,,evidences ,,of ,,christianity by ,,william ,,paley1 ,d4,d4 ,a ,new ,edition ,london3 ,printed by ,w4 ,clowes and ,sons1 ,stamford ,street #ahea ,,the ,,honourable ,,and ,,right ,,reverend ,,james ,,york1 ,d4,d41 ,,lord ,,bishop ,,of ,,ely ,my ,,lord1 ,when1 five years ago1 an important station in the ,university of ,cambridge awaited your ,lordship's disposal1 you were pleased to offer it to me4 ,the circumstances under which this offer was made demand a public acknowledgment4 ,i had never seen your ,lordship2 ,i possessed no connection which could possibly recommend me to your favour2 ,i was known to you only by my endeavour1 in common with many others1 to discharge my duty as a tutor in the ,university2 and by some very imperfect1 but certainly well-intended1 and1 as you thought1 useful publications since4 ,in an age by no means wanting in examples of honourable patronage1 although this deserve not to be mentioned in respect of the object of your ,lordship's choice1 it is inferior to none in the purity and disinterestedness of the motives which suggested it4 ,how the following work may be received1 ,i pretend not to foretell4 ,my first prayer concerning it is1 that it may do good to any3 my second hope1 that it may assist1 what it hath always been my earnest wish to promote1 the religious part of an academical education4 ,if in this latter view it might seem1 in any degree1 to excuse your ,lordship's judgment of its author1 ,i shall be gratified by the reflection that1 to a kindness flowing from public principles1 ,i have made the best public return in my power4 ,in the mean time1 and in every event1 ,i rejoice in the opportunity here afforded me of testifying the sense ,i entertain of your ,lordship's conduct1 and of a notice which ,i regard as the most flattering distinction of my life4 ,i am1 ,,my ,,lord1 ,with sentiments of gratitude and respect1 ,your ,lordship's faithful ,and most obliged servant1 ,,william ,,paley4 ,,contents ,preparatory ,considerations--,of the antecedent ,credibility of ,miracles4 ,,part #a4 ,,of ,,the ,,direct ,,historical ,,evidence ,,of ,,christianity1 ,,and ,,wherein ,,it ,,is ,,distinguished ,,from ,,the ,,evidence ,,alleged ,,for ,,other ,,miracles4 ,proposition stated ,,proposition ,i4 ,that there is satisfactory ,evidence1 that many professing to be original ,witnesses of the ,christian ,miracles passed their ,lives in ,labours1 ,dangers1 and ,sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in ,attestation of the ,accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their ,belief of those ,accounts2 and that they submitted1 from the same ,motives1 to new ,rules of ,conduct4 ,,chapter ,i ,evidence of the ,suffering of the first ,propagators of ,christianity1 from the ,nature of the ,case4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,evidence of the ,sufferings of the first ,propagators of ,christianity1 from ,profane ,testimony4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,indirect ,evidence of the ,sufferings of the first ,propagators of ,christianity1 from the ,scriptures and other ancient ,christian ,writings4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,direct ,evidence of the same4 ,,chapter ,v ,observations upon the preceding ,evidence4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,that the ,story for which the first ,propagators of ,christianity suffered was miraculous4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,that it was1 in the main1 the ,story which we have now proved by indirect ,considerations4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,the same proved from the ,authority of our ,historical ,scriptures4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,of the ,authenticity of the historical ,scriptures1 in eleven ,sections ,,sect4 #a ,quotations of the historical ,scriptures by ancient ,christian ,writers4 ,,sect4 #b ,of the peculiar ,respect with which they were quoted4 ,,sect4 #c ,the ,scriptures were in very early ,times collected into a distinct ,volume4 ,,sect4 #d ,and distinguished by appropriate ,names and ,titles of ,respect4 ,,sect4 #e ,were publicly read and expounded in the religious ,assemblies of the early ,christians4 ,,sect4 #f ,commentaries1 c41 were anciently written upon the ,scriptures4 ,,sect4 #g ,they were received by ancient ,christians of different ,sects and persuasions4 ,,sect4 #h ,the four ,gospels1 the ,acts of the ,apostles1 thirteen ,epistles of ,st4 ,paul1 the first ,epistle of ,john1 and the first of ,peter1 were received without doubt by those who doubted concerning the other ,books of our present ,canon4 ,,sect4 #i ,our present ,gospels were considered by the adversaries of ,christianity as containing the ,accounts upon which the ,religion was founded4 ,,sect4 #aj ,formal ,catalogues of authentic ,scriptures were published1 in all which our present ,gospels were included4 ,,sect4 #aa ,the above ,propositions cannot be predicated of those ,books which are commonly called ,apocryphal ,books of the ,new ,testament4 ,recapitulation4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,of ,,the ,,direct ,,historical ,,evidence ,,of ,,christianity1 ,,and ,,wherein ,,it ,,is ,,distinguished ,,from ,,the ,,evidence ,,alleged ,,for ,,other ,,miracles4 ,,proposition ,,ii4 ,,chapter ,i ,that there is not satisfactory ,evidence1 that ,persons pretending to be original ,witnesses of any other similar ,miracles have acted in the same ,manner1 in ,attestation of the ,accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their ,belief of the ,truth of those ,accounts4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,consideration of some specific ,instances ,,part ,,ii4 ,,of ,,the ,,auxiliary ,,evidences ,,of ,,christianity1 ,,chapter ,i ,prophecy ,,chapter ,,ii ,the ,morality of the ,gospel ,,chapter ,,iii ,the ,candour of the ,writers of the ,new ,testament ,,chapter ,,iv ,identity of ,christ's ,character ,,chapter ,v ,originality of our ,saviour's ,character ,,chapter ,,vi ,conformity of the ,facts occasionally mentioned or referred to in ,scripture with the ,state of things in these ,times1 as represented by foreign and independent ,accounts4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,undesigned ,coincidences4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,of the ,history of the ,resurrection4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,of the ,propagation of ,christianity4 ,,sect4 #b ,reflections upon the preceding ,account4 ,,sect4 #c ,of the ,religion of ,mahomet4 ,,part ,,iii ,a ,,brief ,,consideration ,,of ,,some ,,popular ,,objections4 ,,chapter ,i ,the ,discrepancies between the several ,gospels4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,erroneous ,opinions imputed to the ,apostles4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,the ,connection of ,christianity with the ,jewish ,history4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,rejection of ,christianity4 ,,chapter ,v ,that the ,christian ,miracles are not recited1 or appealed to1 by early ,christian ,writers themselves1 so fully or frequently as might have been expected4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,want of ,universality in the ,knowledge and ,reception of ,christianity1 and of greater ,clearness in the ,evidence4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,supposed effects of ,christianity4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,conclusion4 ,,preparatory ,,considerations4 ,i deem it unnecessary to prove that mankind stood in need of a revelation because ,i have met with no serious person who thinks that1 even under the ,christian revelation1 we have too much light1 or any degree of assurance which is superfluous4 ,i desire1 moreover1 that in judging of ,christianity1 it may be remembered that the question lies between this religion and none3 for1 if the ,christian religion be not credible1 no one1 with whom we have to do1 will support the pretensions of any other4 ,suppose1 then1 the world we live in to have had a ,creator2 suppose it to appear1 from the predominant aim and tendency of the provisions and contrivances observable in the universe1 that the ,deity1 when he formed it1 consulted for the happiness of his sensitive creation2 suppose the disposition which dictated this counsel to continue2 suppose a part of the creation to have received faculties from their ,maker1 by which they are capable of rendering a moral obedience to his will1 and of voluntarily pursuing any end for which he has designed them2 suppose the ,creator to intend for these1 his rational and accountable agents1 a second state of existence1 in which their situation will be by their behaviour in the first state1 by which suppose 7and by no other7 the objection to the divine government in not putting a difference between the good and the bad1 and the inconsistency of this confusion with the care and benevolence discoverable in the works of the ,deity is done away2 suppose it to be of the utmost importance to the subjects of this dispensation to know what is intended for them1 that is1 suppose the knowledge of it to be highly conducive to the happiness of the species1 a purpose which so many provisions of nature are calculated to promote3 ,suppose1 nevertheless1 almost the whole race1 either by the imperfection of their faculties1 the misfortune of their situation1 or by the loss of some prior revelation1 to want this knowledge1 and not to be likely1 without the aid of a new revelation1 to attain it2 under these circumstances1 is it improbable that a revelation should be made8 ,is it incredible that ,god should interpose for such a purpose8 ,suppose him to design for mankind a future state2 is it unlikely that he should acquaint him with it8 ,now in what way can a revelation be made1 but by miracles8 ,in none which we are able to conceive4 ,consequently1 in whatever degree it is probable1 or not very improbable1 that a revelation should be communicated to mankind at all3 in the same degree is it probable1 or not very improbable1 that miracles should be wrought4 ,therefore1 when miracles are related to have been wrought in the promulgating of a revelation manifestly wanted1 and1 if true1 of inestimable value1 the improbability which arises from the miraculous nature of the things related is not greater than the original improbability that such a revelation should be imparted by ,god4 ,i wish it1 however1 to be correctly understood1 in what manner1 and to what extent1 this argument is alleged4 ,we do not assume the attributes of the ,deity1 or the existence of a future state1 in order to prove the reality of miracles4 ,that reality always must be proved by evidence4 ,we assert only1 that in miracles adduced in support of revelation there is not any such antecedent improbability as no testimony can surmount4 ,and for the purpose of maintaining this assertion1 we contend1 that the incredibility of miracles related to have been wrought in attestation of a message from ,god1 conveying intelligence of a future state of rewards and punishments1 and teaching mankind how to prepare themselves for that state1 is not in itself greater than the event1 call it either probable or improbable1 of the two following propositions being true3 namely1 first1 that a future state of existence should be destined by ,god for his human creation2 and1 secondly1 that1 being so destined1 he should acquaint them with it4 ,it is not necessary for our purpose1 that these propositions be capable of proof1 or even that1 by arguments drawn from the light of nature1 they can be made out to be probable2 it is enough that we are able to say concerning them1 that they are not so violently improbable1 so contradictory to what we already believe of the divine power and character1 that