,,readings ,,in ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,education ,,mediaeval ,,universities ,,by ,,arthur ,o4 ,,norton ,assistant ,professor of the ,history and ,art of ,teaching in ,harvard ,university ,,cambridge ,,published ,,by ,,harvard ,,university #aiji ,,preface ,these readings in the history of mediaeval universities are the first installment of a series1 which ,i have planned with the view of illustrating1 mainly from the sources1 the history of modern education in ,europe and ,america4 ,they are intended for use after the manner of the source books or collections of documents which have so vastly improved the teaching of general history in recent years4 ,no argument is needed as to the importance of such a collection for effective teaching of the history of education2 but ,i would urge that the subject requires in a peculiar degree rich and full illustration from the sources4 ,the life of school1 college1 or university is varied1 vivid1 even dramatic1 while we live it2 but1 once it has passed1 it becomes thinner and more spectral than almost any other historical fact4 ,its original records are1 in all conscience1 thin enough2 the situation is still worse when they are worked over at third or fourth hand1 flattened out2 smoothed down1 and desiccated in the pages of a modern history of education4 ,such histories are of course necessary to effective teaching of the subject2 but the records alone can clothe the dry bones of fact with flesh and blood4 ,only by turning back to them do we gain a sense of personal intimacy with the past2 only thus can we realize that schools and universities of other days were not less real than those of to-day1 teachers and students of other generations not less vividly alive than we1 academic questions not less unsettled or less eagerly debated4 ,to gain this sense of concrete1 living reality in the history of education is one of the most important steps toward understanding the subject4 ,in selecting and arranging the records here presented ,i have had in mind chiefly the needs of students who are taking the usual introductory courses in the subject4 ,students of general history--a subject in which more and more account is taken of culture in the broad sense of the term--may also find them useful4 ,within the necessarily limited space ,i have chosen to illustrate in some detail a few aspects of the history of mediaeval universities rather than to deal briefly with a large number of topics4 ,many important matters1 not here touched upon1 are reserved for future treatment4 ,some documents pertinent to the topics here discussed are not reproduced because they are easily accessible elsewhere2 these are mentioned in the bibliographical note at the close of the volume4 ,in writing the descriptive and explanatory text ,i have attempted only to indicate the general significance of the translations1 and to supply information not easily obtained1 or not clearly given in the references or text-books which1 it is assumed1 the student will read in connection with this work4 ,it would be possible to write a commentary of genuinely mediaeval proportions on the selections here given2 doubtless many of the details would be clearer for such a commentary4 ,some of these are explained by cross-references in the body of the text2 in the main1 however1 ,i have preferred to let the documents stand for their face value to the average reader4 ,i have given especial attention to university studies 7pp4 #cg-hj7 and university exercises 7pp4 #ajg-acd7 because these important subjects are unusually difficult for most students1 and because surprisingly few illustrations of them from the sources have been heretofore easily accessible in ,english4 ,in particular1 there has not been1 ,i believe1 a previous translation of any considerable passage from the much discussed and much criticised mediaeval commentaries on university text-books4 ,the selection here given 7pp4 #ei-ge7 is not intended for continuous reading2 but it will fully repay close and repeated examination4 ,not infrequently single sentences of this commentary are the outcroppings of whole volumes of mediaeval thought and controversy2 indeed anyone who follows to the end each of the lines of study suggested will have at command a very respectable bit of knowledge concerning the intellectual life of the middle ages4 ,the passage requires more explanation by the teacher1 or more preliminary knowledge on the part of the student1 than any other selection in the book4 ,the sources from which the selections have been made are indicated in the footnotes to the text ,my great indebtedness to ,mr4 ,hastings ,rashdall's ,universities of ,europe in the ,middle ,ages is also there indicated4 ,messrs4 ,g4,p4 ,putnam's ,sons and ,mr4 ,joseph ,mc,cabe generously gave me permission to quote more extensive passages from the latter's brilliant biography of ,abelard than ,i finally found it possible to use4 ,mr4 ,charles ,s4 ,moore has been my chief assistant in the preparation of the manuscript2 most of the translations not otherwise credited are due to his careful work1 but ,i am responsible for the version finally adopted in numerous passages in which the interpretation depends on a knowledge of detailed historical facts4 ,in conclusion1 ,i have to thank ,professor ,charles ,h4 ,haskins and ,professor ,leo ,wiener for information which has spared me many days of research on obscure details1 and ,professor ,paul ,h4 ,hanus for suggestions which have contributed to the clearness of the text4 ,a4,o4,n4 ,,contents ,,page ,i4 ,,introduction #a ,,ii4 ,,the ,,renaissance ,,of ,,the ,,twelfth ,,century #d ,,iii4 ,,the ,,rise ,,of ,,universities #ac #a4 ,teachers and ,students of the ,twelfth ,century 7a7 ,abelard #ac 7b7 ,john of ,salisbury #be #b4 ,the ,new ,method #ce #c4 ,the ,new ,studies #cg 7a7 ,the ,works of ,aristotle #dj 7b7 ,roman ,law #di 7c7 ,canon ,law #ee 7d7 ,theology #gf 7e7 ,medicine #gh 7f7 ,other ,university ,text-books #gh #d4 ,university ,privileges #hj 7a7 ,special ,protection by the ,sovereign #ha 7b7 ,the ,right of ,trial in ,special ,courts #hf 7c7 ,exemption from ,taxation #hh 7d7 ,the ,privilege of ,suspending ,lectures 7,cessatio7 #ib 7e7 ,the ,right of ,teaching ,everywhere 7,jus ubique docendi7 #if 7f7 ,privileges ,granted by a ,municipality #ih 7g7 ,the ,influence of ,mediaeval ,privileges on ,modern ,universities #aja #e4 ,universities ,founded by the ,initiative of ,civil or ,ecclesiastical ,powers #ajb ,,iv4 ,,university ,,exercises #ajg 7a7 ,the ,lecture #ajg 7b7 ,the ,disputation #aae 7c7 ,the ,examination #abd 7d7 ,a ,day's ,work in #adgf #acb 7e7 ,time-table of ,lectures at ,leipzig1 #aeai #acb ,v4 ,,requirements ,,for ,,the ,,degrees ,,in ,,arts #ace #a4 ,paris1 #abed #acf #b4 ,paris1 #acff #ach #c4 ,oxford1 #abfg and 787 #adjh #ach #d4 ,leipzig1 ,a4,b41 #adaj #aci #e4 ,leipzig1 ,a4,m41 #adaj #aci #f4 ,leipzig1 ,a4,b4 and ,a4,m41 #aeai #acd ,,vi4 ,,academic ,,letters #ada #a4 ,letters ,relating to ,paris #ada #b4 ,two ,oxford ,letters of the ,fifteenth ,century #adi ,,readings ,,in ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,education ,i ,,introduction ,the history of education1 like all other branches of history1 is based upon documents4 ,historical documents are1 in general1 the traces which have been left by the thoughts and actions of men of former times2 the term commonly refers to the original records or sources from which our knowledge of historical facts is derived4 ,the documents most generally used by historians are written or printed4 ,in the history of education alone these are of the greatest variety2 as is shown in the following pages1 among them are university charters1 proceedings1 regulations1 lectures1 text-books1 the statutes of student organizations1 personal letters1 autobiographies1 contemporary accounts of university life1 and laws made by civil or ecclesiastical authorities to regulate university affairs4 ,similar varieties of records exist for other educational institutions and activities4 ,the immense masses of such written or printed materials produced to-day1 even to the copy-book of the primary school and the student's note-book of college lectures1 will1 if they survive1 become documents for the future historian of education4 ,the known sources for the history of education in western ,europe since the twelfth century--to go no further afield--are exceedingly numerous1 and widely spread among various public and private collections2 the labor of a lifetime would hardly suffice to examine them all critically4 ,nevertheless many printed and written documents have been collected1 edited1 and published in their original languages2 and in some instances the collections are fairly complete1 or at least fairly representative of the documents in existence4 ,assuming that they are accurate copies of the original records1 many are now easily accessible to students of the subject1 since these reproductions may be owned by all large libraries4 ,these records1 rightly apprehended1 have far more than a mere antiquarian interest4 ,the history of mediaeval universities is profoundly important1 not only for students1 but also for administrators1 of modern higher education4 ,for to a surprising degree the daily and hourly conduct of university affairs of the twentieth century is influenced by what universities did six centuries ago4 ,on this point the words of ,mr4 ,hastings ,rashdall1 a leading authority on mediaeval universities1 are instructive3 444 ,if we would completely understand the meaning of offices1 titles1 ceremonies1 organizations preserved in the most modern1 most practical1 most unpicturesque of the institutions which now bear the name of ',university1' we must go back to the earliest days of the earliest ,universities that ever existed1 and trace the history of their chief successors through the seven centuries that intervene between the rise of ,bologna or ,paris1 and the foundation of the new ,university of ,strassburg in ,germany1 or of the ,victoria ,university in ,england4 ,knowledge of the subject should1 however1 yield much more than understanding3 it should also influence the practical attitudes of those who are concerned with university affairs4 ,here ,i take issue with those historians who hold that history supplies no information of practical utility in the conduct of life2 no lessons directly profitable to individuals and peoples4 ,the evidence cannot be exhibited here1 but such information notoriously has been of the utmost practical value in education1 both in shaping influential theories and in determining even minute details of educational practice4 ,there is no reason to suppose that it may not continue to be thus serviceable4 ,other utilities of university history are less direct1 but not less important4 ,the study of individual institutions and their varying circumstances and problems prepares us to understand and tolerate a variety of usages2 the study of their growth not only cures us of a morbid dread of change1 but also leads us to view their progressive adaptation to new conditions as necessary and desirable4 ,if such study teaches only these two lessons to those who may hereafter shape the course of educational affairs it more than justifies itself4 ,for to eradicate that intolerance of variety in educational practice so characteristic of the academic man of the past1 and to diminish in future generations his equally characteristic opposition to changes involving adaptation to new conditions1 is to render one of the greatest possible services to educational progress4 ,,ii ,,the ,,renaissance ,,of ,,the ,,twelfth ,,century ,during the twelfth century a great educational revival manifested itself in western ,europe1 following upon several centuries of intellectual decline or relative inactivity4 ,though its beginnings may be traced into the eleventh century1 and though its culmination belongs to a much later period1 the movement is often called the ,renaissance of the ,twelfth ,century4 ,in that century it first appears as a widely diffused and rapidly growing movement1 and it then takes on distinctly the characteristics which mark its later development4 ,the revival appears first in ,italy and ,france2 from these regions it spreads during the next three centuries into ,england1 ,spain1 ,germany1 ,denmark1 ,sweden1 and ,scotland4 ,certain facts concerning this educational ,renaissance should be clearly understood in connection with the following selections3 #a4 ,to men of the times it first showed itself as a renewal of activity in existing schools4 ,here and there appeared eminent teachers2 to them resorted increasing numbers of students from greater and greater distances4 ,in a few years some of these institutions became schools of international fame4 ,the newly roused enthusiasm for study in ,france at the opening of the twelfth century is thus described by a modern writer3 ,the scholastic fever1 which was soon to inflame the youth of the whole of ,europe1 had already set in4 ,you could not travel far over the rough roads of ,france without meeting some footsore scholar1 making for the nearest large monastery or cathedral town4 ,before many years1 it is true1 there arose an elaborate system of conveyance from town to town1 an organization of messengers to run between the chateau and the school2 but in the earlier days1 and1 to some extent1 even later1 the scholar wandered afoot through the long provinces of ,france4 ,robbers1 frequently in the service of the lord of the land1 infested every province4 ,it was safest to don the coarse frieze tunic of the pilgrim1 without pockets1 sling your little wax tablets and stylus at your girdle1 strap a wallet of bread and herbs and salt on your back1 and laugh at the nervous folk who peeped out from their coaches over a hedge of pikes and daggers4 ,few monasteries refused a meal or a rough bed to the wandering scholar4 ,rarely was any fee exacted for the lesson given4 ,for the rest1 none were too proud to earn a few sous by sweeping1 or drawing water1 or amusing with a tune on the reed-flute2 or to wear the cast-off tunics of their masters4#a ,this account refers to the study of logic and theology1 which soon became dominant in ,paris and in various cathedral schools in other parts of ,france4 ,with slight modifications it would describe also the revival of interest in ,roman law in ,italy1 especially at ,bologna4 #b4 ,the revival was concerned mainly with professional1 or--as later appeared--university1 education4 ,the prevailing interest was in ,law1 ,medicine1 ,theology1 and the philosophy of ,aristotle4 ,schools of lower grade were much influenced by the intellectual activity of the times1 but the characteristic product of this movement was the university4 ,the universities1 organized as corporations1 with their teachers divided into faculties1 their definite courses of study1 their examinations1 their degrees1 their privileges1 and their cosmopolitan communities of students1 were not only the result of the revival1 but they were institutions essentially new in the history of education1 and the models for all universities which have since been established4 #c4 ,between the latter part of the twelfth century and #aejj ,a4,d4 at least seventy-nine universities were established in western ,europe4 ,there may have been others of which no trace remains4 ,several of them were short-lived1 some lasting but a few years2 ten disappeared before #aejj4 ,since that date twenty others have become extinct4 ,the forty-nine ,european universities of to-day which were founded before #aejj have all passed through many changes in character and various periods of prosperity and decline1 but we still recognize in them the characteristic features mentioned above1 and the same features reappear in the most modern1 most practical1 most unpicturesque of the institutions which now bear the name of ',university4' ,this is one illustration of the statement on page #b that the daily and hourly conduct of university affairs in the twentieth century is to a surprising degree influenced by what universities did seven centuries ago4 #d4 ,the term ,university has always been difficult to define4 ,in the ,middle ,ages its meaning varied in different places1 and changed somewhat in the centuries between #abjj and #aejj ,a4,d4 ,in these pages it signifies in general an institution for higher education2 and institution means1 not a group of buildings1 but a society of teachers or students organized1 and ultimately incorporated1 for mutual aid and protection1 and for the purpose of imparting or securing higher education4 ,originally1 universities were merely guilds of ,masters or ,scholars2 as such they were imitations of the numerous guilds of artisans and tradesmen already in existence4 ,out of the simple organization and customs of these guilds grew the elaborate organization and ceremonials of later universities4 ,there were two main types of university organization1--the ,university of ,masters1 and the ,university of ,students4 ,in the former1--which is the type of all modern universities1--the government and instruction of students were regulated by the ,masters or ,doctors4 ,in the latter1 these matters were controlled by the students1 who also prescribed rules for the conduct of the ,masters4 ,paris and ,bologna were1 respectively1 the original representatives of these types4 ,paris was the original ,university of ,masters2 its pattern was copied1 with some modifications1 by the universities of ,england1 ,germany1 ,denmark1 ,sweden1 and ,scotland4 ,bologna was the archetypal ,university of ,students2 its organization was imitated1 also with variations1 by the universities ,italy1 ,france 7except ,paris71 ,spain1 and ,portugal4 ,in and after the thirteenth century1 the place or school in which a university existed was almost always called a ,studium ,generale1 i4e4 a place to which students resorted1 or were invited1 from all countries4 ,this term was used in contrast to ,studium ,particulare1 i4e4 any school in which a ,master in a town taught a few scholars4 ,in the ,studium ,generale instruction was given by several ,masters1 in one or more of the ,faculties of ,arts1 ,law1 ,medicine1 and ,theology4 ,in time the term came to be synonymous with ,university2 it is so used in this book4 #e4 ,the theoretically complete mediaeval university contained the four faculties of ,arts1 ,theology1 ,law1 and ,medicine4 ,these we find reproduced in some modern universities4 ,then1 as now1 however1 it was not common to find them all equally well developed in any single institution2 many possessed only two or three faculties1 and some had but one4 ,there are rare instances of five faculties1 owing to the subdivision of ,law4 ,at ,paris1 the strongest faculties were those of ,arts and ,theology2 ,law and ,medicine were in comparison but feebly represented4 ,at ,bologna1 on the other hand1 the study of ,law was predominant1 although the ,arts1 ,medicine1 and ,theology were also taught there4 #f4 ,the studies pursued in the various faculties in and after the thirteenth century were in general as follows3 ,in the ,faculty of ,arts3 #a4 ,the three philosophies--,natural1 ,moral1 and ,rational--of ,aristotle1 together with his ,logic1 ,rhetoric1 and ,politics4 ,of these1 ,logic and ,rhetoric are included below4 #b4 ,the ,seven ,liberal ,arts1 comprising ,grammar4 7a7 ,rhetoric4 ,logic4 ,arithmetic4 7b7 ,geometry4 ,music4 ,astronomy4 ,in the ,faculty of ,law3 #a4 ,the ,corpus ,juris ,civilis1 or body of ,roman ,civil ,law1 compiled at ,constantinople #ebi-ecc ,a4,d41 under direction of the ,roman ,emperor ,justinian4 #b4 ,the ,canon ,law1 or law governing the ,church1 of which the first part was compiled by the monk ,gratian about the year #aadb4 ,his compilation of the ,canon ,law is usually referred to as the ,decretum ,gratiani4 ,in the ,faculty of ,theology3 #a4 ,the ,sentences of ,peter ,lombard4 #b4 ,the ,bible4 ,in the ,faculty of ,medicine3 #a4 ,the works of ,hippocrates4 #b4 ,the works of ,galen4 #c4 ,medical treatises of various ,arabic and ,jewish writers of the seventh century ,a4,d4 and later4 ,these studies will be described more fully in connection with the selections on pages #cg-hc4 ,not all of the works mentioned under these divisions were included in the regular programme of any university2 the actual studies required for the various degrees consisted rather in selections from these works4 ,the selections chosen varied somewhat in different universities2 moreover1 the course in any given university changed from time to time4 ,consequently the degrees of ,a4,b4 and ,a4,m41 as well as degrees in ,law1 ,medicine1 and ,theology1 probably never represented exactly the same set of studies in any considerable number of universities1 nor did they even represent exactly the same work for many years in any single university4 ,this corresponds exactly with the situation in modern universities1 although at present the variations in studies for the same degree are greater and the changes in any given university are usually more rapid than they were in the universities of the ,middle ,ages4 ,it is necessary to remember that all the text-books were in ,latin4 ,those written originally in other tongues were translated into ,latin4 ,all university exercises were conducted in that language1 and frequently the regulations required students to use ,latin in conversation outside the lecture halls4 ,latin was1 in short1 the universal academic tongue4 ,obviously1 the use of the same language everywhere facilitated the migration of students and teachers from one university to another4 #g4 ,although the first universities were not established as organized institutions until the latter part of the twelfth century1 the intellectual movement which gave rise to them was well under way a century earlier4 ,it showed itself first in the rise of great teachers1 some of whom were also notable scholars4 ,there has never been a clearer demonstration of the central importance in education of the distinguished teacher3 ,at the beginning of the twelfth century three schools are distinguished in the contemporary literature above the multitude which had sprung into new life in ,france and were connected with so many of her cathedrals and religious houses4 ,these three were at ,laon1 ,paris1 and ,chartres4 ,it would be more accurate to say1 they were the schools of ,anselm and ,ralph1 of ,william of ,champeaux1 and of ,bernard ,sylvester4 ,for in those days the school followed the teacher1 not the teacher the school4 ,wherever a master lived1 there he taught2 and thither1 in proportion to his renown1 students assembled from whatever quarter4444 ,the tie was a personal one1 and was generally severed by the master's death4 ,a succession of great teachers in one place was a rare exception2 nor is such an exception afforded by the history of any of the three schools to which we have referred4#b ,in these days1 when education requires a more and more elaborate equipment of buildings1 libraries1 laboratories1 and museums1 it is no longer possible for teachers1 however distinguished1 to attract throngs of students to places absolutely unprovided with the resources for teaching1 or to provide these resources anywhere on the spur of the moment ,in the twelfth century1 on the contrary1 the only necessary equipment consisted in the master1 his small library which could be carried by one man2 wax tablets1 or pens1 ink1 and vellum or parchment for the students2 and any kind of a shelter which would serve as a protection from the weather4 ,not even benches or chairs were necessary1 for students commonly sat upon the straw-strewn floors of the lecture rooms4 ,thus the school might easily follow the teacher in his migrations1 and easily sink into obscurity or disappear upon his death or cessation from teaching4 ,the autobiography of ,abelard 7see page #ad71 recounts an experience unusual in itself1 but perfectly illustrative of the point4 ,after relating various misfortunes and persecutions he continues3 ,so ,i betook myself to a certain wilderness previously known to me1 and there on land given to me by certain ones1 with the consent of the ,bishop of the region1 ,i constructed out of reeds and straw a sort of oratory in the name of the ,holy ,trinity where1 in company with one of our clergy1 ,i might truly chant to the ,lord3 ,lo ,i have wandered far off1 and have remained in the wilderness4 ,as soon as ,scholars learned this they began to gather from every side1 leaving cities and castles to dwell in the wilderness1 and in place of their spacious homes to build small tabernacles for themselves1 and in place of delicate food to live on herbs of the fields and coarse bread1 and in place of soft couches to make up beds of straw and grass1 and in place of tables to pile up sods4#c ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #a3 ,adapted from ,joseph ,mc,cabe1 ,abelard1 pp4 #g1 #h4 ,footnote #b3 ,r4,l4 ,poole1 ,illustrations from the ,history of ,medieval ,thought1 p4 #aji4 ,footnote #c3 ,petri ,abaelardi ,opera1 edd4 ,cousin et ,jourdain1 ,i1 p4 #be4 ,,iii ,,the ,,rise ,,of ,,mediaeval ,,universities ,the influences contributing to the rise of universities were numerous1 and in many cases obscure4 ,the most important were3 #a4 ,inspiring and original teachers1 who gathered about them great numbers of students4 #b4 ,a new method of teaching4 #c4 ,a new group of studies4 #d4 ,privileges granted to scholars and masters by civil and ecclesiastical authorities4 #e4 ,the direct initiative of those authorities in establishing universities by decree4 ,the readings which follow are chosen to illustrate these influences4 #a4 ,,teachers ,,and ,,students ,,of ,,the ,,twelfth ,,century 7a7 ,a ,pre-,university ,teacher3 ,abelard ,among the teachers of the early part of the twelfth century1 two were of especial significance in the later intellectual development of the period1--,irnerius 7ca4 #ajgj-aacj7 at ,bologna1 and ,abelard 7#ajgi-aadb7 at ,paris4 ,they were the forerunners of the universities which began to take form at the end of the twelfth century in those cities4 ,irnerius marks a new epoch in the study of the body of ,roman ,law2 following the traditions of teaching which he established1 the ,university of ,bologna became the most prominent school of law in ,europe4 ,in a similar way ,abelard marks at ,paris the introduction of a new method of teaching and investigation1 an attitude of intellectual independence on theological questions1 and a permanently influential position in scholastic philosophy2 following his initiative the ,university of ,paris became the leading school of ,philosophy and ,theology4 ,these two institutions1--,bologna and ,paris1--were in turn the models for all other mediaeval universities1 not only in organization1 but also so far as the study of ,law1 ,theology1 and ,philosophy was concerned4 ,hence1 indirectly1 the influence of ,abelard and ,irnerius was widely diffused and long continued4 ,the documents relating to ,irnerius are scanty4 ,for a discussion of his influence on the teaching of ,roman ,law1 see ,rashdall1 ,i1 ch4 iv1 and especially pages #aba-abg4 ,concerning ,abelard the records are abundant4 ,abelard1 the eldest son of a noble family of ,pallet 7,palais71 ,brittany1 was in his day the most renowned teacher in ,france4 ,instead of becoming the head of his family and adopting the career of a soldier1 he abandoned his birthright and the profession of arms for the life of the scholar and the battlefields of debate4 ,his early life as a student wandering from school to school is thus described by himself3 ,the more fully and easily ,i advanced in the study of letters the more ardently ,i clung to them1 and ,i became so enamored of them that1 abandoning to my brothers the pomp of glory1 together with my inheritance and the rights of the eldest son1 ,i resigned from the ,councils of ,war that ,i might be educated in the camp of ,minerva4 ,and since among all the weapons of philosophy ,i preferred the arms of logic1 ,i exchanged accoutrements and preferred the conflicts of debate to the trophies of war4 ,thenceforward ,i walked through the various provinces engaging in debates wherever ,i had heard that the study of this art logic flourished1 and thus became a rival of the ,peripatetics4 ,at length about #aajj ,a4,d4 ,i reached ,paris1 where for some time this art had been prospering1 and went to ,william of ,champeaux1 my instructor1 distinguished at the time in this particular by his work and reputation as a teacher4 ,staying with him for a while1 ,i was at first acceptable1 but shortly after was very annoying to him1 namely1 when ,i tried to refute some of his opinions1 and often ventured to argue against him and1 not seldom1 seemed to surpass him in debate4#d ,in scholis militare--to wage war in the schools--was the phrase aptly used to describe this mode of debate4 ,william of ,champeaux was then the head of the cathedral school of ,notre ,dame and the leading teacher of logic in ,france4 ,within a few months ,abelard made his authority totter1 and set his reputation on the wane4 ,in six or seven years he drove him in shame and humiliation from his chair1 after a contest which filled ,christendom with its echoes4 ,by overcoming ,william in debate he established his own reputation as a teacher4 ,at various times between #aajh and #aaci he taught in ,paris1 whither crowds of students came to hear him4 ,his fame was at its height about #aaag1 shortly after his appointment to the chair which ,william himself had held4 ,few teachers have ever attracted a following so large and so devoted4 ,his remarkable success in drawing to ,paris students from all quarters is vividly described by a modern writer3 ,the pupil who had left ,paris when both ,william and ,abelard disappeared in #aaac would find a marvellous change on returning to it about #aaaf or #aaag4 ,he would find the lecture hall and the cloister and the quadrangle1 under the shadow of the great cathedral1 filled with as motley a crowd of youths and men as any scene in ,france could show4 ,little groups of ,french and ,norman and ,breton nobles chattered together in their bright silks and fur-tipped mantles1 with slender swords dangling from embroidered belts1 vying with each other in the length and crookedness of their turned-up shoes4 ,anglo-,saxons looked on1 in long fur-lined cloaks1 tight breeches1 and leathern hose swathed with bands of many colored cloth4 ,stern-faced northerners1 ,poles and ,germans1 in fur caps and with colored girdles and clumsy shoes1 or with feet roughly tied up in the bark of trees1 waited impatiently for the announcement of ,li ,mestre4 ,pale-faced southerners had braved the ,alps and the ,pyrenees under the fascination of the wizard4 ,shaven and sandalled monks1 black-habited clerics1 black canons1 secular and regular1 black in face too1 some of them1 heresy hunters from the neighboring abbey of ,st4 ,victor1 mingled with the crowd of young and old1 grave and gay1 beggars and nobles1 sleek citizens and bronzed peasants4444 ,over mountains and over seas the mingled reputation of the city and the school were carried1 and a remarkable stream set in from ,germany1 ,switzerland1 ,italy 7even from proud ,rome71 ,spain1 and ,england2 even distant ,brittany sent you its animals to be instructed1 wrote ,prior ,fulques to ,abelard 7a ,breton7 a year or two afterwards4#e ,what was there in the teaching of ,abelard which brought together this extraordinary gathering8 ,one may admit the presence of unanalysable genius in this master1 and still find certain qualities indispensable to the efficient teacher of to-day1--a winning personality1 fulness of knowledge1 and technical skill as a teacher4 ,these are admirably set forth in the following description3 ,it is not difficult to understand the charm of ,abelard's teaching4 ,three qualities are assigned to it by the writers of the period1 some of whom studied at his feet2 clearness1 richness in imagery1 and lightness of touch are said to have been the chief characteristics of his teaching4 ,clearness is1 indeed1 a quality of his written works1 though they do not naturally convey an impression of his oral power4 ,his splendid gifts and versatility1 supported by a rich voice1 a charming personality1 a ready and sympathetic use of human literature1 and a freedom from excessive piety1 gave him an immeasurable advantage over all the teachers of the day4 ,beside most of them1 he was as a butterfly to an elephant4 ,a most industrious study of the few works of ,aristotle and of the ,roman classics that were available1 a retentive memory1 an ease in manipulating his knowledge1 a clear1 penetrating mind1 with a corresponding clearness of expression1 a ready and productive fancy1 a great knowledge of men1 a warmer interest in things human than in things divine1 a laughing contempt for authority1 a handsome presence1 and a musical delivery--these were his gifts4#f ,he takes his place in history1 apart from the ever-interesting drama and the deep pathos of his life1 in virtue of two distinctions4 ,they are1 firstly1 an extraordinary ability in imparting such knowledge as the poverty of the age afforded--the facts of his career reveal it2 and1 secondly1 a mind of such marvellous penetration that it conceived great truths which it has taken humanity seven or eight centuries to see--this will appear as we proceed4 ,it was the former of these gifts that made him1 in literal truth1 the centre of learned and learning ,christendom1 the idol of several thousand eager scholars4 ,nor1 finally1 were these thousands the horde of barbarians that jealous ,master ,roscelin called them4 ,it has been estimated that a pope1 nineteen cardinals1 and more than fifty bishops and archbishops were at one time among his pupils4#g ,abelard's fame as a teacher1 with the consequent increase of masters and students at ,paris1 undoubtedly paved the way for the formation of the ,university later in the century4 ,this is not however his greatest distinction in the history of education4 ,his most enduring influences came from 7#a7 his independence in thinking1 7#b7 his novel method of dealing with debatable questions1 and 7#c7 his contributions to