam1       
,volveris a prim qu proxima4            
,,sat4 x4 ver4 #abd4       ,i rather    
would be ,mvius1 thrash for rhymes      
,like his1 the scorn and scandal of the 
times1      ,than the ,philippic1       
fatally divine1      ,which is inscrib'd
 the second1 should be mine4            
,,dryden',s ,,juvenal4  ,what ,cicero   
says of ,antonius1 the celebrated       
orator1 may be applied to himself3 ,that

 head1 which defended the commonwealth1 
was shewn from that very rostrum1 where 
the heads of so many ,roman citizens had
 been saved by his eloquence4 ,in his   
ipsis rostris1 in quibus ille           
rempublicam constantissime consul       
defenderat1 positum caput illud fuit1 a 
quo erant multorum civium capita        
servata4 ,cicero ,de ,oratore1 lib4 iii4
 s4 #aj4   ,section ,,xlii4  a ,the     
urbanity with which the ,dialogue is    
conducted1 and the perfect harmony with 
which the speakers take leave of each   
other1 cannot but leave a pleasing      
impression on the mind of every reader  
of taste4 ,it has some resemblance to   
the conclusion of ,cicero's ,dialogue   
,,de ,,natura ,,deorum4 ,in both tracts1
 we have a specimen of the politeness   
with which the ancients managed a       
conversation on the most interesting    
subjects1 and by the graces of style    
brought the way of instructing by       
dialogue into fashion4 ,a modern writer1
 whose poetical genius cannot be too    

much admired1 chooses to call it a      
frippery way of writing4 ,he advises his
 countrymen to abandon it altogether2   
and this for a notable reason3 because  
the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,hurd 7now ,bishop of    
,worcester7 has shewn the true use of   
it4 ,that the dialogues of that amiable 
writer have an intrinsic value1 cannot  
be denied3 they contain a fund of       
reflection2 they allure by the elegance 
of the style1 and they bring us into    
company with men whom we wish to hear1  
to know1 and to admire4 ,while we have  
such conversation-pieces1 not to mention
 others of the same stamp1 both ancient 
and modern1 the public taste1 it may be 
presumed1 will not easily be tutored to 
reject a mode of composition1 in which  
the pleasing and useful are so happily  
blended4 ,the present ,dialogue1 it is  
true1 cannot be proved1 beyond a        
controversy1 to be the work of ,tacitus2
 but it is also true1 that it cannot1   
with equal probability1 be ascribed to  
any other writer4 ,it has been retained 

in almost every edition of ,tacitus2    
and1 for that reason1 claims a place in 
a translation which professes to give   
all the works of so fine a writer4      
,,conclusion4   ,the ,author of these   
volumes has now gone through the        
difficult task of translating ,tacitus1 
with the superadded labour of           
supplements to give continuity to the   
narrative1 and notes to illustrate such 
passages as seemed to want explanation2 
but he cannot lay down his pen1 without 
taking the liberty of addressing a few  
words to the reader4 ,as what he has to 
offer relates chiefly to himself1 it    
shall be very short4 ,he has dedicated  
many years of his life to this          
undertaking2 and though1 during the     
whole time1 he had the pleasure and the 
honour of being acquainted with many    
gentlemen of taste and learning1 he had 
no opportunity of appealing to their    
opinion1 or guiding himself by their    
advice4 ,amidst the hurry of life1 and  
the various pursuits in which all are   

engaged1 how could he hope that any one 
would be at leisure to attend to the    
doubts1 the difficulties1 and minute    
niceties1 which must inevitably occur in
 a writer of so peculiar a genius as    
,tacitus8 ,he was unwilling to be a     
troublesome visitor1 and1 by            
consequence1 has been obliged1          
throughout the whole of his work1 to    
trust to his own judgement1 such as it  
is4 ,he spared no pains to do all the   
justice in his power to one of the      
greatest writers of antiquity2 but      
whether he has toiled with fruitless    
industry1 or has in any degree          
succeeded1 must be left to the judgement
 of others4  ,he is now at the end of   
his labours1 and ready1 after the       
example of ,montesquieu1 to cry out with
 the voyager in ,virgil1 ,italiam6      
,italian6 ,but whether he is to land on 
a peaceful shore2 whether the men who   
delight in a wreck1 are to rush upon him
 with hostile pens1 which in their hands
 are pitch-forks2 whether his cargo is  

to be condemned1 and he himself to be   
wounded1 maimed1 and lacerated2 a little
 time will discover4 ,such critics will 
act as their nature prompts them4       
,should they cry havoc1 and let slip the
 dogs of war1 it may be said1           
,quod genus hoc hominum1 quve hunc tam  
barbara morem      ,permittit patria8   
,hospitio prohibemur aren2      ,bella  
cient1 primque vetant consistere terr4  
,this1 they may say1 is anticipating    
complaint2 but1 in the worst that can   
happen1 it is the only complaint this   
writer will ever make1 and the only     
answer they will ever receive from his  
pen4  ,it is from a very different      
quarter that the translator of ,tacitus 
waits for solid criticism4 ,the men1 as 
,pliny observes1 who read with          
malignity1 are not the only judges4     
,neque enim soli judicant1 qui malign   
legunt4 ,the scholar will see defects1  
but he will pronounce with temper3 he   
will know the difficulty1 and1 in some  
cases1 perhaps the impossibility1 of    

giving in our language the sentiments of
 ,tacitus with the precision and energy 
of the original2 and1 upon the whole1 he
 will acknowledge that an attempt to    
make a considerable addition to ,english
 literature1 carries with it a plea of  
some merit4 ,while the ,french could    
boast of having many valuable           
translations of ,tacitus1 and their most
 eminent authors were still exerting    
themselves1 with emulation1 to improve  
upon their predecessors1 the present    
writer saw1 with regret1 that this      
country had not so much as one          
translation which could be read1 without
 disgust1 by any person acquainted with 
the idiom and structure of our language4
 ,to supply the deficiency has been the 
ambition of the translator4 ,he         
persevered with ardour2 but1 his work   
being finished1 ardour subsides1 and    
doubt and anxiety take their turn4      
,whatever the event may be1 the         
conscious pleasure of having employed   
his time in a fair endeavour will remain

 with him4 ,for the rest1 he submits his
 labours to the public2 and1 at that    
tribunal1 neither flushed with hope1 nor
 depressed by fear1 he is prepared1 with
 due acquiescence1 to receive a         
decision1 which1 from his own experience
 on former occasions1 he has reason to  
persuade himself will be founded in     
truth and candour4     ,,geographical   
,,table3  ,,or1  ,,index ,,of ,,the     
,,names ,,of ,,places1 ,,rivers1 c4     
,,mentioned ,,in ,,these ,,volumes4     
,a4  ,,achaia1 often taken for part of  
,peloponnesus1 but in ,tacitus generally
 for all ,greece4  ,,actium1 a          
promontory of ,epirus1 now called the   
,cape of ,tigolo1 famous for the victory
 of ,augustus over ,m4 ,antony4         
,,addua1 a river rising in the country  
of the ,grisons1 and in its course      
separating ,milan from the territory of 
the ,venetians1 till it falls into the  
,po1 about six miles to the west of     
,cremona4 ,it is now called the ,adda4  
,,adiabene1 a district of ,assyria1 so  

called from the river ,adiaba2          
,adiabeni1 the people4  ,,adrana1 now   
the ,eder2 a river that flows near      
,waldeck1 in the landgravate of ,hesse1 
and discharges itself into the ,weser4  
,,adriatic1 now the gulf of ,venice4    
,,adrumetum1 a ,phnician colony in      
,africa1 about seventeen miles from     
,leptis ,minor4  ,,dui1 a people of     
,ancient ,gaul1 near what is now called 
,autun1 in ,lower ,burgundy4  ,,ge1 a   
maritime town of ,cilicia2 now ,aias    
,kala4  ,,gean ,,sea1 a part of the     
,mediterranean which lies between       
,greece and ,asia ,minor2 now the       
,archipelago4  ,,gium1 a city of        
,greece1 in the ,peloponnesus2 now the  
,morea4  ,,nus1 a river rising in the   
country of the ,grisons1 and running    
thence into the ,danube4  ,,qui1 a      
people of ,ancient ,latium4  ,,africa   
generally means in ,tacitus that part   
which was made a proconsular province1  
of which ,carthage was the capital2 now 
the territory of ,tunis4                

,,agrippinensis ,,colonia1 so called    
from ,agrippina1 the daughter of        
,germanicus1 mother of ,nero1 and       
afterwards wife of the emperor          
,claudius4 ,this place is now called    
,cologne1 situate on the ,rhine4        
,,alba1 a town of ,latium1 in ,italy1   
the residence of the ,alban kings2      
destroyed by ,tullus ,hostilius4        
,,albania1 a country of ,asia1 bounded  
on the west by ,iberia1 on the east by  
the ,caspian ,sea1 on the south by      
,armenia1 and on the north by ,mount    
,caucasus4  ,,albinganum2 now ,albinga1 
to the west of the territory of ,genoa1 
at the mouth of the river ,cente4       
,,albis1 now the ,elbe2 a river that    
rises in the confines of ,silesia1 and1 
after a wide circuit1 falls into the    
,german sea below ,hamburgh4  ,,albium  
,,intemelium2 now ,vintimiglia1         
south-west of the territory of ,genoa1  
with a port on the ,mediterranean1      
between ,monaco and ,s4 ,remo4          
,,alesia1 a town in ,celtic ,gaul1      

situate on a hill4 ,it was besieged by  
,julius ,csar4 ,see his ,commentaries1  
lib4 vii4 s4 #gg4  ,,alexandria1 a      
principal city of ,egypt1 built by      
,alexander the ,great1 on the           
,mediterranean2 famous for the library  
begun by ,ptolemy ,philadelphus1 and    
consisting at last of seven hundred     
thousand volumes1 till in ,csar's       
expedition it was destroyed by fire4    
,,aliso1 a fort built by ,drusus1 the   
father of ,germanicus1 in the part of   
,germany now called ,westphalia1 near   
the city of ,paderborn4  ,,allia1 river 
of ,italy1 running into the ,tiber1     
about forty miles from ,rome2 famous for
 the slaughter of the ,romans by the    
,gauls1 under ,brennus4  ,,allobroges1 a
 people of ,narbon ,gaul1 situate       
between the ,rhodanus and the ,lacus    
,lemanus4  ,,alps1 a range of high      
mountains separating ,italy from ,gaul  
and ,germany4 ,they are distinguished   
into different parts1 under several     
names3 such as the ,maritime ,alps1 near