either the propositions themselves1 or facts strictly connected with the propositions 7and therefore no further improbable than they are improbable71 ought to be rejected at first sight1 and to be rejected by whatever strength or complication of evidence they be attested4 ,this is the prejudication we would resist4 ,for to this length does a modern objection to miracles go1 viz41 that no human testimony can in any case render them credible4 ,i think the reflection above stated1 that1 if there be a revelation1 there must be miracles1 and that1 under the circumstances in which the human species are placed1 a revelation is not improbable1 or not to any great degree1 to be a fair answer to the whole objection4 ,but since it is an objection which stands in the very threshold our argument1 and1 if admitted1 is a bar to every proof1 and to all future reasoning upon the subject1 it may be necessary1 before we proceed further1 to examine the principle upon which it professes to be founded2 which principle is concisely this1 ,that it is contrary to experience that a miracle should be true1 but not contrary to experience that testimony should be false4 ,now there appears a small ambiguity in the term experience1 and in the phrases1 contrary to experience1 or contradicting experience1 which it may be necessary to remove in the first place4 ,strictly speaking1 the narrative of a fact is then only contrary to experience1 when the fact is related to have existed at a time and place1 at which time and place we being present did not perceive it to exist2 as if it should be asserted1 that in a particular room1 and at a particular hour of a certain day1 a man was raised from the dead1 in which room1 and at the time specified1 we1 being present and looking on1 perceived no such event to have taken place4 ,here the assertion is contrary to experience properly so called2 and this is a contrariety which no evidence can surmount4 ,it matters nothing1 whether the fact be of a miraculous nature1 or not4 ,but although this be the experience1 and the contrariety1 which ,archbishop ,tillotson alleged in the quotation with which ,mr4 ,hume opens his ,essay1 it is certainly not that experience1 nor that contrariety1 which ,mr4 ,hume himself intended to object4 ,and short of this ,i know no intelligible signification which can be affixed to the term contrary to experience1 but one1 viz41 that of not having ourselves experienced anything similar to the thing related1 or such things not being generally experienced by others4 ,i say not generally for to state concerning the fact in question1 that no such thing was ever experienced1 or that universal experience is against it1 is to assume the subject of the controversy4 ,now the improbability which arises from the want 7for this properly is a want1 not a contradiction7 of experience1 is only equal to the probability there is1 that1 if the thing were true1 we should experience things similar to it1 or that such things would be generally experienced4 ,suppose it then to be true that miracles were wrought on the first promulgation of ,christianity1 when nothing but miracles could decide its authority1 is it certain that such miracles would be repeated so often1 and in so many places1 as to become objects of general experience8 ,is it a probability approaching to certainty8 ,is it a probability of any great strength or force8 ,is it such as no evidence can encounter8 ,and yet this probability is the exact converse1 and therefore the exact measure1 of the improbability which arises from the want of experience1 and which ,mr4 ,hume represents as invincible by human testimony4 ,it is not like alleging a new law of nature1 or a new experiment in natural philosophy2 because1 when these are related1 it is expected that1 under the same circumstances1 the same effect will follow universally2 and in proportion as this expectation is justly entertained1 the want of a corresponding experience negatives the history4 ,but to expect concerning a miracle1 that it should succeed upon a repetition1 is to expect that which would make it cease to be a miracle1 which is contrary to its nature as such1 and would totally destroy the use and purpose for which it was wrought4 ,the force of experience as an objection to miracles is founded in the presumption1 either that the course of nature is invariable1 or that1 if it be ever varied1 variations will be frequent and general4 ,has the necessity of this alternative been demonstrated8 ,permit us to call the course of nature the agency of an intelligent ,being1 and is there any good reason for judging this state of the case to be probable8 ,ought we not rather to expect that such a ,being1 on occasions of peculiar importance1 may interrupt the order which he had appointed1 yet1 that such occasions should return seldom2 that these interruptions consequently should be confined to the experience of a few2 that the want of it1 therefore1 in many1 should be matter neither of surprise nor objection8 ,but1 as a continuation of the argument from experience1 it is said that1 when we advance accounts of miracles1 we assign effects without causes1 or we attribute effects to causes inadequate to the purpose1 or to causes of the operation of which we have no experience of what causes1 we may ask1 and of what effects1 does the objection speak8 ,if it be answered that1 when we ascribe the cure of the palsy to a touch1 of blindness to the anointing of the eyes with clay1 or the raising of the dead to a word1 we lay ourselves open to this imputation2 we reply that we ascribe no such effects to such causes4 ,we perceive no virtue or energy in these things more than in other things of the same kind4 ,they are merely signs to connect the miracle with its end4 ,the effect we ascribe simply to the volition of ,deity2 of whose existence and power1 not to say of whose ,presence and agency1 we have previous and independent proof4 ,we have1 therefore1 all we seek for in the works of rational agents--a sufficient power and an adequate motive4 ,in a word1 once believe that there is a ,god1 and miracles are not incredible4 ,mr4 ,hume states the ease of miracles to be a contest of opposite improbabilities1 that is to say1 a question whether it be more improbable that the miracle should be true1 or the testimony false3 and this ,i think a fair account of the controversy4 ,but herein ,i remark a want of argumentative justice1 that1 in describing the improbability of miracles1 he suppresses all those circumstances of extenuation1 which result from our knowledge of the existence1 power1 and disposition of the ,deity2 his concern in the creation1 the end answered by the miracle1 the importance of that end1 and its subserviency to the plan pursued in the work of nature4 ,as ,mr4 ,hume has represented the question1 miracles are alike incredible to him who is previously assured of the constant agency of a ,divine ,being1 and to him who believes that no such ,being exists in the universe4 ,they are equally incredible1 whether related to have been wrought upon occasion the most deserving1 and for purposes the most beneficial1 or for no assignable end whatever1 or for an end confessedly trifling or pernicious4 ,this surely cannot be a correct statement4 ,in adjusting also the other side of the balance1 the strength and weight of testimony1 this author has provided an answer to every possible accumulation of historical proof by telling us that we are not obliged to explain how the story of the evidence arose4 ,now ,i think that we are obliged2 not1 perhaps1 to show by positive accounts how it did1 but by a probable hypothesis how it might so happen4 ,the existence of the testimony is a phenomenon2 the truth of the fact solves the phenomenon4 ,if we reject this solution1 we ought to have some other to rest in2 and none1 even by our adversaries1 can be admired1 which is not inconsistent with the principles that regulate human affairs and human conduct at present1 or which makes men then to have been a different kind of beings from what they are now4 ,but the short consideration which1 independently of every other1 convinces me that there is no solid foundation in ,mr4 ,hume's conclusion1 is the following4 ,when a theorem is proposed to a mathematician1 the first thing he does with it is to try it upon a simple case1 and if it produce a false result1 he is sure that there must be some mistake in the demonstration4 ,now to proceed in this way with what may be called ,mr4 ,hume's theorem4 ,if twelve men1 whose probity and good sense ,i had long known1 should seriously and circumstantially relate to me an account of a miracle wrought before their eyes1 and in which it was impossible that they should be deceived3 if the governor of the country1 hearing a rumour of this account1 should call these men into his presence1 and offer them a short proposal1 either to confess the imposture1 or submit to be tied up to a gibbet2 if they should refuse with one voice to acknowledge that there existed any falsehood or imposture in the case3 if this threat were communicated to them separately1 yet with no different effect2 if it was at last executed2 if ,i myself saw them1 one after another1 consenting to be racked1 burnt1 or strangled1 rather than live up the truth of their account2--still if ,mr4 ,hume's rule be my guide1 ,i am not to believe them4 ,now ,i undertake to say that there exists not a sceptic in the world who would not believe them1 or who would defend such incredulity4 ,instances of spurious miracles supported by strong apparent testimony undoubtedly demand examination2 ,mr4 ,hume has endeavoured to fortify his argument by some examples of this kind4 ,i hope in a proper place to show that none of them reach the strength or circumstances of the ,christian evidence4 ,in these1 however1 consists the weight of his objection2 in the principle itself1 ,i am persuaded1 there is none4 ,,part ,i4 ,,of ,,the ,,direct ,,historical ,,evidence ,,of ,,christianity1 ,,and ,,wherein ,,it ,,is ,,distinguished ,,from ,,the ,,evidence ,,alleged ,,for ,,other ,,miracles4 ,the two propositions which ,i shall endeavour to establish are these3 ,i4 ,that there is satisfactory evidence that many professing to be original witnesses of the ,christian miracles passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 #b4 ,that there is not satisfactory evidence that persons professing to be original witnesses of other miracles1 in their nature as certain as these are1 have ever acted in the same manner1 in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and properly in consequence of their belief of those accounts4 ,the first of these prepositions1 as it forms the argument will stand at the head of the following nine chapters4 ,,chapter ,i ,there is satisfactory evidence that many1 professing to be original witness of the ,christian miracles1 passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their of belief of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 ,to support this proposition1 two points are necessary to be made out3 first1 that the ,founder of the institution1 his associates and immediate followers1 acted the part which the proposition imputes to them3 secondly1 that they did so in attestation of the miraculous history recorded in our ,scriptures1 and solely in consequence of their belief of the truth of this history4 ,before we produce any particular testimony to the activity and sufferings which compose the subject of our first assertion1 it will be proper to consider the degree of probability which the assertion derives from the nature of the case1 that is1 by inferences from those parts of the case which1 in point of fact1 are on all hands acknowledged4 ,first1 then1 the ,christian ,religion exists1 and1 therefore1 by some