scholastic philosophy and theology4 ,the first two of these are considered below2 the last belongs more properly to the history of philosophy4 7#a7 ,nothing singles ,abelard out more clearly among the teachers of his time than his intellectual independence4 ,most of his contemporaries accepted unquestioningly the view that in religious matters faith precedes reason4 ,one might seek to justify one's faith by reason1 but preliminary doubt as to what should be the specific articles of one's faith was inadmissible4 ,as they supposed1 these articles had been determined by the church fathers--,augustine1 ,jerome1 and others--and by the ,bible4 ,their view had been formulated by ,anselm of ,canterbury in the preceding century3 ,i do not seek to know in order that ,i may believe1 but ,i believe in order that ,i may know4 ,the ,christian ought to advance to knowledge through faith1 not come to faith through knowledge4 ,the proper order demands that we believe the deep things of ,christian faith before we presume to reason about them4 ,with his keenly critical1 questioning mind ,abelard found a flaw in this position3 on many questions of faith the authorities themselves disagreed4 ,in such cases1--he said in effect1--how shall ,i come to any definite belief unless ,i first reason it out8 ,by doubting we are led to inquiry1 and by inquiry we attain the truth4 ,his attitude--as contrasted with that of ,anselm1 given above--is set forth in the prologue to his ,sic et ,non 7,yes and ,no73 ,in truth1 constant or frequent questioning is the first key to wisdom2 and it is1 indeed1 to the acquiring of this habit of questioning with absorbing eagerness that the famous philosopher1 ,aristotle1 the most clear sighted of all1 urges the studious when he says3 ,it is perhaps difficult to speak confidently in matters of this sort unless they have often been investigated4 ,indeed1 to doubt in special cases will not be without advantage4 ,for through doubting we come to inquiry and through inquiry we perceive the truth4 ,as the ,truth ,himself says3 ,seek and ye shall find1 knock and it shall be opened unto you4 ,and ,he also1 instructing us by ,his own example1 about the twelfth year of ,his life wished to be found sitting in the midst of the doctors1 asking them questions1 exhibiting to us by ,his asking of questions the appearance of a pupil1 rather than1 by preaching1 that of a teacher1 although there is in ,him1 nevertheless1 the full and perfect wisdom of ,god4 ,now when a number of quotations from various writings are introduced they spur on the reader and allure him into seeking the truth in proportion as the authority of the writing itself is commended 444 ,in accordance1 then1 with these forecasts it is our pleasure to collect different sayings of the holy ,fathers as we planned1 just as they have come to mind1 suggesting 7as they do7 some questioning from their apparent disagreement1 in order that they may stimulate tender readers to the utmost effort in seeking the truth and may make them keener as the result of their seeking4#h 7#b7 ,the new method which ,abelard formed for discovering the truth is presented in the ,yes and ,no4 ,he first stated in the form of a thesis for debate the question on which doubt existed4 ,the book contains one hundred and fifty-eight such questions4 ,he then brought together under each question the conflicting opinions of various authorities1 and1 without stating his own view1 left the student to reason for himself in the matter4 ,there is no doubt that this method served his purpose to stimulate tender readers to the utmost effort in seeking the truth4 ,his boldness in considering some of these questions debatable at all1 the novelty of the doubt which they imply1 and their incisive challenge to keen thinking are evident from the following list3 #a4 ,that faith is based upon reason1 et contra4 #e4 ,that ,god is not single1 et contra4 #f4 ,that ,god is tripartite1 et contra4 #h4 ,that in the ,trinity it is not to be stated that there is more than one ,eternal being1 et contra4 #aa4 ,that the ,divine ,persons mutually differ1 et contra4 #ab4 ,that in the ,trinity each is one with the other1 et contra4 #ac4 ,that ,god the ,father is the cause of the son1 et contra4 #ad4 ,that the ,son is without beginning1 et contra4 #bg4 ,that ,god judges with foreknowledge1 et non4 #bh4 ,that the providence of ,god is the cause of things happening1 et non4 #cb4 ,that to ,god all things are possible1 et non4 #cf4 ,that ,god does whatever he wishes1 et non4 #cg4 ,that nothing happens contrary to the will of ,god1 et contra4 #ch4 ,that ,god knows all things1 et non4 #ec4 ,that ,adam's sin was great1 et non4 #hd4 ,that man's first sin did not begin through the persuasion of the devil1 et contra4 #ee4 ,that ,eve only1 not ,adam1 was beguiled1 et contra4 #ef4 ,that by sinning man lost free will1 et non4 #fi4 ,that the ,son of ,god was predestinated1 et contra4 #gi4 ,that ,christ was a deceiver1 et non4 #he4 ,that the hour of the ,lord's resurrection is uncertain1 et contra4 #aaf4 ,that the sins of the fathers are visited upon the children1 et contra4 #abb4 ,that everybody should be allowed to marry1 et contra4 #ada4 ,that works of sanctity do not justify a man1 et contra4 #add4 ,that at times we all sin against our will1 et contra4 #aej4 ,that sins are not remitted without confession1 et contra4 #aec4 ,that a lie is never permissible1 et contra4 #aed4 ,that a man may destroy himself for some reasons1 et contra4 #aee4 ,that ,christians may not for any reason kill a man1 et contra4 #aef4 ,that it is lawful to kill a man1 et non4 ,how he brought out the conflict of opinions is shown by the following example3 ,,that ,,it ,,is ,,lawful ,,to ,,kill ,a ,,man1 ,,and ,,the ,,opposite ,,thesis4 ,jerome on ,isaiah1 ,bk4 ,v4 ,he who cuts the throat of a man of blood1 is not a man of blood4 ,idem1 ,on the ,epistle to the ,galatians3 ,he who smites the wicked because they are wicked and whose reason for the murder is that he may slay the base1 is a servant of the ,lord4 ,idem1 on ,jeremiah3 ,for the punishment of homicides1 impious persons and poisoners is not bloodshed1 but serving the law4 ,cyprian1 in the ,ninth ,kind of ,abuse3 ,the ,king ought to restrain theft1 punish deeds of adultery1 cause the wicked to perish from off the face of the earth1 refuse to allow parricides and perjurers to live4 ,augustine3 ,although it is manslaughter to slaughter a man1 a person may sometimes be slain without sin4 ,for both a soldier in the case of an enemy and a judge or his official in the case of a criminal1 and the man from whose hand1 perhaps without his will or knowledge1 a weapon has flown1 do not seem to me to sin1 but merely to kill a man4 ,likewise3 ,the soldier is ordered by law to kill the enemy1 and if he shall prove to have refrained from such slaughter1 he pays the penalty at the hands of his commander4 ,shall we not go so far as to call these laws unjust or rather no laws at all8 ,for that which was not just does not seem to me to be a law4 ,idem1 on ,exodus ch4 xxvii3 ,the ,israelites committed no theft in spoiling the ,egyptians1 but rendered a service to ,god at his bidding1 just as when the servant of a judge kills a man whom the law hath ordered to be killed2 certainly if he does it of his own volition he is a homicide1 even though he knows that the man whom he executes ought to be executed by the judge4 ,idem1 on ,leviticus ch4 lxxv3 ,when a man is justly put to death1 the law puts him to death1 not thou4 ,idem1 ,bk4 ,i of the ,city of ,god3 ,thou shall not kill1 except in the case of those whose death ,god orders1 or else when a law hath been passed to suit the needs of the time and express command hath been laid upon a person4 ,but he does not kill who owes service to the person who gives him his orders1 for he is as it were a mere sword for the person who employs his assistance4 ,likewise3 ,when a soldier1 in obedience to the power under which he is legitimately placed1 kills a man1 by no law of the state is he accused of murder2 nay if he has not done it1 he is accused of desertion and insubordination4 ,but if he had acted under his own initiative and of his own will1 he would have incurred the charge of shedding human blood4 ,and so he is punished if he does not do when ordered that for which he would receive punishment if he did it without orders4 ,idem1 to ,publicola3 ,counsel concerning the slaying of men pleaseth me not1 that none may be slain by them1 unless perhaps a man is a soldier or in a public office1 so that he does the deed not in his own behalf1 but for others and for the state1 accepting power legitimately conferred1 if it is consonant with the task imposed on him4 ,likewise3 ,it has been said3 let us not resist the evil man1 let not the vengeance delight us which feeds the mind on others' ill1 let us not neglect the reproofs of men4 ,idem1 to ,marcella3 ,if that earthly commonwealth of thine keep to the teachings of ,christ1 even wars will not be waged without goodwill1 for with pitying heart even wars if possible will be waged by the good1 so that the lusts of desire may be subdued and those faults destroyed which ought under just rule to be either rooted out or chastised4 ,for if ,christian training condemned all wars1 this should rather be the advice given in the gospel for their safety to the soldiers who ask for it1 namely to throw aside their arms and retire altogether from the field4 ,but this is the word spoken to them3 ,do violence to no man1 neither accuse any falsely2 and be content with your wages4 ,he warns them that the wages that belong to them should satisfy them1 but he by no means forbids them to take the field4 ,idem1 to his comrade ,boniface3 ,i will give thee and thine a useful counsel3 ,take arms in thy hands2 let prayer strike the ears of the creator2 because in battle the heavens are opened1 ,god looks forth and awards the victory to the side he sees to be the righteous one4 ,idem3 ,the wars to be waged we undertake either at the command of ,god or under some lawful rule4 ,else ,john when the soldiers to be baptized came to him saying1 ,and what shall we do8 would make answer to them3 ,cast aside your arms1 leave the service2 smite no man2 ruin no man4 ,but because he knew that they did these things because they were in the service1 that they were not slayers of men1 but servants of the law2 and not avengers of their own injuries1 but guardians of the public safety1 his answer to them was3 ,do violence to no man1 etc4 ,isidore1 ,etymologiae1 ,bk4 ,,xviii1 ch4 iii3 ,a righteous war is one waged according to orders1 to recover property or drive back the enemy4 ,pope ,nicholas to the questions of the ,bulgarians3 ,if there is no urgent need1 not only in ,lent but at all times1 men should abstain from battles4 ,if however there is an unavoidable and urgent occasion1 and it is not ,lent1 beyond all doubt preparations for wars should be sparingly made in one's own defence or in that of one's country or the laws of one's fathers2 lest forsooth this word be said3 ,a man if he has an attack to make1 does not carefully take counsel beforehand for his own safety and that of others1 nor does he guard against injury to holy religion4#i ,this example shows the scholastic method in its earliest form1--the statement of the thesis1 followed by the simple citation of authorities1 pro and con4 ,later writers added the conclusion which they wished to support1 or at least indicated it in the statement of the thesis4 ,this1 of course1 robbed the method of much of its stimulus to independent thinking4 ,other modifications also appeared4 ,see the examples on pages #eh ff41 #aba ff4 ,the point to be noted here is that in the ,yes and ,no ,abelard struck out definitely the method which was followed for centuries in a large part of university instruction4 ,how great a part it played can be understood only by an extended study of university history4 ,a brief discussion of the subject is given on pages #ce-cg4 ,the stimulating way in which ,abelard used it was potent in drawing students to ,paris4 ,among those who came to hear him was ,john of ,salisbury4 7b7 ,a ,pre-,university ,scholar3 ,john of ,salisbury ,john of ,salisbury 7c4 #aabj-aahj71 for thirty years the central figure of ,english learning1 beyond dispute the best-read man of his time1 is a good example of the more serious students among those who travelled abroad for study in the early days of the revival described above4 ,he spent twelve years 7#aacf-aadh7 at ,paris and at ,chartres4 ,his ,metalogicus 7completed about #aaei7 is perhaps the best contemporary account of educational affairs in ,france in the twelfth century4 ,the book is interesting now mainly for its account of the writer's training1 for its advocacy of liberal studies as a preparation for logic1 and for its vigorous argument in favor of using all of the works of ,aristotle then known1 several of which had only recently become accessible4 ,it was written originally1 however1 to discredit the educational practices of a certain person--designated by the pseudonym ,cornificius --who was offering a short and showy education1 and spreading it abroad through his disciples4 ,the description of ,cornificius and his school is not necessarily true1 but some passages are quoted from it to illustrate a mode of educational argument thoroughly characteristic of the ,middle ,ages1--and not unknown to-day4 ,they also give point1 by contrast1 to the education and views of ,john ,salisbury himself4 ,john begins by personal abuse of ,cornificius3 ,the shamelessness of his looks1 the rapacity of his hands1 the frivolousness of his bearing1 the foulness of his manners 7which the whole neighborhood spews out71 the obscenity of his lust1 the ugliness of his body1 the baseness of his life1 his spotted reputation1 ,i would lay bare and thrust into the face of the public1 did not my respect for his ,christian name restrain me4 ,for being mindful of my profession1 and of the fraternal communion which we have in the ,lord1 ,i have believed that indulgence should be given to his person while1 nevertheless1 indulgence is not given to his sin4 ,having fairly joined battle by several pages of vituperation1 ,john proceeds to describe his opponent's manner of teaching3 ,but ,i object vigorously to his views1 which have destroyed many1 because he has a crowd that believes in him1 and although the new ,cornificius is more senseless than the old1 yet a mob of foolish ones agrees with him4 ,and there are in particular some of these who1 although inert and slothful1 are eager to seem rather than to be wise4 99 99 99 99 99 ,for my part ,i am not at all surprised if after being employed at a large fee1 and beating his drum a long time1 he taught his credulous hearer to know nothing4 ,for he1 too1 was equally untaught by teachers1 since1 without eloquence1 and yet verbose1 and lacking the fruit of ideas1 he continuously throws to the wind the foliage of words 444 ,he feeds his hearers on fables and trifles1 and if what he promises is true1 he will make them eloquent without the need of skill1 and philosophers by a short cut and without effort4444 ,in that school of philosophizers at that time the question whether the pig which is being led to market is held by the man or by the string1 was considered insoluble4 ,also1 whether he who bought the whole cloak bought the cowl4 ,decidedly incongruous was the speech in which these words1 congruous and incongruous argument and reason did not make a great noise1 with multifold negative particles and transitions through esse and non-esse4 444 ,a wordy clamor was enough to secure the victory1 and he who introduced anything from any source reached the goal of his proposition4444 ,therefore they suddenly became expert philosophers1 for he who had come there illiterate delayed in the schools scarcely longer than the time within which young birds get their feathers4 ,so the fresh teachers from the schools and the young birds from the nests flew off together1 having lingered an equal length of time4444 ,they talked only of congruity or reason1 and argument resounded from the lips of all1 and to give its common name to an ass1 or a man1 or any of nature's works1 was like a crime1 or was much too inelegant or crude1 and abhorrent to a philosopher4444 ,hence this seething pot of speech in which the stupid old man exults1 insulting those who revere the originators of the ,arts because when he pretends to devote his energies to them he finds nothing useful in them4#aj ,john's own training was in marked contrast to all this4 ,instead of remaining in the schools scarcely longer than the time within which young birds get their feathers1 he spent1 as above noted1 twelve years in study4 ,instead of devoting himself to logic and disputation alone1 he received an extensive training in the classics and in theology4 ,his first teacher at ,paris was ,abelard4 ,when ,i was a very young man1 ,i went to study in ,france1 the year after the death of that lion in the cause of justice1 ,henry the ,first1 king of ,england4 ,there ,i sought out that famous teacher and ,peripatetic philosopher of ,pallet ,abelard1 who at that time presided at ,mont ,st4 ,genevieve1 and was the subject of admiration to all men4 ,at his feet ,i received the first rudiments of the dialectic art logic1 and shewed the utmost avidity to pick up and store away in my mind all that fell from his lips4 ,when1 however1 much to my regret1 ,abelard left us1 ,i attended ,master ,alberic1 a most obstinate ,dialectician1 and unflinching assailant of the ,nominal ,sect4 ,two years ,i stayed at ,mont ,st4 ,genevieve1 under the tuition of ,alberic and ,master ,robert de ,melun4 ,then follows a characterization of these teachers4 ,the statement that one of them went to ,bologna for the further study of logic indicates that that place was eminent for its teaching of dialectics as well as for the study of law4 ,one of these teachers was scrupulous even to minutiae1 and everywhere found some subject to raise a question2 for the smoothest surface presented inequalities to him1 and there was no rod so smooth that he could not find a knot in it1 and shew how it might be got rid of4 ,the other of the two was prompt in reply1 and never for the sake of subterfuge avoided a question that was proposed2 but he would choose the contradictory side1 or by multiplicity of words would show that a simple answer could not be given4 ,in all questions1 therefore1 he was subtle and profuse1 whilst the other in his answer was perspicuous1 brief1 and to the point ,if two such characters could ever have been united in the same person1 he would be the best hand at disputation that our times have produced4 ,both of them possessed acute wit1 and an indomitable perseverance1 and ,i believe they would have turned out great and distinguished men in ,physical ,studies1 if they had supported themselves on the great base of ,literature1 and more closely followed the tracks of the ancients1 instead of taking such pride in their own discoveries4 ,all this is said with reference to the time during which ,i attended on them4 ,for one of them afterwards went to ,bologna1 and there unlearnt what he had taught3 on his return also1 he untaught it3 whether the change was for the better or the worse1 ,i leave to the judgment of those who heard him before and after4 ,the other of the two was also a proficient in the more exalted ,philosophy of ,divinity1 wherein he obtained a distinguished name4 ,with these teachers ,i remained two years1 and got so versed in commonplaces1 rules1 and elements in general1 which boys study1 and in which my teachers were most weighty1 that ,i seemed to myself to know them as well as ,i knew my own nails and fingers4 ,there was one thing which ,i had certainly attained to1 namely1 to estimate my own knowledge much higher than it deserved4 ,i thought myself a young scholar1 because ,i was ready in what ,i had been taught4 ,evidence external to this narrative shows that he now went to the school at ,chartres1--some sixty miles southwest of ,paris1--which was one of three great ,french schools of the period 7see p4 #aj74 ,during the first half of the twelfth century it became famous under the teaching of the brothers ,theodoric and ,bernard ,sylvester1 who are both mentioned in the following passages4 ,the school was distinguished in particular for its devotion to ,grammar1 ,rhetoric1 and classical ,latin literature2 in this respect it was in marked contrast to ,paris1 where ,logic and ,theology were the prevailing studies4 ,i then1 beginning to reflect and to measure my strength1 attended on the ,grammarian ,william de ,conches during the space of three years2 and read much at intervals3 nor shall ,i ever regret the way in which my time was then spent4 ,after this ,i became a follower of ,richard l',eveque1 a man who was master of every kind of learning1 and whose breast contained much more than his tongue dared give utterance to2 for he had learning rather than eloquence1 truthfulness rather than vanity1 virtue rather than ostentation4 ,with him ,i reviewed all that ,i had learned from the others1 besides certain things1 which ,i now learnt for the first time1 relating to the ,quadrivium1 in which ,i had already acquired some information from the ,german ,hardewin4 ,i also again studied ,rhetoric1 which ,i had before learnt very superficially with some other studies from ,master ,theodoric1 but without understanding what ,i read4 ,afterwards ,i learnt it more fully from ,peter ,hely4#aa ,in another chapter1 which is here inserted in the narrative1 ,john describes in detail the teaching at ,chartres4 ,this is one of the most complete accounts which we have of the manner and the matter of the teaching in a twelfth-century school4 ,he begins by a general discussion of the importance of ,grammar1 which is the foundation and root of reading1 teaching1 and reflection4 ,throughout this discussion he refers constantly to ,quintilian's ,institutes of ,oratory4 ,the study of ,rhetoric and of other ,arts prepares one for the proper understanding of ,literature3 ,the greater the number of ,arts with which one is imbued1 and the more fully he is imbued with them1 so much the more completely will he appreciate the elegance of the authors1 and the more clearly will he teach them4 ,as to the study of ,literature1 care should be used in selecting the best authors4 ,bernard1 he reports1 always said that unnecessary reading should be avoided1 and that the writings of illustrious authors were sufficient2 since to study whatever all that the most contemptible men have ever said results in too great torture or in idle boasting1 and hinders and even overwhelms the intelligence1 which is better left empty for other writings4 ,the reading chosen was classical ,latin literature2 in this reverent dependence upon the ancients1 lies the main peculiarity of the school of ,chartres1 which under ,bernard and his brother enjoyed a peculiar distinction1 continually growing until it became almost an unapproached pre-eminence among the schools of ,gaul4#ab ,this reading is in turn a preparation for ,philosophy4 ,he who aspires to ,philosophy should understand reading1 teaching and reflection1 together with practice in good works4 ,search ,virgil and ,lucan1 and there1 no matter of what philosophy you are professor1 you will find it in the making4 ,all this is in marked contrast to the method of ,cornificius1 who proposed to train philosophers suddenly4 ,john continues3 ,bernard of ,chartres1 the most copious source of letters in ,gaul in modern times1 followed this method1 and in the reading of authors showed what was simple1 and fell under the ordinary rules2 the figures of grammar1 the adornments of rhetoric1 the quibbles of sophistries2 and where the subject of his own lesson suggested reading related to other arts1 these matters he brought into full view1 yet in such wise that he did not teach everything about each topic but1 in proportion to the capacity of his audience1 dispensed to them in due time the full scope of the subject4 ,and because the brilliancy of any speech depends either on ,propriety 7that is1 the correct agreement of adjective or verb with the substantive7 or on ,metathesis 7that is1 the transfer of the meaning of an expression for a worthy reason to another signification71 these were the things which he took every opportunity to inculcate in the minds of his hearers4 ,and since the memory is strengthened by exercise and the wits are sharpened by imitating what is heard1 he urged some by warnings1 and some by floggings and punishments to the constant practice of memorizing and imitation4 ,they were individually required on the following day to reproduce some part of what they had heard the day before1 some more1 some less1 for with them the following day was the pupil of the day preceding4 ,evening drill1 which was called declension1 was packed with so much grammar that if one gave a whole year to it he would have at his command1 if he were not unusually dull1 a method of speaking and writing1 and he could not be ignorant of expressions which are in common use4444 ,for those of the boys for whom preliminary exercises in imitating prose or poetry were prescribed1 he announced the poets or orators and bade them imitate their example1 pointing out the way they joined their words and the elegance of their perorations4 ,but if any one to make his own work brilliant had borrowed the cloak of another he detected the theft and convicted him1 though he did not very often inflict a punishment2 but he directed the culprit thus convicted1 if the poorness of his work had so merited1 to condescend with modest favor to express the exact meaning of the author2 and he made the one who imitated his predecessors worthy of imitation by his successors4 ,the following matters1 too1 he taught among the first rudiments and fixed them in their minds3--the value of order2 what is praiseworthy in embellishment and in choice of words2 where there is tenuity and1 as it were1 emaciation of speech2 where1 a pleasing abundance2 where1 excess2 and where1 a due limit in all things4444 ,and since in the entire preliminary training of those who are to be taught there is nothing more useful than to grow accustomed to that which must needs be done with skill1 they repeatedly wrote prose and poetry every day1 and trained themselves by mutual comparisons1--a training than which nothing is more effective for eloquence1 nothing more expeditious for learning2 and it confers the greatest benefit upon life1 at least1 if affection rather than envy rules these comparisons1 if humility is not lost in literary proficiency4#ac ,john's stay at ,chartres 7#aach-aada7 made him a permanent advocate of liberal education2 but to no avail2 the influence of ,paris and the rising tide of ,aristotelianism gained the day4 ,as a champion of the newly-recovered works of ,aristotle 7see p4 #db7 he was more in accord with the tendencies of his time4 ,the concluding section of the account narrates ,john's return to ,paris1 his further studies there 7#aada-aadh71 and his visit to his old school on the ,mount3 ,from hence ,i was withdrawn by the poverty of my condition1 the request of my companions1 and the advice of my friends1 that ,i should undertake the office of a tutor4 ,i obeyed their wishes2 and on my return to ,paris after three years1 finding ,master ,gilbert de la ,porree ,i studied ,logic and ,divinity with him3 but he was very speedly removed from us1 and in his place we had ,robert de ,poule1 a man amiable alike for his rectitude and his attainments4 ,then came ,simon de ,poissy1 who was a faithful reader1 but an obtuse disputator4 ,these two were my teachers in ,theology only4 ,twelve years having passed away1 whilst ,i was engaged in these various occupations1 ,i determined to revisit my old companions1 whom ,i found still engaged with ,logic at ,mont ,st4 ,genevieve1 and to confer with them touching old matters of debate2 that we might by mutual comparison measure together our several progress4 ,i found them as before1 and where they were before2 nor did they appear to have reached the goal in unravelling the old questions1 nor had they added one jot of a proposition4 ,the aims that once inspired them1 inspired them still3 they had progressed in one point only3 they had unlearned moderation1 they knew not modesty2 in such wise that one might despair of their recovery4 ,and thus experience taught me a manifest conclusion1 that1 whereas dialectic furthers other studies1 so if it remain by itself it lies bloodless and barren1 nor does it quicken the soul to yield fruit of philosophy1 except the same conceive from elsewhere4#ad ,this was doubtless one of the experiences which led ,john to vigorous argument on the futility of devotion to ,logic alone1 and on the importance of a liberal education3 ,that eloquence is of no effect without wisdom is a saying that is frequent and true4 ,whence it is evident that to be of effect it operates within the limits of wisdom4 ,therefore eloquence is effective in proportion to the measure of wisdom which each one has acquired2 for the former does harm if it is dissociated from the latter4 ,from this it follows that dialectic1 which is the quickest and most prompt among the hand-maids of eloquence1 is of use to each one in proportion to the measure of his knowledge4 ,for it is of most use to him who knows the most and of least use to him who knows little4 ,for as the sword of ,hercules in the hand of a pygmy or dwarf is ineffective1 while the same sword in the hand of ,achilles or ,hector strikes down everything like a thunderbolt1 so dialectic1 if it is deprived of the vigor of the other disciplines is to a certain degree crippled and almost useless4 ,if it is vigorous through the might of the others1 it is powerful in destroying all falsehood and1 to ascribe the minimum to it1 it is adequate for the proper discussion of all things 444 ,now it is very easy for each workman to talk about his own art2 but to do skilfully what the art requires1 is most difficult4 ,for what physician is there who does not talk often and much about elements1 and humors1 and complexions1 and diseases1 and the rest that pertain to physic8 ,but he who gets well on such talk could well have afforded to be even sicker4 ,what ethical teacher has not an abundance of rules for good living so long as they exist only on his lips8 ,but it is clearly a much harder task to express them in actual life4 ,mechanics1 individually1 talk glibly about their own arts1 but not one of them so lightly vies 7in practice7 with the architect or the boxer4 ,it is the same in every other line4 ,so it is very easy to talk about definition1 arguments1 or genus and the like1 but to devise these same things within the limits of a single art for the purpose of performing fully the functions of the art1 is far more difficult i4e4 to discuss logic in the abstract is easy1 but to reason logically in any specific field of knowledge is difficult4 ,therefore he who is hampered by a dearth of the disciplines will not have the power which ,dialectic promises and affords4#ae ,the views of ,john of ,salisbury concerning the study of ,aristotle are indicated on pages #db-dd4 #b4 ,,the ,,new ,,method ,the new method of study and investigation1 developed by ,abelard1 was a second influence of importance in the growth of universities4 ,the method itself--later known as the scholastic method--is illustrated on pages #bj1 #eh1 #aba ff4 ,the present section therefore merely indicates the ways in which it influenced the course of higher education4 7a7 ,the new method was one cause of the awakened interest in study and investigation4 ,its effect is thus described by the most learned historian of mediaeval universities3 ,paris and ,bologna experienced before all other schools1 and nearly simultaneously1 at the beginning of the twelfth century1 an unexpected1 almost sudden development4 ,for in these schools alone a definite branch of learning was treated 444 by a new method1 adapted to contemporary needs1 but hitherto unknown1 or insufficiently known1 to other teachers of the period2 and thereby a new era of scientific investigation was inaugurated4 ,this new method had an attractive power for teachers and scholars of various countries 444 ,in this way the cornerstones of permanent abodes of learning were laid4 ,the continually growing number of scholars brought with it the increase of teachers2 the desire of both classes for learning was awakened2 and this desire1 and the combative exchange of ideas in the disputations1--which now first became really established in the schools as a result of the new method1--were effective forces to keep investigation active1 and the schools themselves from decline4 ,in ,paris1 it was the cultivation of ,logic1 but chiefly the new method in ,theology1 444 developed in various ways especially by ,abelard and other teachers1 and extended by his contemporaries and their disciples 444 which caused the revolution in the schools of that city4#af 7b7 ,the new method of ,abelard established a new form of exposition1 and consequently a new mode of teaching1 in ,canon ,law and in ,theology4 ,the earliest university text-book in ,canon ,law--the ,decretum of ,gratian--adopted this method1 with some modifications4 ,it was followed in portions of the chief text-book in ,theology1--the ,sentences of ,peter ,lombard4 ,variously modified1 it became the method used in all subsequent scholastic philosophy and theology4 ,it was widely used in connection with other university studies4 ,in general1 it was to mediaeval education what the method of experiment is to the study and teaching of modern natural science4 ,a good illustration of its recent use is ,thomas ,harper's ,metaphysic of the ,school4 7c7 ,the scholastic method became the basis of one of the most important university exercises1--the disputation or debate1 which was employed in every field of study4#ag #c4 ,,the ,,new ,,studies ,during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the intellectual life of western ,europe was enriched by the addition of a group of books1 old and new1 which were destined to influence profoundly the growth of the