 ,genoa2 the ,cottian ,alps1 separating 
,dauphin from ,piedmont2 the ,graian    
,alps1 beginning from ,mount ,cenis1    
where the ,cottian terminate1 and       
extending to ,great ,st4 ,bernard2 the  
,pennine ,alps1 extending from west to  
east to the ,rhetian ,alps1 the ,alpes  
,noric1 and the ,pannonian ,alps1 as far
 as the springs of the ,kulpe4 ,their   
height in some places is almost         
incredible4 ,they are called ,alps1 from
 ,alpen1 a ,celtic term for high        
mountains4  ,,altinum1 a town in the    
territory of ,venice1 on the ,adriatic2 
now in ruins1 except a tower1 still     
retaining the name of ,altino4          
,,amanus1 a mountain of ,syria1         
separating it from ,cilicia2 now called 
,montagna ,neros by the inhabitants2    
that is1 the watery mountain1 abounding 
in springs and rivulets4  ,,amathus1 a  
maritime town of ,cyprus1 consecrated to
 ,venus1 with an ancient temple of      
,adonis and ,venus3 it is now called    
,limisso4  ,,amazonia1 a country near   

the river ,thermodon1 in ,pontus4       
,,amisia1 now the ,ems2 a river of      
,germany that falls into the ,german    
sea1 near ,embden4  ,,amorgos1 an island
 in the ,egean sea1 now ,amorgo4        
,,amydis1 a town near the gulf of that  
name1 on the coast of ,latium in ,italy4
  ,,anagnia1 a town of ancient ,latium1 
now ,anagni1 thirty-six miles to the    
east of ,rome4  ,,ancona1 a port town in
 ,italy1 situate on the gulf of ,venice4
  ,,andecavi1 now ,anjou4  ,,anemurium1 
a promontory of ,cilicia1 with a        
maritime town of the same name near it4 
,see ,pomponius ,mela4  ,,angrivarians1 
a ,german people1 situate on the west   
side of the ,weser1 near ,osnaburg and  
,minden4  ,,ansibarii1 a people of      
,germany4  ,,antioch1 or ,,antiochia1   
the capital of ,syria1 called           
,epidaphne1 to distinguish it from other
 cities of the name of ,antioch4 ,it is 
now called ,antakia4  ,,antipolis1 now  
,antibes1 on the coast of ,provence1    
about three leagues to the west of      

,nice4  ,,antium1 a city of the ancient 
,volsci1 situate on the ,tuscan ,sea2   
the birth-place of ,nero4 ,two ,fortunes
 were worshipped there1 which ,suetonius
 calls ,fortun ,antiates1 and ,martial1 
,sorores ,antii4 ,horace's ,ode to      
,fortune is well known--  ,o ,diva      
gratum qu regis ,antium4  ,the place is 
now called ,capo d',anzo4  ,,antona1 now
 the ,avon4 ,see ,camden4  ,,aorsi1 a   
people inhabiting near the ,palus       
,motis2 now the eastern part of         
,tartary1 between the ,neiper and the   
,don4  ,,apamea1 a city of ,phrygia1    
near the banks of the ,mander2 now      
,aphiom-,kara-,hisar4  ,,apenninus1 now 
the ,apennine1 a ridge of mountains     
running through the middle of ,italy1   
extremely high1 yet short of the ,alps4 
,its name is ,celtic1 signifying a high 
mountain4  ,,aphrodisium1 a town of     
,caria in ,thrace1 on the ,euxine4      
,,apollonidia1 a city of ,lydia4        
,,apulia1 a territory of ,italy1 along  
the gulf of ,venice2 now ,capitanate1   

,otranto1 c4  ,,aquileia1 a large city  
of the ,veneti1 and formerly a ,roman   
colony1 near the river ,natiso1 which   
runs into the gulf of ,venice4          
,,aquinum1 a town of the ,ancient       
,latins2 now ,aquino1 but almost in     
ruins4  ,,aquitania1 a division of      
,ancient ,gaul1 bounded by the ,garumna 
7now ,garonne71 by the ,pyrenees1 and   
the ocean4  ,,arabia1 an extensive      
country of ,asia1 reaching from ,egypt  
to ,chaldea4 ,it is divided into three  
parts1 ,arabia ,petra1 ,deserta1 and    
,felix4  ,,arar1 or ,,araris1 a river of
 ,gaul2 now the ,saone4  ,,araxes1 a    
river of ,mesopotamia1 which runs from  
north to south1 and falls into the      
,euphrates4  ,,arbela1 a city of        
,assyria1 famous for the battle between 
,alexander and ,darius4  ,,arcadia1 an  
inland district in the heart of         
,peloponnesus2 mountainous1 and only fit
 for pasture2 therefore celebrated by   
bucolic or pastoral poets4  ,,arden1    
,arduenna1 in ,tacitus2 the forest of   

,arden4  ,,arenacum1 an ancient town in 
the island of ,batavia2 now ,arnheim1 in
 ,guelderland4  ,,aricia1 a town of     
,latium in ,italy1 at the foot of ,mons 
,albanus1 about a hundred and sixty     
stadia from ,rome4 ,the grove1 called   
,aricinum ,nemus1 was in the vicinity4  
,,arii1 a people of ,asia4  ,,ariminum1 
a town of ,umbria1 at the mouth of the  
river ,ariminus1 on the gulf of ,venice4
  ,,armenia1 a kingdom of ,asia1 having 
,albania and ,iberia to the north1 and  
,mount ,taurus and ,mesopotamia to the  
south3 divided into the ,,greater1 which
 extends astward to the ,caspian ,sea2  
and the ,,lesser1 to the west of the    
,,greater1 and separated from it by the 
,euphrates2 now called ,turcomania4     
,,arnus1 a river of ,tuscany1 which     
visits ,florence in its course1 and     
falls into the sea near ,pisa4          
,,arsanias1 a river of the ,,greater    
,,armenia1 running between ,tigranocerta
 and ,artaxata1 and falling into the    
,euphrates4  ,,artaxata1 the capital of 

,armenia1 situate on the river ,araxes4 
,,arverni1 a people of ,ancient ,gaul1  
inhabiting near the ,loire2 their chief 
city ,arvernum now ,clermont1 the       
capital of ,auvergne4  ,,ascalon1 an    
ancient city of the ,philistines1       
situate on the ,mediterranean2 now      
,scalona4  ,,asciburgium1 a citadel on  
the ,rhine1 where the ,romans stationed 
a camp and a garrison4  ,,ateste1 a town
 in the territory of ,venice1 situate to
 the south of ,patavium4  ,,atria1 a    
town of the ,veneti1 on the river       
,tartarus1 between the ,padus and the   
,athesis1 now the ,adige4  ,,augusta    
,,taurinorum1 a town of the ,taurini1 at
 the foot of the ,alps2 now ,turin1 the 
capital of ,piedmont4  ,,augustodunum1  
the capital of the dui2 now ,autun1 in  
the duchy of ,burgundy4 ,it took its    
name from ,augustus ,csar4  ,,auria1 an 
ancient town of ,spain2 now ,orense1 in 
,galicia4  ,,auzea1 a strong castle in  
,mauritania4  ,,aventicum1 the capital  
of the ,helvetii2 by the ,germans called

 ,wiflisburg1 by the ,french ,avenches4 
,b4  ,,bactriani1 a people inhabiting a 
part of ,asia1 to the south of the river
 ,oxus1 which rains from east to west   
into the ,caspian ,sea4  ,,bai1 a       
village of ,campania1 between the       
promontory of ,misenum and ,puteoli 7now
 ,pozzuolo71 nine miles to the west of  
,naples4  ,,baleares1 a cluster of      
islands in the ,mediterranean1 of which 
,majorca and ,minorca are the chief4    
,,bastarni1 a people of ,germany1 who   
led a wandering life in the vast regions
 between the ,vistula and the ,pontic   
sea4  ,,batavia1 an island formed by two
 branches of the ,rhine and the ,german 
sea4 ,see ,annals1 book ii4 s4 #f2 and  
,manners of the ,germans1 s4 #bi4 note  
a4  ,,batavodurum1 a town in the island 
of ,batavia2 now1 as some of the        
commentators say1 ,wyk-te-,duurstede4   
,,bebryacum1 or ,,bedryacum1 a village  
situate between ,verona and ,cremona2   
famous for two successive defeats2 that 
of ,otho1 and soon after that of        

,vitellius4  ,,belgic ,,gaul1 the       
country between the ,seine and the      
,marne to the west1 the ,rhine to the   
east1 and the ,german sea to the north4 
,,berytus1 now ,barut1 in ,phnicia4     
,,betasii1 the people inhabiting the    
country now called ,brabant4            
,,bithynia1 a proconsular province of   
,asia ,minor1 bounded on the north by   
the ,euxine and the ,propontic1         
adjoining to ,troas1 over-against       
,thrace2 now ,becsangial4  ,b,,tica1 one
 of the provinces into which ,augustus  
,csar divided the ,farther ,spain4      
,,boii1 a people of ,celtic ,gaul1 in   
the country now called ,bourbonnois4    
,there was also a nation of the same    
name in ,germany4 ,see ,manners of the  
,germans1 s4 #bh4  ,,bonna1 now ,bonn1  
in the electorate of ,cologne4          
,,bononia1 called by ,tacitus           
,bononiensis2 now ,bologna1 capital of  
the ,bolognese in ,italy4  ,,bosphorani1
 a people bordering on the ,euxine2 the 
,tartars4  ,,bosphorus1 two straits of  

the sea so called2 one ,bosphorus       
,thracius1 now the straits of           
,constantinople2 the other ,bosphorus   
,cimmerius1 now the straits of ,caffa4  
,,bovill1 a town of ,latium1 near ,mount
 ,albanus2 about ten miles from ,rome1  
on the ,appian ,road4  ,,brigantes1 the 
ancient inhabitants of ,yorkshire1      
,lancashire1 ,durham1 ,westmoreland1 and
 ,cumberland4  ,,brixellum1 the town    
where ,otho dispatched himself after the
 defeat at ,bedriacum2 now ,bresello1 in
 the territory of ,reggio4  ,,brixia1 a 
town of ,italy1 on this side of the ,po2
 now ,brescia4  ,,bructerians1 a people 
of ,germany1 situate in ,westphalia4    
,see the ,manners of the ,germans1 s4   
#cc4 note a4  ,,brundusium1 a town of   
,calabria1 with an excellent harbour1 at
 the entrance of the ,adriatic1         
affording to the ,romans a commodious   
passage to ,greece4 ,the ,via ,appia    
ended at this town4 ,now ,brindisi1 in  
the territory of ,otranto1 in the       
kingdom of ,naples4  ,,byzantium1 a city

 of ,thrace1 on the narrow strait that  
separates ,europe from ,asia2 now       
,constantinople4 ,see ,annals1 xii4 s4  
#fc4   ,c4  ,c,,lalet1 a people of      
,thrace1 near ,mount ,hmus4             
,c,,racates1 probably the diocese of    
,mayence4  ,c,,sarea1 a maritime town in
 ,palestine2 now ,kaisari4  ,c,,sian    
,,forest1 now the ,forest of            
,heserwaldt1 in the duchy of ,cleves4   
,it is supposed to be a part of the     
,hercynian ,forest4  ,,calabria1 a      
peninsula of ,italy1 between ,tarentum  
and ,brundusium2 now the territory of   
,otranto1 in the kingdom of ,naples4    
,,camelodunum1 said by some to be       
,malden in ,essex1 but by ,camden1 and  
others1 ,colchester4 ,it was made a     
,roman colony under the emperor         
,claudius2 a place of pleasure rather   
than of strength1 adorned with splendid 
works1 a theatre1 and a temple of       
,claudius4  ,,camerium1 a city in the   
territory of the ,sabines2 now          
destroyed4  ,,campania1 a territory of  