means or other1 was established4 ,now it either owes the principle of its establishment1 i4 e4 its first publication1 to the activity of the ,person who was the founder of the institution1 and of those who were joined with him in the undertaking1 or we are driven upon the strange supposition1 that1 although they might lie by1 others would take it up2 although they were quiet and silent1 other persons busied themselves in the success and propagation of their story4 ,this is perfectly incredible4 ,to me it appears little less than certain1 that1 if the first announcing of the religion by the ,founder had not been followed up by the zeal and industry of his immediate disciples1 the attempt must have expired in its birth4 ,then as to the kind and degree of exertion which was employed1 and the mode of life to which these persons submitted1 we reasonably suppose it to be like that which we observe in all others who voluntarily become missionaries of a new faith4 ,frequent1 earnest1 and laborious preaching1 constantly conversing with religious persons upon religion1 a sequestration from the common pleasures1 engagements1 and varieties of life1 and an addiction to one serious object1 compose the habits of such men4 ,i do not say that this mode of life is without enjoyment1 but ,i say that the enjoyment springs from sincerity4 ,with a consciousness at the bottom of hollowness and falsehood1 the fatigue and restraint would become insupportable4 ,i am apt to believe that very few hypocrites engage in these undertakings2 or1 however1 persist in them long4 ,ordinarily speaking1 nothing can overcome the indolence of mankind1 the love which is natural to most tempers of cheerful society and cheerful scenes1 or the desire1 which is common to all1 of personal ease and freedom1 but conviction4 ,secondly1 it is also highly probable1 from the nature of the case1 that the propagation of the new religion was attended with difficulty and danger4 ,as addressed to the ,jews1 it was a system adverse1 not only to their habitual opinions but to those opinions upon which their hopes1 their partialities1 their pride1 their consolation1 was founded4 ,this people1 with or without reason1 had worked themselves into a persuasion1 that some signal and greatly advantageous change was to be effected in the condition of their country1 by the agency of a long-promised messenger from heaven499 ,the rulers of the ,jews1 their leading sect1 their priesthood1 had been the authors of this persuasion to the common people4 ,so that it was not merely the conjecture of theoretical divines1 or the secret expectation of a few recluse devotees1 but it was become the popular hope and ,passion1 and1 like all popular opinions1 undoubting and impatient of contradiction4 ,they clung to this hope under every misfortune of their country1 and with more tenacity as their dangers and calamities increased4 ,to find1 therefore1 that expectations so gratifying were to be worse than disappointed2 that they were to end in the diffusion of a mild unambitious religion1 which1 instead of victories and triumphs1 instead of exalting their nation and institution above the rest of the world1 was to advance those whom they despised to an equality with themselves1 in those very points of comparison in which they most valued their own distinction1 could be no very pleasing discovery to a ,jewish mind2 nor could the messengers of such intelligence expect to be well received or easily credited4 ,the doctrine was equally harsh and novel4 ,the extending of the kingdom of ,god to those who did not conform to the law of ,moses was a notion that had never before entered into the thoughts of a ,jew4 99 ,pererebuerat oriento toto vetus et contans opinio1 esse in fatis1 ut eo tempore ,judaea profecti rerum potirsatur4 ,sueton4 ,vespasian4 cap4 #d--h4 ,pluribus persuasio inerat1 antiquis sacerdotum literis contineri1 eo ipso tempore fore1 ut valesecret oriens1 profectique ,judaea rerum potirentur4 ,tacit4 ,hist4 lib4 v4 cap4 #i--ac4 ,the character of the new institution was1 in other respects also1 ungrateful to ,jewish habits and principles4 ,their own religion was in a high degree technical4 ,even the enlightened ,jew placed a great deal of stress upon the ceremonies of his law1 saw in them a great deal of virtue and efficacy2 the gross and vulgar had scarcely anything else2 and the hypocritical and ostentatious magnified them above measure1 as being the instruments of their own reputation and influence4 ,the ,christian scheme1 without formally repealing the ,levitical code1 lowered its estimation extremely4 ,in the place of strictness and zeal in performing the observances which that code prescribed1 or which tradition had added to it1 the new sect preached up faith1 well-regulated affections1 inward purity1 and moral rectitude of disposition1 as the true ground1 on the part of the worshipper1 of merit and acceptance with ,god4 ,this1 however rational it may appear1 or recommending to us at present1 did not by any means facilitate the plan then4 ,on the contrary1 to disparage those qualities which the highest characters in the country valued themselves most upon1 was a sure way of making powerful enemies4 ,as if the frustration of the national hope was not enough1 the long-esteemed merit of ritual zeal and punctuality was to be decried1 and that by ,jews preaching to ,jews4 ,the ruling party at ,jerusalem had just before crucified the ,founder of the religion4 ,that is a fact which will not be disputed4 ,they1 therefore1 who stood forth to preach the religion must necessarily reproach these rulers with an execution which they could not but represent as an unjust and cruel murder4 ,this would not render their office more easy1 or their situation more safe4 ,with regard to the interference of the ,roman government which was then established in ,judea1 ,i should not expect1 that1 despising as it did the religion of the country1 it would1 if left to itself1 animadvert1 either with much vigilance or much severity1 upon the schisms and controversies which arose within it4 ,yet there was that in ,christianity which might easily afford a handle of accusation with a jealous government4 ,the ,christians avowed an unqualified obedience to a new master4 ,they avowed also that he was the person who had been foretold to the ,jews under the suspected title of ,king4 ,the spiritual nature of this kingdom1 the consistency of this obedience with civil subjection1 were distinctions too refined to be entertained by a ,roman president1 who viewed the business at a great distance1 or through the medium of very hostile representations4 ,our histories accordingly inform us1 that this was the turn which the enemies of ,jesus gave to his character and pretensions in their remonstrances with ,pontius ,pilate4 ,and ,justin ,martyr1 about a hundred years afterwards1 complains that the same mistake prevailed in his time3 ,ye1 having heard that we are waiting for a kingdom1 suppose without distinguishing that we mean a human kingdom1 when in truth we speak of that which is with ,god499 ,and it was undoubtedly a natural source of calumny and misconstruction4 99 ,ap4 ,ima p4 #af4 ,ed4 ,thirl4 ,the preachers of ,christianity had1 therefore1 to contend with prejudice backed by power4 ,they had to come forward to a disappointed people1 to a priesthood possessing a considerable share of municipal authority1 and actuated by strong motives of opposition and resentment2 and they had to do this under a foreign government1 to whose favour they made no pretensions1 and which was constantly surrounded by their enemies4 ,the well-known1 because the experienced1 fate of reformers1 whenever the reformation subverts some reigning opinion1 and does not proceed upon a change that has already taken place in the sentiments of a country1 will not allow1 much less lead us to suppose that the first propagators of ,christianity at ,jerusalem and in ,judea1 under the difficulties and the enemies they had to contend with1 and entirely destitute as they were of force1 authority1 or protection1 could execute their mission with personal ease and safety4 ,let us next inquire1 what might reasonably be expected by the preachers of ,christianity when they turned themselves to the heathen public4 ,now the first thing that strikes us is1 that the religion they carried with them was exclusive4 ,it denied without reserve the truth of every article of heathen mythology1 the existence of every object of their worship4 ,it accepted no compromise1 it admitted no comprehension4 ,it must prevail1 if it prevailed at all1 by the overthrow of every statue1 altar1 and temple in the world1 ,it will not easily be credited1 that a design1 so bold as this was1 could in any age be attempted to be carried into execution with impunity4 ,for it ought to be considered1 that this was not setting forth1 or magnifying the character and worship of some new competitor for a place in the ,pantheon1 whose pretensions might he discussed or asserted without questioning the reality of any others3 it was pronouncing all other gods to be false1 and all other worship vain4 ,from the facility with which the polytheism of ancient nations admitted new objects of worship into the number of their acknowledged divinities1 or the patience with which they might entertain proposals of this kind1 we can argue nothing as to their toleration of a system1 or of the publishers and active propagators of a system1 which swept away the very foundation of the existing establishment4 ,the one was nothing more than what it would be1 in popish countries1 to add a saint to the calendar2 the other was to abolish and tread under foot the calendar itself4 ,secondly1 it ought also to be considered1 that this was not the case of philosophers propounding in their books1 or in their schools1 doubts concerning the truth of the popular creed1 or even avowing their disbelief of it4 ,these philosophers did not go about from place to place to collect proselytes from amongst the common people2 to form in the heart of the country societies professing their tenets2 to provide for the order1 instruction and permanency of these societies2 nor did they enjoin their followers to withdraw themselves from the public worship of the temples1 or refuse a compliance with rites instituted by the laws499 ,these things are what the ,christians did1 and what the philosophers did not2 and in these consisted the activity and danger of the enterprise4 99 ,the best of the ancient philosophers1 ,plato1 ,cicero1 and ,epictetus1 allowed1 or rather enjoined1 men to worship the gods of the country1 and in the established form4 ,see passages to this purpose collected from their works by ,dr4 ,clarke1 ,nat4 and ,rev4 ,rel4 p4 #ahj4 ed4 v--,except ,socrates1 they all thought it wiser to comply with the laws than to contend4 ,thirdly1 it ought also to be considered1 that this danger proceeded not merely from solemn acts and public resolutions of the state1 but from sudden bursts of violence at particular places1 from the licence of the populace1 the rashness of some magistrates and negligence of others2 from the influence and instigation of interested adversaries1 and1 in general1 from the variety and warmth of opinion which an errand so novel and extraordinary could not fail of exciting4 ,i can conceive that the teachers of ,christianity might both fear and suffer much from these causes1 without any general persecution being denounced against them by imperial authority4 ,some length of time1 ,i should suppose1 might pass1 before the vast machine of the ,roman empire would be put in motion1 or its attention be obtained to religious controversy3 but1 during that time1 a great deal of ill usage might be endured1 by a set of friendless1 unprotected travellers1 