universities1 as well as the whole course of mediaeval life and thought4 ,without some such addition to the stock of learning higher education could hardly have developed at all1 for the materials available for it previous to the twelfth century were decidedly scanty4 ,the books presently to be described furnished a body of advanced and solid instruction1 suited to the needs of the times4 ,they formed one of the permanent influences which both developed and maintained centers of higher education1 for the new learning was not less potent in attracting students than the fame of individual teachers or the new method of study4 ,the greater number of the books which formed the body of university instruction were recoveries from the mass of ancient and long-disused ,greek and ,roman learning1 together with a few works of ,arabic and ,jewish origin4 ,to this group belong the works of ,aristotle1 the body of ,roman ,law1 and the medical works of ,galen1 ,hippocrates1 and various ,arabic and ,jewish physicians4 ,in the main1 these had been hitherto unknown in western ,europe1 or at least practically for-gotten since the days of the ,roman ,empire4 ,in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries they were collected and made generally accessible to students4 ,those not originally written in ,latin were now translated into ,latin2 manuscript copies were multiplied and widely diffused4 ,but the intellectual activity of the times accomplished much more than the recovery of some fragments of ancient learning2 it also created two new fields of study1--,scholastic ,philosophy and ,theology1 and ,canon ,law1--and produced the text-books which marked them off as distinct and professional studies4 ,the book which established the method of these studies was ,abelard's ,yes and ,no 7see p4 #bj72 but the works which furnished the substance of university instruction were1 in ,theology1 the ,sentences 7,sententiae7 of ,peter ,lombard1 and in ,canon ,law1 the ,decree 7,decretum7 of ,gratian1 which was also known as the ,harmony of ,contradictory ,canons 7,concordia ,discordantium ,canonum71 and additions thereto1 indicated on page #ef4 ,thus1 during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries1 the growth of universities was stimulated by the development of a great body of learning hitherto inaccessible or unknown4 ,the striking nature of this development will be clearer if we recall that no addition to the learning of western ,europe in the least degree comparable to this had been made during the entire seven centuries preceding4 ,the books above mentioned did not constitute the sole resources for higher education4 ,besides the already long-used text-books on the ,seven ,liberal ,arts there were mathematical and philosophical works of ,arabic origin1 and as the revival progressed many new books were written on the old subjects4 ,but the books already named were fundamentally important as furnishing not only the early intellectual impulse to the growth of universities1 but also the main body of studies in the ,faculties of ,arts1 ,theology1 ,law1 and ,medicine down to the year #aejj4 ,many of them were in use at a much later date1 and some--with many revisions--are still standard text-books4 ,no one can understand the intellectual life of the universities who does not have some acquaintance with the titles and contents of these works4 ,it may be added that acquaintance with them is essential also to the understanding of ,european history and literature4 ,this section is therefore devoted to certain details concerning the early history of university studies4 7a7 ,the ,works of ,aristotle ,the works of ,aristotle were composed in ,athens1 #cce-cbb ,b4,c4 ,their history1 from the time of ,aristotle's death to their appearance in ,latin translations in western ,europe1 fifteen hundred years later1 cannot be here detailed4 ,the translations commonly used in the universities were nearly all made during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries4 ,the earlier ones were made in ,spain1 from ,arabic versions of the original ,greek2 the later1 directly from ,greek copies found in ,constantinople1 and elsewhere in the ,east4 ,the ,arabic-,latin translations were very poor1 owing to the two removes from the original ,greek and the incapacity of the translators4 ,those directly from the ,greek were somewhat better1 yet far from satisfactory2 and new versions were repeatedly made down to the end of the fifteenth century4 ,university reforms sometimes included the adoption of these better translations 7see p4 #dh74 ,the works known by the year #acjj may be classified in four groups3 #a4 ,categories ,predicamenta4 ,i4 ,logical ,categoriae4 treatises #b4 ,on interpretation ,de ,interpretatione4 commonly ,peri ,hermeneias4 referred to #c4 ,prior ,analytics ,analytica ,priora4 as the ,organon #d4 ,posterior ,analytics ,analytica ,posteriora4 or #e4 ,topics ,topica4 ,methodology #f4 ,sophistical ,sophisticae ,elenchi4 ,refutations ,,ii4 ,moral #g4 ,politics4 and ,practical #h4 ,ethics4 ,philosophy #i4 ,rhetoric4 #aj4 ,poetics4 #aa4 ,a ,physical ,discourse 7,physics74 #ab4 ,on the ,heavens4 #ac4 ,on ,generation and ,destruction4 #ad4 ,meteorologies4 #ae4 ,researches about ,animals4 #af4 ,on ,parts of ,animals4 #ag4 ,on ,locomotion of ,animals4 #ah4 ,on ,generation of ,animals4 ,,iii4 ,natural #ai4 ,on the ,soul4 ,philosophy4 #bj4 ,appendices to the work ,on the ,soul4 7a7 ,on ,sense and ,sensible ,things4 7b7 ,on ,memory and ,recollection4 7c7 ,on ,sleep and ,waking4 7d7 ,on ,dreams and ,prophesying in ,sleep4 7e7 ,on ,longevity and ,shortlivedness4 7f7 ,on ,youth and ,old ,age4 7g7 ,on ,life and ,death4 7g7 ,on ,respiration4 ,,iv4 ,rational #ba4 ,metaphysics4 ,philosophy4 ,this encyclopedic collection became accessible in ,latin translations only by slow degrees4 ,abelard knew only the first two 7possibly also the third and fourth7 works of the ,organon4 ,john of ,salisbury1 in the next generation1 was familiar with the six treatises of the ,organon1 but apparently not with the others4 ,little seems to have been added to these until the beginning of the thirteenth century1 when the ,ethics1 the ,physics1 and the ,metaphysics were mentioned at ,paris1--the last two as forbidden works4 ,the great era of translation seems to have been between #abjj and #abgj1 when both ,arabic-,latin and ,greek-,latin versions were made of most of the remaining treatises4 ,the recovery of ,aristotle thus occupied more than a century and a half4 ,during that period the intellectual life of western ,europe was stimulated by the influx of hitherto unknown works of that philosopher1 and weighty additions were made to the list of available studies4 ,as usual1 the world of scholars and the universities were slow to recognize the worth of the new studies4 ,this was due partly to the natural conservatism of teachers1 and partly to the fear of ecclesiastical authorities that the study of ,aristotle would give rise to heresies4 ,thus in the documents of the time we meet1 on the one hand1 vigorous arguments by progressive scholars in favor of ,aristotle1 and on the other1 university regulations prescribing what books shall or shall not be studied4 ,the attitude of ,abelard toward ,aristotle has already been cited 7see p4 #ai74 ,his pupil1 ,john of ,salisbury1 devotes a considerable portion of the ,metalogicus to a discussion of the utility of the various portions of the ,organon and to the defense of ,aristotle1 as is shown by the titles of various chapters of that work4 ,it is important to remember that he is advocating the study of the newly translated books1 as well as those already known3 ,that ,logic1 because it seeks the truth1 takes the lead in all ,philosophy4 ,on the usefulness of the ,categories and their appliances4 ,what ,conception is1 and the usefulness of the ,periermeniae or more correctly ,periermenia4 ,peri ,hermeneias4 ,on ,interpretation4 ,of what the ,body of ,art consists2 and on the usefulness of the ,topics4 ,why ,aristotle deserved more than others the name of philosopher4 ,that ,aristotle erred in many ways2 that he is eminent in ,logic4 ,john of ,salisbury clearly recognized the supremacy of ,aristotle among logicians4 ,after naming ,apuleius1 ,cicero1 ,porphyry1 ,boethius1 ,augustine1 and others1 he adds3 ,but while individually they shine forth because of their own merits1 they all boast that they worship the very footsteps of ,aristotle2 to such a degree1 indeed1 that by a sure pre-eminence he has made peculiarly his own the common name of all philosophers4 ,for by ,antonomy a figure of speech he is called ,the ,philosopher par excellence4 ,it is clear1 however1 that ,aristotle had by no means attained1 at the middle of the twelfth century1 the authoritative position which he held a hundred years later4 ,this appears in the chapter ,on those who ,carp at the ,works of ,aristotle3 ,i cannot sufficiently wonder what sort of a mind they have 7if1 that is1 they have any7 who carp at the works of ,aristotle1 which1 in any case1 ,i proposed not to expound but to praise4 ,master ,theodoric1 as ,i recall1 ridiculed the ,topics1--not of ,aristotle1 but of ,drogo4 ,yet he once taught those very ,topics4 ,certain auditors of ,master ,robert of ,melun calumniated this work as practically useless4 ,all decried the ,categories4 ,wherefore ,i hesitated some time about commending them2 but there was no question as to the rest of his works1 since they were commended by the judgment of all2 but ,i did not think that they should be praised grudgingly4 ,yet opposition is made to the ,elenchi ,sophistical ,refutations1 though stupidly1 because it contains poetry2 but clearly the idiom of the ,greek language does not lend itself readily to translation4 ,in this respect the ,analytics seem to me preferable1 because they are no less efficient for actual use1 and because by their easier comprehension they stimulate eloquence4#ah ,the slowness with which these works made their way is described by ,roger ,bacon at the end of the thirteenth century4 ,but a part of the philosophy of ,aristotle has come slowly into the use of the ,latins4 ,for his ,natural ,philosophy and ,metaphysics1 and the ,commentaries of ,averrhoes and of others1 were translated in our times1 and were excommunicated at ,paris before the year of our ,lord #abcg on account of their heretical views on the eternity of matter and of time1 and on account of the heresies contained in the book on ,interpretation of ,dreams 7which is the third book on ,sleep and ,wakefulness71 and on account of the many errors in the translation4 ,the ,logicalia were also slowly received and read1 for the blessed ,edmund1 ,archbishop of ,canterbury1 was the first at ,oxford1 in my time1 to lecture on the book of ,elenchi ,sophistical ,refutations and ,i saw ,master ,hugo who at first read the book of ,posterior ,analytics1 and ,i saw his opinion4 ,so there were few books which were considered worth reading in the aforesaid philosophy of ,aristotle1 considering the multitudes of ,latins2 nay1 exceedingly few and almost none1 up to this year of our ,lord #abib4 ,so1 too1 the ,ethics of ,aristotle has been tardily tried and has lately been read by ,masters1 though only here and there4 ,and the entire remaining philosophy of ,aristotle in a thousand volumes1 in which he treated all the knowledges1 has never yet been translated and made known to the ,latins4#ai ,the last sentence of the account displays an ignorance of the number of ,aristotle's extant writings which was doubtless shared by all of ,bacon's contemporaries4 ,earlier writers1 beginning with ,andronicus of ,rhodes 7first century ,b4,c471 had also placed the number at one thousand2 ,bacon probably copied the statement from one of these4 ,the attitude of ecclesiastical authorities toward the study of ,aristotle at ,paris is expressed in a series of regulations extending over nearly half a century 7#abaj-abed74 ,they indicate at first a fear of certain of the newly translated books on account of their heretical views1 as is stated by ,roger ,bacon 7p4 #dd74 ,this suspicion gradually disappears2 and by #abed all the more important works of ,aristotle are not only approved1 but prescribed for study4 ,in #abaj a church council held at ,paris sentenced certain heretics to be burned1 condemned various theological writings1 and added3 ,nor shall the books of ,aristotle on ,natural ,philosophy1 and the ,commentaries of ,averrhoes on ,aristotle be read in ,paris in public or in secret2 and this we enjoin under pain of excommunication4#bj ,in #abae the statutes of the ,papal ,legate1 ,robert de ,courcon1 for the ,university1 prescribe in detail what shall1 and what shall not1 be studied3 ,the treatises of ,aristotle on ,logic1 both the ,old and the ,new1 are to be read in the schools in the regular and not in the extraordinary courses4 ,on feast-days holidays nothing is to be read except 444 the ,ethics1 if one so chooses1 and the fourth book of the ,topics4 ,the books of ,aristotle on ,metaphysics or ,natural ,philosophy1 or the abridgments of these works1 are not to be read4#ba ,in other words1 the ,old and ,new ,logic are prescribed studies2 the ,ethics1 and ,topics1 ,bk4 ,,iv1 are optional2 the ,metaphysics and the ,natural ,philosophy are forbidden4 ,sixteen years later 7#abca7 the ,statutes of ,pope ,gregory ,,ix for the ,university prohibit only the ,natural ,philosophy1 and even these works only until they are purged from error3 ,furthermore1 we command that the ,masters of ,arts 444 shall not use in ,paris those books on ,natural ,philosophy which for a definite reason were prohibited in the provincial council of #abaj1 until they have been examined and purged from every suspicion of error4#bb ,the final triumph of ,aristotle in the ,university is indicated by the statute of the ,masters of ,arts in #abed4bc ,it must have had at least the tacit approval of the pope or his delegate4 ,the statute is too long to quote effectively to the point4 ,none of the works are forbidden1 and a large number are prescribed4 ,the list of works mentioned includes-- 7#a7 ,the six logical treatises of the ,organon2 7#b7 ,ethics1 ,bks4 ,i-,,iv2 7#c7 ,physics1 ,on the ,heavens and the ,earth1 ,meteorologics1 ,on ,generation1 ,on ,animals1 ,on the ,soul1 ,on ,sense and ,sensible ,things1 ,on ,sleep and ,waking1 ,on ,memory and ,recollection1 ,on ,life and ,death2 7#d7 ,metaphysics4 ,to these are added two other works then believed to be ,aristotle's1--,on ,plants1 and ,on ,causes1--and numerous books by other authors 7named on p4 #acg7 which do not concern the present discussion4 ,a comparison of the list above with the list on page #dj will show that nearly the whole range of ,aristotle's works is prescribed4 ,comparison with the statute of #abae will show not only a change of view regarding the works then forbidden1 but also an immense broadening of the studies of the ,faculty of ,arts in the course of forty years4 ,the foregoing details are cited to give an idea of the first stage of the question of ,aristotle in the universities4 ,the statute of #abed may be taken as closing the long struggle for the recognition of his works4 ,the broad principle of their general acceptance had been established2 thenceforward for nearly three centuries they remained the dominant studies of the ,faculties of ,arts everywhere4 ,these centuries include the second period of their academic history4 ,their authority is now hardly questioned2 and woe to the questioner6 ,they furnish the basis for the great structure of scholastic philosophy2 they are reconciled with ,christian doctrine4 ,aristotle is thenceforward ,the ,philosopher--he is so styled even in modern scholastic philosophy2 he is the forerunner of ,christ in things natural1 the master of those who know4 ,in this period1 then1 academic debate concerned itself with matters of detail4 ,what portions of his works should be studied for the various degrees in ,arts8 ,in what order should they be studied8 ,what comments should be read8 ,what translations should be used8 ,so late as #aeai these are the chief questions considered in the reformed plan of studies in ,arts at ,leipzig4 ,the reader will note the stress laid upon the study of the text itself2 the exclusion of frivolous comments1 and the use of the latest translations by ,greek scholars4 ,inasmuch as no good thing is more desirable than philosophy1 as ,cicero says1 and none more advantageous has been given to the race of mortals1 or granted by heaven1 or will ever be given as a gift2 in order that we may possess this too1 we choose as our guide ,aristotle1 whom we cause to be commended for his knowledge of facts1 the number of his works1 his ability in speaking1 and the acumen of his intellectual powers4 ,nor will we interpret the visions and involved questions of his interpreters1 since it is characteristic of a very poor intellect to grow wise from commentaries only1 in which1 neglecting ,aristotle's meaning1 the ,sophists dispute about empty trifles4 ,but his works1 translated in part by ,archeropylus ,argyropulos1 in part by ,augustus ,nipho and ,hermolaus ,barbarus and ,theodoras ,gaza1 will be made clear in the order outlined below3#bd ,then follows the list of books1 for which see p4 #acd4 ,the third stage of the debate concerning ,aristotle began shortly after #aejj4 ,his works were less exclusively the subject of study3 they were being displaced by the ,latin and ,greek classics4 ,they were1 moreover1 the object of repeated attack4 ,in #aecf1 in the ,university of ,paris1 which had so long maintained their study1 ,pierre ,ramus successfully defended the startling thesis1 ,everything that ,aristotle taught is false4 ,this was only one sign of their loss of prestige4 ,new and improved text-books in ,logic absorbed the useful portions of the ,organon2 the authority of the ,natural ,philosophy waned with the rise of experimental science2 that of the ,metaphysics yielded to the new philosophy of ,descartes4 ,by the end of the seventeenth century they ceased to be a potent factor in university studies4 7b7 ,the ,roman ,law ,the great compilation of the ,roman ,law known as the ,corpus ,juris ,civilis 7,body of ,civil ,law7 constitutes a second important addition of the twelfth century to the field of university studies4 ,it was probably more important as an influence upon the growth of universities than the works of ,aristotle4 ,the greater part of the ,corpus ,juris was compiled at ,constantinople1 #ebi-ecc ,a4,d41 by certain eminent jurists under the ,roman ,emperor1 ,justinian4 ,the purpose of the work was to reduce to order and harmony the mass of confused and contradictory statutes and legal opinions1 and to furnish a standard body of laws of manageable size in place of the unwieldly mass of incorrect texts commonly in use1 so that the entire ancient law1 in a state of confusion for some fourteen hundred years and now by us made clear1 may be1 so to speak1 enclosed within a wall and have nothing left outside it4 ,the jurists entrusted with this work were also required to prepare an introductory book for students1 as described below4 ,after the completion of the whole work ,justinian issued 7#ecc-efe7 many new statutes 7,novellae7 which were never officially collected1 but which came to be considered a part of the ,corpus ,juris4 ,the main divisions of the ,body of ,civil ,law are-- 7#a7 ,the ,code1 in twelve books1 which contains statutes of the ,emperors from the third century ,a4,d4 ,since says ,justinian we find the whole course of our statutes 444 to be in a state of such confusion that they reach to an infinite length and surpass the bounds of all human capacity1 it was therefore our first desire to make a beginning with the most sacred ,emperors of old times1 to amend their statutes1 and to put them in a clear order1 so that they might be collected together in one book1 and1 being divested of all superfluous repetition and most inequitable disagreement1 might afford to all mankind the ready resource of their unalloyed character4#be 7#b7 ,the ,digest1 or ,pandects1 in fifty books1 containing extracts from the opinions of ,roman lawyers on a great variety of legal questions4 ,this work was also undertaken to bring order and harmony out of the prevailing confusion3 ,we have entrusted the entire task to ,tribonianus1 a most distinguished man1 ,master of the ,offices1 ex-quaestor of our sacred palace1 and ex-consul1 and we have laid on him the whole service of the enterprise described1 so that with other illustrious and learned colleagues he might fulfil our desire4 ,he is to collect together and to submit to certain modifications the very most important works of old times1 thoroughly intermixed and broken up as they may almost be called4 ,but in the midst of our careful researches1 it was intimated to us by the said exalted person that there were nearly two thousand books written by the old lawyers1 and more than three million lines were left us by them1 all of which it was requisite to read and carefully consider and out of them to select whatever might be best4 ,this was accomplished so that everything of great importance was collected into fifty books1 and all ambiguities were settled1 without any refractory passage being left4#bf ,in mediaeval university documents the ,digest is frequently mentioned in three divisions1 which probably indicate three separate instalments in which the ,,ms4 of the work was brought to ,bologna in the eleventh and twelfth centuries3 the ,old ,digest 7,digestum ,vetus7 ,bks4 ,i-,,xxiv1 title ii1 ,infortiatum ,bks4 ,,xxiv1 title iii-,,xxxviii1 title iii1 and ,new ,digest 7,digestum ,novum7 ,bks4 ,,xxxviii1 title iv-,l4 ,the meaning of the term ,infortiatum is uncertain4 ,this distinction between the various parts of the ,digest is purely arbitrary4444 ,the division must have originated in an accidental separation of some archetypal ,,ms4#bg 7#c7 ,the ,institutes1 in four books1 an elementary text-book for students4 ,the purpose of the book was to afford a simple1 clear1 and trustworthy introduction to the study of law1 and to economize the student's time3 ,when we had arranged and brought into perfect harmony the hitherto confused mass of imperial constitutions 7i4e4 the ,code71 we then extended our care to the vast volumes of ancient law2 and1 sailing as it were across the mid ocean1 have now completed1 through the favour of heaven1 a work that once seemed beyond hope 7i4e4 the ,digest74 ,when by the blessing of ,god this task was accomplished1 we summoned the most eminent ,tribonian1 master and ex-quaestor of our palace1 together with the illustrious ,theophilus and ,dorotheus1 professors of law1 all of whom have on many occasions proved to us their ability1 legal knowledge1 and obedience to our orders2 and we have specially charged them to compose1 under our authority and advice1 ,institutes1 so that you may no more learn the first elements of law from old and erroneous sources1 but apprehend them by the clear light of imperial wisdom2 and that your minds and ears may receive nothing that is useless or misplaced1 but only what obtains in actual practice4 ,so that1 whereas1 formerly1 the junior students could scarcely1 after three years' study1 read the imperial constitutions1 you may now commence your studies by reading them1 you who have been thought worthy of an honour and a happiness so great that the first and last lessons in the knowledge of the law should issue for you from the mouth of the emperor4 ,when1 therefore1 by the assistance of the same eminent person ,tribonian and that of other illustrious and learned men1 we had compiled the fifty books1 called ,digests or ,pandects1 in which is collected the whole ancient law1 we directed that these ,institutes should be divided into four books1 which might serve as the first elements of the whole science of law4 ,in these books a brief exposition is given of the ancient laws1 and of those also1 which1 overshadowed by disuse1 have been again brought to light by our imperial authority4 ,these four books of ,institutes thus compiled1 from all the ,institutes left us by the ancients1 and chiefly from the commentaries of our ,gaius1 both in his ,institutes and in his work on daily affairs1 and also from many other commentaries1 were presented to us by the three learned men we have above named4 ,we have read and examined them and have accorded to them all the force of our constitutions4 ,receive1 therefore1 with eagerness1 and study with cheerful diligence1 these our laws1 and show yourselves persons of such learning that you may conceive the flattering hope of yourselves being able1 when your course of legal study is completed1 to govern our empire in the different portions that may be entrusted to your care4 ,given at ,constantinople on the eleventh day of the calends of ,december1 in the third consulate of the ,emperor ,justinian1 ever ,august 7#ecc7bh 7#d7 ,the ,novellae 7,novels71 or new statutes issued by ,justinian between the final edition of the ,code and his death 7#ecd-efe74 ,these are really a continuation of the ,code1 but they were never officially collected4 ,the ,code and the ,institutes were known and studied in ,italy throughout the ,dark ,ages1 but the ,digest1 much the largest and most important part of the ,corpus ,juris1 was almost wholly neglected1 if not unknown1 until the time of ,irnerius of ,bologna 7c4 #ajgj-aacj74 ,he and his co-laborers collected and arranged the scattered parts of the entire ,body of ,civil ,law1 and in particular introduced the ,digest to western ,europe4 ,without the ,digest the study of ,roman ,law was in a worse position than the study of ,aristotle when he was known only from the ,organon4 ,in a most important sense1 therefore1 the recovery of the ,corpus ,juris was a contribution of the twelfth century to the group of available higher studies4 ,hitherto ,law had been taught usually as a mere branch of ,rhetoric1 and as a part of a liberal education4 ,the body of material now made available was sufficient to occupy the student's entire time for several years4 ,it therefore attained standing as an independent subject1 and as a distinctly professional study4 ,the effect of this newly recovered body of learning upon the rise of universities was very much like that of ,abelard and his new method4 ,students flocked in thousands to study law at ,bologna1 and toward the close of the twelfth century the ,university was organized4 ,numerous other universities arose directly from the same impulse1 and ,law was the leading ,faculty in by far the greater number of mediaeval universities 7,rashdall74 ,except for ,canon ,law1 the ,corpus ,juris ,civilis remained the chief study of the ,faculties of ,law for more than five centuries4 ,roman ,law is still very generally taught in ,european universities4 ,thus the impulse given by ,irnerius and his co-laborers is influential in university affairs of to-day4 ,the influence of ,roman ,law upon the social and political history of ,europe is far-reaching4 ,the subject is beyond the limits of the present work2 but it is to be noted that this influence was exerted as a result of its study in the universities 7see ,rashdall1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,pt4 ,,ii1 pp4 #gjh-gji74 ,rashdall and ,denifle think that the example of ,justinian inspired the first mediaeval grant of special privileges to scholars 7see p4 #hb74 ,if this is true1 the ,roman ,law had a most important effect upon the history of universities themselves4 ,two important mediaeval privileges for masters and scholars were exemption from taxation and the right of trial before special courts4 ,whether or not these were copied from the ,roman ,law is a question2 but the ,code of ,justinian1 following the statutes of earlier emperors1 explicitly grants both of these privileges to teachers4 ,these are so often mentioned that it is worth while to present those bearing on the subject3 ,,the ,,emperors ,,leo ,,and ,,zeno1 ,,augusti1 ,,to ,,eusebius1 ,,master ,,of ,,offices4 ,by this law we decree that those who serve in the individual schools1 and who1 after completing the curricula of their duties1 shall have reached the rank of chiefs and through the adored purple of our divinity have won the dignity of most illustrious ,counts1 shall enjoy both the girdle and all the privileges open to them1 and hereafter to their life's end shall be subject to the court of ,your ,highness only1 nor shall they be compelled by the command of any one else whomsoever to undergo civil litigation4 ,yet in criminal suits and in matters connected with public tribute we wish the appropriate jurisdiction of the rulers of the provinces to be recognized against even such men1 lest1 under the pretext of a granted privilege1 either the influence of the wicked be increased or the public good be diminished4#bi ,,the ,,emperor ,,constantine1 ,,augustus1 ,,to ,,the ,,people4 ,we direct that physicians1 and chiefly imperial physicians1 and ex-imperial physicians1 grammarians and other professors of letters1 together with their wives and sons1 and whatever property they possess in their own cities1 be immune from all payment of taxes and from all civil or public duties1 and that in the provinces they shall not have strangers quartered on them1 or perform any official duties1 or be brought into court1 or be subject to legal process1 or suffer injustice2 and if any one harass them he shall be punished at the discretion of the ,judge4 ,we also command that their salaries and fees be paid1 so that they may more readily instruct many in liberal studies and the above mentioned ,arts4 ,proclaimed on the fifth day before the ,kalends of ,october 7,sept4 #bg7 at ,constantinople1 in the ,consulship of ,dalmatius and ,zenophilas4#cj 7c7 ,canon ,law ,about #aadb 7the year of ,abelard's death7 ,gratian1 a monk of ,bologna1 doubtless influenced by the school of ,roman ,law in that city1 made a compilation of the ,canon ,law1 which included the canons or rules governing the ,church in its manifold activities1--its relations with the secular power1 its own internal administration1 or the conduct of its members4 ,hitherto ,canon ,law had been regarded as merely a subdivision of ,theology1 just as ,roman ,law had been considered a branch of ,rhetoric4 ,it now became an independent subject1--further addition to the body of higher studies4 ,as an influence upon the development of universities it was not less important than the ,corpus ,juris ,civilis4 ,the compilation made by ,gratian was added to in later generations1 and the whole body of church law was known in the fifteenth century as the ,corpus ,juris ,canonici 7,body of ,canon ,law74 ,its main divisions are3 #a4 ,the ,decree of ,gratian 7,decretum ,gratiani7 in three parts1 published c4 #aadb4 ,part ,i contains one hundred and one distinctions 7distinctiones7 or divisions1 which treat of matters relating to ecclesiastical persons and offices4 ,dist4 ,,xxxvii is translated below4 ,part ,,ii contains thirty-six cases 7causae7 each of which is divided into questions 7quaestiones74 ,these questions deal with problems which may arise in the administration of the canon law4 ,part ,,iii contains five distinctions which deal with the ritual and the sacraments of the church4 ,under each distinction1 or question1 are arranged the canons--the views of ecclesiastical authorities--on the matter under discussion4 #b4 ,the ,decretals 7,decretales71 in five books1 published by ,pope ,gregory ,,ix in #abcd4 #c4 ,the ,sixth ,book 7,liber ,sextus71 a supplement to the ,decretals by ,pope ,boniface ,,viii1 #abih4 #d4 ,the ,constitutions of ,clementine 7,constitutiones ,clementinae71 #acag4 #e4 ,several collections of papal laws not included in those above1 known by the general title of ,extravagantes1 i4e41 laws extra vagantes1 or outside of1 the four compilations just mentioned4 ,among all these the ,decretum of ,gratian was the great innovation which first marked out ,canon ,law as a distinct field of learning1 separate from both ,theology and ,roman ,law4 ,it was written as a text-book2 it was one of those great text-books which take the world by storm4 ,it created an entirely new class of students1 separate from those devoted to ,arts1 ,theology1 ,roman ,law1 and ,medicine1--just as the development of ,engineering and other new professional studies have created new groups of university students to-day1--and thereby increased the resort to the universities4 ,the selection following illustrates numerous characteristics of mediaeval university study4 7#a7 ,the question itself is a very ancient subject of debate2 the controversy1 on religious grounds1 concerning the study of the classics1 had already continued for nearly a thousand years1 and was destined to continue for centuries after the appearance of the ,decretum4 ,many such questions were debated in the universities for generations4 ,the debate on the classics still rages1 though the arguments pro and con no longer raise the point of their influence on religious belief4 7#b7 ,the selection is one among many examples of the powerful influence of ,abelard's method in mediaeval writing and teaching4 ,the reader will at once see in it the form of the ,yes and ,no4 7#c7 ,it gives a very good idea of the substance of a university lecture1 which would ordinarily consist in reading the actual text and comments here set down 7see p4 #aaa74 7#d7 ,it shows how the mass of comments came to overshadow the original text1 and by consequence to absorb the greater part of the attention of teachers and students4 ,one object of university reform in all studies at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century was to sweep away this burdensome and often useless material1 and to return to the study of the text itself 7see p4 #dh74 7#e7 ,it illustrates a common mode of interpreting in a figurative sense passages from the ,bible which to the modern reader seem to have no figurative meaning4 ,thus 7pp4 #fd1 #ff7 the plagues of frogs and flies which ,moses brought upon ,egypt typify the empty garrulousness of dialecticians1 and their sophistical arguments 2 the gifts of the three ,magi to the infant ,jesus signify the three parts of philosophy1 etc4 ,mediaeval literature contains a great mass of such interpretations4 ,the text and the gloss1 or commentary1 are here placed on opposing pages for the sake of clearness4 ,the text is a compilation1 chiefly from earlier compilations2 ,gratian did not as a rule consult the sources themselves4 ,his pupil1 ,paucapalea1 made many additions to the text1 one of which appears in this selection4 ,the gloss here translated is the standard commentary 7glossa ordinaria7 which was used for centuries in the regular university lectures 7see p4 #ajh74 ,like the text1 it is a compilation from many sources4 ,it was first made 7c4 #abab7 by ,john the ,german 7,joannes ,teutonicus71 who added his own notes--usually signed ,john--to his selections from earlier glossators4 ,the names or titles1 often abbreviated1 of commentators whom he quotes are frequently appended to their notes1 e4g4 ,john of ,faenza1 ,hugo of ,pisa1 ,cardinalis1 ,laurentius ,hispanus2 many notes are unsigned4 ,about #abch the compilation of ,john the ,german was revised and enlarged by ,bartholomew of ,brescia1 who also added comments from other writers1 e4g4 ,arc hidiaconus4 ,this revision forms the greater part1 if not the whole1 of the gloss which appears below4 ,the cross-references1 in the comments below1 are left untranslated4 ,they are mainly citations of other passages in the ,decretum itself4 ,such references as ,,xvi4 quaest ,,iii4 nemo are to be read1 ,case ,,xvi1 question ,,iii1 in the section beginning ,nemo2 ,,xlviii dist4 sit rector means ,distinction ,,xlviii1 in the section beginning ,sit rector4 ,several of the references in this selection are incorrect4 ,the gloss on this page belongs to the first line of text on page #fj4 ,it forms1 with the ,summaries on later pages1 a complete analysis of the text4 ,it indicates1 first1 the five subdivisions of the distinctio2 second1 its general purport4 ,later summaries analyze small portions of the text4 7,cf4 the description of the lecture by ,odofredus1 p4 #aaa47 ,this division is divided into five sections2 the second begins3 ,then why 444 7p4 #fh72 the third begins3 ,the report has come to as 7p4 #gd72 the fourth begins3 ,christians are forbidden 7p4 #ge72 the fifth begins3 ,as therefore is evident 7p4 #ge74 ,john of ,fa4,a ,summary4 ,here follows the thirty-seventh division in which the question is asked whether it is fitting that the clergy be made acquainted with profane literature1 that is1 the books of the heathen4 ,and first he proves that they should not be read 7as far as ,but on the other hand1 p4 #fd74 ,then he proves the opposite and afterwards gives the solution 7to ,then why1 p4 #fh74 ,the first two chapters are plain4 ,,shall ,,priests ,,be ,,acquainted ,,with ,,profane ,,literature1 ,,or ,,no8 ,but the question 7h7 is asked whether these men should be made acquainted with profane literature4 ,here is what is written upon the matter in the fourth ,carthaginian ,council3 ,a ,bishop should not read the books of the 7i7 heathen4 ,a bishop should not read the books of the heathen3 those of heretics he may read carefully1 either of necessity 7k7 or for some special reason4 ,so ,jerome to ,pope ,damasus on the prodigal son3 ,priests are blameworthy who1 to the neglect of the ,gospels1 read comedies4 ,we see priests of ,god1 to the neglect of the ,gospels and the ,prophets1 reading comedies1 singing the ,amatory words of bucolic verses1 keeping ,vergil in their hands1 and making that which occurs with boys as a necessity 7k7 ground for accusation against themselves because they do it for pleasure4 ,idem3 ,they walk in the vanity and darkness of the senses who occupy themselves with profane learning4,b ,does he not seem to you to be walking in the vanity of the senses1 and in darkness of mind1 who day and night torments himself with the dialectic art2 who1 as an investigator of nature1 raises his eyes athwart the heavens and1 beyond the depths of lands and the abyss1 is plunged into the so-called void2 who grows warm over iambics1 who1 in his over zealous mind1 analyses and combines the great jungle of metres2 and1 7to pass to another phase of the matter71 who seeks riches by fair means and foul means1 who fawns upon kings1 grasps at the inheritances of others1 and amasses wealth though he knows not at the time to whom he is going to leave it8 7h7 ,in this thirty-seventh division ,gratian asks,c whether one who is to be ordained ought to be acquainted with profane literature4 ,first1 however1 he shows that the clergy ought not to give attention to the books of the heathen4,d ,then he gives the argument on the other side and offers this solution1 that some read the books of the heathen for amusement and pleasure1 and this is forbidden1 while some read for instruction1 and this is lawful1 in order that1 through these books they may know how to speak correctly and to distinguish the true from the false4 ,john1 as far as ,then why 7p4 #fh74 ,and notice that in all the chapters up to ,but on the other hand 7p4 #fd7 pleasure alone seems to be forbidden4 7i7 ,therefore they ought not to hear the laws1 for it is a disgrace to them if they wish to be versed in forensic training4 ,c4 de testa consulta divalia4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the laws are divinely promulgated through the mouths of princes as ,,xvi4 quaest4 ,,iii1 nemo4,e ,some say that it is lawful to hear the laws in order that through them the canons may be better understood4 ,he argues in favor of this division in the section beginning ,some read profane literature 7p4 #gj74 ,john4 7k7 ,in order that they may know how to speak correctly4 ,likewise ,jerome on ,isaiah3 ,he who misunderstands the sacred scriptures1 or makes a wrong use of profane wisdom1 is drunken with wine,f and with strong drink4 ,they are drunken with wine who 7l7 misunderstand the sacred scriptures and pervert them1 and through strong drink they make a wrong use of profane wisdom and the wiles of the dialecticians1 which are to be called1 not so much wiles as figures1 that is1 symbols1 so-called1 and images1 which quickly pass away and are destroyed4 ,likewise1 in accordance with tropology 7m71 we ought to regard as false prophets those who interpret the words of the scriptures otherwise than as the ,holy ,spirit utters them1 and as divine those who from the inferences of their own minds and apart from the authority of divine words1 proclaim as true the uncertain events of the future4 ,likewise1 those who do not understand the ,scriptures according to the actual truth eat sour grapes4 ,likewise ,jerome in the ,epistle to the ,ephesians3 ,bishops are blamed who train their own sons in profane literature4,g ,let those bishops and priests read this who train their own sons in profane literature1 and have them read those well-known comedies and sing the base writings of the actors of farces1 having educated them perhaps on the money of the church47a7 ,and that which a virgin1 or a widow1 or any poor person whatever had offered1 pouring out her whole substance as an offering for sin1 this is devoted to a gift 7b7 of the calendar1 and a saturnalian offering1 7c7 and1 on the part of the grammarian and orator1 to a thank-offering to ,minerva1 or else it is turned over for domestic expenses1 or as a temple donation1 or for base gain4 ,eli1 the priest1 was himself holy1 but because 444 7l7 ,the ears of those who misunderstand the words of the ,master should be cut off3 as ,,xxiv4 quaest4 ,i4 si ,petrus4,h 7m7 ,that is1 in accordance with the moral,i meaning1 from trope1 i4e4 a turning,j or application1 when we apply our words to the shaping of character4 ,,xliii4 distinct4 sit rector4 ,additio4 ,they did the opposite and he writes of penitence1 distinct4 ,i4 super tribus4 ,archi4 7a7 ,he argues contrariwise in dist4 ,,xxxi4 omnino4 7b7 ,strena1--the first gift which is given at the beginning of the ,calendar,k4 ,it is given for a good omen4 ,,xxv4 quaest4 ulti4 non observetis4 ,it is called ,strena as if from sine threna1 i4e4 without lamentation4 7c7 ,sportula 7a gift7 which is given for fables of ,saturn1 or for celebrating the festival of ,saturn1 or for games of ,saturn1--for good luck4 444he trained not his sons 7d7 in every form of improving discipline1 he fell prostrate and died4 7,also from the replies of ,pope ,urban to ,charles1 ,chapt4 #dh74 ,palea ,paucapalea1 a pupil of ,gratian3 ,heretics1 when disputing1,l place the whole strength of their wits upon the dialectic art1 which1 in the judgment of philosophers1 is defined as having the power not of aiding but of destroying study4 ,but the dialectic art was not pleasing,m to ,god the ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,spirit1 for the ,kingdom of ,god is in the simplicity of faith1 not in contentious speech4 ,also ,rabanus on the ,afflictions of the ,church3 ,the blessed ,jerome is beaten by an angel because he was reading the works of ,cicero4 ,we read about the blessed ,jerome that when he was reading the works 7e7 of ,cicero he was chidden by an angel because1 being a ,christian man1 he was devoting himself to the productions of the pagans4 ,the discussion which follows1 to ,hence ,bede1 etc41 p4 #ff1 is attributed1 in modern editions1 to ,gratian4 ,hence1 too1 the prodigal son in the ,gospel is blamed because he would fain have filled his belly with the husks 7f7 which the swine did eat4 ,hence1 too1 ,origen understands by the flies and frogs with which the ,egyptians were smitten1 the empty garrulousness of the dialecticians and their sophistical arguments4 ,from all which instances it is gathered that knowledge of profane literature is not to be sought after by churchmen4 ,but1 on the other hand,n one reads that ,moses and ,daniel were learned in all the wisdom of the ,egyptians and ,chaldeans4 ,one reads also that ,god ordered the sons of ,israel to spoil 7g7 the ,egyptians of their gold and silver2 the moral interpretation of this teaches that should we find in the poets either the gold of wisdom or the silver of eloquence1 we should turn it to the profit of useful learning4 ,in ,leviticus also we are ordered to 444 7d7 ,such a one is rejected by the evidence1 as ,,vi4 quaest4 ,i4 qui crimen4 ,also1 he cannot be a bishop4 ,as ,,xlviii4 dist4 ,sec4 necesse4 ,nay he is called a dog rather than a bishop4 ,as ,,ii4 quaest4 ,,vii4 qui nee4 ,john4 7e7 ,because he read them for pleasure not for instruction1 as de conse4 dist4 ,v4 non mediocriter4 7f7 ,that is1 with profane wisdom which fills but does not satisfy1,o 7g7 ,,xiiii4 quaest ,v4 dixit4,p 444offer up to ,god the first fruits of honey1 that is1 the sweetness of human eloquence4 ,the ,magi1 too1 offered three gifts1 by which some would have us understand the three parts 7h7 of philosophy4 ,the reader will note that the two paragraphs following belong more properly to the first part of the argument2 they may be inserted just before the third paragraph above1--,from all which instances1 etc4 ,finally in his exposition of the ,psalms1 ,cassiodorus bears witness that all the splendor of rhetorical eloquence1 all the melody of poetic speech1 whatever variety there may be of pleasing pronunciation1 have their origin in divine ,scriptures4 ,hence also ,ambrose says concerning the ,epistle to the ,colossians3 ,the sum total of celestial knowledge or of earthly creation is in ,him who is their ,fountain-head and ,author1 so that he who knows ,him should not seek anything beyond1 because ,he is goodness and wisdom in their completeness2 whatever is sought elsewhere1 in ,him is found in its completeness4 ,in ,daniel and ,solomon he shows that ,he is for infidels the source of all their eloquence and wisdom4 ,infidels do not so think1 because they do not1 in the ,gospels and the prophets1 read about astrology and other such like things1 which are of slight 7i7 worth because they avail not for salvation1 but lead to error2 and whoever devotes himself to these has no care for his soul2 while he who knows ,christ finds a treasure house of wisdom and knowledge1 because he knows that which is of avail4 ,hence ,bede says in the ,book of ,kings3 ,the clergy should not be prevented from reading profane literature4,q ,he harms the mental acumen of readers1 and causes it to wane1 who thinks that they should in every way be prevented from reading profane books2 for whatever useful things 7k7 are found in them it is lawful to adopt as one's own4 ,otherwise ,moses and ,daniel would not have been allowed to become learned in the wisdom and literature of the ,egyptians and 444 7h7 ,i4e4 ,ethics1 natural philosophy1 rational philosophy4 7i7 ,compared with other knowledge4 ,john4 7k7 ,he argues that the useful is not vitiated by the useless as ,,xvii4 q4 ,,iv4 questi s4 dist4 ,,ix4 si ad scripturas4 ,contra ,joan4 444,chaldeans1 whose superstitions and wantonness nevertheless they shuddered at4 ,and the teacher 7l7 of the gentiles himself would not have introduced 7m7 some verses of the poets into his own writings or sayings4 ,on this ,gratian comments3 ,then why,r are those writings forbidden to be read which1 it 444 7l7 ,for we read that when ,paul had come to ,athens he saw an altar of the ,unknown ,god on which it was written3 ,this is an altar of,s the ,unknown ,god in whom we live and move and have our being4 ,and with this inscription the ,apostle began his exhortation and made known to those ,athenians the meaning of this inscription1--continuing about our ,god and saying3 ,whom you pronounce ,unknown1 ,him declare ,i unto you and worship4 ,then ,dionysius1,t the ,areopagite1 seeing a blind man passing by said to him 7i4e4 ,paul71 ,if you will give sight to that blind man ,i will believe you4 ,immediately1 when the name of ,christ had been invoked1 he was restored to sight and ,dionysius believed4 7m7 ,e4g4 ,in the ,epistle of ,paul to ,titus1,u the quotation from ,epimenides the poet3 ,the ,cretians are always liars1 evil beasts1 slow bellies4 ,i4 quaest1 i4 dominus declaravit4 ,also he introduced in the first ,epistle to the ,corinthians this from ,menander3 ,evil communications often corrupt good manners4 ,,xxviii4 quaestio ,i4 saepe4 ,he used also this verse3 ,i shall hate if ,i can3 if not1 ,i shall love against my will4 ,but ,jerome in his fifth division on ,consecration often used verses from ,virgil and ,augustine1 this of ,lucan's3 ,mens hausti nulla c4 ,,xxvi4 quaestio ,v4 nee mirum4 ,and1 as a lawyer1 he uses the authority of ,vergil1 ff4 de rerum divisione1 intantrum ,sec4 cenotaphium2 and also1 of ,homer1 insti4 de ,dontrahen4 emp4 ,sec4 pretium4 444is shown so reasonably1 should be read8 ,some 7n7 read profane literature for their pleasure1 being delighted with the productions of the poets and the charm of their words2 while others learn them to add to their knowledge1 in order that through reading the errors1 of the heathen they may denounce them1 and that they may turn to the service of sacred and devout learning the useful things they find therein4 ,such are praiseworthy in adding to their learning profane literature4 ,whence blessed ,gregory did not blame a certain bishop for learning it but because1 contrary to his episcopal obligation1 he read grammar to the people in place of the ,gospel lesson4 ,hence also ,ambrose writes concerning ,luke3 ,profane writings should be read that they may not be unknown4 ,some we read 7o7 that we may not neglect 7a7 them2 we read that we may not be ignorant of them2 we read not that we may embrace them but that we may reject them47b7 ,so ,jerome on the ,epistle to ,titus3 ,grammar should be read in order that through it the ,sacred ,scriptures may be understood4 ,if anyone,v has learned grammar or dialectics in order to have the ability to speak correctly and to discriminate between the true and the false1 we do not blame them4 ,geometry 7c7 and ,arithmetic and ,music contain truth in their own range of knowledge1 but that knowledge is not the knowledge of piety4 ,the knowledge of piety is1--to know the law1 to understand the prophets1 to believe the ,gospel1 7and7 not to be ignorant of the ,apostles4 ,moreover the teaching of the grammarians can contribute to life1 provided it has been applied to its higher uses4 ,idem3 ,from the example of ,daniel it is established that it is not a sin to be learned in profane literature4,w 7n7 ,whence ,saint ,gregory in his ,,lxxxvi ,division1 and in many places4 7o7 ,this entire section should be read with regard to profane knowledge according to ,jerome1 and the threefold reason why it should be acquired is shown3 namely that it be not neglected1 that it be not unknown1 that it may be refuted,x4 ,so we read some1 as the ,old and ,new ,testament1 that we may not neglect them4 ,some we read 7as the ,arts7 that we may not be ignorant of them4 ,some1 as the writings of the heretics1 that we may refute them4 ,some 7we read7 that they be not neglected1 as the ,old ,testament4 7a7 ,for although of no use yet knowledge of them is necessary1 as in dist4 ,,vii4 cap4 ult4 7b7 ,as the books of heretics4 ,as ,,xxiv4 quaestio ,,iii4 cap4 ult4 7c7 ,geometry4 ,he does not mention ,astronomy because this subject has fallen into disuse as ,,xxvj4 quaest4 ,,ii4 ,sec4 his ita4 ,those who are unwilling to partake of the table 7d7 i4e4 meat and wine of the king1 that they may not be defiled1 surely would never consent to learn that which was unlawful if they knew that 7e7 the wisdom and learning of the ,babylonians was sinful4 ,they learn1 however1 not that they may conform thereto1 but that they may judge and convict4 ,for example1 if any one ignorant of mathematics should wish to write against the mathematicians1 he would expose himself to ridicule2 also in contending against the philosophers1 if he should be ignorant of the dogmas of the philosophers4 ,with this intent therefore they would learn the wisdom of the ,chaldeans just as ,moses had learned all the wisdom of the ,egyptians4 ,so too3 ,if ever we are compelled to call to mind profane literature1 and from it to learn things we before had omitted1 it is not a matter of our personal desire1 but1 so to speak1 of the weightiest necessity1--in order that we may prove that those events which were foretold 7f7 many ages ago by the holy prophets are contained 7g7 in the writings of the ,greeks1 as well as in those of the ,latins and other ,gentiles4 ,so1 too1 from the synod of ,pope ,eugene3 ,bishops should appoint teachers and instructors in suitable places4,y ,the report has come to us with regard to certain regions that neither teachers1 nor care for the pursuit of letters1 is found4 ,therefore1 in every way1 care and diligence should be used by all the bishops among the peoples subject to them1 and in other places where the necessity may arise1 that teachers and instructors be appointed to teach assiduously the pursuit of letters and the principles of the liberal arts1 because in them especially are the divine commands revealed and declared4 ,likewise ,augustine in his book against the ,manichaeans3 ,the vanity of the gentiles is repressed and refuted by the use of their own authorities4 ,if the ,sibyl or ,orpheus or other soothsayers of the gentiles1 7d7 ,daniel1 ,ananias1 ,misael,z1 ,azarias4,,aa ,for it is disgraceful for one who is in a discussion not to know the law in question4 7e7 ,from the fact that ,jerome here quotes the example of ,daniel1 the argument is derived that in doubtful cases recourse should be had to the example of our forefathers and others4 ,,xvi4 quaest4 ,i4 sunt nonnulli4 ,,xxii4 quaest4 ,i4 ut noveritis4 ,i quaest4 ,,vii4 convenientibus4 ,,xii4 quaest4 ,,ii questa4 ,,xvi4 quaest4 ,,iii4 praesulum4 ,,xvi4 quaest4 ,i4 cap4 ult4 ,,xxvi4 quaest4 ,,ii4 non statutum4 et cap4 non examplo4 ,c4 de sen4 et interlo4 nemo,,ab contra4 ,the solution is that where rules fail recourse must be had from similars to similars1 otherwise not4 ,,xx4 distinct4 de quibus2,,ac assuming that it is as there stated4 ,likewise the argument holds that good is assumed from the very fact that it has come from something good4 ,as ,,vii4 quaest4 ,i4 omnis qui4 ,,xxxiiii4 quaest4 ,i4 cum beatissimus4 ,,ix4 quaest4 ,,ii4 ,lugdunensis4 ,,xii4 quaest4 ,i4 expedit4 ,,xxviii4 quaest4 ,i4 sic enim4 ,,xxxi distinct1 omnino4 ,john4 7f7 ,for example1 as to the ,incarnation1 that passage in ,virgil,,ad3 ,jam nova progenies caelo demittitur ab alto4 7g7 ,as that passage from ,ovid,,ae1 ,odero si potero3 si non1 invitus amabo4 ,the notes on the remaining paragraphs of the text are here omitted owing to their length4 444or philosophers1 are said to have foretold any truth1 it certainly has weight in overcoming the vanity of the pagans2 not1 however1 in leading to the acceptance of their authority4 ,for as great as is the difference between the prediction of the coming of ,christ by the angels and the confession of the devils1 so great a difference is there between the authority of the prophets and the curiosity of the sacrilegious4 ,likewise ,pope ,clement3 ,for the understanding of ,sacred ,scriptures knowledge of profane writings is shown to be necessary4 ,it has been reported to us that certain ones dwelling in your parts are opposed to the sacred teaching1 and seem to teach just as it seems best to them1 not according to the tradition of the fathers1 but after their own understanding2 for1 as we have heard1 certain ingenious men of your parts draw many analogies of the truth from the books they read4 ,and there special care must be taken that when the law of ,god is read1 it be not read or taught according to the individual's own mental ability and intelligence4 ,for there are many words in divine scripture which can be drawn into that meaning which each one1 of his own will1 may assume for himself2 but this should not be so1 for you ought not to seek out a meaning that is external1 foreign1 and strange1 in order1 by any means whatsoever1 to establish your view from the authority of scriptures2 but you should derive from the scriptures themselves the meaning of the truth4 ,and therefore it is fitting to gain knowledge of the scriptures from him who guards it according to the truth handed down to him by the fathers1 and that he may be able correctly to impart that which he rightly learned4 ,for when each one has learned from divine scriptures a sound and firm rule of truth1 it will not be strange if from the common culture and liberal studies1 which perhaps he touched upon in his youth1 he should also bring something to the support of true doctrine1--in such manner1 however1 that when he learns the truth1 he rejects the false and the feigned4 ,likewise ,isidorus in his book of ,maxims3 ,why ,christians should be forbidden read the productions of the poets4 ,christians are forbidden to read the productions of the poets because through the allurements of their fables the mind is too much stimulated toward the incentives to unlawful desires4 ,for not only by the offering of incense is sacrifice made to devils1 but also by accepting too readily their sayings4 ,gratian draws the ,,conclusion4 ,as therefore is evident from the authorities already quoted ignorance ought to be odious to priests4 ,since1 if in ignorance of their own blindness they undertake to lead others1 both fall into the ditch4 ,wherefore in the ,psalm it is said3 ,let their eyes be darkened that they may not see1 and bow down their back always4 ,for when those who go ahead are darkened1 they who follow are easily inclined to bear the burdens of sinners4 ,therefore priests must endeavor to cast off ignorance from them as if it were a sort of pestilence4 ,for although1 in a few instances1 it is said that a slave is flogged who does not do his master's will through ignorance of that will1 this is not1 generally understood of all4 ,for the ,apostle says3 ,if any man be ignorant1 let him be ignorant1 which is to be understood as referring to him who did not wish to have knowledge that he might do well4 ,hence ,augustine in his book of ,questions3 ,not every man who is ignorant is free from the penalty4 ,for the ignorant man who is ignorant because he found no way of learning 7the law7 can be excused from the penalty1 while he cannot be pardoned who having the means of knowledge did not use them4#ca 7d7 ,theology ,as above noted1 one of the two great contributions of the twelfth-century revival of learning to the field of university studies was scholastic theology4 ,the number of books written on this subject was enormous4 ,the ponderous tomes1 loaded with comments1 make a long array on the shelves of our great libraries1 but they are memorials of a battlefield of the mind now for the most part deserted4 ,the importance of the subject in the scheme of mediaeval education has been much exaggerated2 it was the pursuit of a very small minority of students4 ,it has a certain interest to the historian of education1 however1 as an illustration of the way in which a method struck out by a single original thinker may influence the work of scholars and universities for generations4 ,the method of scholastic theology is mainly due to ,abelard4 ,the roots of the nobly developed systems of the thirteenth century theology lie in the twelfth century2 and all ,sums of ,theology1 of which there was a considerable number1 not only before ,alexander of ,hales thirteenth century but also before and at the time of ,peter ,lombard1 may be traced back directly or indirectly to ,paris4#cb ,in this mass of theological writings one book stands out as the contribution which for three centuries most influenced university instruction in theology4 ,this is the ,sentences 7,sententiae7 of ,peter ,lombard 7c4 #aajj-aafj71 in four books4 ,the subjects discussed in this work are similar to those treated by ,abelard in the ,sic et ,non 7see p4 #bj74 ,in not a few instances it adopts the form of presentation used in that book1 i4e41 the citation of authorities on both sides of the case4 ,like the ,decretum of ,gratian1 it is an illustration of the widespread influence of the ,sic et ,non4 ,a great number of commentaries were written upon this book4 ,a manuscript note in one of the copies in the ,harvard library states that four hundred and sixty such commentaries are known2 but ,i have been unable to verify the statement4 ,in theory1 the ,bible was studied in the ,faculties of ,theology in addition to the ,sentences2 but in the thirteenth century and later it seems to have occupied1 in practice1 a minor share of the student's attention4 ,to this effect is the criticism of ,roger ,bacon in #abib3 ,although the principal study of the theologian ought to be in the text of ,scripture1 as ,i have proved in the former part of this work1 yet in the last fifty years theologians have been principally occupied with questions for debate as all know1 in tractates and summae1--horse-loads1 composed by many1--and not at all with the most holy text of ,god4 ,and accordingly1 theologians give a readier reception to a treatise of scholastic questions than they will do to one about the text of ,scripture4444 ,the greater part of these questions introduced into theology1 with all the modes of disputation 7see p4 #aae7 and solution1 are in the terms of philosophy1 as is known to all theologians1 who have been well exercised in philosophy before proceeding to theology4 ,again1 other questions which are in use among theologians1 though in terms of theology1 viz41 of the ,trinity1 of the fall1 of the incarnation1 of sin1 of virtue1 of the sacraments1 etc41 are mainly ventilated by authorities1 arguments1 and solutions drawn from philosophy4 ,and therefore the entire occupation of theologians now-a-days is philosophical1 both in substance and method4#cc 7e7 ,medicine ,the medical learning of western ,europe was greatly enlarged during the eleventh and twelfth centuries by the translation into ,latin of numerous works by ,greek1 ,arabic1 and ,jewish physicians4 ,these became the standard text-books of the ,faculties or ,schools of ,medicine4 ,the ,greek writers most commonly mentioned in the university lists of studies are ,hippocrates 7fifth century ,b4,c47 and ,galen 7second century ,a4,d474 ,several of their more important works were first translated--like those of ,aristotle--from ,arabic versions of the original ,greek4 ,avicenna 7c4 #ihj-ajcg7 furnished the most important ,arabic contribution4 ,accounts of these men and their writings may be found in any good encyclopedia4 ,for the program of studies at ,paris see ,d4,c4 ,munro1 ,translations and ,reprints1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,pt4 ,,iii4 ,a list of the books used at ,montpellier1 one of the most important medical schools1 is given in ,rashdall1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,pt4 ,i1 p4 #abc1 and ,pt4 ,,ii1 p4 #ghj2 the list for ,oxford1 p4 #ded f4 7f7 ,other ,university ,text-books ,the foregoing sections indicate the books which furnished the intellectual basis for the rise of universities1 and particularly the basis for their division into ,faculties4 ,they do not indicate by any means the whole list of books used in the universities between #abjj and #aejj2 nor is it possible here to give such a list4 ,two facts only are to be noted concerning them3 ,first1 a considerable number of books already well known in the twelfth century were used in addition to those mentioned above4 ,among these may be mentioned the ,latin grammars of ,donatus 7fl4 #cej ,a4,d47 and ,priscian 7fl4 #ejj ,a4,d471 treatises by ,boethius 7c4 #dge-ebe7 on ,rhetoric1 ,logic1 ,arithmetic1 and ,music1 and his translations of various portions of the ,organon of ,aristotle1 and of the ,iagoge1 or ,introduction to the ,categories of ,aristotle1 by ,porphyry 7c4 #bcc-cjf74 ,the ,geometry of ,euclid 7fl4 #cjj ,b4,c47 was translated about #aabj by ,adelard of ,bath1 and the ,astronomy 7,almagest7 of ,ptolemy 7second century ,a4,d47 was pharaphrased from the ,arabic by ,gerard of ,cremona toward the close of the twelfth century1 under the title ,theorica ,planetarum4 ,second1 during the whole period under discussion there was an active production of new text-books on the established subjects1 some of which were widely used in the universities4 ,among the grammars was the ,doctrinale of ,alexander da ,villa ,dei1 written in #aaii4 ,this rhyming grammar was enormously popular1 and continued to be so1 well into the sixteenth century4 ,the ,grecismus and ,labyrinthus of ,eberhard of ,bethune 7early thirteenth century71 also grammars in rhyme1 were widely used4 ,logical treatises often mentioned in university programs of study were ,de ,sex ,principiis 7,on the ,six ,principles71 written about #aaej by ,gilbert de la ,porree1 a teacher of ,john of ,salisbury2 and the ,summulae of ,petrus ,hispanus 7thirteenth century74 ,in the thirteenth century ,albertus ,magnus made a digest of all the works of ,aristotle1 which proved to be easier for students than the originals1 and which were sometimes used in place of them4 ,among mathematical works of this century were the ,algorismus 7,arithmetic7 and the ,libellus de ,sphaera 7,on the ,sphere7 by ,john ,holywood 7,sacrobosco72 and the ,perspectiva ,communis1 i4e4 ,optics1 by ,john 7,peckham7 of ,pisa4 ,a treatise on ,music by ,john de ,muris of ,paris was produced in the early part of the fourteenth century4 ,all of these were well-known university text-books4 ,they appear in the list at ,leipzig throughout the fifteenth century 7see p4 #aci74 #d4 ,,university ,,privileges ,the privileges granted by civil and ecclesiastical powers constitute a fourth important influence upon the growth of universities4 ,beginning with the year #aaeh a long series of immunities1 liberties1 and exemptions was bestowed by ,state and ,church upon masters and students as a class1 and upon universities as corporations4 ,masters and scholars were1 for example1 often taken under the special protection of the sovereign of the country in which they were studying2 they were exempted from taxation1 and from military service2 most important of all1 they were placed under the jurisdiction of special courts1 in which alone they could be tried4 ,universities as corporations were given1 among other privileges1 the right to confer upon their graduates the license to teach anywhere in the world without further examination1 and the very important right to suspend lectures1 i4e4 to strike1 pending the settlement of grievances against ,state or ,church4 ,they had1 of course1 the general legal powers of corporations4 ,thus fortified1 the universities attained an astonishing degree of independence and power2 and their members were enabled to live in unusual liberty and security4 ,this fact in itself unquestionably tended to increase the university population4 ,the masters and scholars of ,bologna1 ,paris1 and ,oxford seem to have led the way in securing privileges4 ,their precedent made it easier for later universities to secure similar rights4 ,these were sometimes established with all the privileges of ,paris and ,bologna1 or all the privileges of any other university4 ,the authorities who granted privileges were the sovereigns of ,various countries1--the ,emperor of the ,holy ,roman ,empire1 the kings of ,france1 ,england1 the ,spains--feudal lords1 municipalities1 and the ,pope or his legates4 ,they usually conferred them upon special universities1 or upon the masters and students in specified towns1 and sometimes only for a definite term of years4 ,minor privileges differed greatly in different localities1 but the more important ones--indicated above--were possessed by nearly all universities4 ,the documents which follow illustrate both the variety of privileges and the variety of authorities who granted them4 7a7 ,special ,protection is granted by the ,sovereign ,i4 ,the earliest known privilege of any kind connected with the history of mediaeval universities is the ,authentic ,habita4 ,it was granted by ,frederick ,barbarossa 7,frederick ,i71 ,emperor of the ,holy ,roman ,empire1 at the ,diet of ,roncaglia1 ,italy1 in #aaeh2 probably through the influence of ,doctors of ,law from ,bologna4 ,these men were doubtless familiar with the fact that similar privileges had been given to teachers and scholars by various ,roman emperors1 some of which were preserved in the ,code of ,justinian 7see p4 #ed74 ,the ,authentic ,habita