,italy1 bounded on the west by the      
,tuscan sea4 ,the most fertile and      
delightful part of ,italy2 now called   
,terra di ,lavoro4  ,,cangi1 the        
inhabitants of ,cheshire1 and part of   
,lancashire4  ,,caninefates1 a people of
 the ,lower ,germany1 from the same     
origin as the ,batavians1 and           
inhabitants of the west part of the isle
 of ,batavia4  ,,canopus1 a city of the 
,lower ,egypt1 situate on a branch of   
the ,nile called by the same name4      
,,cappadocia1 a large country in ,asia  
,minor1 between ,cilicia the ,euxine    
sea4 ,being made a ,roman province1 the 
inhabitants had an offer made them of a 
free and independent government2 but    
their answer was1 ,liberty might suit   
the ,romans1 but the ,cappadocians would
 neither receive liberty1 nor endure it4
  ,,caprea1 an island on the coast of   
,campania1 about four miles in length   
from east to west1 and about one in     
breadth4 ,it stands opposite to the     
promontory of ,surrentum1 and has the   

bay of ,naples in view4 ,it was the     
residence of ,tiberius for several      
years4  ,,capua1 now ,capoa1 a city in  
the kingdom of ,naples2 the seat of     
pleasure1 and the ruin of ,hannibal4    
,,carmel1 a mountain in ,galilee1 on the
 ,mediterranean4  ,,carsul1 a town of   
,umbria1 about twenty miles from        
,mevania2 now in ruins4  ,,carthago1    
once the most famous city of ,africa1   
and the rival of ,rome2 supposed by some
 to have been built by queen ,dido1     
seventy years after the foundation of   
,rome2 but ,justin will have it before  
,rome4 ,it was the capital of what is   
now the kingdom of ,tunis4  ,,carthago  
,,nova1 a town of ,hispania             
,tarraconensis1 or the ,hither ,spain2  
now ,carthagena4  ,,caspian ,,sea1 a    
vast lake between ,persia1 ,great       
,tartary1 ,muscovy and ,georgia1 said to
 be six hundred miles long1 and near as 
broad4  ,,cassiope1 a town in the island
 of ,corcyra 7now ,corfou71 called at   
present ,st4 ,maria di ,cassopo4        

,,catti1 a people of ,germany1 who      
inhabited part of the country now called
 ,hesse1 from the mountains of ,hartz1  
to the ,weser and the ,rhine4  ,,cauci4 
,see ,,chauci4  ,,celendris1 a place on 
the coast of ,cilicia1 near the confines
 of ,pamphylia4  ,,cenchri1 a port of   
,corinth1 situate about ten miles       
towards the east2 now ,kenkri4          
,,cenchris1 a river running through the 
,ortygian ,grove4  ,,cereina1 an island 
in the ,mediterranean1 to the north of  
the ,syrtis ,minor in ,africa2 now      
called ,kerkeni4  ,,chalcedon1 a city of
 ,bithynia1 situate at the mouth of the 
,euxine1 over-against ,byzantium4 ,it   
was called the ,city of the ,blind4 ,see
 ,annals1 xii4 s4 #fc4  ,,chauci1 a     
people of ,germany1 inhabiting what we  
now call ,east ,friesland1 ,bremen1 and 
,lunenburg4 ,see ,manners of the        
,germans1 s4 #ce4  ,,cheruscans1 a great
 and warlike people of ,ancient         
,germany1 to the north of the ,catti1   
between the ,elbe and the ,weser4       

,,cibyra1 formerly a town of ,phrygia1  
near the banks of the ,mander1 but now  
destroyed4  ,,cilicia1 an extensive     
country in the ,hither ,asia1 bounded by
 ,mount ,taurus to the north1 by the    
,mediterranean to the south1 by ,syria  
to the east1 and by ,pamphylia to the   
west4 ,it was one of the provinces      
reserved for the management of the      
emperor4  ,,cinithians1 a people of     
,africa4  ,,cirrha1 a town of ,phocis1  
near ,delphi1 sacred to ,apollo4        
,,cirrhus1 a town of ,syria1 in the     
district of ,commagene1 and not far from
 ,antioch4  ,,cirta1 formerly the       
capital of ,numidia1 and the residence  
of the king4 ,it is now called          
,constantina1 in the kingdom of         
,algiers4  ,,clit1 a people of ,cilicia1
 near ,mount ,taurus4  ,,clunia1 a city 
in the ,hither ,spain4  ,,colchos1 a    
country of ,asia1 on the east of the    
,euxine1 famous for the fable of the    
,golden ,fleece1 the ,argonautic        
,expedition1 and the ,fair ,enchantress1

 ,medea4  ,,colophon1 a city of ,ionia1 
in the ,hither ,asia4 ,one of the places
 that claimed the birth of ,homer2 now  
destroyed4  ,,commagene1 a district of  
,syria1 bounded on the east by the      
,euphrates1 on the west by ,amanus1 and 
on the north by ,mount ,taurus4  ,,coos4
 ,see ,cos4  ,,corcyra1 an island in the
 ,adriatic2 now ,corfou4  ,,corinthus1 a
 city of ,achaia1 on the south part of  
the isthmus which joins ,peloponnesus to
 the continent4 ,from its situation     
between two seas1 ,horace says1         
,bimarisve ,corinthi mnia4  ,the city   
was taken and burnt to the ground by    
,mummius the ,roman general1 ,a4,u4,c4  
#fjh4 ,it was afterwards restored to its
 ancient splendour1 and made a ,roman   
colony4 ,it retains the name of         
,corinth4  ,,corma1 a river in ,asia2   
mentioned by ,tacitus only4  ,,corsica1 
an island in the part of the            
,mediterranean called the ,sea of       
,liguria1 in length from north to south 
about a hundred and fifty miles1 and    

about fifty where broadest4 ,to the     
south it is separated from ,sardinia by 
a narrow channel4  ,,cos1 or ,,coos1 one
 of the islands called the ,cyclades1 in
 the gean sea1 famous for being the     
birth-place of ,apelles2 now ,stan ,co4 
,,cosa1 a promontory of ,etruria2 now   
,mont ,argentaro1 in ,tuscany4          
,,cremera1 a river of ,tuscany1 falling 
into the ,tiber a little to the north of
 ,rome1 rendered famous by the slaughter
 of the ,fabii4  ,,cremona1 a city of   
,italy1 built ,a4,u4,c4 #ecf1 and       
afterwards1 in the year #hbb1 rased to  
the ground by the army of ,vespasian1 in
 the war with ,vitellius4 ,it was soon  
rebuilt by the citizens1 with the       
exhortations of ,vespasian4 ,it is now a
 flourishing city in the duchy of       
,milan1 and retains the name of         
,cremona4  ,,cum1 a town of ,campania1  
near ,cape ,misenum1 famous for the cave
 of the ,cuman ,sibyl4  ,,cusus1 a river
 in ,hungary1 that falls into the       
,danube4  ,,cyclades1 a cluster of      

islands in the gean sea1 so called from 
,cyclus1 the orb in which they lie4     
,their names and number are not         
ascertained4 ,strabo reckons sixteen4   
,,cyme1 a maritime town of olia in      
,asia4  ,,cyprus1 a noble island        
opposite to the coast of ,syria1        
formerly sacred to ,venus1 whence she   
was called the ,cyprian goddess4        
,,cyrene 7now called ,curin71 the       
capital of ,cyrenaica1 a district of    
,africa1 now the ,desert of ,barca4 ,it 
stood about eleven miles from the sea1  
and had an excellent harbour4           
,,cythera1 an island situated on the    
coast of ,peloponnesus formerly sacred  
to ,venus1 and thence her name of       
,cytherea4 ,the island is now called    
,cerigo4  ,,cythnus1 one of the islands 
called the ,cyclades1 in the gean ,sea4 
,,cyzicus1 a city of ,mysia1 in the     
,hither ,asia1 rendered famous by the   
long siege of ,mithridates1 which at    
last was raised by ,lucullus4   ,d4     
,,dacia1 a country extending between the

 ,danube and the ,carpathian mountains  
to the mouth of the ,danube1 and to the 
,euxine1 comprising a part of ,upper    
,hungary1 ,transylvania1 and ,moldavia4 
,the inhabitants to the west1 towards   
,germany1 were called ,daci2 those to   
the east towards the ,euxine were called
 ,get4 ,the whole country was reduced by
 ,trajan to a ,roman province4  ,,dah1 a
 people of ,scythia1 to the south of the
 ,caspian1 with the ,massaget on the    
east4 ,virgil calls them indomitique    
,dah4  ,,dalmatia1 an extensive country 
bordering on ,macedonia and ,msia1 and  
having the ,adriatic to the south4      
,,dandarid1 a people bordering on the   
,euxine4 ,brotier says that some        
vestiges of the nation1 and its name1   
still exist at a place called ,dandars4 
,,danube1 the largest river in ,europe4 
,it rises in ,suabia1 and after visiting
 ,bavaria1 ,austria1 ,hungary1 and      
taking thence a prodigious circuit1     
falls at last into the ,black or ,euxine
 sea4 ,see ,manners of the ,germans1 s4 

#a4 note g4  ,,delos1 the central island
 of the ,cyclades1 famous in mythology  
for the birth of ,apollo and ,diana4    
,,delphi1 a famous inland town of       
,phocis in ,greece1 with a temple and   
oracle of ,apollo1 situate near the foot
 of ,mount ,parnassus4  ,,dentheliate   
,,lands1 a portion of the ,peloponnesus 
that lay between ,laconia and ,messenia2
 often disputed by those states4        
,,dermona1 a river of ,gallia           
,transpadana2 it runs into the ,ollius  
7now ,oglio71 and through that channel  
into the ,po4  ,,divodurum1 a town in   
,gallia ,belgica1 situate on the        
,moselle1 on the spot where ,metz now   
stands4  ,,donusa1 or ,,donysa1 an      
island in the gean sea1 not far from    
,naxos4 ,virgil has1 ,bacchatamque jugis
 ,naxon1 viridemque ,donysam4           
,,dyrrachium1 a town on the coast of    
,illyricum4 ,its port answered to that  
of ,brundusium1 affording a convenient  
passage to ,italy4   ,e4  ,,ecbatana1   
the capital of ,media2 now ,hamedan4    