telling men1 wherever they came1 that the religion of their ancestors1 the religion in which they had been brought up1 the religion of the state1 and of the magistrate1 the rites which they frequented1 the pomp which they admired1 was throughout a system of folly and delusion4 ,nor do ,i think that the teachers of ,christianity would find protection in that general disbelief of the popular theology1 which is supposed to have prevailed amongst the intelligent part of the heathen public4 ,it is by no means true that unbelievers are usually tolerant4 ,they are not disposed 7and why should they87 to endanger the present state of things1 by suffering a religion of which they believe nothing to be disturbed by another of which they believe as little4 ,they are ready themselves to conform to anything2 and are1 oftentimes1 amongst the foremost to procure conformity from others1 by any method which they think likely to be efficacious4 ,when was ever a change of religion patronized by infidels8 ,how little1 not withstanding the reigning scepticism1 and the magnified liberality of that age1 the true principles of toleration were understood by the wisest men amongst them1 may be gathered from two eminent and uncontested examples4 ,the younger ,pliny1 polished as he was by all the literature of that soft and elegant period1 could gravely pronounce this monstrous judgment3--,those who persisted in declaring themselves ,christians1 ,i ordered to be led away to punishment1 7i4 e4 to execution17 for ,i ,,did ,,not ,,doubt1 whatever it was that they confessed1 that contumacy and inflexible obstinacy ought to be punished4 ,his master ,trajan1 a mild and accomplished prince1 went1 nevertheless1 no further in his sentiments of moderation and equity than what appears in the following rescript3--,the ,christians are not to be sought for2 but if any are brought before you1 and convicted1 they are to be punished4 ,and this direction he gives1 after it had been reported to him by his own president1 that1 by the most strict examination1 nothing could be discovered in the principles of these persons1 but a bad and excessive superstition1 accompanied1 it seems1 with an oath or mutual federation1 to allow themselves in no crime or immoral conduct whatever4 ,the truth is1 the ancient heathens considered religion entirely as an affair of state1 as much under the tuition of the magistrate as any other part of the police4 ,the religion of that age was not merely allied to the state2 it was incorporated into it4 ,many of its offices were administered by the magistrate4 ,its titles of pontiffs1 augurs1 and flamens1 were borne by senators1 consuls1 and generals4 ,without discussing1 therefore1 the truth of the theology1 they resented every affront put upon the established worship1 as a direct opposition to the authority of government4 ,add to which1 that the religious systems of those times1 however ill supported by evidence1 had been long established4 ,the ancient religion of a country has always many votaries1 and sometimes not the fewer1 because its origin is hidden in remoteness and obscurity4 ,men have a natural veneration for antiquity1 especially in matters of religion4 ,what ,tacitus says of the ,jewish was more applicable to the heathen establishment3 ,hi ritus1 quoquo modo inducti1 antiquitate defenduntur4 ,it was also a splendid and sumptuous worship4 ,it had its priesthood1 its endowments1 its temples4 ,statuary1 painting1 architecture1 and music1 contributed their effect to its ornament and magnificence4 ,it abounded in festival shows and solemnities1 to which the common people are greatly addicted1 and which were of a nature to engage them much more than anything of that sort among us4 ,these things would retain great numbers on its side by the fascination of spectacle and pomp1 as well as interest many in its preservation by the advantage which they drew from it4 ,it was moreover interwoven1 as ,mr4 ,gibbon rightly represents it1 with every circumstance of business or pleasure1 of public or private life1 with all the offices and amusements of society4 ,on the due celebration also of its rites1 the people were taught to believe1 and did believe1 that the prosperity of their country in a great measure depended4 ,i am willing to accept the account of the matter which is given by ,mr4 ,gibbon3 ,the various modes of worship which prevailed in the ,roman world were all considered by the people as equally true1 by the philosopher as equally false1 and by the magistrate as equally useful3 and ,i would ask from which of these three classes of men were the ,christian missionaries to look for protection or impunity8 ,could they expect it from the people1 whose acknowledged confidence in the public religion they subverted from its foundation8 ,from the philosopher1 who1 considering all religious as equally false1 would of course rank theirs among the number1 with the addition of regarding them as busy and troublesome zealots8 ,or from the magistrate1 who1 satisfied with the utility of the subsisting religion1 would not be likely to countenance a spirit of proselytism and innovation3--a system which declared war against every other1 and which1 if it prevailed1 must end in a total rupture of public opinion2 an upstart religion1 in a word1 which was not content with its own authority1 but must disgrace all the settled religions of the world8 ,it was not to be imagined that he would endure with patience1 that the religion of the emperor and of the state should be calumniated and borne down by a company of superstitious and despicable ,jews4 ,lastly2 the nature of the case affords a strong proof1 that the original teachers of ,christianity1 in consequence of their new profession1 entered upon a new and singular course of life4 ,we may be allowed to presume1 that the institution which they preached to others1 they conformed to in their own persons2 because this is no more than what every teacher of a new religion both does1 and must do1 in order to obtain either proselytes or hearers4 ,the change which this would produce was very considerable4 ,it is a change which we do not easily estimate1 because1 ourselves and all about us being habituated to the institutions from our infancy1 it is what we neither experience nor observe4 ,after men became ,christians1 much of their time was spent in prayer and devotion1 in religious meetings1 in celebrating the ,eucharist1 in conferences1 in exhortations1 in preaching1 in an affectionate intercourse with one another1 and correspondence with other societies4 ,perhaps their mode of life1 in its form and habit1 was not very unlike the ,unitas ,fratrum1 or the modern methodists4 ,think then what it was to become such at ,corinth1 at ,ephesus1 at ,antioch1 or even at ,jerusalem4 ,how new6 ,how alien from all their former habits and ideas1 and from those of everybody about them6 ,what a revolution there must have been of opinions and prejudices to bring the matter to this6 ,we know what the precepts of the religion are2 how pure1 how benevolent1 how disinterested a conduct they enjoin2 and that this purity and benevolence are extended to the very thoughts and affections4 ,we are not1 perhaps1 at liberty to take for granted that the lives of the preachers of ,christianity were as perfect as their lessons2 but we are entitled to contend1 that the observable part of their behaviour must have agreed in a great measure with the duties which they taught4 ,there was1 therefore1 7which is all that we assert17 a course of life pursued by them1 different from that which they before led4 ,and this is of great importance4 ,men are brought to anything almost sooner than to change their habit of life1 especially when the change is either inconvenient1 or made against the force of natural inclination1 or with the loss of accustomed indulgences4 ,it is the most difficult of all things to convert men from vicious habits to virtuous ones1 as every one may judge from what he feels in himself1 as well as from what he sees in others499 ,it is almost like making men over again4 99 ,hartley's ,essays on ,man1 p4 #aij4 ,left then to myself1 and without any more information than a knowledge of the existence of the religion1 of the general story upon which it is founded1 and that no act of power1 force1 and authority was concerned in its first success1 ,i should conclude1 from the very nature and exigency of the case1 that the ,author of the religion1 during his life1 and his immediate disciples after his death1 exerted themselves in spreading and publishing the institution throughout the country in which it began1 and into which it was first carried2 that1 in the prosecution of this purpose1 they underwent the labours and troubles which we observe the propagators of new sects to undergo2 that the attempt must necessarily have also been in a high degree dangerous2 that1 from the subject of the mission1 compared with the fixed opinions and prejudices of those to whom the missionaries were to address themselves1 they could hardly fail of encountering strong and frequent opposition2 that1 by the hand of government1 as well as from the sudden fury and unbridled licence of the people1 they would oftentimes experience injurious and cruel treatment2 that1 at any rate1 they must have always had so much to fear for their personal safety1 as to have passed their lives in a state of constant peril and anxiety2 and lastly1 that their mode of life and conduct1 visibly at least1 corresponded with the institution which they delivered1 and1 so far1 was both new1 and required continual self-denial4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,there is satisfactory evidence that many1 professing to be original witnesses of the ,christian miracles1 passed their lives in labours1 dangers and sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 ,after thus considering what was likely to happen1 we are next to inquire how the transaction is represented in the several accounts that have come down to us4 ,and this inquiry is properly preceded by the other1 forasmuch as the reception of these accounts may depend in part on the credibility of what they contain4 ,the obscure and distant view of ,christianity1 which some of the heathen writers of that age had gained1 and which a few passage in their remaining works incidentally discover to us1 offers itself to our notice in the first place3 because1 so far as this evidence goes1 it is the concession of adversaries2 the source from which it is drawn is unsuspected4 ,under this head1 a quotation from ,tacitus1 well known to every scholar1 must be inserted1 as deserving particular attention4 ,the reader will bear in mind that this passage was written about seventy years after ,christ's death1 and that it relates to transactions which took place about thirty years after that event--,speaking of the fire which happened at ,rome in the time of ,nero1 and of the suspicions which were entertained that the emperor himself was concerned in causing it1 the historian proceeds in his narrative and observations thus3-- ,but neither these exertions1 nor his largesses to the people1 nor his offerings to the gods1 did away the infamous imputation under which ,nero lay1 of having ordered the city to be set on fire4 ,to put an end1 therefore1 to this report1 he laid the guilt1 and inflicted the most cruel punishments1 upon a set of people1 who were holden in abhorrence for their crimes1 and called by the vulgar1 ,christians4 ,the founder of that name was ,christ1 who suffered death in the reign of ,tiberius1 under his procurator1 ,pontius ,pilate--,this pernicious superstition1 thus checked for a while1 broke out again2 and spread not only over ,judea1 where the evil originated1 but through ,rome also1 whither everything bad upon