may be regarded as the revival of an ancient ,roman custom4 ,the section of the ,authentic granting the special protection of the ,emperor follows3 ,after careful inquiry of the bishops1 abbots1 dukes1 counts1 judges1 and other nobles of our sacred palace in regard to this matter1 we1 in our loving-kindness1 do grant to all scholars who are travelling for the sake of study1 and especially to professors of divine and sacred laws1 this privilege3 ,both they and their messengers are to come in security to the places in which the studies are carried on1 and there they are to abide in security4 ,for we think it proper1 in order that they may be upheld in their good works by our fame and protection1 to defend from all harm1 by definite special favor1 those by whose knowledge the world is illumined unto obedience to ,god and to us his servants1 and the lives of our subjects are moulded4444 ,therefore by this law1 which is of general effect1 and is to be valid forever1 we decree that hereafter no one shall show himself so bold as to presume to inflict any injury upon scholars1 or1 for an offence committed in their former province1 to impose any fine upon them1--which1 we have heard1 sometimes happens through an evil custom4 ,and let violators of this decree1 and the local rulers at the time in case they have themselves neglected to punish such violation1 know surely that a four-fold restitution of property shall be exacted from all1 and that in addition to the brand of infamy affixed to them by the law itself1 they shall be forever deprived of their official positions4#cd #b4 ,in #abjj ,philip ,augustus of ,france made certain regulations regarding the protection of students at ,paris1 and entrusted their execution to the ,provost of that city4 ,this is the earliest known charter of privileges for ,paris4 ,it should be read in connection with the following selection4 ,for the text in full see ,d4,c4 ,munro1 l4c4 p4 #d4 ,small causes1 great events6 ,as is narrated in the contemporary account given below1 a simple tavern brawl led to the granting of these extensive privileges4 ,this is one among many examples of the way in which the universities turned similar events to their own advantage4 ,the passage also exhibits a typical conflict between town and gown4 ,on the dissension which existed between the ,scholars and the ,citizens of ,paris4 #abjj ,a4,d4 ,in that same year a grave dissension arose between the scholars and the citizens of ,paris1 the origin of which was as follows3 ,there was at ,paris a notable ,german scholar who was bishop-elect of ,liege4 ,his servant1 while buying wine at a tavern1 was beaten and his wine jar was broken4 ,when this was known1 the ,german clerks came together and entering the tavern they wounded the host1 and having beaten him they went off1 leaving him half dead4 ,therefore there was an outcry among the people and the city was stirred1 so that ,thomas1 the ,provost of ,paris1 under arms1 and with an armed mob of citizens1 broke into the ,hall of the ,german clerks1 and in their combat that notable scholar who was bishop-elect of ,liege1 was killed1 with some of his people4 ,therefore the ,masters of the scholars in ,paris going to the ,king of ,france complained to him of ,thomas1 the ,provost of ,paris and of his accomplices who killed the aforesaid scholars4 ,and at their instance the aforesaid ,thomas was arrested1 as were certain of his accomplices1 and put in prison4 ,but some of them escaped by flight1 leaving their homes and occupations2 then the ,king of ,france1 in his wrath1 had their houses demolished and their vines and fruit trees uprooted4 ,but as to the ,provost1 it was decided that he should be kept in prison1 not to be released until he should clear himself by the ordeal of water or sword1 and if he failed1 he should be hung1 and if he was cleared he should1 by the ,king's clemency1 leave the kingdom4 ,and yet the scholars1 pitying him1 entreated the ,king of ,france that the ,provost and his accomplices after being flogged after the manner of scholars at school1 should be let alone and be restored to their occupations4 ,but the ,king of ,france would not grant this1 saying that it would be greatly derogatory to his honor if any one but himself should punish his malefactors4 ,furthermore1 this same ,king of ,france1 being afraid that the ,masters of the scholars1 and the scholars themselves1 would withdraw from his city1 sought to satisfy them by decreeing that for the future no clerk should be haled to a secular trial on account of any misdemeanor which he had committed1 but that if the clerk committed a misdemeanor he should be delivered over to the ,bishop and be dealt with in accordance with the clerk's court4 ,also this same ,king of ,france decreed that whoever was the ,provost of ,paris should take oath that he would be loyal to the clerks1 saving his loyalty to the ,king4 ,moreover this same ,king conferred upon the scholars his own sure peace and confirmed it to them by his own charter4 ,but that ,provost1 when he had been detained in the ,king's prison for many days planned his escape by flight1 and1 as he was being lowered over the wall1 the rope broke1 and falling from a height to the ground1 he was killed4#ce #c4 ,special protection for a limited time is granted more explicitly by ,philip ,,iv in #acjf3 ,philip1 by the grace of ,god ,king of ,france and ,navarre1 to our ,provost at ,paris1 greeting4 ,whereas the ,university1 masters and ,scholars at ,paris1 are under our special guardianship and protection as they--both ,masters1 and ,scholars as well--come to their studies1 stay in the said city1 or return to their own places2 and inasmuch as injuries1 annoyances1 oppression1 and violence are frequently inflicted upon them1 as we have heard1 not only in your prefecture but in other places also1 to the prejudice of our guardianship1--which wrongs could not be prosecuted outside of ,paris in any way which would prevent them from being distracted from their studies1 to their serious prejudice and that of the aforesaid ,university1 and from being harassed by serious struggles and expense1--therefore we entrust and commit to you their protection and custody1 and in addition thereto the restraint of those persons who1 to the prejudice of our protection and guardianship1 inflict upon the above-mentioned ,masters or ,scholars unjust violence1 injury or loss1 either within the limits of your prefecture or in other places of our kingdom1 wheresoever the aforesaid wrongs are committed4 ,this present arrangement is to be in force for a period of two years only4#cf #d4 ,the personal property of ,masters and ,scholars is protected4 ,the privilege of ,philip ,augustus for ,paris1 #abjj4 ,also our judges of the secular courts shall not lay hands on the chattels of the students at ,paris for any crime whatever4 ,but if it seem that these ought to be sequestrated1 they shall be sequestrated and guarded after sequestration by the ecclesiastical judge1 in order that whatever is judged legal by the ecclesiastical judge may be done4#cg ,more comprehensive protection is given by the charter of ,philip ,,iv1 #acdj_/da1 concerning ,masters and ,scholars at ,paris4 ,the king decrees-- ,likewise1 that their goods and means of support1 whereon they have and will have to live in pursuing their studies as aforesaid1 in consideration of their status1 shall not be taken for our use or that of our subjects or be in any way whatever interfered with under cover of wars or any other pretext whatever1 by any persons whatever1 of whatever condition1 status1 or prominence they may be4#ch 7b7 ,the ,sovereign grants to ,scholars the ,right of ,trial in ,special ,courts1 in the ,city in which they are studying4 ,this remarkable privilege was one great source of the liberty of mediaeval scholars4 ,under its protection they could not be summoned to a court outside the university town1 even to answer for an offense committed elsewhere2 the plaintiff must appear at the town in which they were studying1 and before specified judges1 who were at least not inclined to deal severely with scholars4 ,at ,paris scholars were not only protected as defendants1 but they had the right as plaintiffs to summon the accused to ,paris4 #a4 ,the earliest document on the subject is the concluding section of the ,authentic ,habita1 described above3 ,moreover1 should anyone presume to bring a lawsuit against the scholars on any ground1 the choice of judges in the matter shall be given to the said scholars1 who may meet their accusers before either their professors or the bishop of the city1 to whom we have given jurisdiction in this matter4 ,but if1 in sooth1 the accusers shall attempt to hale the scholar before another judge1 the scholar shall escape from the merited punishment1 even though the cause be most just1 because of such attempt4 ,this provision is reminiscent of1 if not actually inspired by1 a similar provision for scholars in the ,code of ,justinian 7see p4 #ed74 ,the ,authentic ,habita as a whole is important as the fundamental charter of university privileges in ,italy1 if not in other countries4 ,it was not granted to a university1--indeed1 no university was apparently then in existence1--nor to the scholars of any special town2 it was of general effect4 ,but this pre-university charter was usually recognized as the basis of all the special privileges conferred on particular 7,italian7 universities by the ,states in which they were situated4#ci ,probably it suggested1 directly or indirectly1 the granting of similar privileges to universities in other countries4 ,it certainly affected those universities which were founded with all the privileges of any other university4 ,two further illustrations follow4 #b4 ,in #abde ,pope ,innocent ,,iv exempted students at ,paris from citation to ecclesiastical courts outside of ,paris1 in order that their studies might not be interrupted3 ,to the masters and scholars at ,paris4 ,in order that you may carry on your studies more freely and be less occupied with other business1 we grant your petitions1 and by the authority of this present letter bestow upon you the privilege of not being haled by apostolic letters beyond the limits of the city of ,paris upon questions that have arisen within its limits1 unless these letters make express mention of this privilege4#dj #c4 ,the same privilege was granted as regards civil courts by ,philip ,,iv in #acdj_/da3 444 ,the ,masters and ,scholars studying at ,paris1 if summoned by any secular judges of our realm1 shall not be haled and cited to their courts outside of ,paris2 nor shall laymen who are subject to our rule attempt to bring this about4#da ,this right was known at ,paris as the jus non trahi extra 7right of not being haled outside74 ,it became henceforth the characteristic university privilege1 not only of ,paris but of all universities which were in any degree influenced by ,parisian usage4#db 7c7 ,exemption from ,taxation ,one of the most important privileges enjoyed by modern universities 7in common with other educational institutions1 and with churches7 is exemption from taxation4 ,this privilege is directly traceable to those of the mediaeval universities1 and possibly through them to ,roman laws on the subject4 ,in the early history of universities the privilege was held1 not by the corporations as such1 but by masters and scholars as individuals4 #a4 ,one example of such exemption is found in the charter of ,philip ,,iv1 #acdj_/da1 already quoted3 ,to the aforesaid ,masters and ,scholars of ,paris1 now in attendance at the ,university1 and to those who are hereafter to come to the same ,university1 or who are actually preparing in sincerity so to come1 also while they are staying at the ,university1 or returning to their own homes1 we grant 444 that no layman1 of whatever condition or prominence he may be1 whether he be a private person1 prefect1 or bailiff1 shall disturb1 molest1 or presume otherwise in any way whatsoever to seek to extort anything from the aforesaid ,masters and ,scholars1 in person1 family or property1 under pretext of toll1 tallia special form of feudal tax1 tax1 customs1 or other such personal taxes1 or other personal exaction of any kind1 while they are either coming to the ,university itself1 or actually preparing in sincerity to come1 or returning to their own homes2 and whose status as scholars shall be established by the proper oath4 #b4 ,the charter of the ,university of ,leipzig1 in #adji1 exempts certain property of the corporation1 as such1 from taxes3 ,likewise in said town1 in behalf of the aforesaid ,university1 and for the increase of the same1 we have instituted and founded two ,colleges1 444 and for these we have given and assigned two houses 444 and these same houses of the said ,colleges we have made free from all losunge1 exactions1 contributions1 steura1 laws1 taxes1 and from the control of the citizens of the beforementioned town2 and of our sure knowledge we incorporate them and make them free for the advantage of the aforesaid ,university4#dc ,the words steura and losunge refer to special forms of taxes whose exact nature is not known4 #c4 ,not only were ,masters1 students1 and corporate property exempt from taxation1 but also persons connected with the universities in subordinate capacities4 ,there was much dispute in some places as to the number and occupations of those who might be thus exempted4 ,the following letter of ,henry ,,vi of ,england to the ,university of ,caen1 ,normandy1 settles one of these disputes4 ,on ,january #bb1 #adej1 the ,king refused to free the dependents of the university from taxation4 ,the ,masters and ,scholars thereupon made formal complaint to him that this refusal hindered the free and peaceful pursuit of their studies as guaranteed by his charter of #adcb 7see p4 #ajc74 ,in reply 7,february #ac1 #adej71 the ,king recognized the justice of the complaint and granted the desired privilege4 ,compare the similar exemption in the ,harvard ,charter of #afej 7p4 #aja74 ,the letter is apparently addressed to the ,bailiff of ,caen and other royal officials4 ,nevertheless since those letters of ours of ,january #bb were sent1 proper and true objection has been made to us as to those privileges1 whereby we have well understood that the ,doctors1 ,masters1 ,scholars1 dependents1 officers1 households and servitors should not be subject to or obliged to contribute to such villein-taxes1 aides1 and octrois4 ,therefore is it1 that we--wishing our letters1 gifts of privileges1 and commands to be guarded and supported without any diminution or loss in any manner whatever1 but to be increased1 augmented and maintained--have regarded and also considered the fact that said members of our said daughter i4e4 the ,university could not well carry out the requirements of study1 or continue therein1 if their servitors and households did not enjoy and use such and similar privileges as said members4 ,desiring1 with all our heart the maintenance1 continuation and increase of our said ,university which 7not without good reason7 we have under our special favor1 considering these things1 with the advice and counsel of our very dear and very beloved ,cousin ,edmond1 ,duke of ,somerset1 ,lieutenant-,general and ,governor in our stead of our realms of ,france1 the country and ,duchy of ,normandy1 we command and strictly enjoin you all and each one of you so far as he shall be concerned1 that you make or cause to be made free and exempt from said villein-taxes1 aides1 and octrois1 one advocate1 one purveyor1 one bell-ringer1 two booksellers1 two parchment makers1 two illuminators1 two bookbinders1 six beadles1 five bailiffs1 7one for each of the five ,faculties7 and seven messengers 7understanding that there shall be one for each diocese in our said ,duchy71 and this you shall do up to this number of attendants and servitors of this our ,university1 and at the same time1 uphold1 maintain and continue them in their rights1 franchises1 and liberties1 of which by our said command1 foundation1 and augmentation1 you find them to be and to have been duly possessed1 without suffering anything to disturb or interfere with this4 ,and1 although in our other letters devoted to the regulation of this ,university the said five bailiffs and seven messengers were not in any way included1 yet by special grace through these present letters1 to the end that our said ,university may be able to have the servitors necessary to it1 without whom the requirements of study could not be continued and maintained1 we wish the said five bailiffs and seven messengers to enjoy such and similar privileges as the rest who are named in our other said letters of regulation1 notwithstanding that the said letters and any others whatever may require1 or seem to require1 the contrary to this4 ,and that the aforesaid suppliants may be able to have1 at their need1 these present letters in various and diverse places1 we wish that copies of these1 made under the royal seal1 be in good faith made like the original4#dd 7d7 ,the ,privilege of suspending ,lectures 7,cessatio7 ,one of the most effective privileges of mediaeval universities was the right of suspending lectures4 ,this was used again and again in cases of unredressed grievances against civil or ecclesiastical authorities1--more particularly against the former4 ,a cessatio was usually followed by a migration of masters and scholars to some other university1 unless satisfaction was promptly forthcoming4 ,such a migration was a serious blow to the commercial prosperity of any town2 consequently the cessation was an instrument of great power for the extraction of all sorts of local concessions4 ,it was often exercised without express authorization by civil or ecclesiastical powers1 but the privilege was distinctly conferred by a bull of ,pope ,gregory ,,ix for ,paris in #abca3 ,and if1 perchance1 the assessment right to fix the prices of lodgings is taken from you1 or anything else is lacking1 or an injury or outrageous damage1 such as death or the mutilation of a limb1 is inflicted on one of you1 unless through a suitable admonition satisfaction is rendered within fifteen days1 you may suspend your lectures until you have received full satisfaction4 ,and if it happens that any one of you is unlawfully imprisoned1 unless the injury ceases on a remonstrance from you1 you may1 if you judge it expedient1 suspend your lectures immediately4#de ,the events leading up to the granting of this privilege are worth recounting as an illustration of the way in which such rights were frequently secured4 ,the clerks referred to were of course scholars4 ,the cessation of lectures was followed by a migration to other cities until satisfaction was given4 ,the exact nature of the satisfaction given by the king is not known4 ,one important result1 however1 was the great charter of papal privileges just referred to1--the ,magna ,charta of the ,university of ,paris4#df ,concerning the discord that arose at ,paris between the whole body of clergy and the citizens1 and concerning the withdrawal of the clergy #abbi3 ,in that same year1 on the second and third holidays before ,ash ,wednesday1 days when the clerks of the university have leisure for games1 certain of the clerks went out of the ,city of ,paris in the direction of ,saint ,marcel's1 for a change of air and to have contests in their usual games4 ,when they had reached the place and had amused themselves for some time in carrying on their games1 they chanced to find in a certain tavern some excellent wine1 pleasant to drink4 ,and then1 in the dispute that arose between the clerks who were drinking and the shop keepers1 they began to exchange blows and to tear each other's hair1 until some townsmen ran in and freed the shop keepers from the hands of the clerks2 but when the clerks resisted they inflicted blows upon them and put them to flight1 well and thoroughly pommelled4 ,the latter1 however1 when they came back much battered into the city1 roused their comrades to avenge them4 ,so on the next day they came with swords and clubs to ,saint ,marcel's1 and entering forcibly the house of a certain shop keeper1 broke up all his wine casks and poured the wine out on the floor of the house4 ,and1 proceeding through the open squares1 they attacked sharply whatever man or woman they came upon and left them half dead from the blows given them4 ,but the ,prior of ,saint ,marcel's1 as soon as he learned of this great injury done to his men1 whom he was bound to defend1 lodged a complaint with the ,roman legate and the ,bishop of ,paris4 ,and they went together in haste to the ,queen1 to whom the management of the realm had been committed at that time1 and asked her to take measures for the punishment of such a wrong4 ,but she1 with a woman's forwardness1 and impelled by mental excitement1 immediately gave orders to the prefects of the city and to certain of her own ruffians mercenary body-guard with all speed to go out of the city1 under arms1 and to punish the authors of the violence1 sparing no one4 ,now as these armed men1 who were prone to act cruelly at every opportunity1 left the gates of the city1 they came upon a number of clerks busy just outside the city walls with games1--men who were entirely without fault in connection with the aforesaid violence1 since those who had begun the riotous strife were men from the regions adjoining ,flanders1 whom we commonly call ,picards4 ,but1 notwithstanding this1 the police1 rushing upon these men who they saw were unarmed and innocent1 killed some1 wounded others1 and handled others mercilessly1 battering them with the blows they inflicted on them4 ,but some of them escaping by flight lay hid in dens and caverns4 ,and among the wounded it was found that there were two clerks1 rich and of great influence1 who died1 one of them being by race a man of ,flanders1 and the other of the ,norman ,nation4 ,but when the enormity of this transgression reached the ears of the ,masters of the ,university they came together in the presence of the ,queen and ,legate1 having first suspended entirely all lectures and debates1 and strenuously demanded that justice be shown them for such a wrong4 ,for it seemed to them disgraceful that so light an occasion as the transgression of certain contemptible little clerks should be taken to create prejudice against the whole university2 but let him who was to blame in the transgression be the one to suffer the penalty4 ,but when finally every sort of justice had been refused them by the ,king and the ,legate1 as well as by the ,bishop1 there took place a universal withdrawal of the ,masters and a scattering of the ,scholars1 the instruction of the ,masters and the training of the pupils coming to an end1 so that not one person of note out of them all remained in the city4 ,and the city which was wont to boast of her clerks now remained bereft of them4444 ,thus withdrawing1 the clerks betook themselves practically in a body to the larger cities in various districts4 ,but the largest part of them chose the metropolitan city of ,angers for their university instruction4 ,thus1 then1 withdrawing from the ,city of ,paris1 the nurse of ,philosophy and the foster mother of ,wisdom1 the clerks execrated the ,roman ,legate and cursed the womanish arrogance of the ,queen1 nay1 also1 their infamous unanimity in the matter4444 ,at length1 through the efforts of discreet persons1 it was worked out that1 certain things being done to meet the situation as required by the faults on both sides1 peace was made up between the clerks and citizens and the whole body of scholars was recalled4#dg ,not infrequently a university which had decreed a cessation was invited to establish itself elsewhere4 ,the cessation at ,paris in #abbi was followed by an urgent invitation from the ,king of ,england3 ,the ,king2 ,greeting to the ,masters and the whole body of scholars at ,paris4 ,humbly sympathizing with the exceeding tribulations and distresses which you have suffered at ,paris under an unjust law1 we wish by our pious aid1 with reverence to ,god and ,his holy church1 to restore your status to its proper condition of liberty4 ,wherefore we have concluded to make known to your entire body that if it shall be your pleasure to transfer yourselves to our kingdom of ,england and to remain there to study we will for this purpose assign to you cities1 boroughs1 towns1 whatsoever you may wish to select1 and in every fitting way will cause you to rejoice in a state of liberty and tranquillity which should please ,god and fully meet your needs4 ,in testimony of which c4 ,witnessed by the ,king at ,reading1 ,july #af4 #abbi4dh 7e7 ,the ,right of ,teaching everywhere 7,jus ubique docendi7 ,masters and ,doctors of the three leading universities1 ,paris1 ,bologna1 and ,oxford1 were early recognized as qualified to teach anywhere without further examination1 by virtue of the superior instruction given at those institutions4 ,their degrees were in strictness merely licenses to teach within the dioceses in which they were granted4 ,the recognition of these licenses elsewhere grew up as a matter of custom1 not by any express authorization4 ,at least one other university 7,padua1 founded #abbb7 acquired the privilege in the same way4 ,later universities1--or the cities in which they were established1--desiring to gain equal prestige for their graduates1 obtained from the ,pope or from the ,emperor of the ,holy ,roman ,empire bulls conferring upon them the same privilege4 ,even ,paris and ,bologna formally received it from the ,pope in #abib4 ,from this time the notion gradually gained ground that the jus ubique docendi was of the essence of a ,studium ,generale1 and that no school which did not possess it could obtain it without a ,bull from ,emperor or ,pope4 ,it was usually but not quite invariably1 conferred in express terms by the original foundation-bulls2 and was apparently understood to be involved in the mere act of erection even in the rare cases where it is not expressly conceded4#di ,in practice1 the graduates of almost all universities where subject to further examination in one ,studium or another before being admitted to teach there1 although the graduates of the leading universities may have been very generally received without such test4 ,the privilege is more important in officially marking the rank of a school as a ,studium ,generale1 i4e4 a place of higher education1 in which instruction was given1 by a considerable number of masters1 in at least one of the ,faculties of ,arts1 ,theology1 ,law1 and ,medicine1 and to which students were attracted1 or at least invited1 from all countries4 ,the ,bull granting the jus ubique docendi to ,paris 7,pope ,nicholas ,,iv1 #abib7 is here printed1 although it is not the earliest example2 a similar ,bull was issued for ,toulouse as early as #abcc4 ,the rhetorical introduction is omitted1 as in most instances above4 ,desiring1 therefore1 that the students in the field of knowledge in the city of ,paris1 may be stimulated to strive for the reward of a ,mastership1 and may be able to instruct1 in the ,faculties in which they have deserved to be adorned with a ,master's chair1 all those who come from all sides1--we decree1 by this present letter1 that whoever of our ,university in the aforesaid city shall have been examined and approved by those through whom1 under ,apostolic authority1 the right to lecture is customarily bestowed on licentiates in said faculties1 according to the custom heretofore observed there1--and who shall have from them license in the ,faculty of ,theology1 or ,canon ,law1 or ,medicine1 or the ,liberal ,arts1--shall thenceforward have authority to teach everywhere outside of the aforesaid city1 free from examination or test1 either public or private1 or any other new regulation as to lecturing or teaching4 ,nor shall he be prohibited by anyone1 all other customs and statutes to the contrary notwithstanding2 and whether he wishes to lecture or not in the ,faculties referred to1 he shall nevertheless be regarded as a ,doctor4#ej 7f7 ,privileges granted by a ,municipality ,not infrequently mediaeval cities granted special privileges to universities and their members4 ,these cities recognized the commercial and other advantages resulting from the presence of a large body of students within their gates1 and made substantial concessions to retain them1 or to secure the settlement of a university which might be migrating from some other city4 ,instances of the latter kind are numerous in the free cities of ,italy4 ,these privileges included very ample legal jurisdiction by the ,rector of the university in cases affecting scholars1 payment of professors' salaries by the city1 exemption from taxes1 loans to scholars at a low rate of interest1 and guarantees against extortionate prices for food and other necessaries4 #a4 ,the following examples are cited1 among many others in the statutes of the city of ,padua3 ,the town of ,padua binds itself to make loans to scholars1 according to the quality of the scholars1 upon good and sufficient securities or bonds worth a third more than the loan1 and upon the oath and promise of the scholars that they accept the loan on their own account and for their own use in meeting their personal expenses and not for any other person or persons or for the use of others4 7#abfj ,a4,d47 ,every six months the ,chief ,magistrate of ,padua shall appoint two money lenders for the scholars1--judges or laymen at the will of the ,rector of the scholars--who shall have charge of the town's money that is to be loaned to the scholars4 ,and they shall1 in the name of the town1 make loans to the scholars in accordance with the statutes and the agreement of the scholars1 and at their own risk entirely1 so that the town of ,padua shall not incur loss4 ,and the money lenders shall themselves deposit in the town treasury good and sufficient security as to this4 7#abfh47 ,scholars shall be regarded as citizens with regard to matters advantageous1 but not with regard to matters disadvantageous to them4 7#abfa47 ,scholars shall not be required to pay the tolloneum 7i4e4 taxes on imports1 collected at the city gates74 7#abfb47ea #b4 ,a generation preceding the date of these statutes a large part of the university1 dissatisfied with its treatment at ,padua1 migrated to ,vercelli1 more than one hundred and fifty miles away4 ,the contract 7#abbh ,a4,d47 between the rectors of the university and the proctors representing the town contains numerous privileges1 among which are the following3 ,likewise the aforesaid proctors have promised in the name of the town of ,vercelli that the town will loan to the scholars1 and to the university of scholars1 the sum of ten thousand pounds1 papal money1 at the rate of two pence for two years1 and thereafter three pence for six years under proper security4 ,the customary rate seems to have been four pence4 444 ,likewise1 when a scholar shall have paid the money loaned to him1 the town of ,vercelli will retain that amount in the common treasury as principal1 and from it will help some other needy scholar under the same agreement and similar conditions4 444 ,likewise1 the town of ,vercelli will not allow provisions within the town limits to be withdrawn from their markets in order to raise the price8 but will cause them to be delivered in the city in good faith1 and will cause them to be put on sale twice a week4444 ,also one thousand bushels of grain shall be put in the city granary and sold to scholars at cost in time of need4 444 ,likewise the town of ,vercelli shall provide salaries for professors which shall be deemed competent by two scholars and two townsmen1 and if they disagree the ,bishop shall decide the matter 444 and said salaries shall be for one ,theologian1 three ,masters of ,laws1 two ,decretists1 two ,decretalists1 two teachers of ,natural ,philosophy1 two ,logicians1 and two ,grammarians4 ,these professors shall be chosen by the rectors of the university4 ,the town will send out at its own expense trustworthy messengers under oath1 who shall in good faith1 and in the interests of the university of ,vercelli1 seek out the chosen ,masters and ,teachers1 and shall use their best endeavors to bind them to lecture in the city of ,vercelli4 ,the town will preserve peace within its borders1 will consider scholars and their messengers neutral in time of war1 will grant them the rights of citizens1 and will respect the legal jurisdiction of the rectors1 except in criminal and other specially mentioned cases4 ,likewise1 the town of ,vercelli will provide two copyists1 through whom it will undertake to furnish men able to supply to the scholars copies in both kinds of ,law ,civil and ,canon and in ,theology1 which shall be satisfactory and accurate both in text and in glosses1 and the students shall pay for their copies no extortionate prices but a rate based on the estimate of the rectors of the university4 444 ,likewise1 the scholars or their representatives shall not pay the tributes in the district of ,vercelli which belong and accrue to the town of ,vercelli4444 ,the ,podesta ,chief ,magistrate and the town itself shall be bound to send1 throughout the cities of ,italy and elsewhere1 7as shall seem expedient to them7 notice that a university has been established at ,vercelli1 and to invite scholars to come to the ,university of ,vercelli4#eb ,the whole contract was made a part of the city statutes and was to be in force for eight years4 7g7 ,the ,influence of ,mediaeval ,privileges on ,modern ,universities4 ,there is no question that the long series of privileges granted to mediaeval universities influences the university life of to-day4 ,out of many illustrations of this fact two are here cited as affecting ,american higher education4 ,the reader will observe in these paragraphs from the charters of ,harvard ,college and ,brown ,university the familiar exemption of corporate property from taxation1 and the exemption of persons connected with these institutions not only from taxes1 but also from other public duties4 ,the charter of ,brown ,university refers explicitly to ,european university privileges4 ,both of these charters1 with some amendments1 are