,,edessa1 a town of ,mesopotamia2 now   
,orrhoa1 or ,orfa4  ,,elephantine1 an   
island in the ,nile1 not far from       
,syene2 at which last place stood the   
most advanced ,roman garrison1 ,notitia 
,imperii4  ,,eleusis1 a district of     
,attica near the sea-coast1 sacred to   
,ceres1 where the ,eleusinian mysteries 
were performed2 now in ruins4  ,,elym,i1
 a people bordering on the gulf of      
,persia4  ,,emerita1 a city of ,spain2  
now ,merida in the province of          
,estramadoura4  ,,ephesus1 an ancient   
and celebrated city of ,ionia1 in ,asia 
,minor2 now ,efeso4 ,it was the         
birth-place of ,heraclitus1 the weeping 
philosopher4  ,,epidaphne1 a town in    
,syria1 not far from ,antioch4          
,,eporedia1 a town at the foot of the   
,alps1 afterwards a ,roman colony2 now  
,jurea1 or ,jura1 a city of ,piedmont4  
,,erinde1 a river of ,asia1 mentioned by
 ,tacitus only4  ,,erithr1 a maritime   
town of ,ionia1 in ,asia ,minor4        
,,etruria1 a district of ,italy1        

extending from the boundary of ,liguria 
to the ,tiber2 now ,tuscany4  ,,eub,a1  
an island near the coast of ,attica2 now
 ,negropont4  ,,euphrates1 a river of   
,asia1 universally allowed to take its  
rise in ,armenia ,major4 ,it divides    
into two branches1 one running through  
,babylon1 and the other through         
,seleucia4 ,it bounds ,mesopotamia on   
the west4  ,,euxine1 or ,,pontus        
,,euxinus2 now the ,black ,sea4   ,f4   
,,ferentinum1 a town of ,latium1 in     
,italy2 now ,ferentino1 in the ,campania
 of ,rome4  ,,ferentum1 a town of       
,etruria2 now ,ferenti4  ,,feronia1 a   
town in ,etruria4  ,,fiden1 a small town
 in the territory of the ,sabines1 about
 six miles to the north of ,rome4 ,the  
place where the ruins of ,fiden are     
seen1 is now called ,castello ,giubileo4
  ,,flamminian ,,way1 made by           
,flamminius ,a4,u4,c4 #ecc1 from ,rome  
to ,ariminum1 a town of ,umbria1 or     
,romana1 at the mouth of the river      
,ariminus1 on the gulf of ,venice4 ,it  

is now called ,rimini4  ,,flevus1 a     
branch of the ,rhine1 that emptied      
itself into the lakes which have been   
long since absorbed by the ,zuyderzee4  
,a castle1 called ,flevum ,castellum1   
was built there by ,drusus1 the father  
of ,germanicus4  ,,formi1 a maritime    
town of ,italy1 to the south-east of    
,cajeta4 ,the ruins of the place are    
still visible4  ,,forojulium4 ,see      
,,forum ,,julium4  ,,forum ,,allieni1   
now ,ferrare1 on the ,po4  ,,forum      
,,julium1 a ,roman colony in ,gaul1     
founded by ,julius ,csar1 and completed 
by ,augustus1 with a harbour at the     
mouth of the river ,argens1 capable of  
receiving a large fleet4 ,the ruins of  
two moles at the entrance of the harbour
 are still to be seen4 ,see ,life of    
,agricola1 s4 #d4 note a4 ,the place is 
now called ,frejus4  ,,frisii1 the      
ancient inhabitants of ,friesland4 ,see 
,manners of the ,germans4  ,,fundani    
,,montes1 now ,fondi1 a city of ,naples1
 on the confines of the ,pope's         

dominions4   ,g4  ,,gabii1 a town of    
,latium1 between ,rome and ,preneste4 ,a
 particular manner of tucking up the    
gown1 adopted by the ,roman consuls when
 they declared war or attended a        
sacrifice1 was called ,cinctus ,gabinus4
 ,the place now extinct4  ,g,,tuli1 a   
people of ,africa1 bordering on         
,mauritania4  ,,galatia1 or             
,,gallogr,,cia1 a country of ,asia      
,minor1 lying between ,cappadocia1      
,pontus1 and ,pophlagonia2 now called   
,chiangare4  ,,galil,a1 the northern    
part of ,canaan1 or ,palestine1 bounded 
on the north by ,phnicia1 on the south  
by ,samaria1 on the east by the ,jordan1
 and on the west by the ,mediterranean4 
,,gallia1 the country of ancient ,gaul1 
now ,france4 ,it was divided by the     
,romans into ,gallia ,cisalpina1 viz4   
,gaul on the ,italian side of the ,alps1
 with the ,rubicon for its boundary to  
the south4 ,it was also called ,gallia  
,togata1 from the use made by the       
inhabitants of the ,roman ,toga4 ,it was

 likewise called ,gallia ,transpadana1  
or ,cispadana1 with respect to ,rome4   
,the second great division of ,gaul was 
,gallia ,transalpina1 or ,ulterior1     
being1 with respect to ,rome1 on the    
other side of the ,alps4 ,it was also   
called ,gallia ,comata1 from the people 
wearing their hair long1 which the      
,romans wore short4 ,the southern part  
was ,,gallia ,,narbonensis1 ,narbon     
,gaul1 called likewise ,braccata1 from  
the use of bracc1 or breeches1 which    
were no part of the ,roman dress2 now   
,languedoc1 ,dauphiny1 and ,provence4   
,for the other divisions of ,gaul on    
this side of the ,alps1 into the ,gallia
 ,belgica1 ,celtica1 ,aquitanica1       
further subdivided by ,augustus1 see the
 ,manners of the ,germans1 s4 #a4 note  
a4  ,,garamantes1 a people in the       
interior part of ,africa1 extending over
 a vast tract of country at present     
little known4  ,,garizim1 a mountain of 
,samaria1 famous for a temple built on  
it by permission of ,alexander the      

,great4  ,,gelduba1 not far from        
,novesium 7now ,nuys1 in the electorate 
of ,cologne7 on the west side of the    
,rhine4  ,,gemoni1 a place at ,rome1    
into which were thrown the bodies of    
malefactors4  ,,germania1 ,ancient      
,germany1 bounded on the east by the    
,vistula 7the ,weissel71 on the north by
 the ,ocean1 on the west by the ,rhine1 
and on the south by the ,danube4 ,a     
great part of ,gaul1 along the west side
 of the ,rhine1 was also called ,germany
 by ,augustus ,csar1 ,germania          
,cisrhenana1 and by him distinguished   
into ,upper and ,lower ,germany4        
,,gothones1 a people of ancient         
,germany1 who inhabited part of ,poland1
 and bordered on the ,vistula4  ,,graian
 ,,alps1 ,grai ,alpes1 supposed to be so
 called from the ,greeks who settled    
there4 ,see ,,alps4  ,,grinnes1 a town  
of the ,batavi1 on the right side of the
 ,vahalis 7now the ,waal71 in the       
territory of ,utrecht4  ,,gugerni1 a    
people originally from ,germany1        

inhabiting part of the duchy of ,cleves 
and ,gueldre1 between the ,rhine and the
 ,meuse4  ,,gyarus1 one of the islands  
called the ,cyclades1 rendered famous by
 being allotted for the banishment of   
,roman citizens4 ,juvenal says1 ,aude   
aliquid brevibus ,gyaris1 et carcere    
dignum1 si vis esse aliquis4   ,h4      
,h,,mus1 ,,mount1 a ridge of mountains  
running from ,illyricum towards the     
,euxine sea2 now ,mont ,argentaro4      
,h,,monadensians1 a people bordering on 
,cilicia4  ,,halicarnassus1 the capital 
of ,caria1 in ,asia ,minor1 famous for  
being the birth-place of ,herodotus and 
,dionysius1 commonly called ,dionysius  
,halicarnassensis4  ,,helvetii1 a people
 in the neighbourhood of the            
,allobroges1 situate on the south-west  
side of the ,rhine1 and separated from  
,gaul by the ,rhodanus and ,lacus       
,lemanus4  ,,heniochians1 a people      
dwelling near the ,euxine ,sea4         
,,herculaneum1 a town of ,campania1 near
 ,mount ,vesuvius1 swallowed up by an   

earthquake4 ,several antiquities have   
been lately dug out of the ruins4       
,,hercynian ,,forest3 in the time of    
,julius ,csar1 the breadth could not be 
traversed in less than nine days2 and   
after travelling lengthways for sixty   
days1 no man reached the extremity4     
,csar1 ,de ,bell4 ,gal4 lib4 vi4 s4 #bi4
  ,,hermunduri1 a people of ,germany1 in
 part of what is now called ,upper      
,saxony1 bounded on the north by the    
river ,sala1 on the east by the ,elbe1  
and on the south by the ,danube4        
,,hiero-,c,,sarea1 a city in ,lydia1    
famous for a temple to the ,persian     
,diana1 supposed to have been built by  
,cyrus4  ,,hispalis1 a town of ,btica in
 the ,farther ,spain2 now ,seville in   
,andalusia4  ,,hispania1 ,spain1        
otherwise called ,iberia1 from the river
 ,iberus4 ,it has the sea on every side 
except that next to ,gaul1 from which it
 is separated by the ,pyrenees4 ,during 
the time of the republic1 the whole     
country was divided into two provinces1 

,ulterior and ,citerior1 the ,farther   
and ,hither ,spain4 ,augustus divided   
the ,farther ,spain into two provinces2 
,btica1 and ,lusitania4 ,the ,hither    
,spain he called ,tarraconensis1 and    
then ,spain was formed into three       
provinces2 ,btica1 under the management 
of the senate2 and the other two        
reserved for officers appointed by the  
prince4  ,,hostilia1 a village on the   
,po3 now ,ostiglia1 in the neighbourhood
 of ,cremona4  ,,hyp,,pa1 a small city  
in ,lydia1 now rased to the ground4     
,,hyrcania1 a country of the ,farther   
,asia1 to the east of the ,caspian ,sea1
 with ,media on the west1 and ,parthia  
on the south2 famous for its tigers4    
,there was a city of the same name in   
,lydia4   ,i4  ,,iberia1 an inland      
country of ,asia1 bounded by ,mount     
,caucasus on the north1 by ,albania on  
the cast1 by ,colchis and part of       
,pontus on the west1 and by ,armenia on 
the south4 ,spain was also called       
,iberia1 from the river ,iberus2 now the