the earth finds its way and is practised4 ,some who confessed their sect were first seized1 and afterwards1 by their information1 a vast multitude were apprehended1 who were convicted1 not so much of the crime of burning ,rome1 as of hatred to mankind4 ,their sufferings at their execution were aggravated by insult and mockery2 for some were disguised in the skins of wild beasts1 and worried to death by dogs2 some were crucified2 and others were wrapped in pitched shirts199 and set on fire when the day closed1 that they might serve as lights to illuminate the night4 ,nero lent his own gardens for these executions1 and exhibited at the same time a mock ,circensian entertainment2 being a spectator of the whole1 in the dress of a charioteer1 sometimes mingling with the crowd on foot1 and sometimes viewing the spectacle from his car4 ,this conduct made the sufferers pitied2 and though they were criminals1 and deserving the severest punishments1 yet they were considered as sacrificed1 not so much out of a regard to the public good1 as to gratify the cruelty of one man4 99 ,this is rather a paraphrase1 but is justified by what the ,scholiast upon ,juvenal says2 ,nero maleficos homines taeda et papyro et cera supervestiebat1 et sic ad ignem admoveri jubebat4 ,lard4 ,jewish and ,heath4 ,test4 vol4 i4 p4 #cei4 ,our concern with this passage at present is only so far as it affords a presumption in support of the proposition which we maintain1 concerning the activity and sufferings of the first teachers of ,christianity4 ,now1 considered in this view1 it proves three things3 #ast1 that the ,founder of the institution was put to death2 #b;dly1 that in the same country in which he was put to death1 the religion1 after a short check1 broke out again and spread2 #c;dly1 that it so spread as that1 within thirty-four years from the ,author's death1 a very great number of ,christians 7ingens eorum multitudo7 were found at ,rome4 ,from which fact1 the two following inferences may be fairly drawn3 first1 that if1 in the space of thirty-four years from its commencement1 the religion had spread throughout ,judea1 had extended itself to ,rome1 and there had numbered a great multitude of converts1 the original teachers and missionaries of the institution could not have been idle2 secondly1 that when the ,author of the undertaking was put to death as a malefactor for his attempt1 the endeavours of his followers to establish his religion in the same country1 amongst the same people1 and in the same age1 could not but be attended with danger4 ,suetonius1 a writer contemporary with ,tacitus1 describing the transactions of the same reign1 uses these words3 ,affecti suppliciis ,christiani genus hominum superstitionis novae et maleficae4 7,suet4 ,nero4 ,cap4 #af7 ,the ,christians1 a set of men of a new and mischievous 7or magical7 superstition1 were punished4 ,since it is not mentioned here that the burning of the city was the pretence of the punishment of the ,christians1 or that they were the ,christians of ,rome who alone suffered1 it is probable that ,suetonius refers to some more general persecution than the short and occasional one which ,tacitus describes4 ,juvenal1 a writer of the same age with the two former1 and intending1 it should seem1 to commemorate the cruelties exercised under ,nero's government1 has the following lines3 7,sat4 i4 ver4 #aee7 ,pone ,tigellinum1 taeda lucebis in illa1 ,qua stantes ardent1 qui fixo gutture fumant1 ,et latum media sulcum deducit arena 7,forsan deducis47 ,describe ,tigellinus 7a creature of ,nero71 and you shall suffer the same punishment with those who stand burning in their own flame and smoke1 their head being held up by a stake fixed to their chin1 till they make a long stream of blood and melted sulphur on the ground4 ,if this passage were considered by itself1 the subject of allusion might be doubtful2 but1 when connected with the testimony of ,suetonius1 as to the actual punishment of the ,christians by ,nero1 and with the account given by ,tacitus of the species of punishment which they were made to undergo1 ,i think it sufficiently probable that these were the executions to which the poet refers4 ,these things1 as has already been observed1 took place within thirty-one years after ,christ's death1 that is1 according to the course of nature1 in the life-time1 probably1 of some of the apostles1 and certainly in the life-time of those who were converted by the apostles1 or who were converted in their time4 ,if then the ,founder of the religion was put to death in the execution of his design2 if the first race of converts to the religion1 many of them1 suffered the greatest extremities for their profession2 it is hardly credible1 that those who came between the two1 who were companions of the ,author of the institution during his life1 and the teachers and propagators of the institution after his death1 could go about their undertaking with ease and safety4 ,the testimony of the younger ,pliny belongs to a later period2 for1 although he was contemporary with ,tacitus and ,suetonius1 yet his account does not1 like theirs1 go back to the transactions of ,nero's reign1 but is confined to the affairs of his own time4 ,his celebrated letter to ,trajan was written about seventy years after ,christ's death2 and the information to be drawn from it1 so far as it is connected with our argument1 relates principally to two points3 first1 to the number of ,christians in ,bithynia and ,pontus1 which was so considerable as to induce the governor of these provinces to speak of them in the following terms3 ,multi1 omnis aetatis1 utriusque sexus etiam2--neque enim civitates tantum1 sed vicos etiam et agros1 superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est4 ,there are many of every age and of both sexes2--nor has the contagion of this superstition seized cities only1 but smaller towns also1 and the open country4 ,great exertions must have been used by the preachers of ,christianity to produce this state of things within this time4 ,secondly1 to a point which has been already noticed1 and1 which ,i think of importance to be observed1 namely1 the sufferings to which ,christians were exposed1 without any public persecution being denounced against them by sovereign authority4 ,for1 from ,pliny's doubt how he was to act1 his silence concerning any subsisting law on the subject1 his requesting the emperor's rescript1 and the emperor1 agreeably to his request1 propounding a rule for his direction without reference to any prior rule1 it may be inferred that there was1 at that time1 no public edict in force against the ,christians4 ,yet from this same epistle of ,pliny it appears that accusations1 trials1 and examinations1 were1 and had been1 going on against them in the provinces over which he presided2 that schedules were delivered by anonymous informers1 containing the names of persons who were suspected of holding or of favouring the religion2 that1 in consequence of these informations1 many had been apprehended1 of whom some boldly avowed their profession1 and died in the cause2 others denied that they were ,christians2 others1 acknowledging that they had once been ,christians1 declared that they had long ceased to be such4 ,all which demonstrates that the profession of ,christianity was at that time 7in that country at least7 attended with fear and danger3 and yet this took place without any edict from the ,roman sovereign1 commanding or authorizing the persecution of ,christians4 ,this observation is further confirmed by a rescript of ,adrian to ,minucius ,fundanus1 the proconsul of ,asia 7,lard4 ,heath4 ,test4 vol4 ii4 p4 #aaj73 from which rescript it appears that the custom of the people of ,asia was to proceed against the ,christians with tumult and uproar4 ,this disorderly practice1 ,i say1 is recognised in the edict1 because the emperor enjoins1 that1 for the future1 if the ,christians were guilty1 they should be legally brought to trial1 and not be pursued by importunity and clamour4 ,martial wrote a few years before the younger ,pliny3 and1 as his manner was1 made the suffering of the ,christians the subject of his ridicule4 ,in matutina nuper spectatus arena ,mucius1 imposuit qui sua membra focis1 ,si patiens fortisque tibi durusque videtur1 ,abderitanae pectora plebis habes2 ,nam cum dicatur1 tunica praesente molesta1 ,ure99 manum3 plus est dicere1 ,non facio4 99,forsan thure manum4 ,nothing1 however1 could show the notoriety of the fact with more certainty than this does4 ,martial's testimony1 as well indeed as ,pliny's1 goes also to another point1 viz1 that the deaths of these men were martyrdom in the strictest sense1 that is to say1 were so voluntary1 that it was in their power1 at the time of pronouncing the sentence1 to have averted the execution1 by consenting to join in heathen sacrifices4 ,the constancy1 and by consequence the sufferings1 of the ,christians of this period1 is also referred to by ,epictetus1 who imputes their intrepidity to madness1 or to a kind of fashion or habit2 and about fifty years afterwards1 by ,marcus ,aurelius1 who ascribes it to obstinacy4 ,is it possible 7,epictetus asks7 that a man may arrive at this temper1 and become indifferent to those things from madness or from habit1 as the ,galileans8 ,let this preparation of the mind 7to die7 arise from its own judgment1 and not from obstinacy like the ,christians4 7,epict4 ,i4 iv4 ,c4 #g47 7,marc4 ,aur4 ,med4 #a4 xi4 c4 #c47 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,there is satisfactory evidence that many1 professing to be original witnesses of the ,christian miracles1 passed there lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 ,of the primitive condition of ,christianity1 a distant only and general view can be acquired from heathen writers4 ,it is in our own books that the detail and interior of the transaction must be sought for4 ,and this is nothing different from what might be expected4 ,who would write a history of ,christianity1 but a ,christian8 ,who was likely to record the travels1 sufferings1 labours1 or successes of the apostles1 but one of their own number1 or of their followers8 ,now these books come up in their accounts to the full extent of the proposition which we maintain4 ,we have four histories of ,jesus ,christ4 ,we have a history taking up the narrative from his death1 and carrying on an account of the propagation of the religion1 and of some of the most eminent persons engaged in it1 for a space of nearly thirty years4 ,we have1 what some may think still more original1 a collection of letters1 written by certain principal agents in the business upon the business1 and in the midst of their concern and connection with it4 ,and we have these writings severally attesting the point which we contend for1 viz4 the sufferings of the witnesses of the history1 and attesting it in every variety of form in which it can be conceived to appear3 directly and indirectly1 expressly and incidentally1 by assertion1 recital1 and allusion1 by narratives of facts1 and by arguments and discourses built upon these facts1 either referring to them1 or necessarily presupposing them4 ,i remark this variety1 because1 in examining ancient records1 or indeed any species of testimony1 it is1 in my opinion1 of the greatest importance to attend to the information or grounds of argument which are casually and undesignedly disclosed2 forasmuch as this species of proof is1 of all others1 the least liable to be corrupted by fraud or misrepresentation4 ,i may be allowed therefore1 in the inquiry which is now before us1 to suggest some conclusions of this sort1 as preparatory to more direct testimony4 #a4 ,our books relate1 that ,jesus ,christ1 the founder of the religion1 was1 in consequence of his undertaking1 