still in force4 ,and1 further1 be it ordered by this ,court and the authority thereof1 that all the lands1 tenements1 or hereditaments1 houses1 or revenues1 within this jurisdiction1 to the aforesaid ,president or ,college appertaining1 not exceeding the value of five hundred pounds per annum1 shall from henceforth be freed from all civil impositions1 taxes1 and rates2 all goods to the said ,corporation1 or to any scholars thereof1 appertaining1 shall be exempted from all manner of toll1 customs1 and excise whatsoever2 and that the said ,president1 ,fellows1 and scholars1 together with the servants1 and other necessary officers to the said ,president or ,college appertaining1 not exceeding ten1--viz4 three to the ,president and seven to the ,college belonging1--shall be exempted from all personal civil offices1 military exercises or services1 watchings and wardings2 and such of their estates1 not exceeding one hundred pounds a man1 shall be free from all country taxes or rates whatsoever1 and none others4#ec ,and furthermore1 for the greater encouragement of the ,seminary of learning1 and that the same may be amply endowed and enfranchised with the same privileges1 dignities1 and immunities enjoyed by the ,american colleges1 and ,european universities1 ,we do grant1 enact1 ordain1 and declare1 and it is hereby granted1 enacted1 ordained1 and declared1 ,that the ,college estate1 the estates1 persons1 and families of the ,president and ,professors1 for the time being1 lying1 and being within the ,colony1 with the persons of the ,tutors and students1 during their residence at the ,college1 shall be freed and exempted from all taxes1 serving on juries1 and menial services3 ,and that the persons aforesaid shall be exempted from bearing arms1 impresses1 and military services1 except in case of an invasion4#ed ,exemption from watchings and wardings1 and from military services1 except in case of an invasion1 is not included in the list of privileges cited in the preceding sections1 but it was often conferred on mediaeval universities in almost the exact terms of these charters4 #e4 ,,the ,,initiative ,,of ,,civil ,,or ,,ecclesiastical ,,powers ,many universities originated without the express initiative of any civil or ecclesiastical power4 ,they either grew up slowly1 as in the cases of ,bologna and ,paris1 or established themselves quickly through a migration of students from some other university1 as in the cases of ,padua1 ,vercelli1 and ,leipzig2 but in either event the charters which gave them standing as ,studia ,generalia1 and the privileges emanating from imperial1 royal1 princely1 or papal authorities1 were granted after1 rather than before1 masters and students had gathered for their work4 ,the cases in which municipalities granted privileges to migrating bodies of students1 before their coming1 are not included in the above statement4 ,in some instances1 however1 civil and ecclesiastical authorities took the initiative4 ,among other examples of universities established directly by them may be cited ,naples1 founded by ,emperor ,frederick ,,ii1 #abbd2 ,toulouse1 by ,pope ,gregory ,,ix1 #abcj1 #abcc2 ,prague1 by ,emperor ,charles ,,iv1 #acdh2 ,caen1 by ,henry ,,vi of ,england1 #adcb4 ,the motives which led to this action were1 on the one hand1 the desire of political powers for the support of learned men1 especially lawyers2 and1 on the other1 the desire of the papacy for the more effective propagation of the ,catholic faith4#ee ,the political motive appears in the ,letters-patent of ,henry ,,vi for ,caen1 #adcb3 ,it befits ,royal ,highness to govern with due magnificence the peoples subject to him in times of wars and of peace1 to the end that they may be defended valorously and constantly from the violence of enemies1 and from wrongs offered them2 and that they may be rendered tranquil and quiet through laws and active justice1 by securing to each man his rights1 with due regard to the common interests4 ,for we think that this sort of justice1 so excellent and advantageous1 can never be practiced without the industry of men of great learning1 steeped in laws1 divine and human4 ,and formerly our kingdom of ,france happily abounded in such men2 but many kinds of evil men swarmed in1 by whom1 in the long process of time1 the aforesaid kingdom1 at one time through the disturbances of civil war1 and again through deadly pestilence1 and finally through the various butcheries of men1 and mighty famine--,alas6 the pity of it6--has now been so shaken that scarcely can a sufficient number of sound justices be found in modern times1 nor can others succeed1 without great difficulty and personal peril1 in acquiring securely knowledge and advancement1 particularly in ,civil ,law2 whence the aforesaid kingdom1 once governed with commendable justice1 is subjected to greater inconveniences unless a wholesome remedy be shortly provided4444 ,we therefore1 by our special favor1 royal authority and plenary power1 with the advice and consent of our distinguished ,uncle ,john1 governor and regent of our aforesaid kingdom of ,france and ,duke of ,bedford1 and other nobles of our race1 and of many wise men of our great council1 do constitute1 place1 establish1 found1 and ordain forever by these present letters1 a ,studium ,generale in our city of ,caen1 in the ,diocese of ,bayeux ,normandy4 ,the king does this for the better government of the kingdom1 for the reason that no university exists within his jurisdiction in ,france1 and for the preservation of the study of law3 ,we therefore1 who with extreme longing desire to have our already-mentioned kingdom governed with justice and equity1 and restored so far as we shall be able with ,god's help to restore it to its pristine glory1 establish this university attentively considering the fact that no ,studium in ,civil ,law has been established in our jurisdictions in ,france1 and in the duchies of ,normandy1 ,burgundy1 and ,brittany1 the counties of ,champagne and ,flanders1 the county of ,picardy1 and some other parts of the kingdom itself that are united in loyalty and obedience to us4 ,we do this in order that the study of ,civil ,laws may not disappear in the aforesaid places1 to the disadvantage of the ,state1 but that it may become1 under ,god's guidance1 vigorous to ,his glory1 and the glory of our aforesaid ,kingdom1 and may flourish as an ornament and an advantage to future times4 ,the city of ,caen is selected for the location of the university because of its favorable position1 character1 and surroundings4 ,it is ,a city1 forsooth1 suitable1 quiet1 and safe1 becomingly adorned with noted monasteries1 fraternities1 cloisters1 and homes of the ,mendicant ,friars and other devout religious bodies2 with an overflowing population of mild-dispositioned1 obedient1 and devout people2 a city fit also because of its varied supply of food and other things adapted to the needs of the human race2 prosperous and well-disposed1 situated on fertile soil1 and near the sea1 so that students1 and merchants as well1 can more readily and easily come together there from almost all parts of the world4 ,the ,king grants to the university--in order to establish its prestige--all the privileges granted by royal authority to any other university in ,france3 ,and1 that the ,doctors1 ,licentiates1 ,bachelors1 students1 and dependents of the aforesaid university1 and their households and domestic servants1 may be able the more freely and quietly to devote themselves to letters and scholastic deeds1 we will1 by our royal authority and plenary power1 bestow upon these same ,doctors1 ,licentiates1 ,bachelors1 students1 dependents1 households1 and domestic servitors1 such and similar privileges1 franchises1 and liberties as have been granted1 given1 and bestowed by our predecessors the kings of ,france upon the rest of the universities of our kingdom4 ,the king grants in particular the usual privilege of a special judge for cases affecting members of the university3 ,and as ,conservator of these privileges henceforth1 we depute and appoint our ,bailiff of ,caen now in office1 and his successors or whoever may hold that office2 and to him we commit and consign by these present letters the hearing1 determination1 and final decision of cases and real actions cases relating to conveyances of property relating to persons and property1 against all persons whatsoever who may be staying in our said ,duchy of ,normandy1 or who may possess property there1 either ecclesiastical or secular1 if any action arises with regard to them1 whether of offence or defence4 ,we command our justiciaries and officers1 or those holding their places1 one and all1 to obey and to support efficiently the said ,bailiff1 the ,conservator1 or whoever holds his place1 in the matters prescribed above1 and such as are connected therewith4 ,and that the foregoing regulations may acquire strength and firmness we have caused the present letters to be secured by the affixing of our seal4#ef ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #d3 ,history of my ,calamities1 l4c4 p4 #d4 ,footnote #e3 ,mc,cabe1 ,abelard1 pp4 #ge1 #gf1 #gh4 ,footnote #f3 l4c44 p4 #hb4 ,footnote #g3 l4c4 p4 #hi4 ,footnote #h3 ,ouvrages ,inedits d' ,abelard1 ed4 ,v4 ,cousin1 p4 #af4 ,footnote #i3 ,sic et ,non1 ,,clvi4 ,the ,latin text of this book is printed in ,ouvrages ,inedits d' ,abelard1 ed4 ,v4 ,cousin4 ,footnote #aj3 ,metalogicus1 ed4 ,giles1 ,i1 #b1 #c4 ,footnote #aa3 ,metalogicus1 ,,ii1 #aj4 ,footnote #ab3 ,poole1 pp4 #aai1aad4 ,footnote #ac3 ,metalogicus1 ,i1 #bd4 ,footnote #ad3 ,metalogicus1 ,,ii1 #aj4 ,the translation of this chapteris adapted from ,giles1 ,works of ,john of ,salisbury1 ,i1 p4 xiii1 and ,r4,l4 ,poole1 ,illustrations of the ,history of ,mediaeval ,thought1 pp4 #baj1 #bab4 ,footnote #ae3 ,metalogicus1 ,,ii1 #i4 ,footnote #af3 ,denifle3 ,die ,entstehung der ,universitaeten des ,mittelalters1 ,i1 #de1 #df4 ,footnote #ag3 ,see p4 #aae4 ,the example given shows also an obvious weakness of the method4 ,footnote #ah3 ,john of ,salisbury1 ,metalogicus1 ,,iv1 #bd4 ,footnote #ai3 ,document printed by ,rashdall1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,pt4 ,,ii1 p4 #ged4 ,footnote #bj3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,i1 ,no4 #aa1 p4 #gc4 ,footnote #ba3 l4c4 ,no4 #bj1 p4 #gh4 ,footnote #bb3 l4c4 ,no4 #gi4 ,footnote #bc3 l4c4 ,no4 #bdf4 ,footnote #bd3 ,zarncke1 ,statutenbuecher der ,universitaet ,leipzig1 p4 #ci4 ,footnote #be3 ,digest1 translated by ,c4,h4 ,monro1 p4 xiii 7preface to ,code74 ,footnote #bf3 l4c4 pp4 xxv1 xxvi4 ,footnote #bg3 ,rashdall1 ,i1 #bjh4 ,footnote #bh3 ,preface to the ,institutes2 translated by ,t4,c4 ,sandars1 published by ,longmans1 ,green ,co4 ,footnote #bi3 ,code1 ,bk4 #ab2 #bi1 #b4 ,footnote #cj3 ,a4,d4 #ccc1 ,code1 ,bk4 #aj2 #ec1 #f4 ,footnote ,a3 ,exodus1 ,,xvii4 ,c4 ,footnote ,b3 ,summary4 ,four classes of men are blamed under this caption1 i4e4 dialecticians1 who wrestle daily with the dialectic art2 and physicists1 who raise their eyes athwart the heavens2 and versifiers2 and the avaricious1 who acquire wealth by fair means and foul1 though at the time they know not to whom they are going to leave it4 ,footnote ,c3 ,i4e41 incidentally ,hugo4 ,whether the clergy can give attention to the books of the heathen4 ,footnote ,d3 ,and he does this as far as the paragraph1 ,but on the other hand1 7p4 #ff74 ,footnote ,e3 ,to the same effect ,c4 de long4 tem1 praescript #a4 fin4 ,,xxv4 quaest4 ,i4 ideo4 ,arc4 ,footnote ,f3 ,summary4 ,under this caption ,jerome set forth five cases4 ,for he says that they are drunken with wine who misunderstand and pervert the sacred scriptures4 ,secondly1 they are drunken with strong drink who make a wrong use of profane wisdom4 ,thirdly1 he sets forth who should be called false prophets4 ,fourthly1 who are divine4 ,fifthly1 that he eats sour grapes who expounds the scriptures otherwise than according to the truth1 even though it be not contrary to the faith4 ,footnote ,g3 ,summary4 ,in this section those priests are blamed by ,jerome1 who cause their sons and nephews to read comedies and the verses of the poets2 because also to this purpose and to other base purposes they divert the money of the church4 ,wherefore he says that such priest should be punished as was ,eli who fell prostrate from his seat and died because he did not correct his sons4 ,the statements which follow are clear as far as paragraph ,but on the other hand 7p4 #fd74 ,footnote ,h3 ,the ears of those who misunderstand should be torn off4 ,footnote ,i3 ,tropology4 ,footnote ,j3 ,and logos1 speech1 whence1 tropologia1 i4e4 the moral application of the language4 ,hugo4 ,as to this see #gf dist4 jejunium4 in fin4 ,footnote ,k3 ,i ,king4 ,,ii4 ,c4 ,footnote ,l3 ,another reading3 in their disputations4 ,footnote ,m3 ,another reading3 ,it pleased ,god to save his people for his ,kingdom c4 ,footnote ,n3 ,summary4 ,from now on1 ,gratian shows that the clergy ought to be learned in profane knowledge4 ,and this is shown from six considerations4 ,the first is stated at the beginning4 ,the second begins3 ,one reads also4 ,the third begins3 ,in ,leviticus4 ,the fourth begins3 ,the ,magi1 too4 ,the fifth begins3 ,finally4 ,the sixth begins3 ,hence also ,ambrose4 ,footnote ,o3 ,for as husks load the belly and fill it but do not satisfy1 so also this wisdom does not free from spiritual hunger nor banish blindness4 ,but it oppresses with the weight of sins and with the guilt of hell4 ,whoever therefore1 for the removing of the blindness of ignorance seeks to learn other arts and knowledge desires to fill his belly1 as it were1 with husks4 ,according to ,hugo4 ,footnote ,p3 ,dan4 ,i4 a4 ,exodi ,,iii4 ,,xi4 ,footnote ,q3 ,summary4 ,certain men forbade ,christians to read the books of the gentiles but ,bede blames them1 saying that they can well be read without sin because profit may be derived from them1 as in the cases of ,moses and ,daniel1 and also of ,paul1 who incorporated in his ,epistles verses of the poets1 e4g4 ,the ,cretans c4 c4 ,footnote ,r3 ,summary4 ,gratian solves the contradiction by saying that one ought to learn profane knowledge in addition1 not for pleasure but for instruction1 in order that the useful things1 found therein may be turned to the use of sacred learning4 ,hence ,gregory blamed a certain bishop1 not for acquiring profane knowledge but because1 for his pleasure1 he expounded grammar instead of the ,gospel4 ,footnote ,s3 ,another reading to the ,unknown ,god1 i4e4 dative case4 ,footnote ,t3 ,dionysius was converted by the preaching of ,paul4 ,footnote ,u3 ,the ,apostle used sentences from the poets4 ,footnote ,v3 ,summary4 ,this section is divided into two parts4 ,in the first part it is set down that it is not blameworthy if one learns grammar and logic in order to distinguish the true and the false4 ,in the second part which begins with ,geometry and ,arithmetic it is set down that the knowledges of the quadrivium have a truth of their own4 ,but they are not the knowledges of piety1 and are not to be so applied4 ,but the ,old and the ,new ,testaments are knowledges of piety1 and are to be applied4 ,and grammar1 if applied to good uses may be made profitable4 ,footnote ,w3 ,summary4 ,two questions were propounded by ,jerome4 ,the first was whether it is a sin to learn the learning and knowledge of the pagans1 and ,jerome answers that it is not1 and proves this by the example of four youths1 ,daniel1 ,ananias1 ,azarias1 ,misael1 and by the example of ,moses4 ,for these1 had they known it to be a sin would not have acquired the learning4 ,for they did so in order to convince unbelievers4 ,otherwise they would have been exposed to ridicule if1 when they were disputing with these unbelievers about their dogmas1 they were found to know nothing about them4 ,the second question was1 whether it is a sin to cite secular laws in preaching or in discussion4 ,and he replies that it is not1 because it is necessary to prove that those things which the sacred writers have said are contained in the books of the heathen4 ,footnote ,x3 ,dan4 ,i4 ,footnote ,y3 ,summary4 ,it was reported to ,eugene at his ,synod that in certain regions there were no teachers to instruct others in the liberal arts1 and therefore he enjoined it upon all the bishops to establish teachers in suitable places to teach others daily in liberal doctrines4 ,footnote ,z3 ,daniel and his companions4 ,footnote ,,aa3 ,these were called under other names1 ,balthasar1 ,sidrac1 ,misac1 and ,abednago4 ,according to ,hugo and ,lau4 ,footnote ,,ab3 as for example ,,xx dist4 ca4 fina4 ,footnote ,,ac3 ,recourse is had at times from similars to similars4 ,footnote ,,ad3 ,virgil4 ,footnote ,,ae3 ,ovid4 ,footnote #ca3 ,decretum ,gratiani1 ,distinctio ,,xxxvii4 ed4 ,lyons1 #aehj4 ,footnote #cb3 ,denifle1 ,i1 #df4 ,footnote #cc3 ,compendium ,studii ,theologiae2 translated by ,j4,s4 ,brewer in ,r4 ,bacon1 ,opera ,inedita1 p4 lvi4 ,footnote #cd3 ,one sentence of no importance is omitted from the translation4 ,the rest of the document is given below1 p4 #ij4 ,for a slightly different version see ,d4,c4 ,munro1 ,translations and ,reprints from the ,original ,sources of ,european ,history1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,pt4 ,,iii1 p4 #b4 ,footnote #ce3 ,roger de ,hoveden1 ,chronica1 ed4 ,stubbs1 ,,iv1 #abj1 #aba4 ,footnote #cf3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #feg4 ,footnote #cg3 ,quoted from ,d4,c4 ,munro1 ,translations and ,reprints1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,pt4 ,,iii4 ,footnote #ch3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,,ii1 ,no4 #ajdd4 ,footnote #ci3 ,rashdall1 ,i1 p4 #adg4 ,footnote #dj3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,i1 ,no4 #adb4 ,footnote #da3 l4c41 ,,ii1 ,no4 #ajdd4 ,footnote #db3 ,rashdall1 ,i1 p4 #cdc4 ,footnote #dc3 ,f4 ,zarncke1 ,statutenbuecher der ,universitaet ,leipzig1 p4 #d4 ,footnote #dd3 ,fournier1 ,statuts et ,priv4 des ,univ4 franc41 ,,iii1 ,no4 #afgc4 ,footnote #de3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,vol4 ,i1 p4 #ei4 ,quoted from ,d4,c4 ,munro1 l4c4 p4 #i4 ,footnote #df3 ,for the text of this charter in full1 see ,d4,c4 ,munro1 l4c4 p4 #g4 ,footnote #dg3 ,matthew ,paris1 ,chronica ,majora1 ,,iii1 #aff-afi4 ,footnote #dh3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,i1 p4 #aai4 ,footnote #di3 ,kashdall1 ,i1 pp4 #aa1 #ab4 ,footnote #ej3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,,ii1 ,no4 #egh4 ,footnote #ea3 ,documents printed by ,denifle1 ,die ,universitaeten1 etc41 pp4 #hja-hjc4 ,footnote #eb3 ,document printed by ,rashdall1 ,,ii1 ,pt4 ,,ii1 p4 #gdf4 ,footnote #ec3 ,charter of ,harvard ,college1 #afej4 ,footnote #ed3 ,charter of ,brown ,university1 #agfd4 ,footnote #ee3 ,see ,compayre1 ,abelard1 pp4 #da-de1 and #ce-da4 ,footnote #ef3 ,fournier1 ,statuts1 etc41 ,,iii1 ,no4 #afdd4 ,,iv ,,university ,,exercises ,the ways and means of teaching in mediaeval universities were few and simple in comparison with those of our own times4 ,the task of the student was merely to become acquainted with a few books and to acquire some facility in debate4 ,the university exercises were shaped to secure this result4 ,they consisted in the ,lecture1 the ,disputation or ,debate1 the ,repetition1 the ,conference1 the ,quiz1 and the ,examination4 ,of these the first two and the last were by far the most important2 they are described in detail below4 ,the ,repetition1 given in the afternoon or evening1 was either a detailed discussion of some point which could not be treated in full in the ordinary lecture1 or a simple re-reading of the lecture1 sometimes accompanied by catechism of the students upon its substance4 ,the ,conference was an informal discussion between professor and students at the close of a lecture1 or a discussion of some portion of the day's work by students alone4 ,the ,quiz was often held in the afternoon at the student's hall or college1 by the master in residence there1 as described on page #acb4 7a7 ,the ,lecture ,lectures were of two kinds1--ordinary1 and extraordinary or cursory4 ,the former were given in the morning1 by professors2 the latter in the afternoon1 either by professors or by students about to take a bachelor's degree4 ,the purpose of the lecture was to read and explain the text of the book or books of the course4 ,the character of the lecture was largely determined by the fact that all text-books1 practically to the year #aejj1 were in manuscript1 and by the further fact that many students seem to have been unable or unwilling to purchase or hire copies4 ,a large part of the lecturer's time was thus consumed in the purely mechanical process of reading aloud the standard text and comments4 ,to these he might add his own explanations2 but the simple ability to read the book intelligently was sufficient to qualify a properly licensed ,master1 or a ,bachelor preparing to take the ,master's degree1 to lecture on a given subject4 ,this accounts for the fact that youths of seventeen or eighteen might be found giving occasional lectures1 and that regular courses were given by those not much over twenty-one4 ,the books thus read consisted of two parts1--the text1 and the glosses or comments4 ,a glance at the selection on page #fj will reveal the nature of the latter3 they were summaries1 explanations1 controversial notes1 and cross-references1 written by more or less learned scholars1 in the margin of the text4 ,in the course of generations the mass of glosses became so great as fairly to smother the original work4 ,the selection just referred to is not especially prolific in glosses2 cases may be found in which the text of a page occupies only three or four lines1 the rest of the space being completely filled with comments1 and with explanations of the comments4 ,instances of books explained to death are not unknown in our own class-rooms6 ,the effect of this accumulation of comments was to draw the attention of both teachers and students more and more away from the text4 ,there is evidence that in some instances the text was almost wholly neglected in the attempt to master the glosses4 ,university reforms at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century sometimes involved the exclusion of this mass of frivolous and obscure comment from the lectures1 and a return to the study of the text itself4 ,see the introduction to the plan of studies for ,leipzig1 p4 #dh4 ,the selection from the ,canon ,law 7p4 #ei ff47 gives a good idea of the substance of a dictated mediaeval lecture4 ,concerning the original and more or less off-hand lecture we have the amusing account of ,giraldus ,cambrensis 7c4 #aadf-abbj71 in his most flattering of all autobiographies4 ,after recounting--in the third person--his studies at ,paris in ,civil and ,canon ,law1 and ,theology1 he says3 ,he obtained so much favor in decretal cases1 which were wont to be handled ,sundays1 that1 on the day on which it had become known throughout the city that he would talk1 there resulted such a concourse of almost all the doctors with their scholars1 to hear his pleasing voice1 that scarcely could the amplest house have held the auditors4 ,and with reason1 for he so supported with rhetorical persuasiveness his original1 wide-awake treatment of the ,laws and ,canons1 and so embellished his points both with figures and flowers of speech and with pithy ideas1 and so applied the sayings of philosophers and authors1 which he inserted in fitting places with marvellous cleverness1 that the more learned and erudite the congregation1 the more eagerly and attentively did they apply ears and minds to listening and memorizing4 ,of a truth they were led on and besmeared with words so sweet that1 hanging1 as it were1 in suspense on the lips of the speaker1--though the address was long and involved1 of a sort that is wont to be tedious to many1--they found it impossible to be fatigued1 or even sated1 with hearing the man4 ,and so the scholars strove to take down all his talks1 word for word1 as they emanated from his lips1 and to adopt them with great eagerness4 ,moreover1 on a certain day when the concourse from all parts to hear him was great1 when the lecture was over and was followed by a murmur of favorable applause from all the throng1 a certain distinguished ,doctor who both had lectured on the ,arts at ,paris and long studied on the laws at ,bologna1 whose name was ,master ,roger the ,norman1 444 broke out openly in expressions of this sort3 ,there is not such knowledge under the sun1 and if it were by chance reported at ,paris1 it would1 beyond a doubt1 carry incomparable weight there1 far more so than anywhere else4 ,now the opening--as it were1 the proem--of that talk ,i have not considered it inappropriate to introduce here2 so this is the way it began3 ,i had proposed to hear before being heard1 to learn before speaking1 to hesitate before debating4 ,for to cultured ears and to men of the highest eloquence my speech will appear to have little marrow in its views1 and its poverty of words will seem jejune4 ,for idle is it1 and utterly superfluous1 to offer that which is arid to the eloquent1 and that which is stale to men of knowledge and wisdom4 ,whence our ,moral ,seneca1 and1 quoting from him1 ,sidonius1 says3 ',until ,nature has drunk in knowledge1 it is not greater glory to speak what you know than to be silent about what you do not know4' ,and yet1 since1 on the testimony of ,augustine1 ',every part out of harmony with its whole is base1' that ,i may not seem the sole anomaly among you1 or1 where others speak1 be found by my silence a disciple of ,pythagoras surpassing the rest1 ,i have chosen to be found ridiculous for my speaking1 rather than out of harmony for my silence4 ,what note then shall the noisy goose emit in the presence of the clear-songed swans8 ,shall he offer new things1 or things well known8 ,things often considered and trite generate disgust2 new things lack authority4 ,for1 as ,pliny says3 ',it is an arduous task to give novelty to old things1 authority to new things1 brightness to things obsolete1 charm to things disdained1 light to obscure things1 credence to doubtful things1 and to all things naturalness6' ,the question which we have before us is old1 but not inveterate1--a question often argued1 but whose decision is still pending3 ,should a ,judge decide according to the evidence1 or according to his conviction8 ,now he supported the second1 but far less justifiable view1 by arguments taken from the ,laws and the ,canons1 so forcible that1 while all were amazed1 all were uncertain whether greater praise should be given to the ornateness of the words or to the efficacy of the arguments4#eg ,the mode of lecturing on ,roman ,law at ,bologna is thus described by ,odofredus 7c4 #abjj-abfe71 a distinguished teacher3 ,first1 ,i shall give you summaries of each title i4e41 each chapter into which the books are divided before ,i proceed to the text2 second1 ,i shall give you as clear and explicit a statement as ,i can of the purport of each ,law 7included in the title72 thirdly1 ,i shall read the text with a view to correcting it2 fourthly1 ,i shall briefly repeat the contents of the ,law2 fifthly1 ,i shall solve apparent contradictions1 adding any general principles of ,law 7to be extracted from the passage71 commonly called ,brocardica1 and any distinctions or subtle and useful problems 7quaestiones7 arising out of the ,law1 with their solutions1 as far as the ,divine ,providence shall enable me4 ,and if any ,law shall seem deserving1 by reason of its celebrity or difficulty1 of a ,repetition1 ,i shall reserve it for an evening ,repetition4#eh ,the varied statement and restatement of the passage1 implied in the foregoing description1 was doubtless necessary to make it intelligible to the not-too-keen minds of the auditors4 ,as ,rashdall points out1 it makes no mention of a very important feature of all mediaeval lectures1--the reading of the 'glosses4' ,this is mentioned in the ,bologna statutes now to be cited4 ,there are numerous statutes on the mode of lecturing4 ,at ,bologna1 and doubtless elsewhere1 professors seem to have experienced the difficulty1 not unknown to modern teachers1 of getting through the entire course within the prescribed time4 ,the students1 who regulated the conduct of their teachers1 made stringent rules to prevent this1 and punished violations of them by fines large enough to make professors take due caution3 ,we have decreed also that all ,doctors actually lecturing must read the glosses immediately after reading the chapter or the law1 unless the continuity of the chapters or of the laws requires otherwise1 taking the burden in this matter on their own consciences in accordance with the oath they have taken4 ,nor1 with regard to those things that are not to be read1 must they yield to the clamor of the scholars4 ,furthermore we decree that ,doctors1 lecturing ordinarily or extraordinarily1 must come to the sections assigned de novo1 according to the regulations below4 ,and we decree1 as to the close observance by them of the passages1 that any ,doctor1 in his ordinary lecturing in ,canon or ,civil ,law1 must deposit1 fifteen days before the ,feast of ,saint ,michael1 twenty-five ,bologna pounds with one of the treasurers whom the rectors have appointed2 which treasurer shall promise to give said money to the rectors1 or the general beadle in their name1 all at once or in separate amounts1 as he shall be required by them or by him4 ,the form1 moreover1 to be observed by the ,doctors as to the sections is this3 ,let the division of the book into sections 7puncta7 be determined1 and then let him be notified4 ,and if any ,doctor fails to reach any section on the specified date he shall be fined three ,bologna pounds1 while for a second offense he shall be fined five pounds1 and for a third and each succeeding violation of the rule1 ten pounds4 ,and if the twenty-five pounds are exhausted1 he must deposit in said place a second twenty-five pounds2 and the second deposit must be made within eight days from the time when the first was exhausted4444 ,we decree also that no ,doctor shall hereafter exceed one section in one lecture4 ,and if the contrary be done by any one he shall be charged with perjury and punished to the extent of three pounds1 to be taken from the money deposited for the purpose2 and as often as the violation occurs1 so often shall the penalty be inflicted1 so long as the statute is in force2 and the ,rector also must exact it4 ,we add that at the end of a section the ,doctors must announce to the scholars at what section they are to begin afterwards1 and they shall be obliged to follow that section which they have begun1 even to the end of the section4 ,but if by chance1 after due weight is given to the glosses or text1 it seems useful to transfer a part of the lecture to another section1 he shall be obliged in his preceding lecture to announce that to the scholars1 so that those who wish may make provision beforehand2 under penalty of five ,bologna shillings for each occasion for the ,doctor who does to the contrary4 ,we order this statute to be published in each school at the beginning of the term4444 ,since topics not read by the ,doctors are completely neglected and consequently are not known to the scholars1 we have decreed that no ,doctor shall omit from his sections any chapter1 decretal1 law1 or paragraph4 ,if he does this he shall be obliged to read it within the following section4 ,we have also decreed that no decretal or decree or law or difficult paragraph shall be reserved to be read at the end of the lecture if1 through such reservation1 promptness of exit at the sound of the appointed bell is likely to be prevented4#ei ,a lecture might be either dictated or delivered rapidly1 to the minds rather than to the pens1 of the auditors4 ,for pedagogic and possibly other reasons1 the latter method seems to have been preferred by the authorities2 but lecturers1 and students who desire to get full notes1 seem to have insisted upon dictation4 ,a statute of the ,masters of ,arts at ,paris1 #acee1 is one of several unsuccessful attempts to enforce rapid delivery3 ,two methods of reading the books of the ,liberal ,arts have been tried3 ,by the first1 the ,masters of ,philosophy from their chairs rapidly set forth their own words1 so that the mind of the listener can take them in1 but his hand is not able to write them down2 by the second1 they pronounce them slowly so that the listeners are able to write them down in their presence with the pen4 ,by diligent examination and mutual comparison of these ways the first method is found to be the better1 because the conceptual power of the ordinary mind warns us to imitate it in our lectures4 ,therefore1 we1 one and all1 ,masters of ,arts1 both lecturing and not lecturing1 being especially convoked for this purpose 444 have made a statute to this effect3 ,all lecturers1 ,masters as well as ,scholars1 of the same ,faculty1 whenever and wherever they happen to be reading any book in regular order or course in the same ,faculty1 or to be discussing a question according to this or any other method of exposition1 shall follow the former method of reading to the best of their ability1 to wit3 presenting it as though no one were writing it in their presence4 ,it is in accordance with this method that discourses and recommendations are made in the ,university1 and it is followed by ,lecturers in the rest of the ,faculties4 ,transgressors of this ,statute1 whether ,masters or ,scholars1 we deprive thenceforth of their positions as lecturers1 of honors1 offices1 and the rest of their means of support under our ,faculty1 for one year4 ,but if any one repeats the offense1 we double the penalty for the first repetition2 for the second1 we quadruple it1 and so on4 ,and auditors who interfere with the execution of this our ,statute by shouting or whistling or raising a din1 or by throwing stones1 either personally or through their attendants or accomplices1 or in any other way1 we deprive of and cut off from our company for one year1 and for each repetition we increase the penalty to twice and four times the length as above4#fj 7b7 ,the ,disputation4 ,the disputation1 or debate1 