 ,ebro4  ,,iberus1 a noble river of the 
,hither ,spain2 now the ,ebro4  ,,iceni1
 a people of ,britain2 now ,essex1      
,suffolk1 and ,norfolk4  ,,ilium1       
another name for ancient ,troy4 ,a new  
city1 nearer to the sea1 was built after
 the famous siege of ,troy1 and made a  
,roman colony4 ,but1 as was said of the 
old city1 ,etiam periere ruin4          
,,illyricum1 the country between        
,pannonia to the north1 and the         
,adriatic to the south4 ,it is now      
comprised by ,dalmatia and ,sclavonia1  
under the respective dominion of the    
,venetians and the ,turks4  ,,insubria1 
a country of ,gallia ,cisalpina2 now the
 ,milanese4  ,,intemelium4 ,see ,,albium
 ,,intemelium4  ,,interamna1 an ancient 
town of the ,volsci in ,latium1 not far 
from the river ,liris4 ,it is now in    
ruins4  ,,ionian ,,sea1 the sea that    
washes the western coast of ,greece1    
opposite to the gulf of ,venice4        
,,isichi1 a people bordering on the     
,euxine1 towards the east4  ,,istria1 an

 island in the gulf of ,venice1 still   
retaining its ancient name4 ,there was  
also a town of the same name near the   
mouth of the ,ister1 on the ,euxine     
,sea4  ,,itur,a1 a ,transjordan district
 of ,palestine1 now ,bacar4   ,j4       
,,japha1 a strong place1 both by nature 
and art1 in the ,lower ,galilee1 not far
 from ,jotapata2 now ,saphet4           
,,jazyges1 a people of ,sarmatia        
,europa1 situate on this side of the    
,palus ,motis1 near the territory of    
,maroboduus1 the ,german king4          
,,jugantes1 said by ,camden to be the   
same as the ,brigantes1 but ,brotier    
thinks it probable that they were a     
distinct1 people4   ,l4  ,,lacus        
,,lemanus1 now the ,lake of ,geneva4    
,,langobardi1 a people of ,germany1     
between the ,elbe and the ,oder1 in part
 of what is now called ,brandenburg4    
,,lanuvium1 a town of ,latium1 about    
sixteen miles from ,rome2 now ,civita   
,lavinia4  ,,laodicea1 a town of        
,phrygia1 called1 to distinguish it from

 other cities of the same name1         
,laodicea ad ,lycum4 ,spon1 in his      
account of his travels1 says it is rased
 to the ground1 except four theatres    
built1 with marble1 finely polished1 and
 in as good condition as if they were   
modern structures2 now called ,ladik4   
,,laodicea ,,ad ,,mare1 a considerable  
town on the coast of ,syria1 well built1
 with a commodious harbour4  ,,latium1  
the country of the ,latini1 so called   
from king ,latinus2 contained at first  
within narrow bounds1 but greatly       
enlarged under the ,alban kings and the 
,roman consuls1 by the accession of the 
qui1 ,volsci1 ,hernici1 c4  ,,lech,,um1 
the west port of ,corinth1 which the    
people used for their ,italian trade1 as
 they did ,cenchr for their eastern or  
,asiatic4  ,,leptis1 there were in      
,africa two ancient cities of the name1 
,leptis magna1 and ,leptis parva4 ,the  
first 7now called ,lebeda7 was in the   
territory of ,tripoli2 the second1 a    
town on the ,mediterranean1 not far from

 ,carthage4  ,,lesbos1 an island in the 
,egean ,sea1 near the coast of ,asia2   
the birth-place of ,sappho3 now called  
,metelin4  ,,leuci1 a people of ,gallia 
,belgica1 to the north of the ,lingones1
 between the ,moselle and the ,meuse4   
,,libya1 the name given by the ,greeks  
to all ,africa2 but1 properly speaking1 
it was an interior part of ,africa4     
,,ligeris2 now the ,loire4  ,,liguria1 a
 country of ,italy1 divided into the    
maritime1 ,ligus ,ora2 and the inland   
,liguria2 both between the ,apennine to 
the south1 the ,maritime ,alps to the   
west1 and the ,po to the north4 ,it     
contained what is now called ,ferrara1  
and the territories of ,genoa4          
,,lingones1 a people of ,gallia         
,belgica1 inhabiting the country about  
,langres and ,dijon4  ,,longobardi1 or  
,,langobordi1 a people of ,germany1     
between the ,elbe and the ,oder4 ,see   
,manners of the ,germans1 s4 #dj note a4
  ,,lucania1 a country of ancient       
,italy2 now called the ,basilicate4     

,,lugdunum1 a city of ancient ,gaul2 now
 ,lyons4  ,,lugdunum ,,batavorum1 a town
 of the ,batavi1 now ,leyden in         
,holland4 ,there was another town of the
 name in ,gallia ,celtica1 at the       
confluence of the ,arar 7the ,saone7 and
 the ,rhodanus 7the ,rhone74 ,the place 
is now called ,lyons4  ,,luppia1 a river
 of ,westphalia2 now the ,lippe4        
,,lusitania1 now the kingdom of         
,portugal1 on the west of ,spain1       
formerly a part of it4  ,,lycia1 a      
country in ,asia ,minor1 bounded by     
,pamphylia1 ,phrygia1 and the           
,mediterranean4  ,,lydia1 an inland     
country of ,asia ,minor1 formerly       
governed by ,crsus2 now ,carasia4       
,,lygii1 an ancient people of ,germany1 
who inhabited the country now called    
,silesia1 and also part of ,poland4     
,m4  ,,macedonia1 a large country1      
rendered famous by ,philip of ,macedon  
and his son ,alexander2 now a province  
of the ,turkish empire1 bounded by      
,servia and ,bulgaria to the north1 by  

,greece to the south1 by ,thrace and the
 ,archipelago to the east1 and by       
,epirus to the west4  ,m,,otis ,,palus1 
a lake of ,sarmatia ,europa1 still known
 by the same name1 and reaching from    
,crim ,tartary to the mouth of the      
,tanais 7the ,don74  ,m,,sia1 a district
 of the ancient ,illyricum1 bordering on
 ,pannonia1 containing what is now      
called ,bulgaria1 and part of ,servia4  
,,magnesia3 there were anciently three  
cities of the name2 one in ,ionia1 on   
the ,mander1 which1 it is said1 was     
given to ,themistocles by ,artaxerxes1  
with these words1 to furnish his table  
with bread2 it is now called            
,guzel-,hissard1 in ,asiatic ,turkey3   
the second was at the foot of ,mount    
,sipylus1 in ,lydia2 but has been       
destroyed by earthquakes3 the third     
,magnesia was a maritime town of        
,thessaly1 on the ,egean ,sea4          
,,magontiacum1 a town of ,gallia        
,belgica2 now ,mentz1 situate at the    
confluence of the ,rhine and the ,maine4

  ,,marcodurum1 a village of ,gallia    
,belgica2 now ,duren on the ,roer4      
,,marcomanians1 a people of ,germany1   
between the ,rhine1 the ,danube1 and the
 ,neckar4 ,they removed to the country  
of the ,boii1 and having expelled the   
inhabitants1 occupied the country now   
called ,bohemia4 ,see ,manners of the   
,germans1 s4 #db4  ,,mardi1 a people of 
the ,farther ,asia1 near the ,caspian   
,sea4  ,,maritime ,,alps4 ,see ,,alps4  
,,marsaci1 a people in the north of     
,batavia1 inhabiting the sea-coast4     
,,marsi1 a people of ,italy1 who dwelt  
round the ,lacus ,fucinus4 ,another     
people called ,marsi1 in ,germany1 to   
the south of the ,frisii1 in the country
 now called ,paderborne and ,munster4   
,,massillia1 a town of ,gallia          
,narbonensis1 formerly celebrated for   
polished manners and learning2 now      
,marseilles1 a port town of ,provence4  
,,mattiaci1 a branch of the ,catti in   
,germany4 ,their capital town was       
,,mattium1 supposed now to be ,marpourg 

in ,hesse4  ,,mauritania1 a large region
 of ,africa1 extending from east to west
 along the ,mediterranean1 divided by   
the emperor ,claudius into ,csariensis1 
the eastern part1 and ,tingitana1 the   
western4 ,it had ,numidia to the east1  
and ,getulia to the south2 and was also 
bounded by the ,atlantic ocean1 the     
straits of ,gibraltar1 and the          
,mediterranean to the north4 ,the       
natives were called ,mauri1 and thence  
the name of ,mauritania2 now ,barbary4  
,,media1 a country of the ,farther      
,asia1 bounded on the west by ,armenia1 
on the east by ,parthia1 on the north by
 the ,caspian ,sea1 on the south by     
,persia4 ,ecbatana was the capital4     
,,mediolanum1 now ,milan in ,italy4     
,,mediomatrici1 a people of ,gallia     
,belgica2 now the diocese of ,metz4     
,,melitene1 a city of ,cappadocia4      
,,memphis1 a city of ,egypt1 famous for 
its pyramids4  ,,menapii1 a people of   
,belgia2 now ,brabant and ,flanders4    
,,mesopotamia1 a large country in the   

middle of ,asia2 so called1 because it  
lies1 ,greek3 mesae potamon1 between two
 rivers1 the ,euphrates on the west1 and
 the ,tigris on the east4  ,,messena1 or
 ,,messana1 an ancient and celebrated   
city of ,sicily1 on the strait between  
that island and ,italy4 ,it still       
retains the name of ,messina4           
,,mevania1 a town of ,umbria1 near the  
,clitumnus1 a river that runs from east 
to west into the ,tiber4  ,,miletus1 an 
ancient city of ,ionia1 in ,asia ,minor2
 now totally destroyed4  ,,milvius      
,,pons1 a bridge over the ,tiber1 at the
 distance of two miles from ,rome1 on   
the ,via ,flamminia2 now called         
,ponte-,molle4  ,,minturn1 a town on the
 confines of ,campania1 near the river  
,liris4  ,,misenum1 a promontory of     
,campania1 with a good harbour1 near the
 ,sinus ,puteolanus1 or the bay of      
,naples1 on the north side4 ,it was the 
station for the ,roman fleets4 ,now     
,capo di ,miseno4  ,,mitylene1 the      
capital city of the isle of ,lesbos1 and

 now gives name to the whole island4    
,,mona1 an island separated from the    
coast of the ,ordovices by a narrow     
strait1 the ancient seat of the ,druids4
 ,now the isle of ,anglesey4  ,,mon,,ci 
,,portus1 now ,monaco1 a port town in   
the territory of ,genoa4  ,,morini1 a   
people of ,belgia1 inhabiting the       
diocese of ,tournay1 and the country    
about ,st4 ,omer and ,boulogne4  ,,mosa1
 a large river of ,belgic ,gaul2 it     
receives a branch of the ,rhine1 called 
,vahalis1 and falls into the ,german    
,ocean below the ,briel4 ,it is now the 
,mse1 or ,meuse4  ,,mosella1 a river1   
which1 running through ,lorrain1 falls  
into the ,rhine at ,coblentz1 now called
 the ,moselle4  ,,mosteni1 the common   
name of the people and their town on the
 river ,hermus1 in ,lydia4  ,,musulani1 
an independent savage people in ,africa1
 on the confines of ,carthage1 ,numidia1
 and ,mauritania4  ,,mutina1 now        
,modena1 a city of ,lombardy1 in ,italy4
  ,,myrina1 a town of olis1 or olia1 in 

the ,hither ,asia2 now ,sanderlik4   ,n4
  ,,nabalia1 the name of the channel    
made by ,drusus from the ,rhine to the  
river ,sala2 now the ,ysell4 ,see       
,annals1 ii4 s4 #h4  ,,nabath,i1 a      
people between the ,euphrates and the   
,red ,sea2 comprehending ,arabia ,petra1
 and bounded by ,palestine on the north4
  ,,nar1 a river which rises in ,umbria1
 and1 falling into the lake ,velinus1   
rushes thence with a violent and loud   
cascade1 and empties itself into the    
,tiber4  ,,narbon ,,gaul1 the southern  
part of ,gaul1 bounded by the ,pyrenees 
to the west1 the ,mediterranean to the  
south1 and the ,alps and the ,rhine to  
the east4  ,,narnia1 a town of ,umbria1 
on the river ,nar2 now ,narni1 in the   
territory of the ,pope4  ,,nauportum1 a 
town on a cognominal river in ,pannonia4
  ,,nava1 a river of ,gallia ,belgica1  
which runs north-east into the west side
 of the ,rhine2 now the ,nahe4          
,,navaria1 now ,novara1 a city of       
,milan4  ,,nemetes1 a people originally 

of ,germany1 removed to the diocese of  
,spire1 on the ,rhine4  ,,nicephorus1 a 
river of ,asia that washes the walls of 
,tigranocerta1 and runs into the        
,tigris2 ,d',anville says1 now called   
,khabour4  ,,nicopolis3 there were      
several towns of this name1 viz4 in     
,egypt1 ,armenia1 ,bithynia1 on the     
,euxine1 c4 ,a town of the same name was
 built by ,augustus1 on the coast of    
,epirus1 as a monument of his victory at
 ,actium4  ,,ninos1 the capital of      
,assyria2 called also ,nineve4          
,,nisibis1 a city of ,mesopotamia1 at   
this day called ,nesibin4  ,,nola1 a    
city of ,campania1 on the north-east of 
,vesuvius4 ,at this place ,augustus     
breathed his last3 it retains its old   
name to this day4  ,,noricum1 a ,roman  
province1 bounded by the ,danube on the 
north1 by the ,alpes ,noric on the      
south1 by ,pannonia on the east1 and    
,vindelicia on the west2 now containing 
a great part of ,austria1 ,tyrol1       
,bavaria1 c4  ,,novesium1 a town of the 