put to death1 as a malefactor1 at ,jerusalem4 ,this point at least will be granted1 because it is no more than what ,tacitus has recorded4 ,they then proceed to tell us that the religion was1 notwithstanding1 set forth at this same city of ,jerusalem1 propagated thence throughout ,judea1 and afterwards preached in other parts of the ,roman ,empire4 ,these points also are fully confirmed by ,tacitus1 who informs us that the religion1 after a short check1 broke out again in the country where it took its rise2 that it not only spread throughout ,judea1 but had reached ,rome1 and that it had there great multitudes of converts3 and all this within thirty years after its commencement4 ,now these facts afford a strong inference in behalf of the proposition which we maintain4 ,what could the disciples of ,christ expect for themselves when they saw their master put to death8 ,could they hope to escape the dangers in which he had perished8 ,if they had persecuted me1 they will also persecute you1 was the warning of common sense4 ,with this example before their eyes1 they could not be without a full sense of the peril of their future enterprise4 #b4 ,secondly1 all the histories agree in representing ,christ as foretelling the persecution of his followers3-- ,then shall they deliver you up to be afflicted1 and shall kill you1 and ye shall be hated of all nations for my name's sake4 7,matt4 xxiv4 #i47 ,when affliction or persecution ariseth for the word's sake1 immediately they are offended4 7,mark iv4 #ag4 ,see also chap4 x4 #cj47 ,they shall lay hands on you1 and persecute you1 delivering you up to the synagogues1 and into prisons1 being brought before kings and rulers for my name's sake3--and ye shall be betrayed both by parents and brethren1 and kinsfolks and friends1 and some of you shall they cause to be put to death4 7,luke xxi4 #ab--af4 ,see also chap4 xi4 #di47 ,the time cometh1 that he that killed you will think that he doeth ,god service4 ,and these things will they do unto you1 because they have not known the ,father1 nor me4 ,but these things have ,i told you1 that when the time shall come1 ye may remember that ,i told you of them4 7,john xvi4 #d4 ,see also chap4 xv4 #bj2 xvi4 #cc47 ,i am not entitled to argue from these passages1 that ,christ actually did foretell these events1 and that they did accordingly come to pass2 because that would be at once to assume the truth of the religion3 but ,i am entitled to contend that one side or other of the following disjunction is true2 either that the ,evangelists have delivered what ,christ really spoke1 and that the event corresponded with the prediction2 or that they put the prediction into ,christ's mouth1 because at the time of writing the history1 the event had turned out so to be3 for1 the only two remaining suppositions appear in the highest degree incredible2 which are1 either that ,christ filled the minds of his followers with fears and apprehensions1 without any reason or authority for what he said1 and contrary to the truth of the case2 or that1 although ,christ had never foretold any such thing1 and the event would have contradicted him if he had1 yet historians who lived in the age when the event was known1 falsely1 as well as officiously1 ascribed these words to him4 #c4 ,thirdly1 these books abound with exhortations to patience1 and with topics of comfort under distress4 ,who shall separate us from the love of ,christ8 ,shall tribulation1 or distress1 or persecution1 or famine1 or nakedness1 or peril1 or sword8 ,nay1 in all these things we are more than conquerors through ,him that loved us4 7,rom4 viii4 #ce-cg47 ,we are troubled on every side1 yet not distressed2 we are perplexed1 but not in despair2 persecuted1 but not forsaken2 cast down1 but not destroyed2 always bearing about in the body the dying of the ,lord ,jesus1 that the life also of ,jesus might be made manifest in our body2--knowing that he which raised up the ,lord ,jesus shall raise us up also by ,jesus1 and shall present us with you---,for which cause we faint not2 but1 though our outward man perish1 yet the inward man is renewed day by day4 ,for our light affliction1 which is but for a moment1 worketh for us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory4 7#b ,cor4 iv4 #h1 #i1 #aj1 #ad1 #af1 #ag47 ,take1 my brethren1 the prophets1 who have spoken in the name of the ,lord1 for an example of suffering affliction1 and of patience4 ,behold1 we count them happy which endure4 ,ye have heard of the patience of ,job1 and have seen the end of the ,lord2 that the ,lord is very pitiful1 and of tender mercy4 7,james v4 #aj1 #aa47 ,call to remembrance the former days1 in which1 after ye were illuminated1 ye endured a great fight of afflictions partly whilst ye were made a gazing-stock both by reproaches and afflictions1 and partly whilst ye became companions of them that were so used2 for ye had compassion of me in my bonds1 and took joyfully the spoiling of your goods1 knowing in yourselves that ye have in heaven a better and an enduring substance4 ,cast not away1 therefore1 your confidence1 which hath great recompense of reward2 for ye have need of patience1 that1 after ye have done the will of ,god1 ye might receive the promise4 7,heb4 x4 #cb-cf47 ,so that we ourselves glory in you in the churches of ,god1 for your patience and faith in all your persecutions and tribulations that ye endure4 ,which is a manifest token of the righteous judgment of ,god1 that ye may be counted worthy of the kingdom for which ye also suffer4 7#b ,thess4 i4 #d1 #e47 ,we rejoice in hope of the glory of ,god2 and not only so1 but we glory in tribulations also2 knowing that tribulation worketh patience1 and patience experience1 and experience hope4 7,rom4 v4 #c1 #d47 ,beloved1 think it not strange concerning the fiery trial which is to try you1 as though some strange thing happened unto you2 but rejoice1 inasmuch as ye are partakers of ,christ's sufferings4--,wherefore let them that suffer according to the will of ,god commit the keeping of their souls to him in well doing1 as unto a faithful ,creator4 7#a ,pet4 iv4 #ab1 #ac1 #ai47 ,what could all these texts mean1 if there was nothing in the circumstances of the times which required patience1--which called for the exercise of constancy and resolution8 ,or will it be pretended1 that these exhortations 7which1 let it be observed1 come not from one author1 but from many7 were put in merely to induce a belief in after-ages1 that the ,christians were exposed to dangers which they were not exposed to1 or underwent sufferings which they did not undergo8 ,if these books belong to the age to which they lay claim1 and in which age1 whether genuine or spurious1 they certainly did appear1 this supposition cannot be maintained for a moment2 because ,i think it impossible to believe that passages1 which must be deemed not only unintelligible1 but false1 by the persons into whose hands the books upon their publication were to come1 should nevertheless be inserted1 for the purpose of producing an effect upon remote generations4 ,in forgeries which do not appear till many ages after that to which they pretend to belong1 it is possible that some contrivance of that sort may take place2 but in no others can it be attempted4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,there is satisfactory evidence that many professing to be original witnesses of the ,christian miracles1 passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 ,the account of the treatment of the religion1 and of the exertions of its first preachers1 as stated in our ,scriptures 7not in a professed history of persecutions1 or in the connected manner in which ,i am about to recite it1 but dispersedly and occasionally1 in the course of a mixed general history1 which circumstance1 alone negatives the supposition of any fraudulent design71 is the following3 ,that the ,founder of ,christianity1 from the commencement of his ministry to the time of his violent death1 employed himself wholly in publishing the institution in ,judea and ,galilee2 that1 in order to assist him in this purpose1 he made choice1 out of the number of his followers1 of twelve persons1 who might accompany him as he travelled from place to place2 that1 except a short absence upon a journey in which he sent them two by two to announce his mission1 and one of a few days1 when they went before him to ,jerusalem1 these persons were steadily and constantly attending upon him2 that they were with him at ,jerusalem when he was apprehended and put to death2 and that they were commissioned by him1 when his own ministry was concluded1 to publish his ,gospel1 and collect disciples to it from all countries of the world4 ,the account then proceeds to state1 that a few days after his departure1 these persons1 with some of his relations1 and some who had regularly frequented their society1 assembled at ,jerusalem2 that1 considering the office of preaching the religion as now devolved upon them1 and one of their number having deserted the cause1 and1 repenting of his perfidy1 having destroyed himself1 they proceeded to elect another into his place1 and that they were careful to make their election out of the number of those who had accompanied their master from the first to the last1 in order1 as they alleged1 that he might be a witness1 together with themselves1 of the principal facts which they were about to produce and relate concerning him2 7 ,acts i4 #ab1 #bb47 that they began their work at ,jerusalem by publicly asserting that this ,jesus1 whom the rulers and inhabitants of that place had so lately crucified1 was1 in truth1 the person in whom all their prophecies and long expectations terminated2 that he had been sent amongst them by ,god2 and that he was appointed by ,god the future judge of the human species2 that all who were solicitous to secure to themselves happiness after death1 ought to receive him as such1 and to make profession of their belief1 by being baptised in his name4 7,acts xi47 ,the history goes on to relate1 that considerable numbers accepted this proposal1 and that they who did so formed amongst themselves a strict union and society2 7,acts iv4 #cb47 that the attention of the ,jewish government being soon drawn upon them1 two of the principal persons of the twelve1 and who also had lived most intimately and constantly with the ,founder of the religion1 were seized as they were discoursing to the people in the temple2 that after being kept all night in prison1 they were brought the next day before an assembly composed of the chief persons of the ,jewish magistracy and priesthood2 that this assembly1 after some consultation1 found nothing1 at that time1 better to be done towards suppressing the growth of the sect1 than to threaten their prisoners with punishment if they persisted2 that these men1 after expressing1 in decent but firm language1 the obligation under which they considered themselves to be1 to declare what they knew1 'to speak the things which they had seen and heard1' returned from the council1 and reported what had passed to their companions2 that this report1 whilst it apprized them of the danger of their situation and undertaking1 had no other effect upon their conduct than to produce in them a general resolution to persevere1 and an earnest prayer to ,god to furnish them with assistance1 and to inspire them with fortitude1 proportioned to the increasing exigency of the service4 7 ,acts iv47 ,a very short time after this1 we read that all the twelve apostles were seized and cast into prison2 7 ,acts v4 #ah47 that1 being brought a second time before the ,jewish ,sanhedrim1 they were upbraided with their disobedience to the injunction which had been laid upon them1 and beaten for their contumacy2 that1 being charged