one of the most important university exercises1 first became really established in the schools as a result of the new method4 7,cf4 page #ce47 ,this exercise was sometimes carried on in the manner of a modern debate2 to respond in the schools 7i4e41 to defend a thesis in public debate71 and to oppose 7i4e41 to argue against the respondent71 was a common requirement for all degrees4 ,scholars and masters frequently posted in public places theses to the argument of which they challenged all comers1 just as a knight might challenge all comers at a tournament to combat4 ,in such cases the respondent usually indicated the side of the question which he would defend4 ,this practice1 in a modified form1 still exists in some ,european universities in the public examinations for the ,doctor's degree4 ,in another mode1 the disputation was carried on by a single person1 who argued both sides of the question and drew the conclusion in favor of one side or the other4 ,this was of course merely the oral use of the method of exposition commonly found in the works of scholastic philosophers and theologians4 ,the lecture of ,giraldus ,cambrensis described above 7page #aji7 was doubtless of this type4 ,a complete example is to be found in ,dante's ,quaestio de ,aqua et ,terra4 ,the brief of the arguments on both sides of this question is here reproduced with some modifications4 ,it illustrates not only the exercise itself1 but also the ponderous complications which the scholastic method received at the hands of ,abelard's successors1 and the weakness of that method when applied to questions of natural science4 ,the reader will note that the argument no longer proceeds by the simple citation of authorities pro and con2 the reasonings of the debater are also introduced4 ,moreover1 the argument is more complex4 ,it involves first the statement of the affirmative position2 second1 the refutation of the affirmative by observation and by reasoning2 third1 objections to the refutation by reasoning2 fourth1 refutation of these objections2 fifth1 final refutation of the original arguments4 ,introduction3 ,author's reasons for undertaking the discussion4 ,let it be known to you all that1 whilst ,i was in ,mantua1 a certain ,question arose1 which1 often argued according to appearance rather than to truth remained undetermined4 ,wherefore1 since from boyhood ,i have ever been nurtured in love of truth1 ,i could not bear to leave the ,question ,i have spoken of undiscussed3 rather ,i wished to demonstrate the truth concerning it1 and likewise1 hating untruth as well as loving truth1 to refute contrary arguments4 ,and lest the spleen of many1 who1 when the objects of their envy are absent1 are wont to fabricate lies1 should behind my back transform well-spoken words1 ,i further wished in these pages1 traced by my own fingers1 to set down the conclusion ,i had reached and to sketch out1 with my pen1 the form of the whole controversy4 ,,the ,,question3 ,,is ,,water1 ,,or ,,the ,,surface ,,of ,,the ,,sea1 ,,anywhere ,,higher ,,than ,,the ,,earth1 ,,or ,,habitable ,,dry ,,land8 ,,affirmative ,,argument3 ,five affirmative arguments generally accepted4 ,reason #a4 ,geometrical ,proof3 ,earth and ,water are spheres with different centers2 the center of the ,earth's sphere is the center of the universe2 consequently the surface of the ,water is above that of the ,earth4 ,reason #b4 ,ethical ,proof3 ,water is a nobler element than ,earth2 hence it deserves a nobler1 or higher1 place in the scheme of the universe4 ,reason #c4 ,experimental ,proof3 based on sailors seeing the land disappear under their horizon when at sea4 ,reason #d4 ,economical ,proof3 ,the supply of ,water1 namely1 the sea1 must be higher than the ,earth2 otherwise1 as ,water flows downwards1 it could not reach1 as it does1 the fountains1 lakes1 etc4 ,reason #e4 ,astronomical ,proof3 ,since ,water follows the moon's course1 its sphere must be excentric1 like the moon's excentric orbit2 and consequently in places be higher than the sphere of ,earth4 ,,negative ,,argument3 ,these reasons unfounded4 ,i4 ,,refutation ,,by ,,observation4 ,water flows down to the sea from the land2 hence the sea cannot be higher than the land4 ,,ii4 ,,refutation ,,by ,,reasoning3 ,a4 ,water cannot be higher than the dry land4 ,proof3 ,water could only be higher than the ,earth1 #a4 ,if it were excentric1 or #b4 ,if it were concentric1 but had some excrescence4 ,but since x4 ,water naturally moves downwards1 and y4 ,water is naturally a fluid body3 #a4 ,cannot be true1 for three impossibilities would follow3 a4 ,water would move upwards as well as downwards2 b4 ,water and ,earth would move downwards in different directions2 c4 ,gravity would be taught ambiguously of the two bodies4 ,proof of these impossibilities by a diagram4 #b4 ,cannot be true1 for a4 ,the ,water of the excrescence would be diffused1 and consequently the excrescence could not exist3 b4 ,it is unnecessary1 and what is unnecessary is contrary to the will of ,god and ,nature4 ,b4 ,all land is higher than the sea4 ,proof3 ,it has been shown that ,water is of one level1 and concentric with the ,earth3 ,therefore1 since the shores are higher than the edges of the sea1 and since the shores are the lowest portions of the land1 ,it follows that all the land is higher than the sea4 ,c4 ,objections to the foregoing reasoning1 and their refutation4 #a4 ,possible affirmative argument3 ,earth is the heaviest body2 hence it is drawn down to its own center1 and lies beneath the lighter body1 ,water4 #b4 ,objection to this argument3 ,earth is the heaviest body only by comparison with others2 for ,earth is itself of different weights4 #c4 ,refutation of this objection3 ,on the contrary1 ,earth is a simple body1 and as such subject to be drawn equally in every part4 #d4 ,answer to the refutation1 with minor objections and their refutation4 ,since the objection is in itself sound1 and ,earth by its own ,particular ,nature1 due to the stubbornness of matter1 would be lower than the sea2 and since ,universal ,nature requires that the ,earth project somewhere1 in order that its object1 the mixture of the elements1 may be fulfilled3 ,it follows that there must be some final and efficient cause1 whereby this projection may be accomplished4 a4 ,the final cause has been seen to be the purpose of ,universal ,nature4 b4 ,the efficient cause cannot be 7i7 the ,earth1 7ii7 the ,water1 7iii7 the ,air or ,fire1 7iv7 the heaven of the ,moon1 7v7 the ,planets1 nor 7vi7 the ,primum ,mobile3 ,therefore it must be ascribed to the heaven of the ,fixed ,stars 7for this has variety hi efficiency1 as is seen in the various constellations71 and in particular to those ,stars of the ,northern ,hemisphere which overhang the dry land4 7x7 ,first objection3 ,why is the projecting continent then1 not circular1 since the motion of these stars is circular8 ,answer3 ,because the material did not suffice for so great an elevation4 7y7 ,second objection3 ,why is this elevation in this particular place8 ,answer3 ,because ,god whose ways are inscrutable1 willed it so4 ,we should therefore desist from examining too closely the reasons1 which we can never hope to fathom4 ,d4 ,refutation of the original arguments3 ,reason #a4 ,invalid because ,earth and ,water are spheres with the same center4 ,reason #b4 ,invalid because of the external influence of ,universal ,nature1 counteracting the internal influence of ,particular ,nature4 ,reason #c4 ,invalid because it is sphericity of the sea and not the lowness of the land which interferes with one's view at sea4 ,reason #d4 ,invalid because ,water does not flow to the tops of mountains1 but ascends thither in the form of vapors4 ,reason #e4 ,invalid because ,water imitating the moon in one respect1 need not imitate it in all4#fa ,this brief obviously illustrates much more than the form of the mediaeval ,disputation4 ,it leaves one in no doubt as to the difference between the natural science of the ,middle ,ages and that of our own time4 ,it also illustrates the weakness of the scholastic method when applied to questions which modern science would settle by experiment4 ,the argument abounds in misstatements of fact1 the conclusion is incorrect1 and the reasoning by which it is reached can be described1 from the modern point of view1 only as grotesque4 ,the weakness of the method was recognized by ,roger ,bacon so early as the thirteenth century4 ,the growing recognition of its futility finds repeated expression in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries1 notably in the ,new ,method 7,novum ,organum7 of ,francis ,bacon4 ,like the scholastic method and the worship of ,aristotle1 the ,disputation fell into disrepute because of the extravagant lengths to which it was carried4 ,the following sarcastic criticism by the ,spanish scholar1 ,juan ,luis ,vives 7#adfb-aedj71 is one illustration of the growing revolt of his times against it3 ,disputations1 also1 to no slight degree have blinded judgment4 ,they were instituted originally 7but only among young men7 to stimulate mental vigor1 often torpid1 and to make young men keener in their studies1 so that they might either conquer or not be conquered1 and also that the instruction received from their teachers might be more deeply impressed upon them4 ,among men1 or older persons1 there was a kind of comparison of opinions and reasons1 not aimed at victory but at unravelling the truth4 ,the very name testifies that they are called disputations because by their means the truth is1 as it were1 pruned or purged dis apart2 puto to prune1 or to cleanse4 ,but after praise and reward came from listeners to the one who seemed to have the best ideas1 and out of the praise often came wealth and resources1 a base greed of distinction or money took possession of the minds of the disputants1 and1 just as in a battle1 victory only was the consideration1 and not the elucidation of truth4 ,so that they defended strenuously whatever they once had said1 and overthrew and trampled upon their adversary4 ,low and sordid minds such as with drooping heads look solely at such trivial and ephemeral results1 regarded as of small consequence the great benefit that results from study3--namely probity or knowledge of truth2 and these two things they did not regard with sufficient acuteness nor did they comprehend their great value1 but they sought the immediate reward of money or popular favor4 ,and so1 in order to get a greater return for their labor1 they admitted the populace to their contests like the spectators of a play brought out at the theatre4 ,then1 as one might expect when the standard is lowered1 the philosopher laid aside his dignified1 venerable character1 and put on his stage dress that he might dance more easily3 the populace was made spectator1 umpire1 and judge1 and the philosopher did that which the flute player does not do on the stage1--he suited his music1 not to his own ideas and to the ,muses1 as his old teacher advises1 but wholly to the circle of onlookers and the crowd whence distinction and gain was likely to come back to the actors4 ,there was no need of real1 solid teaching 7at least1 not in the opinion of those who are going to learn72 but pretence and dust were thrown in the eyes of the crowd4 ,so the one plain road of obtaining the truth was abandoned2 six hundred ways of pretending were made1 by which each strove for what suited himself1 especially since there is nothing made so ugly as to lack a sponsor4 ,not only did the populace flock to this opinion--that the object of learning is to dispute1 just as it is the object of military life to fight--but the public unanimity swept away the veterans1 the triarii the more experienced soldiers who were placed in the third line as it were1 of the scholastic campaign 7but these have no more ability and judgment than the dregs of the people71 so that they regard him as superfluous and foolish who would call them back to mental activity and character and that quiet method of investigation1 philosophy4 ,they think that there is no other fruit of studies save to keep your wits about you and not give way to your adversary1 either to attack him boldly or to bear up against him1 and shrewdly to contrive by what vigor1 by what skill1 by what method of supplanting1 he may be overturned4 ,therefore under this beautiful scheme1 surpassing all others1 it was the plan to break in the boy immediately and train him constantly2 they began disputing as soon as they were born and ceased only at death4 ,the boy brought to school1 is bidden to dispute forthwith on the first day and is already taught to quarrel1 before he can yet speak at all4 ,so also in ,grammar1 in the ,poets1 in the ,historians1 in ,logic1 in ,rhetoric1 in absolutely every branch4 ,would any one wonder what they can find to do in matters that are perfectly open1 very simple and elementary8 ,there is nothing so transparent1 so limpid that they do not cloud it over with some petty question as if ruffled by a breeze4 ,it is thought characteristic of the most helpless stupidity1 not to find something which you may make obscure by most intricate measures and involve in very hard and rigid conditions1 which you may twist and twist again4 ,for you may simply say3 ,write to me1--here comes a question1 if not from ,grammar then from ,logic1 if not from ,logic then from ,physics1--,what motions are made in writing8 ,or1 from ,metaphysics1 ,is it substance or quality8 ,and these boys are hearing the first rudiments of ,logic who were only yesterday1 or the day before1 admitted to the school4 ,so they are to be trained never to be silent1 but vigorously to assert whatever comes uppermost lest they may seem at any time to have given in4 ,nor is one dispute a day enough1 nor two1 like a meal4 ,at lunch they dispute1 after lunch they dispute1 at dinner they dispute1 after dinner they dispute4 ,do they do these things to learn1 or to cook a new dish8 ,they dispute at home1 they dispute away from home4 ,at a banquet1 in the bath1 in the tepidarium1 at church1 in the city1 in the fields1 in public1 in private1 in all places and at all times they dispute4 ,courtesans in charge of a panderer do not wrangle so many times1 or gladiators in charge of a trainer do not fight so many times for a prize as these do under their teacher of philosophy4 ,the populace1 not self-restrained and serious1 but fickle1 barbarous1 pugnacious1 is wonderfully tickled with all this as with a mock battle4 ,so there are very many exceedingly ignorant men1 utterly without knowledge of literature in any form1 who take more pleasure in this form of show than in all else2 and the more easily to win the fight1 they employ a quick and prompt mode of fighting and deliver a blow every second1 as it were1 in order the more speedily to use up their foe4 ,they neither assail their adversary with uninterrupted argument nor can they endure prolonged talk from him4 ,if by way of explaining himself he should begin to enlarge1 they raise the cry3 ,to the point6 ,to the point6 ,answer categorically6 ,showing how restless and flippant their minds are who cannot stand a few words4444 ,to such a degree did they go that instead of a settlement based on the strongest arguments1 such as drove them into their absurdities1 they considered it sufficient to say3 ,i admit it1 for it follows from my own conclusion1 and the next step is3 ,i deny it4 ,prove it4 ,i will defend it appropriately4 ,for he who defends appropriately 7in their own words71 no matter by what incongruous admissions and concessions1 is held to be a learned man and best adapted to disputation1 that is1 to the apex of all knowledge4 7c7 ,the ,examination ,the examination1 as an exercise leading to a degree1 is one phase of modern educational practice which comes from mediaeval universities4 ,the system of examinations grew up slowly4 ,generalization is difficult owing to the differences in practice in various universities1 but broadly speaking the student who took a ,master's or ,doctor's degree in any ,faculty passed through the three stages of ,bachelor1 ,licentiate1 and ,doctor1 and at each stage underwent some form of examination4 ,the examination for the ,license 7to teach anywhere7 seems to have been the most formidable of the three2 that for the ,doctorate being mainly ceremonial4 ,in general1 the examination tested the candidate's knowledge of the books prescribed1 and his power of public debate4 ,the statutes of ,bourges 7c4 #adfh-adhj7 thus describe the requirements and the manner of procedure of examinations for the ,license in ,arts3 ,in preparation for the ,a4,b4 degree1 which preceded the ,license1 the candidate had heard lectures on 7#a7 ,the ,isagoge 7,introduction7 of ,porphyry to the ,categories of ,aristotle1 7#b7 the following works of ,aristotle3 7a7 ,categories2 7b7 ,peri ,hermeneias 7,on ,interpretation71 the first 787 two books and a part of the fourth2 7c7 ,topics1 first book2 7d7 ,physics1 first three books4 ,likewise we have decreed that before any one comes to the grade of ,license he must have heard four other books of ,physics1 three books ,on the ,heavens1 two of ,on ,generation1 the first three of ,on ,meteors1 three ,on the ,soul1 ,on the ,memory1 ,on the ,length and ,brevity of ,life1 with the first six books of ,metaphysics and the first six on ,ethics with a part of ,euclid1 and with the book ,on the ,sphere by ,john ,sacrobosco4 ,likewise we have decreed that candidates must respond twice openly and in public1 and there may be five at most in one day and in the same debate2 yet four will be sufficient4 ,and when they respond they must pay1 each his own chairman1 a scudo of gold4 ,likewise we have determined that1 when this has been done1 the ,faculty shall appoint four ,masters who have already been ,masters for three years and who do not have the candidates that year as pupils under their own special direction2 and they shall test the sufficiency of all the candidates4 ,and the said committee shall take oath that they will accept those who are eligible and will reject those who are ineligible4 ,likewise we have decreed that1 when this has been done1 on the report of said committee1 over their seals manual faithfully transmitted1 the ,chancellor shall arrange the candidates in the order assigned to them by said committee1 always putting the better men and those who are eligible ahead of the others1 in order that the opportunity of studying well may be given to the students and that no one may suffer harm from his position4 ,likewise we have decreed that before proceeding to license the candidates themselves1 the assembled ,faculty of ,arts shall ordain four ,masters1 other than the first1 who shall examine in assigned groups the said candidates in their own persons4 ,and if they do not find them to be such as the first examiners reported that they found them1 they shall report to the ,faculty1 pointing out the deficiency that the ,faculty may have knowledge of the mistake of the first committee4 ,if it finds that they made a mistake it shall have authority to correct their errors by changing the positions of the names on the list and by rejecting them entirely if they seem ineligible4 ,likewise we have decreed that when their approval or disapproval has been settled by the said second examiners1 they shall place their candidates according to proper order in one list sealed with their own seals1 and shall deliver it1 under enclosure1 to the ,chancellor1 and it shall not be lawful for him to change the order but he shall license them in the order set down in the list4#fb ,the process of taking the ,licentiate and the ,doctorate in ,laws at ,bologna1 in vogue at the end of the thirteenth century and later1 is described at great length in the ,statutes of #adcb4 ,the examination consisted of two parts2 the first private1 the second public4 ,the first led to a ,license1 which was1 however1 a license merely to proceed to the public examination4 ,the ,statute concerning the private examination is summarized by ,rashdall3 ,the private ,examination was the real test of competence1 the so-called public ,examination being in practice a mere ceremony4 ,before admission to each of these tests the candidate was presented by the ,consiliarius of his ,nation to the ,rector for permission to enter it1 and swore that he had complied with all the statutable conditions1 that he would give no more than the statutable fees or entertainments to the ,rector himself1 the ,doctor or his fellow-students1 and that he would obey the ,rector4 ,within a period of eight days before the ,examination the candidate was presented by his own ,doctor or by some other ,doctor or by two ,doctors to the ,archdeacon1 the presenting ,doctor being required to have satisfied himself by private examination of his presentee's fitness4 ,early on the morning of the examination1 after attending a ,mass of the ,holy ,ghost1 the candidate appeared before the assembled ,college and was assigned by one of the ,doctors present two passages 7puncta7 in the ,civil or ,canon ,law as the case might be4 ,he then retired to his house to study the passages1 in doing which it would appear that he had the assistance of the presenting ,doctor4 ,later in the day the ,doctors were summoned to the ,cathedral or some other public building by the ,archdeacon1 who presided over but took no active part in the ensuing examination4 ,the candidate was then introduced to the ,archdeacon and ,doctors by the presenting ,doctor or ,promoter as he was styled4 ,the ,prior of the ,college then administered a number of oaths in which the candidate promised respect to that body and solemnly renounced all the rights of which the ,college had succeeded in robbing all ,doctors not included in its ranks4 ,the candidate then gave a lecture or exposition of the two prepared passages2 after which he was examined upon them by two of the ,doctors appointed by the ,college4 ,other ,doctors might ask supplementary questions of ,law 7which they were required to swear that they had not previously communicated to the candidate7 arising more indirectly out of the passages selected1 or might suggest objections to the answers4 ,with a tender regard for the feelings of their comrades at this rigorous and tremendous ,examination 7as they style it7 the students by their ,statutes required the ,examiner to treat the examinee as his own son4 ,the ,examination concluded1 the votes of the ,doctors present were taken by ballot and the candidate's fate determined by the majority1 the decision being announced by the ,archdeacon4#fc ,the successful candidate ordinarily proceeded within a short time to the public examination1 which was held in the cathedral4 ,at this examination he received both the formal license to teach and the ,doctor's degree4 ,before the appointed day he went about inviting friends and public officials to the ceremony4 ,ostentation at this time was forbidden3 ,those who are candidates for the ,doctor's degree1 when they give their invitations to the public examination1 should go without trumpets or any instruments whatever2 and the ,beadle of the ,arch-deacon of ,bologna1 with the ,beadles of the ,doctors under whom they are to have the public examination1 should precede him on horseback4 ,at that late day they the candidates shall not provide any feast1 except among scholars from the same house or among those related to the candidate in the first1 second1 third1 or even the fourth degree4 ,furthermore no one of the ,rectors shall presume to ride with him on that day4#fd ,on the actual day of the examination1 however1 the love of pageantry characteristic of the mediaeval and especially of the ,italian mind was allowed the amplest gratification2 the candidate went to the cathedral1 doubtless preceded by trumpeters1 and escorted by a procession of his fellow-students4 ,the statutes of the ,german ,nation at ,bologna describe as one object of that organization the clustering about1 attendance upon1 and crowding around our ,doctors-to-be1 in season and out of season4 ,moreover1 the ,scholars of our ,nation shall individually accompany the one who is to be made ,doctor1 to the place where the insignia of the degree are usually bestowed1 if he so wishes1 or has so requested of the ,proctor of the ,nation4 ,also1 they shall escort him with a large accompanying crowd from the aforesaid place to his own house1 under penalty of one ,bologna shilling4#fe ,the ,university statutes are to the same effect1 but they prohibit horse-play1 and the extravagance of tournaments4 ,ultramontane scholars are those from north1 ,cismontane1 those from south1 of the ,alps4 ,moreover1 the ultramontane scholars shall accompany the ultramontane candidate1 and the cismontane1 the cismontane1 from their dwelling places to ,saint ,peter's when they go there to take the public examination1 and at that time hay and straw shall not be placed on the floor of the church4 ,furthermore all the ultra-and cis-montanes shall be present at the public examination1 and all shall afterwards accompany the new ,doctor from the church to his house under penalty of ten ,bologna shillings1 which it shall be the duty of the ,rector to exact within eight days4 ,and no scholar at the public examination of any citizen or foreign scholar shall be dressed for a dance or a brawl or a tournament1 nor shall he joust as a knight4 ,if any one disobey1 he shall incur the penalty of perjury and ten ,bologna pounds1 and if he does not pay this within ten days on the demand of any ,rector he shall be deprived of the advantage and honor of our ,university4 ,and we impose the penalty of perjury also upon the ,rector of the student who is to take the public examination1 and this penalty he shall incur from the very fact that he should by all means exact from the candidate an oath that on the day on which he rides about to give invitations for the public examination which he is to take1 he will not bring about any jousting or brawling as some have done heretofore4 ,and if the candidate1 when required1 is unwilling to take the oath1 or if he takes the oath and breaks it1 he the ,rector shall utterly forbid the public examination and direct the ,doctors not to hold their meeting and also stop the ,beadle1 so that he shall not dare to announce his programme through the schools1 under an arbitrary penalty to be imposed4#ff ,the ceremony at the cathedral included1 first1 the formal test of the candidate4 ,after making a speech he held a disputation1 in which he defended a thesis taken from the ,laws against opponents chosen from the body of students1 thus playing for the first time the part of a ,doctor in a ,university disputation4 ,he was then presented by the ,promoter to the ,archdeacon1 who conferred the final ,license to teach ,civil or ,canon ,law or both1 according to the student's training4 ,this was done by a formula probably similar to the following1 which is taken from a book published in #agaj3 ,inasmuch as you have been presented to me for examination in both ,civil and ,canon ,laws and for the customary approval1 by the ,most ,illustrious and ,most ,excellent ,d4,d4 7naming the ,promoters71 golden ,knights1 ,counts ,palatine1 ,most ,celebrated ,doctors1 and inasmuch as you have since undergone an arduous and rigorous examination1 in which you bore yourself with so much learning and distinction that that body of ,most ,illustrious and ,excellent ,promoters without one dissenting voice1--,i repeat1 without one dissenting voice1--have judged you worthy of the laurel1 therefore by the authority which ,i have as ,archdeacon and senior ,chancellor1 ,i create1 publish1 and name you1 ,n4,n41 ,doctor in the aforesaid ,faculties1 giving to you every privilege of lecturing1 of ascending the ,master's chair1 of writing glosses1 of interpreting1 of acting as ,advocate1 and of exercising also the functions of a ,doctor here and everywhere throughout the world2 furthermore1 of enjoying all those privileges which those happy individuals1 who have been so deserving in these fostering colleges1 are accustomed to use and enjoy4 ,and ,i trust that all these things will forever result in the increase of your fame and the honor of our ,colleges1 to the praise and glory of ,almighty ,god and of the ever blessed ,virgin ,mary4#fg ,in pursuance of the license thus conferred1 he was then invested by the ,promoter with the insignia of the teaching office1 the chair1 the book1 the ring1 the cap1 each1 no doubt1 with some appropriate formula4 ,he was seated in the ,magisterial chair or cathedra4 ,he was handed the open book--one of the ,law texts which it was his function to expound4 ,a gold ring was placed upon his finger1 either in token of his espousal to ,science or in indication of the ,doctor's claim to be the equal of ,knights2 and the ,magisterial biretta placed upon his head3 after which the ,promotor left him with a paternal embrace1 a kiss1 and a benediction4#fh ,then followed the triumphal procession homeward through the town1 preceded by the three ,university pipers and the four ,university trumpeters4 7d7 ,a ,day's ,work at ,louvain in #adgf ,documents which describe the day's work of a mediaeval student are not common4 ,a ,ducal ordinance for the ,university of ,louvain in #adgf indicates the way in which the student was supposed to work at that institution4 ,the tutors shall see that the scholars rise in the morning at five o'clock1 and that then before lectures each one reads by himself the laws which are to be read at the regular lecture1 together with the glosses4444 ,but after the regular lecture1 having if they wish1 quickly heard mass1 the scholars shall come to their rooms and revise the lectures that have been given1 by rehearsing and impressing on their memory whatever they have brought away from the lectures either orally or in writing4 ,and next they shall come to lunch 444after lunch1 each one having brought to the table his books1 all the scholars of the ,faculty together1 in the presence of a tutor1 shall review that regular lecture2 and in this review the tutor shall follow a method which will enable him1 by discreet questioning of every man1 to gather whether each of them listened well to the lecture and remembered it1 and which will recall the whole lecture by having its parts recited by individuals4 ,and if watchful care is used in this one hour will suffice4#fi 7e7 ,time-table of ,lectures at ,leipzig1 #aeai ,there must have been some orderly arrangement of each day's lectures as the requirements for the various degrees became fixed2 but ,i have not found an early document on the subject4 ,the ,statutes of ,leipzig for #aeai give an accurate arrangement of the lectures of the ,faculty of ,fine ,arts1 hour by hour1 adapted to a variety of intellects and to diverse interests4 ,they do not always specify the semester in which the book is to be read2 in such cases the title is placed in the center of the column4 ,the list includes practically all the books required for the degrees of ,a4,b4 and ,a4,m4 ,unless otherwise specified1 they are the works of ,aristotle2 but the versions are1 as noted on page #dh1 new translations from the ,greek4 ,these translations are praised in no uncertain terms in the ,statutes4 ,the ,metaphysic is presented in ,latin by ,bessarion so cleverly and with so good faith that he will seem to differ not even a nail's breadth from the ,greek copies and sentiments of ,aristotle4 ,the ,ethics and the ,economics are cleverly and charmingly put into ,latin by ,argyropulos2 the ,politics and the ,magna ,moralia are finely translated by ,georgius ,valla1 that well-known man of great learning1 etc4 ,lectures1 it will be noted1 began early4 ,the following tabular view is compiled from ,zarncke1 ,statutenbuecher der ,universitaet ,leipzig1 pp4 #ci-db4 ,in addition to the ordinary1 or prescribed1 books1 two books of ,cicero's ,letters will be read on festal days2 and the ,greek ,grammar of ,theodorus ,gaza will be explained at the expense of the illustrious ,prince ,george4 ,,summer ,,winter ,,summer ,,winter #f ,a4,m4 #a ,p4,m4 ,metaphysics4 ,metaphysics4 ,posterior ,topics 7#d ,bks47 ,introduction ,on ,analytics4 ,generation and 7,porphyry74 ,interpretation ,sense and ,destruction4 ,categories4 ,logic 7,aquinas74 ,sensation4 ,being and ,memory and ,essence ,on ,six ,principles 7,gilbert de la ,recollection4 7,aquinas74 ,porree74 ,sleep and ,waking4 ,physics 7,digest of ,aristotle by ,longevity and ,albertus ,magnus74 ,shortlivedness4 ----------------------------------- #h ,a4,m4 ,institutes of ,oratory 7,quintilian74 ,physical ,hearing 7sic47 ,physics8 ---------------------------------- ,reading and ,disputation by #b ,p4,m4 candidates for ,a4,b4 and ,a4,m4 ,grammar 7,priscian74 ,on the ,soul 7#c ,on the ,heavens ----------------------------------- ,bks74 and the ,earth4 #aa ,a4,m4 ,common ,on the ,substance ,arithmetic1 and of the ,world ,logic3 ,summulae 7,petrus ,hispanus74 ,on the ,sphere 7,averroes74 7,sacrobosco74 ,common ,rhetoric 7,cicero ,on the ,orator ,perspective1 to ,herennius74 7,cicero74 i4e41 ,optics ,physical ,on the ,vital 7,john of ,auscultation ,principle ,pisa74 7,themistius74 7,themistius74 ,theory of the ,planets 7,gerard of ,cremona74 ,ethics ,politics4 ,economics4 ,magna ,moralia1 i4e41 ,ethics1 abbreviated from ,aristotle and ,eudemus4 ---------------------------------- #d ,p4,m4 ,theocritus4 ,herodotus4 ,virgil4 ,aristotle1 ,problems4 ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #eg3 ,giraldus ,cambrensis1 ed4 ,brewer1 ,i1 pp4 #de-dg4 ,footnote #eh3 ,quoted by ,rashdall1 ,i1 p4 #bai4 ,footnote #ei3 ,malagola1 ,statuti delle ,universita i dei ,collegi dello ,studio ,bolognese4 ,selections from pp4 #da-dc4 ,footnote #fj3 ,bulaeus1 ,historia ,universitatis ,parisiensis1 ,,iv1 #ccb4 ,footnote #fa3 ,dante1 ,quaestio de ,aqua et ,terra1 tr4 ,a4,c4 ,white1 pp4 ,,vii-,,ix4 ,footnote #fb3 ,document printed by ,rashdall1 ,,ii1 ,pt4 ,,ii1 pp4 #gdb-c4 ,footnote #fc3 ,rashdall1 ,i1 p4 #bbf4 ,footnote #fd3 ,malagola1 ,statuti1 etc41 p4 #aaf4 ,footnote #fe3 ,acta ,nationis ,germanicae1 pp4 #d1 #h4 ,footnote #ff3 ,malagola1 ,statuti1 etc41 p4 #aaf4 ,footnote #fg3 ,document printed by ,rashdall1 ,,ii1 ,pt4 ,,ii1 p4 #gcd4 ,footnote #fh3 ,rashdall1 ,i1 p4 #bbi4 ,footnote #fi3 ,document printed by ,rashdall1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,pt4 ,,ii1 p4 #gff4 ,v ,,requirements ,,for ,,the ,,degrees ,,in ,,arts ,in general1 the candidate for the ,a4,b4 degree must have taken part as respondent or opponent 7see p4 #aae7 in a prescribed number of disputations1 and must have heard the lectures on certain prescribed books before taking his examination for the degree4 7,this examination seems1 in some cases1 to have been little more than a certification by a committee of ,masters that the student had fulfilled the foregoing requirements47 ,the candidate for the degree of ,a4,m4 must have completed further prescribed books and disputations1 and must have read1 i4e41 lectured upon1 some book or books which he had previously heard1 before taking his examination for the ,license 7to teach everywhere74 ,no general statement can be given as to the required number of disputations2 the practice differed at various times and places4 ,the ,statutes of ,leipzig required during the fifteenth century six ordinary and six extraordinary responses from the prospective ,bachelor4 ,the prospective ,master was required to declare that he had been present at thirty ordinary ,bachelors' disputations1 and had argued in each one if he had been able to get the opportunity to argue4 ,the candidate for the ,license at ,paris1 in #acff1 must have attended disputations throughout one grand ,ordinary1 and must have responded twice4 ,at ,oxford the youth must have taken part in disputations for a year as general sophister1 and must have responded at least once1 before taking the ,a4,b4 or before ,determination1 which was the equivalent of the ,a4,b4 ,prospective masters must have responded at least twice4#gj ,the following lists of prescribed books give a good idea of mediaeval requirements 7aside from disputations7 for the degrees of ,a4,b4 and ,a4,m41 at various times and places4 ,the reader will note at once the predominance of ,aristotle1 and the variations in requirements for the degrees4 ,many similar lists might be cited from the records of other universities2 but they would give little additional information as regards the degrees in ,arts4 #a4 ,list of ,books ,prescribed for the ,degrees of ,a4,b4 and ,a4,m4 at ,paris1 #abed4 ,the following list from the ,statutes of #abed does not separate the books into the groups required for each degree1 but indicates the total requirement for both4 ,introduction to the ,categories of ,aristotle 7,isagoge71 ,porphyry4 7#a7 ,the ,old ,logic ,categories1 and ,on ,interpretation1 ,aristotle4 ,divisions1 and ,topics except ,bk4 ,,iv1 ,boethius4 ,prior and ,posterior ,analytics1 ,aristotle4 7#b7 ,the ,new ,logic ,sophistical ,refutations1 ,topics1 7#c7 ,moral ,philosophy3 ,ethics1 #d ,bks41 ,physics1 ,aristotle4 ,on the ,heavens and the ,earth1 ,meteorics1 ,on ,animals1 the ,soul1 7#d7 ,natural ,philosophy ,generation1 ,sense and ,sensible ,things1 ,sleep and ,waking1 ,memory and ,recollection1 ,life and ,death1 ,plants1 787 7#e7 ,metaphysics3 ,metaphysics1 ,on the ,six ,principles1 ,gilbert de la ,porree ,barbarismus 7,bk4 #c1 ,larger ,grammar71 ,donatus4 7#f7 ,other ,books ,grammar 7,major and ,minor71 ,priscian4 ,on ,causes1 ,costa ,ben ,luca4 ,on the ,differences of ,spirit and ,soul 7another translation of ,on ,causes74#ga ,an interesting part of the ,statute of #abed relates to the length of time to be given to the various books1 or groups of books1 prescribed4 ,the entire ,old ,logic is to be read in about six months 7,october #a-,march #be72 the ,new ,logic and ,priscian's ,grammar in the same length of time2 the ,physics1 the ,metaphysics and ,on ,animals1 together1 in somewhat more than eight months 7,october #a-;,june #be72 the four books of the ,ethics1 alone1 in six weeks2 ,on ,life and ,death is to be completed in one week1 and several of the other treatises in the same group are to be read in periods varying from two to five weeks4 ,knowledge of these facts renders the list as a whole considerably less imposing than it might otherwise appear4 #b4 ,books required at ,paris in #acff4 ,in this and all the following examples the books are by ,aristotle unless otherwise specified4 ,for the ,a4,b43 7#a7 ,grammar3 ,doctrinale1 ,alexander da ,villa ,dei4 7#b7 ,logic3 ,the ,old and the ,new ,logic1 as above4 7#c7 ,natural ,philosophy3 ,on the ,soul4 ,for the ,license to teach everywhere3 7#a7 ,natural ,philosophy3 ,physics2 ,on the ,heavens and the ,earth2 ,on ,generation and ,corruption2 ,parva ,naturalia 7see p4 #adc72 ,on ,mechanics4 7#b7 ,mathematics3 ,some books2 probably the treatises required at ,leipzig in #adaj4 7,see p4 #adj74 7#c7 ,politics4 7#d7 ,rhetoric4 ,for the ,a4,m43 7#a7 ,ethics4 7#b7 ,meteorics 7#c ,bks474#gb #c4 ,books required at ,oxford1 #abfg3 ,for the ,a4,b4 7,determination73 7#a7 ,logic3 ,the ,old and the ,new ,logic 7see p4 #adj71 and ,on the ,six ,principles4 7#b7 ,either ,grammar 7selections from ,donatus and ,priscian71 or ,natural ,philosophy 7,physics1 ,on the ,soul1 and ,on ,generation and ,corruption74#gc ,for the ,a4,b4 in 787 #adjh4 7#a7 ,logic3 ,the ,old and the ,new ,logic in cursory1 or extraordinary1 lectures1 given by ,bachelors2 ,introduction1 ,porphyry3 ,on the ,six ,principles1 ,gilbert de la ,porree2 ,sophistical ,refutations4 7#b7 ,grammar2 ,barbarismus1 ,donatus4 7#c7 ,mathematics3 ,arithmetic2 ,computus ecclesiasticus 7,method of finding ,easter72 ,on the ,sphere1 ,sacrobosco4#gd #d4 ,books required at ,leipzig for the ,degree of ,a4,b4 in #adaj4ge 7#a7 ,grammar2 ,priscian 7the last two books74 #b months4 ,tractatus 7,summulae71 ,petrus ,hispanus4 #b-a_/b-c months4 7#b7 ,logic ,the ,old ,logic 7see ,paris1 #abed74 #c-d months4 ,the ,new except ,topics4 #f-a_/b-g months4 7#c7 ,nat'l ,philosophy ,physics4 #f-i months4 ,on the ,soul4 #g weeks-#b months4 7#d7 ,mathematics2 ,on the ,material ,sphere 7,sacrobosco74 #e-f weeks4 #e4 ,books required at ,leipzig for the ,degree of ,a4,m4 in #adaj4 7#a7 ,logic ,logic of ,heytisbury4 ,topics1 ,aristotle4 #c-d months4 7#b7 ,moral and ,ethics4 #f-i ,practical ,politics4 #d-i ,philosophy ,economics4 #c weeks4 ,on the ,heavens and the ,earth4 #c-a_/b-d months4 ,on ,generation and ,destruction4 #g weeks-#b months4 7#c7 ,natural ,philosophy ,meteorics4 #c-a_/b-d months4 ,parva ,naturalia 7i4e41 the books on ,sense and ,sensible ,things1 ,sleep and ,waking1 ,memory and ,recollection1 ,longevity and ,shortlivedness74 #b-a_/b-c months4 7#d7 ,metaphysics3 ,metaphysics4 #e-i months4 ,astronomy3 ,theory of the ,planets 7,gerard of ,cremona74 #e-f weeks4 ,geometry3 ,euclid4 #e-i months4 ,arithmetic3 ,common ,arithmetic 7,sacrobosco74 7#e7 ,mathematics #c weeks-#a month4 ,music3 ,music 7,john de ,muris74 #c weeks-#a month4 ,optics3 ,common ,perspective 7,john of ,pisa74 #c-c-a_/b months4#gf ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #gj3 ,statutes of #adca4 ,footnote #ga3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,i1 ,no4 #bdf4 ,footnote #gb3 ,rashdall1 ,i1 p4 #dcf4 ,footnote #gc3 ,munimenta ,acad4 ,oxon41 ,i1 pp4 #ce-cf4 ,footnote #gd3 ,munimenta ,acad4 ,oxon41 ,i1 pp4 #bdb-bdc4 ,footnote #ge3 ,the figures in brackets indicate the time to be given to each book1 or group of books4 ,the data are from ,zarncke1 ,statutenbuecher der ,univ4 ,leipzig41 #caa-cab4 ,footnote #gf3 ,for the requirements in #aeai see p4 #acd4 ,,vi ,,academic ,,letters #a4 ,,letters ,,relating ,,to ,,paris 7a7 ,a ,twelfth-,century ,critic ,the pessimist who laments the decay of education1 and who feels that its golden age was the time in which he received his own training1 or earlier1 is a perennial figure in the history of education4 ,the following letter has a surprisingly modern ring4 ,denifle 7p4 #gdg7 thinks that ,stephen was unable to reconcile himself to the new movement at ,paris because of his monastic training4 ,stephen's view1 however1 was not wholly wrong4 ,compare the letter of ,peter de la ,celle to ,john of ,salisbury1 page #add4 ,stephen ,bishop of ,tournai1 in his letters directed to the ,pope1 laments the ruin of the study of sacred literature1 of ,canon ,law and the ,arts1 and1 blaming the professors1 implores the hand of ,apostolic correction4 7#aaib-abjc47 ,to the ,pope4 ,beseeching his pardon1 we would speak to our sovereign ,pontiff1 whose kindness stimulates our boldness1 whose knowledge supports our ignorance1 whose patience assures indulgence4 ,the authority of our forefathers first impels us1 then the disease which is insinuating itself1 and which will in the end be irremediable if its evil influence be not checked at the beginning4 ,nor do we say this1 ,father1 as though we wish to be either censors of morals1 or judges of the doctors1 or debaters of doctrines4 ,this burden requires stronger shoulders and this fight calls for the vigorous arms of spiritual athletes4 ,we wish only to point out this distress to your sacred ,fatherhood1 on whom ,god has conferred the power of checking error and the knowledge of how to correct it4 ,the study of sacred letters among us has descended into the very factory of confusion2 the teachers are more watchful for glory than for doctrine1 and they write up new and modern summaries and commentaries upon theological foundations1 with which they soothe1 retain1 and deceive their pupils2 as though there were not plenty of works of the holy fathers who1 we read1 put forth their sacred writings inspired by that same spirit which we believe inspired the apostles and prophets when they composed theirs4444 ,public debates are carried on in violation of the sacred constitutions concerning the incomprehensibility of the ,deity2 a wordy1 carnal strife on the incarnation of the ,word goes on irreverently4 ,even the indivisible ,trinity is divided at the street corners and quarrelled over1 so that there are already as many errors as there are teachers1 as many scandals as lecture rooms1 as many blasphemies as public squares4 ,furthermore1 if recourse is had to the courts which are established by ,common ,law1 either those set up by us1 or by the regular judges which we are bound to recognize1 there is presented by venal men the tangled forest of the ,decretals1 under the pretext1 as it were1 of the sacred memory of ,pope ,alexander1 and the more ancient sacred ,canons are thrown away1 rejected1 and spewed out4 ,this confusion being made in the very centre of the wholesome regulations made by the ,councils of the holy fathers1 they impose upon their councils no method and on their business no restraint1 those letters having prevailing weight1 which1 it may be1 lawyers have forged and engrossed for pay in their own offices or chambers4 ,a new volume1 got together from these sources1 is both read regularly in the schools and is exposed for sale in the market with the approval of the crowd of notaries1 who rejoice that both their labor is lessened and their pay increased in engrossing these suspicious works4 ,two woes have been set forth1 and lo1 a third woe remains6 ,the ,faculties called liberal i4e41 free have lost their old time liberty1 and are devoted to a slavery so complete that long-haired youths shamelessly possess themselves of the offices in these ,faculties1 and beardless boys sit in the seat of the ,elders1 and those who do not yet know how to be pupils strive to be named ,doctors4 ,and they themselves compile their own summaries1 reeking and wet with their own further drivellings1 and not even seasoned with the salt of the philosophers4 ,neglecting the rules of the ,arts and throwing away the standard works of the ,makers of the ,arts1 they catch in their sophisms1 as in spiders' webs1 the midges of their empty trifling phrases4 ,philosophy cries out that her garments are rent and torn asunder2 she modestly covers her nakedness with certain carefully prepared remnants but she is neither consulted by the good man nor does she console the good woman4 ,these things1 ,o ,father1 demand the hand of ,apostolic correction1 that the present unseemliness of teaching1 learning1 and debating may by your authority be reduced to definite form1 that the ,divine ,word may not be cheapened by vulgar attrition2 that it may not be said on the corners1 ,lo6 ,here is ,christ1 or ,lo6 ,he is there6 that sacred things may not be cast before dogs or pearls before swine to be trampled under their feet4#gg 7b7 ,the ,monastic ,view ,to many of the monks of this period study and the search for truth through reason were repellent4 ,in their view the way to spiritual truth was through retirement from the world1 and the observance of religious exercises4 ,this is the burden of a letter to ,john of ,salisbury by ,peter de la ,celle1 abbot of a monastery near ,rheims1 in #aafd4 ,incidentally it gives his view concerning ,paris4 ,peter de la ,celle to ,john of ,salisbury concerning the perils that encompass souls at ,paris and concerning the true school of truth4 ,his own ,abbot to his own clerk4 ,you have1 my well-beloved1 chosen a sufficiently delightful exile1 where joys1 though they be vain1 are in superabundance1 where the supply of bread and wine exceeds in richness that of your own land where there is the frequent access of friends1 where the dwelling together of comrades is common4 ,who else besides you is there beneath the sky who has not thought ,paris the place of delights1 the garden of plantations1 the field of first fruits8 ,yet1 though smiling at these things1 you have said truly that where pleasure of the body is greater and fuller1 there is the exile of the soul2 and where luxury reigns there the soul is a wretched and afflicted hand-maid4 ,o ,paris6 ,how well-suited art thou to captivate and deceive souls6 ,in thee are the nets of the vices1 in thee the arrow of ,hell transfixes the hearts of the foolish6 ,this my ,john has felt and therefore he has named it an exile4 ,would that you were leaving behind that exile of yours just as it is1 and were hastening to your native land not in word and tongue only but in very deed and truth6 ,there1 in the book of life would you be looking1 not upon forms and elements1 but upon divinity itself1 as it really is1 as upon truth--eye to eye1 without labor of reading1 without tediousness of seeing1 without fallacies and mistakes of understanding1 without anxiety of retaining1 without fear of forgetting4 ,o blessed school1 where ,christ teaches our hearts with the words of his virtue1 where without study and lecture we learn how we should live happily to eternity6 ,there no book is bought1 no teacher of things written is hired1 there is no circumventing in debate1 no intricacy of sophisms1 but a plain settlement of all questions1 a full apprehension of universal reasons and arguments4 ,there life avails more than lecture2 simplicity1 more than cavilling4 ,there no one is shut in i4e41 limited in freedom save he who is shut out4 ,in a word2 there every reproach is done away with in the answer given to him who evilly presents an evil life3 ,depart from me1 ye cursed1 into everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels2 and to him who sets for a good life3 ,come1 ye blessed c4 ,would that the sons of men were as intent upon these better studies as they are on idle talking1 on vain and base buffoonery6 ,certainly they would harvest richer fruits1 more excellent favors1 certainly greater honors and beyond doubt would learn the end of all perfection1--,christ1--whom they will never find in these4 ,farewell4#gh 7c7 ,letters from or to ,students at ,paris ,these letters belong to a period covering nearly four centuries4 ,the first gives an opinion of ,william of ,champeaux in marked contrast to that of ,abelard4 7#a7 ,a ,,certain ,d4 ,,writes ,,to ,a ,,certain ,,prior ,,concerning ,,his ,,studies ,,at ,,paris4 7#aaji-aaab47 ,i am now in ,paris in the ,school of ,master ,william of ,champeaux1 the greatest of all the men of his time whom ,i have known1 in every branch of learning4 ,when we hear his voice we think that no man1 but1 as it were1 an angel from heaven1 is speaking2 for the melody of his words and the profundity of his ideas transcends1 as it were1 human limitations4444 ,here1 my revered friend1 ,i am training my youth that ,i may not utterly succumb to those vices which1 unless conquered1 are wont1 as a rule1 to overturn this period of life4 ,here ,i am doing my best to illumine by doctrine and study my untaught mind1 emancipated from the shades of ignorance and the sin of the first man1 so far as ,god1 from whom alone comes every blessing of wisdom1 shall himself deign to permit4 ,because the blessing of wisdom1 when sought and acquired with pure interest1 is rightly believed and considered by all men of discernment as the surmnuni bonum4 ,for1 as the ,apostle says3 ,knowledge without charity puffeth up but1 with charity edifieth3 for it uproots vices and grafts in virtues2 it instructs itself in its duty to itself1 its neighbor1 and its ,creator2 finally1 by its presence1 it fortifies and defends the mind1 over which it presides in person1 against all the ills of this life that come to it from without4#gi 7#b7 ,,philip ,,of ,,harvengt ,,to ,,hergald1 ,a ,,student ,,at ,,paris 7,,date ,,between #aaed ,,and #aaha7 ,know that ,i have both read carefully and when read1 accepted gratefully the letters which your affection1 with memorable feeling1 led you to send to me 444because in them ,i thought ,i saw evidence of your progress in learning4444 ,just as the ,queen of ,sheba is said to have come with a large retinue1 that by the sight of her own eyes she might have surer knowledge of those things whose fame she had eagerly absorbed from afar1 so you too1 drawn by love of knowledge1 came to ,paris and found a much desired model of ,jerusalem1 sought for by many4 ,for here ,david strikes his harp of ten chords1 here with mystic touch he composes the psalms4 ,here ,isaiah is read and in the reading his prophecies are revealed2 here the rest of the prophets present their diverse strains of harmonious melody4 ,here the wisdom of ,solomon is open for the instruction of those who have gathered from all parts of the world2 here his treasure house is thrown open to eager students4 ,here to stimulate so great a concourse of students there is so great a throng of clerks that it vies with the numerous multitude of the laity4 ,happy city6 in which the ,sacred ,codes are pored over with so much zeal and their involved mysteries are solved by the gift of the outpoured ,spirit1 in which there is so much diligence on the part of the readers1 and1 in short1 so much knowledge of ,scriptures that it truly deserves to be called ,cariath ,sepher1 that is ,the ,city of ,letters4 ,therein would ,i have you instructed like ,gothoniel1 not so much in letters as in the spirit1 and so to grasp the ,scriptures that you may take delight in searching out their inner sweetness4444 ,farewell4#hj 7#c7 ,,description ,,of ,,paris ,,about #aage ,,by ,,guy ,,de ,,basoches ,to a youth who is noble and so like himself as to be a second self1 ,guy de ,basoches seeks to match his nobility of birth by high-bred manners4444 ,my situation then is this3 ,i am indeed in ,paris1 happy because of soundness of both mind and body1 happier were you enjoying it too1 and happiest had it but been my lot to have you with me4 ,i am indeed in ,paris1 in that ,city of ,kings1 which not only holds1 by the sweet delight of her natural dowry1 those who are with her1 but also alluringly invites those who are far away4 ,for as the moon by the majesty of its more brilliant mirror overwhelms the rays of the stars1 not otherwise does said city raise its imperial head with its diadem of royal dignity above the rest of the cities4 ,it is situated in the lap of a delightful valley1 surrounded by a coronet of mountains which ,ceres and ,bacchus adorn with fervent zeal4 ,the ,seine1 no humble stream amid the army of rivers1 superb in its channel1 throwing its two arms about the head1 the heart1 the very marrow of the city1 forms an island4 ,two suburbs reach out to right and left1 the less excellent1 even1 of which begets envy in envious cities4 ,from the two suburbs two stone bridges stretch over to the island and one of them which has been named for its size1 for it is ,great1 faces the north and the ,english ,sea1 while the opposite one1 which opens towards the ,loire1 they call the ,little ,bridge4444 ,on this island ,philosophy1 of old1 placed a royal throne for herself1 ,philosophy1 who1 despised in her solitude1 with a sole attendant1 ,study1 now possesses an enduring citadel of light and immortality1 and under her victorious feet tramples the withered flowers of a world already in its dotage4 ,on this island1 the seven sisters1 to wit1 the ,liberal ,arts1 have secured an eternal abiding place for themselves1 and1 with the ringing clarion of their nobler eloquence1 decrees and laws are proclaimed4 ,here the healing fount of learning gushes forth1 and as it were evoking from itself three most limpid streams1 it makes a threefold division of the knowledge of the sacred page into ,history1 ,allegory and ,morals4#ha 7#d7 ,,johann ,,von ,,jenzenstein ,,to ,,master ,,benesch ,,of ,,horschowitz1 ,,concerning ,,paris4 7#acge47 ,master ,bennessius1 dearest comrade and friend4 ,if recent doings at ,paris are unknown to you1 if the fecundity of pleasures1 the abundance of all things edible1 the manners of the men1 the bountiful supply of all the sciences1 even the clever teaching in very many material crafts1--if you could but see the mere shadow of all these1 surely1 overpowered by their arguments1 you would throw off your sluggishness and generously enter into the aforesaid enjoyments2 and your eyes1 grown old in old sights would renew their youth in these new sights4444 ,for here 7says the writer sarcastically7 are distinguished doctors of many faculties1 some of whom by their crazy ways of thinking1 and still others by crazy ways of acting1 others1 indeed1 by inflicting wounds1 and still others by abusive words1 furnish enjoyment that is exceeding pleasing2 and 7he adds more seriously7 there are other ,masters subtly trained in the seven liberal ,arts1 by whose example and teaching the entire earth1 like the heavens1 is adorned with stars2 and some of these masters are illuminated by the three trivials and some by the four quadrivials and some by both the trivials and the quadrivials4 ,now the three trivials are grammar1 which teaches clearly the agreement of speech2 and starting from that1 the youth who holds on to his first teaching makes a beginning whereby he may obtain a deeper taste of the profundities of other knowledge also2 the second is rhetoric1 which by the charm of its colors adorns as with pearls the subject matter1 and ennobles grammar1 and instils acceptably into the ears of men that which is heard2 the third is logic by means of which the method of skilful deductive reasoning is assigned to the individual sciences1 without which the powers of all the sciences are quiescent1 and by whose addition all the sciences are regularly organized4 7,the letter ends with a similar description of the quadrivials47#hb #b4 ,,two ,,oxford ,,letters ,,of ,,the ,,fifteenth ,,century 7#a7 ,,oxford ,,university ,,to ,,the ,,duke ,,of ,,gloucester1 ,,acknowledging ,a ,,gift ,,of ,,books4 7#adci47 ,most illustrious1 most cultured and magnificent ,prince1 the enduring value of the benefits you have conferred on the ,english nation1 and the meritorious deeds of your most powerful ,highness in its behalf can never die1 but1 with distinguished fame destined to endure1 will flourish with ever-renewed praise and happy remembrance4 ,how delightful it certainly is for us to reflect upon these again and again6 ,among the rest1 however1 that deed itself redounds to the splendor of your most mighty ,highness1 namely1 that after having brought about the repression of heretic plotting against the church of ,god1 you have chosen to reinvigorate the vineyard of the ,lord1 your hand-maid1 the ,university of ,oxford1 with books on all the sciences and virtues1 out of which the abundant wine of knowledge and truth may be squeezed by the press of study4 ,for this reason we set forth in this humble letter our thanks1 our praise1 and our prayers1 but we cannot express ourselves adequately4 ,which of the ,universities has found a ,prince so munificent1 so illustrious1 so magnificent8--whose service in the field has ever been successful1 whose mind is most liberal1 and who displays charity to all1 justice to each1 and harm to none4 ,what respecter of the wise was ever so pious1 what supporter of them so efficient1 what patron of the sciences1 of virtues1 and of books so generous8 ,and by these not only are the hearts of the living enlightened to the glory of ,god and the advance of virtue1 but even more in coming ages will posterity be illumined4 ,can the happy memory of deeds so great pass away8 ,nay1 but it will be a benediction forever4 ,a statute has been made in the words of your supplicant1 and is to be forever in force1 which will never fail in prayers in your behalf but will serve as an enduring memorial4 ,wherefore1 although the fame of others may ebb with the flow of time or perish through being overshadowed by the rising of greater men1 yet your fame cannot perish under the cloud of oblivion nor can it1 of a truth1 be obscured by the shadow of greater benefactions4 ,if the great conquests of ,alexander come to our ears1 renewed day by day through the devices of the wise ,greeks who committed such deeds to writing1 how much more will this ,university1 your devoted supplicant1 bear witness to your magnificent deeds to the end of time1 not only by her prayers but also in her writings8 ,nay1 were the tongues of all to be silent the fact itself would bear witness more than speech1 the fact1 to wit1 that one hundred and thirty-nine most precious volumes of theology1 medicine1 and the seven liberal sciences have been deposited in our library from your own collection1 as an eternal witness to your surpassing virtues and munificence4 ,we pray therefore that you may be willing to look upon this ,university as your vineyard and your handmaid and perpetual supplicant4 ,and may the ,lord ,himself most glorious1 who chose your serenity for the bestowing of such benefactions1 grant to you the fruits of the spirit and guide you to the ,university of the saints4 ,written at ,oxford in our congregation in the twenty-fifth day of the month of ,january4 ,the most humble supplicant of your ,serenity1 the ,university of learning at ,oxford4#hc 7#b7 ,,testimonial ,,letter ,,for ,,mr4 ,,john ,,king ,,of ,,oxford ,to all the children of ,holy ,church1 our ,mother1 to whom this letter may come1 the ,chancellor of the ,university of ,oxford and the whole assembly of masters ruling in the same send greeting in the arms of our ,saviour4 ,we believe that we present an offering in the sight of the highest truth1 as often as we furnish a testimony of high praise to one excellent in virtue and in knowledge4 ,therefore we1--wishing all whom it may concern to know of the commendable life and the fragrance of honest conversation of our beloved brother1 ,master ,john ,king1 ,m4,a4 and student in ,sacred ,theology1 a prudent ,procurator of our ,university who has filled his office most efficiently2 we therefore1 as we have said1 wishing all to know1 as we are bound to do1--and to prevent so bright a light from being hid beneath the bushel of silence1--do bear witness by this letter that1 through the commendable merits of our aforesaid brother and his study1 he has attained such proficiency that the fragrant fame of his name--which the praise of his excellent action has exalted to the pinnacle of glory with us--could not be concealed3 but from the height of its exalted pedestal it has furnished a living example to all scholars for emulation1 and a great light to all people for profitable instruction4 ,and so1 while adorning our ,university with his presence and outshining all in the maturity and dignity of his character1 he won the love of all by his spotless name4 ,we commend him therefore to your worshipful reverences1 earnestly praying that you will show yourselves favorable and kind to him1 both out of regard for our ,university and for his deserts4 ,in witness of which1 and that all may know more fully about his laudable character1 we have caused this letter to be sealed for said ,master ,john with the seal of our ,university4 ,given at ,oxford in the ,congregation-house1 ,february #ith1 #adcd4hd ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #gg3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,i1 f4 #dg4 ,footnote #gh3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,i1 ,no4 #bb1 p4 #bd4 ,footnote #gi3 ,jaffe1 ,bibliotheca1 ,v1 pp4 #bhe1 ff4 ,footnote #hj3 ,chart4 ,univ4 ,paris41 ,i1 ,no4 #ea1 p4 #ej4 ,footnote #ha3 ,bulletin de la ,societe de l',histoire de ,paris1 #ahgg1 p4 #cg f4 ,footnote #hb3 ,archiv fuer oesterreichische ,geschichte1 ,vol4 #ee1 p4 #che4 ,footnote #hc3 ,epistolae ,academicae ,oxon41 ,i1 p4 #agg4 ,footnote #hd3 ,epistolae ,academicae ,oxon41 ,i1 p4 #aac4 ,,bibliographical ,,note #a4 ,additional ,readings from the ,sources4 ,,munro1 ,d4,c4 ,the ,mediaeval ,student4 7,translations and ,reprints from the ,original ,sources of ,european ,history1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #c47 ,the student should not fail to procure this little pamphlet1 which is a necessary supplement to several of the readings in the present collection4 ,it contains useful explanatory notes as well as important documents4 ,price1 ten cents4 ,longmans1 ,green ,co41 ,new ,york ,city4 ,,robinson1 ,j4,h4 ,readings in ,european ,history4 ,vol4 ,i1 chap4 xix1 and especially pp4 #ddf-dfa4 ,readings on ,abelard1 ,aristotle in the ,universities1 ,roger ,bacon4 ,,henderson1 ,e4,f4 ,select ,historical ,documents of the ,middle ,ages1 pp4 #bfb-bff4 ,charter of the ,university of ,heidelberg1 #achf4 #b4 ,general ,references on the ,history of ,mediaeval ,universities4 ,,rashdall1 ,,hastings4 ,the ,universities of ,europe in the ,middle ,ages4 ,oxford3 ,the ,clarendon ,press1 #ahie4 #abgc pages1 #b vols4 in three parts4 ,much the best work on the subject2 based on the sources4 ,indispensable for reference4 ,,mullinger1 ,j4,b4 ,encyclopedia ,britannica1 ,art4 ,universities4 ,the first tolerably correct 7though very brief7 account which has appeared in ,english4 ,includes university history to #ahhb4 ,encyclopedia ,britannica and other encyclopedias4 ,the student who may not have access to works mentioned in this list is reminded that brief accounts of the men and the subjects here considered are often to be found in good encyclopedias4 #c4 ,bibliographies4 ,the best single collection of references to the extensive literature of the subject is in ,rashdall's work1 though this does not include books and articles published since #ahie4 ,compayre 7see below7 includes a brief list4 ,references to sources and secondary works on the ,seven ,liberal ,arts are published by ,abelson2 references relating to university text-books of ,greek origin by ,loomis 7see below74 #d4 ,text-books4 ,,compayre1 ,g4 ,abelard and the ,origin and ,early ,history of ,universities4 ,new ,york3 ,charles ,scribner's ,sons1 #ahib4 ,still the best single text-book for class use4 ,contains numerous errors1 which should be corrected by comparison with ,rashdall4 ,,woodward1 ,w4,h41 editor4 ,mediaeval ,schools and ,universities4 ,cambridge ,contributions to ,modern ,history1 ,i4 ,new ,york3 ,g4,p4 ,putnam's ,sons4 ,this work1 which is still in preparation1 will probably supersede ,compayre4 #e4 ,references to ,special ,topics4 ,all of the topics treated in this collection of readings are discussed by ,rashdall and ,compayre4 ,page references may be found by use of the indexes appended to their books4 ,introduction4 ,on the historical point of view see ,j4,h4 ,,robinson1 ,readings in ,european ,history1 ,vol4 ,i1 ,chap4 ,i2 on the place and use of documents1 and other questions relating to the study of history1 ,,langlois and ,,seignobos1 ,introduction to the ,study of ,history4 ,abelard4 ,,mccabe1 ,,joseph4 ,abelard4 ,a scholarly study1 in brilliant style4 ,chaps4 ,i-,,iv deal with ,abelard as a teacher4 ,the best biography in ,english4 ,john of ,salisbury4 ,,poole1 ,r4,l4 ,illustrations of the ,history of ,mediaeval ,thought1 passim4 ,national ,dictionary of ,biography1 ,art4 ,john of ,salisbury4 ,university ,studies4 ,,abelson1 ,,paul4 ,the ,seven ,liberal ,arts4 ,the best study in ,english4 ,contains much information regarding university text-books in these subjects4 ,,loomis1 ,,louise ,r4 ,mediaeval ,hellenism4 ,valuable information concerning the history and the translations of the works of ,aristotle1 ,galen1 ,hippocrates1 and other ,greek writers4 ,,zeller1 ,e4 ,aristotle and the ,earlier ,peripatetics4 ,the standard treatise on the works of ,aristotle1 and their history4 ,the student is earnestly advised to spend a few hours in examining such copies of the mediaeval text-books as he may find in his college library4 ,the time thus spent will do far more to clarify his ideas as to their character and extent than much talk about them4 ,old editions1 often with the commentaries1 may be available2 some libraries possess ,,ms4 copies4 ,translations of the more important works of ,aristotle may be found by reference to the library catalogue2 among these may be mentioned the ,rhetoric1 by ,j4,e4,c4 ,welldon2 the ,politics1 by ,b4 ,jowett2 the ,ethics 7,nicomachean71 by ,f4,h4 ,peters2 the ,poetics1 by ,s4,h4 ,butcher4 ,of the ,corpus ,juris ,civilis1 the ,institutes have been translated by ,t4,c4 ,sandars2 the first part of the ,digest by ,c4,h4 ,monro4 ,the ,corpus ,juris ,canonici as it was known in the middle ages has not been translated4 ,this is true also of most books on the ,seven ,liberal ,arts4 ,some works of ,galen and ,hippocrates have been done into ,english2 but these translations are old1 and probably inaccurate4 ,academic ,letters4 ,,haskins1 ,c4,h4 ,the ,life of ,mediaeval ,students as ,illustrated by their ,letters4 ,american ,historical ,review1 #ahig-ahih4 ,a brief but important study1 from the sources2 refers to several of the letters here printed4