,ubii in ,gallia ,belgica2 now ,nuys1 on
 the west side of the ,rhine1 in the    
electorate of ,cologne4  ,,nuceria1 a   
city of ,campania2 now ,nocera4         
,,numidia1 a celebrated kingdom of      
,africa1 bordering on ,mauritania1 and  
bounded to the north by the             
,mediterranean2 now ,algiers1 ,tunis1   
,tripoli1 c4 the eastern part of the    
kingdom of ,algiers4 ,syphax was king of
 one part1 and ,masinissa of the other4 
,o4  ,,ocriculum1 a town of ,umbria1    
near the confluence of the ,nar and the 
,tiber2 now ,otricoli1 in the duchy of  
,spoletto4  ,,odrys1 a people situated  
in the western part of ,thrace1 how a   
province of ,european ,turkey4          
,,oeenses1 a people of ,africa1 who     
occupied the country between the two    
,syrtes on the ,mediterranean4 ,their   
city was called ,oea1 now ,tripoli4     
,,opitergium1 now ,oderzo1 in the       
territory of ,venice4  ,,ordovices1 a   
people who inhabited what we now call   
,flintshire1 ,denbighshire1 ,carnarvon1 

and ,merionethshire1 in ,north ,wales4  
,,ostia1 formerly a town of note1 at the
 mouth of the ,tiber 7on the south      
side71 whence its name2 at this day it  
lies in ruins4   ,p4  ,,padus1 anciently
 called ,eridanus by the ,greeks1 famous
 for the fable of ,phton2 it receives   
several rivers from the ,alps and       
,apennine1 and1 running from west to    
east1 discharges itself into the        
,adriatic4 ,it is now called the ,po4   
,,pagida1 a river in ,numidia2 its      
modern name is not ascertained4         
,d',anville thinks it is now called     
,fissato1 in the territory of ,tripoli4 
,,palus ,m,,otis2 see ,m,,otis4         
,,pamphylia1 a country of the ,hither   
,asia1 bounded by ,pisidia to the north1
 and by the ,mediterranean to the south4
  ,,panda1 a river of ,asia1 in the     
territory of the ,siraci2 not well      
known4  ,,pandataria1 an island of the  
,tuscan ,sea1 in the ,sinus ,puteolanus 
7now il ,golfo di ,napoli71 the place of
 banishment for illustrious exiles1 viz4

 ,julia the daughter of ,augustus1      
,agrippina the wife of ,germanicus1     
,octavia the daughter of ,claudius1 and 
many others4 ,it is now called ,l'lsle  
,sainte-,marie1 or ,santa ,maria4       
,,pannonia1 an extensive country of     
,europe1 bounded by ,msia on the east1  
by ,noricum on the west1 ,dalmatia on   
the south1 and by the ,danube to the    
north2 containing part of ,austria and  
,hungary4  ,,pannonian ,,alps4 ,see     
,,alps4  ,,paphos3 there were two towns 
of the name1 both on the west side of   
the island of ,cyprus1 and dedicated to 
,venus1 who was hence the ,paphian and  
the ,cyprian goddess4  ,,parthia1 a     
country of the ,farther ,asia1 with     
,media on the west1 ,asia on the east1  
and ,hyrcania on the north4  ,,patavium1
 now ,padua1 in the territory of        
,venice4  ,,peligni1 a people of        
,samaium1 near ,naples4  ,,peloponnesus1
 the large peninsula to the south of    
,greece1 so called after ,pelops1 viz4  
,pelopis ,nesus4 ,it is joined to the   

rest of ,greece by the isthmus of       
,corinth1 which lies between the ,egean 
and ,ionian seas4 ,it is now called the 
,morea4  ,,pennin ,,alpes4 ,see ,,alps4 
,,pergamos1 an ancient and famous city  
of ,mysia1 situate on the ,caicus1 which
 runs through it4 ,it was the residence 
of ,attalus and his successors4 ,this   
place was famous for a royal library1   
formed1 with emulation1 to vie with that
 of ,alexandria in ,egypt4 ,the kings of
 the latter1 stung with paltry jealousy1
 prohibited the exportation of paper4   
,hence the invention of parchment1      
called ,pergamana charta4 ,plutarch     
assures us1 that the library at         
,pergamos contained two hundred thousand
 volumes4 ,the whole collection was     
given by ,marc ,antony as a present to  
,cleopatra1 and thus the two libraries  
were consolidated into one4 ,in about   
six or seven centuries afterwards1 the  
volumes of science1 by order of the     
calif ,omar1 served for a fire to warm  
the baths of ,alexandria2 and thus      

perished all the physic of the soul4    
,the town subsists at this day1 and     
retains the name of ,pergamos4 ,see     
,spon's ,travels1 vol4 i4  ,,perinthus1 
a town of ,thrace1 situate on the       
,propontis1 now called ,heraclea4       
,,perusia1 formerly a principal city of 
,etruria1 on the north side of the      
,tiber1 with the famous ,lacus          
,trasimenus to the east4 ,it was        
besieged by ,augustus1 and reduced by   
famine4 ,lucan has1 ,perusina fames4 ,it
 is now called ,perugia1 in the         
territory of the ,pope4  ,,pharsalia1 a 
town in ,thessaly1 rendered famous by   
the last battle between ,pompey and     
,julius ,csar4  ,,philadelphia3 there   
were several ancient towns of this name4
 ,that which ,tacitus mentions was in   
,lydia1 built by ,attalus ,philadelphus2
 it is now called by the ,turks1 ,alah  
,scheyr4  ,,philippi1 a city of         
,macedonia1 on the confines of ,thrace2 
built by ,philip of ,macedon1 and famous
 for the battle fought on its plains    

between ,augustus and the republican    
party4 ,it is now in ruins4             
,,philippopolis1 a city of ,thrace1 near
 the river ,hebrus4 ,it derived its name
 from ,philip of ,macedon1 who enlarged 
it1 and augmented the number of         
inhabitants4  ,,picentia1 the capital of
 the ,picentini1 on the ,tuscan ,sea4   
not far from ,naples4  ,,picenum1 a     
territory of ,italy1 to the east of     
,umbria1 and in some parts extending    
from the ,apennine to the ,adriatic4 ,it
 is now supposed to be the ,march of    
,ancona4  ,,pir,,eus1 a celebrated port 
near ,athens4 ,it is much frequented at 
this day2 its name1 ,porto ,lione4      
,,pis1 a town of ,etruria1 which gave   
name to the bay of ,pisa1 ,sinus        
,pisanus4  ,,placentia1 a town in       
,italy1 now called ,placenza1 in the    
duchy of ,parma4  ,,planasia1 a small   
island near the coast of ,etruria1 in   
the ,tuscan ,sea2 now ,pianosa4         
,,pompeii1 a town of ,campania1 near    
,herculaneum4 ,it was destroyed by an   

earthquake in the reign of ,nero4       
,,pompeiopolis3 there were anciently two
 cities of the name2 one in ,cilicia1   
another in ,paphlagonia4  ,,pontia1 an  
island in the ,tuscan sea2 a place of   
relegation or banishment4  ,,pontus1 an 
extensive country of ,asia ,minor1 lying
 between ,bithynia and ,paphlagonia1 and
 extending along the ,pontus ,euxinus1  
the ,euxine or the ,pontic ,sea1 from   
which it took its name4 ,it had that sea
 to the east1 the mouth of the ,ister to
 the north1 and ,mount ,hmus to the     
south4 ,the wars between ,mithridates1  
king of ,pontus1 and the ,romans1 are   
well known4  ,,pr,,neste1 a town of     
,latium to the south-east of ,rome1     
standing very high1 and said to be a    
strong place4 ,the town that succeeded  
it1 stands low in a valley1 and is      
called ,palestrina4  ,,propontis1 near  
the ,hellespont and the ,euxine2 now the
 ,sea of ,marmora4  ,,puteoli1 a town of
 ,campania1 so called from its number of
 wells2 now ,pozzuolo1 nine miles to the

 west of ,naples4  ,,pyramus1 a river of
 ,cilicia1 rising in ,mount ,taurus1 and
 running from east to west into the ,sea
 of ,cilicia4  ,,pyrgi1 a town of       
,etruria1 on the ,tuscan ,sea2 now ,st4 
,marinella1 about thirty-three miles    
distant from ,rome4   ,q4  ,,quadi1 a   
people of ,germany1 situate to the      
south-east of ,bohemia1 on the banks of 
the ,danube4 ,see ,manners1 of the      
,germans1 s4 #db4 note b4   ,r4         
,,ravenna1 an ancient city of ,italy1   
near the coast of the ,adriatic4 ,a port
 was constructed at the mouth of the    
river ,bedesis1 and by ,augustus made a 
station for the fleet that guarded the  
,adriatic4 ,it is still called ,ravenna4
  ,,reate1 a town of the ,sabines in    
,latium1 situate near the lake ,velinus4
  ,,regium4 ,see ,,rhegium4  ,,remi1 a  
people of ,gaul1 who inhabited the      
northern part of ,champagne2 now the    
city of ,rheims4  ,,rhacotis1 the       
ancient name of ,alexandria in ,egypt4  
,,rh,,tia1 a country bounded by the     