once more to desist1 they were suffered to depart2 that however they neither quitted ,jerusalem1 nor ceased from preaching1 both daily in the temple1 and from house to house 7,acts v4 #db47 and that the twelve considered themselves as so entirely and exclusively devoted to this office1 that they now transferred what may be called the temporal affairs of the society to other hands499 99 ,i do not know that it has ever been insinuated that the ,christian mission1 in the hands of the apostles1 was a scheme for making a fortune1 or for getting money4 ,but it may nevertheless be fit to remark upon this passage of their history1 how perfectly free they appear to have been from any pecuniary or interested views whatever4 ,the most tempting opportunity which occurred of making gain of their converts1 was by the custody and management of the public funds1 when some of the richer members1 intending to contribute their fortunes to the common support of the society1 sold their possessions1 and laid down the prices at the apostles' feet4 ,yet1 so insensible or undesirous were they of the advantage which that confidence afforded1 that we find they very soon disposed of the trust1 by putting it into the hands1 not of nominees of their own1 but of stewards formally elected for the purpose by the society at large4 ,we may add also1 that this excess of generosity1 which cast private property into the public stock1 was so far from being required by the apostles1 or imposed as a law of ,christianity1 that ,peter reminds ,ananias that he had been guilty1 in his behaviour1 of an officious and voluntary prevarication2 for whilst1 says he1 thy estate remained unsold1 was it not thine own8 ,and after it was sold1 was it not in thine own power8 ,hitherto the preachers of the new religion seem to have had the common people on their side2 which is assigned as the reason why the ,jewish rulers did not1 at this time1 think it prudent to proceed to greater extremities4 ,it was not long1 however1 before the enemies of the institution found means to represent it to the people as tending to subvert their law1 degrade their lawgiver1 and dishonour their temple4 7,acts vi4 #ab47 ,and these insinuations were dispersed with so much success as to induce the people to join with their superiors in the stoning of a very active member of the new community4 ,the death of this man was the signal of a general persecution1 the activity of which may be judged of from one anecdote of the time3--,as for ,saul1 he made havoc of the church1 entering into every house1 and taking men and women committed them to prison4 7,acts viii4 #c47 ,this persecution raged at ,jerusalem with so much fury as to drive most of the new converts out of the place199 except the twelve apostles4 ,the converts thus scattered abroad1 preached the religion wherever they came2 and their preaching was1 in effect1 the preaching of the twelve2 for it was so far carried on in concert and correspondence with them1 that when they heard of the success of their emissaries in a particular country1 they sent two of their number to the place1 to complete and confirm the mission4 99,acts viii4 ,i4 ,and they were all scattered abroad2 but the term all is not1 ,i think1 to be taken strictly as denoting more than the generality2 in like manner as in ,acts ix4 #ce3 ,and all that dwelt at ,lydda and ,saron saw him1 and turned to the ,lord4 ,an event now took place1 of great importance in the future history of the religion4 ,the persecution which had begun at ,jerusalem followed the ,christians to other cities1 7 ,acts ix47 in which the authority of the ,jewish ,sanhedrim over those of their own nation was allowed to be exercised4 ,a young man1 who had signalized himself by his hostility to the profession1 and had procured a commission from the council at ,jerusalem to seize any converted ,jews whom he might find at ,damascus1 suddenly became a proselyte to the religion which he was going about to extirpate4 ,the new convert not only shared1 on this extraordinary change1 the fate of his companions1 but brought upon himself a double measure of enmity from the party which he had left4 ,the ,jews at ,damascus1 on his return to that city1 watched the gates night and day1 with so much diligence1 that he escaped from their hands only by being let down in a basket by the wall4 ,nor did he find himself in greater safety at ,jerusalem1 whither he immediately repaired4 ,attempts were there also soon set on foot to destroy him2 from the danger of which he was preserved by being sent away to ,cilicia1 his native country4 ,for some reason not mentioned1 perhaps not known1 but probably connected with the civil history of the ,jews1 or with some danger99 which engrossed the public attention1 an intermission about this time took place in the sufferings of the ,christians4 ,this happened1 at the most1 only seven or eight1 perhaps only three or four years after ,christ's death1 within which period1 and notwithstanding that the late persecution occupied part of it1 churches1 or societies of believers1 had been formed in all ,judea1 ,galilee1 and ,samaria2 for we read that the churches in these countries had now rest and were edified1 and1 walking in the fear of the ,lord1 and in the comfort of the ,holy ,ghost1 were multiplied4 7,acts ix #ca47 ,the original preachers of the religion did not remit their labours or activity during this season of quietness2 for we find one1 and he a very principal person among them1 passing throughout all quarters4 ,we find also those who had been before expelled from ,jerusalem by the persecution which raged there1 travelling as far as ,poenice1 ,cyprus1 and ,antioch2 7,acts xi4 #ai47 and lastly1 we find ,jerusalem again in the centre of the mission1 the place whither the preachers returned from their several excursions1 where they reported the conduct and effects of their ministry1 where questions of public concern were canvassed and settled1 whence directions were sought1 and teachers sent forth4 99 ,dr4 ,lardner 7in which he is followed also by ,dr4 ,benson7 ascribes the cessation of the persecution of the ,christians to the attempt of ,caligula to set up his own statue in the temple of ,jerusalem1 and to the consternation thereby excited in the minds of the ,jewish people2 which consternation for a season superseded every other contest4 ,the time of this tranquillity did not1 however1 continue long4 ,herod ,agrippa1 who had lately acceded to the government of ,judea1 stretched forth his hand to vex certain of the church4 7,acts xii4 #a47 ,he began his cruelty by beheading one of the twelve original apostles1 a kinsman and constant companion of the ,founder of the religion4 ,perceiving that this execution gratified the ,jews1 he proceeded to seize1 in order to put to death1 another of the number1--and him1 like the former1 associated with ,christ during his life1 and eminently active in the service since his death4 ,this man was1 however1 delivered from prison1 as the account states miraculously1 7,acts xii4 #c--ag47 and made his escape from ,jerusalem4 ,these things are related1 not in the general terms under which1 in giving the outlines of the history1 we have here mentioned them1 but with the utmost particularity of names1 persons1 places1 and circumstances2 and1 what is deserving of notice1 without the smallest discoverable propensity in the historian1 to magnify the fortitude1 or exaggerate the sufferings1 of his party4 ,when they fled for their lives1 he tells us4 ,when the churches had rest1 he remarks it4 ,when the people took their part1 he does not leave it without notice4 ,when the apostles were carried a second time before the ,sanhedrim1 he is careful to observe that they were brought without violence4 ,when milder counsels were suggested1 he gives us the author of the advice and the speech which contained it4 ,when1 in consequence of this advice1 the rulers contented themselves with threatening the apostles1 and commanding them to be beaten with stripes1 without urging at that time the persecution further1 the historian candidly and distinctly records their forbearance4 ,when1 therefore1 in other instances1 he states heavier persecutions1 or actual martyrdoms1 it is reasonable to believe that he states them because they were true1 and not from any wish to aggravate1 in his account1 the sufferings which ,christians sustained1 or to extol1 more than it deserved1 their patience under them4 ,our history now pursues a narrower path4 ,leaving the rest of the apostles1 and the original associates of ,christ1 engaged in the propagation of the new faith1 7and who there is not the least reason to believe abated in their diligence or courage17 the narrative proceeds with the separate memoirs of that eminent teacher1 whose extraordinary and sudden conversion to the religion1 and corresponding change of conduct1 had before been circumstantially described4 ,this person1 in conjunction with another1 who appeared among the earlier members of the society at ,jerusalem1 and amongst the immediate adherents of the twelve apostles1 7,acts iv4 #cf47 set out from ,antioch upon the express business of carrying the new religion through the various provinces of the ,lesser ,asia4 7,acts xiii4 #b47 ,during this expedition1 we find that in almost every place to which they came1 their persons were insulted1 and their lives endangered4 ,after being expelled from ,antioch in ,pisidia1 they repaired to ,iconium4 7,acts xiii4 #ea47 ,at ,iconium1 an attempt was made to stone them2 at ,lystra1 whither they fled from ,iconium1 one of them actually was stoned and drawn out of the city for dead4 7,acts xiv4 #ai47 ,these two men1 though not themselves original apostles1 were acting in connection and conjunction with the original apostles2 for1 after the completion of their journey1 being sent on a particular commission to ,jerusalem1 they there related to the apostles 7,acts xv4 #ab--bf47 and elders the events and success of their ministry1 and were in return recommended by them to the churches1 as men who had hazarded their lives in the cause4 ,the treatment which they had experienced in the first progress did not deter them from preparing for a second4 ,upon a dispute1 however1 arising between them1 but not connected with the common subject of their labours1 they acted as wise and sincere men would act2 they did not retire in disgust from the service in which they were engaged1 but1 each devoting his endeavours to the advancement of the religion1 they parted from one another1 and set forward upon separate routes4 ,the history goes along with one of them2 and the second enterprise to him was attended with the same dangers and persecutions as both had met with in the first4 ,the apostle's travels hitherto had been confined to ,asia4 ,he now crosses for the first time the ,aegean sea1 and carries with him1 amongst others1 the person whose accounts supply the information we are stating4 7,acts xvi4 #aa47 ,the first place in ,greece at which he appears to have stopped1 was ,philippi in ,macedonia4 ,here himself and one of his companions were cruelly whipped1 cast into prison1 and kept there under the most rigorous custody1 being thrust1 whilst yet smarting with their wounds1 into the inner dungeon1 and their feet made fast in the stocks4 7,acts xvi4 #bc1 #bd1 #cc47 ,notwithstanding this unequivocal specimen of the usage which they had to look for in that country1 they went forward in the execution of their errand4 ,after passing through ,amphipolis and ,apollonia1 they came to ,thessalonica2 in which city the house in which they lodged was assailed by a party of their enemies1 in order to bring them out to the populace4 ,and when1 fortunately for their preservation1 they were not found at home1 the master of the house