,rhine to the west1 the ,alps to the    
east1 by ,italy to the south1 and       
,vindelicia to the north4 ,horace says  
,videre ,rhti bella sub ,alpibus ,drusum
 gerentem1 et ,vindelici4 ,now the      
country of the ,grisons4  ,,rhegium1 an 
ancient city at the extremity of the    
,apennine1 on the narrow strait between 
,italy and ,sicily4 ,it is now called   
,reggio1 in the farther ,calabria4      
,,rhine1 the river that rises in the    
,rhtian ,alps1 and divides ,gaul from   
,germany4 ,see ,manners of the ,germans1
 s4 #a4 note f2 and s4 #bi4 note a4     
,,rhodanus1 a famous river of ,gaul1    
rising on ,mount ,adula1 not far from   
the head of the ,rhine4 ,after a        
considerable circuit it enters the ,lake
 of ,geneva1 and in its course visits   
the city of ,lyons1 and from that place 
traverses a large tract of country1 and 
falls into the ,mediterranean4 ,it is   
now called the ,rhone4  ,,rhodus1 a     
celebrated island in the ,mediterranean1
 near the coast of ,asia ,minor1        

over-against ,caria4 ,the place of      
retreat for the discontented ,romans4   
,tiberius made that use of it4          
,,rhoxolani1 a people on the north of   
the ,palus ,motis1 situate along the    
,tanais1 now the ,don4  ,,ricodulum1 a  
town of the ,treviri on the ,moselle4   
,s4  ,,sabrina1 now the ,severn2 a river
 that rises in ,montgomeryshire1 and    
running by ,shrewsbury1 ,worcester1 and 
,glocester1 empties itself into the     
,bristol ,channel1 separating ,wales    
from ,england4  ,,sala4 ,it seems that  
two rivers of this name were intended by
 ,tacitus1 ,one1 now called the ,issel1 
which had a communication with the      
,rhine1 by means of the canal made by   
,drusus1 the father of ,germanicus4 ,the
 other ,,sala was a river in the country
 now called ,thuringia1 described by    
,tacitus as yielding salt1 which the    
inhabitants considered as the peculiar  
favour of heaven4 ,the salt1 however1   
was found in the salt springs near the  
river1 which runs northward into the    

,albis1 or ,elbe4  ,,salamis1 an island 
near the coast of ,attica1 opposite to  
,eleusis4 ,there was also a town of the 
name of ,salamis1 on the eastern coast  
of ,cyprus1 built by ,teucer1 when      
driven by his father from his native    
island4 ,horace says1 ,ambiguam tellure 
nov ,salamina futuram4  ,,samaria1 the  
capital of the country of that name in  
,palestine2 the residence of the kings  
of ,israel1 and afterwards of ,herod4   
,samaritans1 the name of the people4    
,some magnificent ruins of the place are
 still remaining4  ,,sambulos1 a        
mountain in the territory of the        
,parthians1 with the river ,corma near  
it4 ,the mountain and the river are     
mentioned by ,tacitus only4  ,,samnis1  
or ,,samnites1 a people of ancient      
,italy1 extending on both sides of the  
,apennine1 famous in the ,roman wars4   
,,samos1 an island of ,asia ,minor1     
opposite to ,ephesus2 the birth-place of
 ,pythagoras1 who was thence called the 
,samian ,sage4  ,,samothracia1 an island

 of ,thrace1 in the ,egean ,sea1        
opposite to the mouth of the ,hebrus4   
,there were mysteries of initiation     
celebrated in this island1 held in as   
high repute as those of ,eleusis2 with a
 sacred and inviolable asylum4          
,,sardes1 the capital of ,lydia1 at the 
foot of ,mount ,tmolus1 from which the  
,pactolus ran down through the heart of 
the city4 ,the inhabitants were called  
,sardicni4  ,,sardinia1 an island on the
 ,sea of ,liguria1 lying to the south of
 ,corsica4 ,it is said that an herb grew
 there1 which1 when eaten1 produced a   
painful grin1 called ,sardonius risus4  
,the island now belongs to the ,duke of 
,saxony1 with the title of king4        
,,sarmatia1 called also ,scythia1 a     
northern country of vast extent1 and    
divided into ,europa and ,asiatica2 the 
former beginning at the ,vistula 7its   
western boundary71 and comprising       
,russia1 part of ,poland1 ,prussia1 and 
,lithuania2 and the latter bounded on   
the west by ,sarmatia ,europa and the   

,tanais 7the ,don71 extending south as  
far as ,mount ,caucasus and the ,caspian
 ,sea1 containing ,tartary1 ,circassia1 
c4  ,,saxa ,,rubra1 a place on the      
,flamminian road in ,etruria1 nine miles
 from ,rome4  ,,scepteuci1 a people of  
,asiatic ,sarmatia1 between the ,euxine 
and the ,caspian ,sea4  ,,scythia1 a    
large country1 now properly ,crim       
,tartary2 in ancient geography divided  
in ,scythia ,asiatica1 on either side of
 ,mount ,imaus2 and ,scythia ,europa1   
about the ,euxine ,sea and the ,motic   
,lake4 ,see also ,,sarmatia4            
,,segestum1 a town of ,sicily1 near     
,mount ,eryx1 famous for a temple sacred
 to the ,erycinian ,venus4  ,,seleucia1 
a city of ,mesopotamia1 situate at the  
confluence of the ,euphrates and the    
,tigris2 now called ,bagdad4 ,we find in
 ancient geography several cities of    
this name4  ,,semnones1 a people of     
,germany1 called by ,tacitus the most   
illustrious branch of the ,suevi4 ,they 
inhabited between the ,albis and        

,viadrus4  ,,senensis ,,colonia1 now    
,sienna1 in ,tuscany4  ,,senones1       
inhabitants of ,celtic ,gaul1 situate on
 the ,sequana 7now the ,seine72 a people
 famous for their invasion of ,italy1   
and taking and burning ,rome ,a4,u4,c4  
#cfd4  ,,sequani1 a people of ,belgic   
,gaul1 inhabiting the country now called
 ,franche ,comt or the ,upper ,burgundy1
 and deriving their name from the       
,sequana 7now the ,seine71 which1 rising
 near ,dijon in ,burgundy1 runs through 
,paris1 and1 traversing ,normandy1 falls
 into the ,british ,channel near ,havre 
de ,grace4  ,,seriphos1 a small island  
in the gean ,sea1 one of the ,cyclades3 
now ,serfo1 or ,serfanto4  ,,sicambri1  
an ancient people of ,lower ,germany1   
between the ,mse and the ,rhine1 where  
,guelderland is4 ,they were transplanted
 by ,augustus to the west side of the   
,rhine4 ,horace says to that emperor1   
,te cde gaudentes ,sicambri compositis  
venerantur armis4  ,,silures1 a people  
of ,britain1 situate on the ,severn and 

the ,bristol ,channel2 now ,south       
,wales1 comprising ,glamorgan1          
,radnorshire1 ,hereford1 and ,monmouth4 
,see ,camden4  ,,simbruini ,,colles1 the
 ,simbruine ,hills1 so called from the  
,simbruina ,stagna1 or lakes formed by  
the river ,anio1 which gave the name of 
,sublaqueum to the neighbouring town4   
,,sinope1 one of the most famous cities 
in the territory of ,pontus4 ,it was    
taken by ,lucullus in the ,mithridatic  
war1 and afterwards received ,roman     
colonies4 ,it was the birth-place of    
,diogenes the cynic1 who was banished   
from his country4 ,the place is still   
called ,sinope1 a port town of ,asiatic 
,turkey1 on the ,euxine4  ,,sinuessa1 a 
town of ,latium1 on the confines of     
,campania1 beyond the river ,liris 7now 
called ,garigliano74 ,the place was much
 frequented for the salubrity of its    
waters4  ,,sipylus1 a mountain of       
,lydia1 near which ,livy says the       
,romans obtained a complete victory over
 ,antiochas4  ,,siraci1 a people of     

,asia1 between the ,euxine and the      
,caspian ,seas4  ,,smyrna1 a city of    
,ionia in the ,hither ,asia1 which laid 
a claim to the birth of ,homer4 ,the    
name of ,smyrna still remains in a port 
town of ,asiatic ,turkey4  ,,sophene1 a 
country between the ,greater and the    
,lesser ,armenia2 now called ,zoph4     
,,soza1 a city of the ,dandarid4        
,,spelunca1 a small town near ,fondi1 on
 the coast of ,naples4  ,,st,,chades1   
five islands1 now called the ,hieres1 on
 the coast of ,provence4  ,,stratonice1 
a town of ,caria in the ,hither ,asia1  
so called after ,stratonice1 the wife of
 ,antiochus4  ,,suevi1 a great and      
warlike people of ancient ,germany1 who 
occupied a prodigious tract of country4 
,see ,manners of the ,germans1 s4 #ch4  
and note a4  ,,sunici1 a people removed 
from ,germany to ,gallia ,belgica4      
,according to ,cluverius1 they inhabited
 the duchy of ,limburg4  ,,swinden1 a   
liver that flows on the confines of the 
,dah4 ,it is mentioned by ,tacitus only4

 ,brotier supposes it to be what is now 
called ,herirud1 or ,la ,riviere        
d',herat4  ,,syene1 a town in the       
,higher ,egypt1 towards the borders of  
,ethiopia1 situate on the ,nile4 ,it    
lies under the tropic of ,cancer1 as is 
evident1 says ,pliny the elder1 from    
there being no shadow projected at noon 
at the summer solstice4 ,it was1 for a  
long time1 the boundary of the ,roman   
empire4 ,a garrison was stationed there3
 ,juvenal was sent to command there by  
,domitian1 who1 by conferring that      
unlocked for honour1 meant1 with covered
 malice1 to punish the poet for his     
reflection on ,paris the comedian1 a    
native of ,egypt1 and a favourite at    
court4  ,,syracuse1 one of the noblest  
cities in ,sicily4 ,the ,romans took it 
during the second ,punic war1 on which  
occasion the great ,archimedes lost his 
life4 ,it is now destroyed1 and no      
remains of the place are left4 ,etiam   
periere ruin4  ,,syria1 a country of the
 ,hither ,asia1 between the             

,mediterranean and the ,euphrates1 so   
extensive that ,palestine1 or the ,holy 
,land1 was deemed a part of ,syria4     
,,syrtes1 the deserts of ,barbary3 also 
two dangerous sandy gulfs in the        
,mediterranean1 on the coast of         
,barbary2 one called ,syrtis ,magna1 now
 the ,gulf of ,sidra2 the other ,syrtis 
,parva1 now the ,gulf of ,cassos4   ,t4 
,,tanais1 the ,don1 a very large river  
in ,scythia1 dividing ,asia from        
,europe4 ,it rises in ,muscovy1 and     
flowing through ,crim ,tartary1 runs    
into the ,palus ,motis1 near the city   
now called ,azoff1 in the hands of the  
,turks4  ,,tarentum1 now ,tarento1 in   
the province of ,otranto4 ,the          
,lacedemonians founded a colony there1  
and thence it was called by ,horace1    
,lacedmonium ,tarentum4  ,,tarich,a1 a  
town of ,galilee4 ,it was besieged and  
taken by ,vespasian1 who sent six       
thousand of the prisoners to assist in  
cutting a passage through the isthmus of
 ,corinth4  ,,tarracina1 a city of the  

,volsci in ,latium1 near the mouth of   
the ,ufens1 in the ,campania of ,rome4  
,now ,terracina1 on the ,tuscan ,sea4   
,,tarraco1 the capital of a division of 
,spain1 called by the ,romans           
,tarraconensis2 now ,taragon1 a port    
town in ,catalonia1 on the              
,mediterranean1 to the west of          
,barcelona4 ,see ,,hispania4            
,,tartarus1 a river running between the 
,po and the ,athesis1 7the ,adige7 from 
west to east1 into the ,adriatic2 now   
,tartaro4  ,,taunus1 a mountain of      
,germany1 on the other side of the      
,rhine2 now ,mount ,heyrick1            
over-against ,mentz4  ,,taurannitii1 a  
people who occupied a district of       
,armenia ,major1 not far from           
,tigranocerta4  ,,tauri1 a people       
inhabiting the ,taurica ,chersonesus1 on
 the ,euxine4 ,the country is now called
 ,crim ,tartary4  ,,taurini1 a people   
dwelling at the foot of the ,alps4      
,their capital was called1 after        
,augustus ,csar1 who planted a colony1  

there1 ,augusta ,taurinorum4 ,the modern
 name is ,turin1 the capital of         
,piedmont4  ,,taurus1 the greatest      
mountain in ,asia1 extending from the   
,indian to the gean ,sea2 said to be    
fifty miles over1 and fifteen hundred   
long4 ,its extremity to the north is    
called ,imaus4  ,,telebo1 a people of   
olia or ,acarnania in ,greece1 who      
removed to ,italy1 and settled in the   
isle of ,capre4  ,,temnos1 an inland    
town of olia1 in the ,hither ,asia4     
,,tencteri1 a people of ,germany4 ,see  
the ,manners of the ,germans1 s4 #cb4   
,,tenos1 one of the ,cyclades4          
,,termes1 a city in the ,hither ,spain2 
now a village called ,tiermes1 in       
,castille4  ,,terracina1 a city of the  
,volsci in ,latium1 near the mouth of   
the ,ufens1 on the ,tuscan ,sea2 now    
called ,terracina1 in the territory of  
,rome4  ,,teutoburgium1 a forest in     
,germany1 rendered famous by the        
slaughter of ,varus and his legions4 ,it
 began in the country of the ,marsi1 and

 extended to ,paderborn1 ,osnaburg1 and 
,munster1 between the ,ems and the      
,luppia4  ,,thala1 a town in ,numidia1  
destroyed in the war of ,julius ,csar   
against ,juba4  ,,theb1 a very ancient  
town in the ,higher ,egypt1 on the east 
side of the ,nile1 famous for its       
hundred gates4 ,another city of the same
 name in ,botia1 in ,greece1 said to    
have been built by ,cadmus4 ,it had the 
honour of producing two illustrious     
chiefs1 ,epaminondas and ,pelopidas1 and
 ,pindar the celebrated poet4 ,alexander
 rased it to the ground2 but spared the 
house and family of ,pindar4  ,,thermes 
otherwise ,,therma1 a town in           
,macedonia1 afterwards called           
,thessalonica1 famous for two epistles  
of ,st4 ,paul to the ,thessalonians4    
,the city stood at the head of a large  
bay1 called ,thermus ,sinus2 now ,golfo 
di ,salonichi4  ,,thessaly1 a country of
 ,greece1 formerly a great part of      
,macedonia4  ,,thracia1 an extensive    
region1 bounded to the north by ,mount  

,hmus1 to the south by the gean ,sea1   
and by the ,euxine and ,propontis to the
 east4 ,in the time of ,tiberius it was 
an independent kingdom1 but afterwards  
made a ,roman province4  ,,thubascum1 a 
town of ,mauritania in ,africa4         
,,thurii1 a people of ancient ,italy1   
inhabiting a part of ,lucania1 between  
the rivers ,crathis 7now ,crate71 and   
,sybaris 7now ,sibari74  ,,tiber1 a town
 of ancient ,latium1 situate on the     
,anio1 about twenty miles from ,rome4   
,here ,horace had his villa1 and it was 
the frequent retreat of ,augustus4 ,now 
,tivoli4  ,,ticinum1 a town of          
,insubria1 situate on the river         
,ticinus1 near its confluence with the  
,po2 now ,pavia1 in ,milan4  ,,ticinus1 
a river of ,italy falling into the ,po1 
near the city of ,ticinum1 or ,pavia2   
now ,tesino4  ,,tigranocerta1 a town of 
,armenia ,major1 built by ,tigranes in  
the time of the ,mithridatic war4 ,the  
river ,nicephorus washes one side of the
 town4 ,brotier says1 it is now called  

,sert or ,sered4  ,,tigris1 a great     
river bounding the country called       
,mesopotamia to the east1 while the     
,euphrates incloses it to the west4     
,pliny gives an account of the ,tigris1 
in its rise and progress1 till it sinks 
under ground near ,mount ,taurus1 and   
breaks forth again with a rapid current1
 falling at last into the ,persian      
,gulf4 ,it divides into two channels at 
,seleucia4  ,,tmolus1 a mountain of     
,lydia1 commended for its vines1 its    
saffron1 its fragrant shrubs1 and the   
fountain-head of the ,pactolus4 ,it     
appears from ,tacitus1 that there was a 
town of the same name1 that stood near  
the mountain4  ,,tolbiacum1 a town of   
,gallia ,belgica2 now ,zulpich1 or      
,zulch1 a small town in the duchy of    
,juliers4  ,,tralles1 formerly a rich   
and populous city of ,lydia1 not far    
from the river ,meander4 ,the ruins are 
still visible4  ,,trapezus1 now         
,trapezond or ,trebizond1 a city with a 
port in the ,lesser ,asia1 on the       

,euxine4  ,,treviri1 the people of      
,treves2 an ancient city of the ,lower  
,germany1 on the ,moselle4 ,it was made 
a ,roman colony by ,augustus1 and became
 the most famous city of ,belgic ,gaul4 
,it is now the capital of an electorate 
of the same name4  ,,triboci1 a people  
of ,belgica1 originally ,germans4 ,they 
inhabited ,alsace1 and the diocese of   
,strasbourg4  ,,trimetus1 an island in  
the ,adriatic2 one of those which the   
ancients called ,insul ,diomede2 it     
still retains the name of ,tremiti4 ,it 
lies near the coast of the ,capitanate1 
a province of the kingdom of ,naples1 on
 the ,gulf of ,venice4  ,,trinobantes1 a
 people of ,britain1 who inhabited      
,middlesex and ,essex4  ,,tubantes1 an  
ancient people of ,germany1 about       
,westphalia4  ,,tungri1 a people of     
,belgia4 ,their city1 according to      
,csar1 ,atuaca2 now ,tongeren1 in the   
bishopric of ,liege4  ,,turonii1 a      
people of ancient ,gaul1 inhabiting the 
east side of the ,ligeris 7now the      

,loire74 ,hence the modern name of      
,tours4  ,,tusculum1 a town of ,latium1 
to the north of ,alba1 about twelve     
miles from ,rome4 ,it gave the name of  
,tusculanum to ,cicero's villa1 where   
that great orator wrote his ,tusculan   
,questions4  ,,tyrus1 an ancient city of
 ,phnicia1 situate on an island so near 
the continent1 that ,alexander the      
,great formed it into a peninsula1 by   
the mole or causey which he threw up    
during the siege4 ,see ,curtius1 lib4   
iv4 s4 #g4   ,u4  ,,ubian ,,altar1 an   
altar erected by the ,ubii1 on their    
removal to the western side of the      
,rhine1 in honour of ,augustus2 but     
whether this was at a different place1  
or the town of the ,ubii1 is not known4 
,,ubii1 a people originally of ,germany1
 but transplanted by ,augustus to the   
west side of the ,rhine1 under the      
conduct of ,agrippa4 ,their capital was 
then for a long time called ,oppidum    
,ubiorum1 and1 at last1 changed by the  
empress ,agrippina to ,colonia          

,agrippinensis2 now ,cologne1 the       
capital of the electorate of that name4 
,,umbria1 a division of ,italy1 to the  
south-east of ,etruria1 between the     
,adriatic and the ,nar4  ,,unsingis1 a  
river of ,germany1 running into the sea1
 near ,groningen2 now the ,hunsing4     
,,urbinum1 now ,urbino1 a city for ever 
famous for having given birth to        
,raphael1 the celebrated painter4       
,,usipii1 or ,,usipetes1 a people of    
,germany1 who1 after their expulsion by 
the ,catti1 settled near ,paderborn4    
,see ,manners of the ,germans1 s4 #cb4  
and note a4  ,,uspe1 a town in the      
territory of the ,siraci2 now destroyed4
   ,v4  ,,vada1 a town on the left-hand 
side of the ,nile1 in the island of     
,batavia4  ,,vahalis1 a branch of the   
,rhine2 now the ,waal4 ,see ,manners of 
the ,germans1 s4 #bi4 and note a4       
,,vangiones1 originally inhabitants of  
,germany1 but afterwards settled in     
,gaul2 now the diocese of ,worms4       
,,vascones1 a people who inhabited near 

the ,pyrenees1 occupying lands both in  
,spain and ,gaul4  ,,velabrum1 a place  
at ,rome1 between ,mount ,aventine and  
,mount ,palatine1 generally under water1
 from the overflowing of the ,tiber4    
,propertius describes it elegantly1 lib4
 iv4 eleg4 x4       ,qua ,velabra suo   
stagnabant flumine1 quque        ,nauta 
per urbanas velificabat aquas4          
,,velinus1 a lake in the country of the 
,sabines4  ,,veneti1 a people of ,gallia
 ,celtica1 who inhabited what is now    
called ,vannes1 in the south of         
,britanny1 and also a considerable tract
 on the other side of the ,alps1        
extending from the ,po along the        
,adriatic1 to the mouth of the ,ister4  
,,vercell1 now ,vercelli in ,piedmont4  
,,verona1 now ,verona1 in the territory 
of ,venice1 on the ,adige4  ,,vesontium1
 the capital of the ,sequani2 now       
,besanon1 the chief city of ,burgundy4  
,,vetera1 i4e4 ,vetera ,castra4 ,the    
,old ,camp1 which was a fortified       
station for the legions2 now ,santen1 in

 the duchy of ,cleves1 not far from the 
,rhine4  ,,via ,,salaria1 a road leading
 from the salt-works at ,ostia to the   
country of the ,sabines4  ,,viadrus1 now
 the ,oder1 running through ,silesia1   
,brandenburg1 ,pomerania1 and           
discharging itself into the ,baltic4    
,,vicetia1 now ,vicenza1 a town in the  
territory of ,venice4  ,,vienn1 a city  
of ,narbonese ,gaul2 now ,vienne1 in    
,dauphin4  ,,vindelici1 a people        
inhabiting the country of ,vindelicia1  
near the ,danube1 with the ,rhti to the 
south2 now part of ,bavaria and ,suabia4
  ,,vindonissa1 now ,windisch1 in the   
canton of ,bern1 in ,swisserland4       
,,visurgis1 a river of ,germany1 made   
famous by the slaughter of ,varus and   
his legions2 now the ,weser1 running    
north between ,westphalia and ,lower    
,saxony1 into the ,german ,sea4         
,,vocetius ,,mons1 a mountain of the    
,helvetii1 thought to be the roughest   
part of ,mount ,jura1 to which the      
,helvetii fled when defeated by ,ccina4 

,see ,hist4 i4 s4 #fg4  ,,volsci1 a     
powerful people of ancient ,latium1     
extending from ,antium1 their capital1  
to the ,upper ,liris1 and the confines  
of ,campania4  ,,vulsinii1 or           
,,volsinii1 a city of ,etruria1 the     
native place of ,sejanus2 now ,bolseno1 
or ,bolsenna4   ,z4  ,,zeugma1 a town on
 the ,euphrates1 famous for a bridge    
over the river4 ,see ,pliny1 lib1 v4 s4 
#bd4