was dragged before the magistrate for admitting them within his doors4 7,acts xvii4 #a--e47 ,their reception at the next city was something better3 but neither had they continued long before their turbulent adversaries the ,jews1 excited against them such commotions amongst the inhabitants as obliged the apostle to make his escape by a private journey to ,athens4 7,acts xvii4 #ac47 ,the extremity of the progress was ,corinth4 ,his abode in this city1 for some time1 seems to have been without molestation4 ,at length1 however1 the ,jews found means to stir up an insurrection against him1 and to bring him before the tribunal of the ,roman president4 7,acts xviii4 #ab47 ,it was to the contempt which that magistrate entertained for the ,jews and their controversies1 of which he accounted ,christianity to be one1 that our apostle owed his deliverance4 7,acts xviii4 #ae47 ,this indefatigable teacher1 after leaving ,corinth1 returned by ,ephesus into ,syria2 and again visited ,jerusalem1 and the society of ,christians in that city1 which1 as hath been repeatedly observed1 still continued the centre of the mission4 7,acts xviii4 #bb47 ,it suited not1 however1 with the activity of his zeal to remain long at ,jerusalem4 ,we find him going thence to ,antioch1 and1 after some stay there1 traversing once more the northern provinces of ,asia ,minor4 7,acts xviii4 #bc47 ,this progress ended at ,ephesus3 in which city1 the apostle continued in the daily exercise of his ministry two years1 and until his success1 at length1 excited the apprehensions of those who were interested in the support of the national worship4 ,their clamour produced a tumult1 in which he had nearly lost his life4 7,acts xix4 #a1 #i1 #aj47 ,undismayed1 however1 by the dangers to which he saw himself exposed1 he was driven from ,ephesus only to renew his labours in ,greece4 ,after passing over ,macedonia1 he thence proceeded to his former station at ,corinth4 7,acts xx4 #a1 #b47 ,when he had formed his design of returning by a direct course from ,corinth into ,syria1 he was compelled by a conspiracy of the ,jews1 who were prepared to intercept him on his way1 to trace back his steps through ,macedonia to ,philippi1 and thence to take shipping into ,asia4 ,along the coast of ,asia1 he pursued his voyage with all the expedition he could command1 in order to reach ,jerusalem against the feast of ,pentecost4 7,acts xx4 #af47 ,his reception at ,jerusalem was of a piece with the usage he had experienced from the ,jews in other places4 ,he had been only a few days in that city1 when the populace1 instigated by some of his old opponents in ,asia1 who attended this feast1 seized him in the temple1 forced him out of it1 and were ready immediately to have destroyed him1 had not the sudden presence of the ,roman guard rescued him out of their hands4 7,acts xxi4 #bg--cc47 ,the officer1 however1 who had thus seasonably interposed1 acted from his care of the public peace1 with the preservation of which he was charged1 and not from any favour to the apostle1 or indeed any disposition to exercise either justice or humanity towards him2 for he had no sooner secured his person in the fortress1 than he was proceeding to examine him by torture4 7,acts xxii #bd47 ,from this time to the conclusion of the history1 the apostle remains in public custody of the ,roman government4 ,after escaping assassination by a fortunate discovery of the plot1 and delivering himself from the influence of his enemies by an appeal to the audience of the emperor1 7,acts xxv4 #i1 #aa47 he was sent1 but not until he had suffered two years' imprisonment1 to ,rome4 7,acts xxiv4 #bg47 ,he reached ,italy after a tedious voyage1 and after encountering in his passage the perils of a desperate shipwreck4 7,acts xxvii47 ,but although still a prisoner1 and his fate still depending1 neither the various and long-continued sufferings which he had undergone1 nor the danger of his present situation1 deterred him from persisting in preaching the religion3 for the historian closes the account by telling us that1 for two years1 he received all that came unto him in his own hired house1 where he was permitted to dwell with a soldier that guarded him1 preaching the kingdom of ,god1 and teaching those things which concern the ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 with all confidence4 ,now the historian1 from whom we have drawn this account1 in the part of his narrative which relates to ,saint ,paul1 is supported by the strongest corroborating testimony that a history can receive4 ,we are in possession of letters written by ,saint ,paul himself upon the subject of his ministry1 and either written during the period which the history comprises1 or1 if written afterwards1 reciting and referring to the transactions of that period4 ,these letters1 without borrowing from the history1 or the history from them1 unintentionally confirm the account which the history delivers1 in a great variety of particulars4 ,what belongs to our present purpose is the description exhibited of the apostle's sufferings3 and the representation1 given in our history1 of the dangers and distresses which he underwent not only agrees in general with the language which he himself uses whenever he speaks of his life or ministry1 but is also1 in many instances1 attested by a specific correspondency of time1 place1 and order of events4 ,if the historian put down in his narrative1 that at ,philippi the apostle was beaten with many stripes1 cast into prison1 and there treated with rigour and indignity2 7,acts xvi4 #bc1 #bd47 we find him1 in a letter to a neighbouring church1 7,i ,thess4 ii4 #b47 reminding his converts that1 after he had suffered before1 and was shamefully entreated at ,philippi1 he was bold1 nevertheless1 to speak unto them 7to whose city he next came7 the ,gospel of ,god4 ,if the history relates that1 7,acts xvii4 #e47 at ,thessalonica1 the house in which the apostle was lodged1 when he first came to that place1 was assaulted by the populace1 and the master of it dragged before the magistrate for admitting such a guest within his doors2 the apostle1 in his letter to the ,christians of ,thessalonica1 calls to their remembrance how they had received the ,gospel in much affliction4 7#a ,thess4 i4 #f47 ,if the history deliver an account of an insurrection at ,ephesus1 which had nearly cost the apostle his life1 we have the apostle himself1 in a letter written a short time after his departure from that city1 describing his despair1 and returning thanks for his deliverance4 7,acts xix4 #b ,cor4 i4 #h--aj47 ,if the history inform us1 that the apostle was expelled from ,antioch in ,pisidia1 attempted to be stoned at ,iconium1 and actually stoned at ,lystra2 there is preserved a letter from him to a favourite convert1 whom1 as the same history tells us1 he first met with in these parts2 in which letter he appeals to that disciple's knowledge of the persecutions which befell him at ,antioch1 at ,iconium1 at ,lystra4 7,acts xiii4 #ej2 xiv4 #e1 #ai4 #b ,tim4 #aj1 #aa47 ,if the history make the apostle1 in his speech to the ,ephesian elders1 remind them1 as one proof of the disinterestedness of his views1 that1 to their knowledge1 he had supplied his own and the necessities of his companions by personal labour2 7,acts xx4 #cd47 we find the same apostle1 in a letter written during his residence at ,ephesus1 asserting of himself1 that even to that hour he laboured1 working with his own hands4 7#a ,cor4 iv #aa1 #ab47 ,these coincidences1 together with many relative to other parts of the apostle's history1 and all drawn from independent sources1 not only confirm the truth of the account1 in the particular points as to which they are observed1 but add much to the credit of the narrative in all its parts2 and support the author's profession of being a contemporary of the person whose history he writes1 and1 throughout a material portion of his narrative1 a companion4 ,what the epistles of the apostles declare of the suffering state of ,christianity the writings which remain of their companions and immediate followers expressly confirm4 ,clement1 who is honourably mentioned by ,saint ,paul in his epistle to the ,philippians1 7,philipp4 iv4 #c47 hath left us his attestation to this point1 in the following words3 ,let us take 7says he7 the examples of our own age4 ,through zeal and envy1 the most faithful and righteous pillars of the church have been persecuted even to the most grievous deaths4 ,let us set before our eyes the holy apostles4 ,peter1 by unjust envy1 underwent not one or two1 but many sufferings2 till at last1 being martyred1 he went to the place of glory that was due unto him4 ,for the same cause did ,paul1 in like manner1 receive the reward of his patience4 ,seven times he was in bonds2 he was whipped1 was stoned2 he preached both in the ,east and in the ,west1 leaving behind him the glorious report of his faith2 and so having taught the whole world righteousness1 and for that end travelled even unto the utmost bounds of the ,west1 he at last suffered martyrdom by the command of the governors1 and departed out of the world1 and went unto his holy place1 being become a most eminent pattern of patience unto all ages4 ,to these holy apostles were joined a very great number of others1 who1 having through envy undergone1 in like manner1 many pains and torments1 have left a glorious example to us4 ,for this1 not only men1 but women1 have been persecuted2 and1 having suffered very grievous and cruel punishments1 have finished the course of their faith with firmness4 7,clem4 ad ,cor4 c4 v4 vi4 ,abp4 ,wake's ,trans47 ,hermas1 saluted by ,saint ,paul in his epistle to the ,romans1 in a piece very little connected with historical recitals1 thus speaks3 ,such as have believed and suffered death for the name of ,christ1 and have endured with a ready mind1 and have given up their lives with all their hearts4 7,shepherd of ,hermas1 c4 xxviii47 ,polycarp1 the disciple of ,john 7though all that remains of his works be a very short epistle71 has not left this subject unnoticed4 ,i exhort 7says he7 all of you1 that ye obey the word of righteousness1 and exercise all patience1 which ye have seen set forth before your eyes1 not only in the blessed ,ignatius1 and ,lorimus1 and ,rufus1 but in others among yourselves1 and in ,paul himself and the rest of the apostles2 being confident in this1 that all these have not run in vain1 but in faith and righteousness2 and are gone to the place that was due to them from the ,lord1 with whom also they suffered4 ,for they loved not this present world1 but him who died1 and was raised again by ,god for us4 7,pol4 ad ,phil c4 ix47 ,ignatius1 the contemporary of ,polycarp1 recognises the same topic1 briefly indeed1 but positively and precisely4 ,for this cause1 7i4 e4 having felt and handled ,christ's body at his resurrection1 and being convinced1 as ,ignatius expresses it1 both by his flesh and spirit17 they 7i4 e4 ,peter1 and those who were present with ,peter at ,christ's appearance7 despised death1 and were found to be above it4 7#ai4 ,ep4 ,smyr4 c4 iii47 ,would the reader know what a persecution in those days was1 ,i would refer him to a circular letter1 written by the church of ,smyrna soon after the death of ,polycarp1 who it will be remembered1 had lived with ,saint ,john2 and which letter is entitled a relation of that bishop's martyrdom4 ,the sufferings 7say they7 of all the other martyrs were blessed and generous1 which they underwent according to the will of ,god4 ,for so it becomes us1 who are more religious than others1 to ascribe the power and ordering of all things unto ,him4 ,and1 indeed1 who can choose but admire the greatness of their minds1 and that admirable patience and love of their ,master1 which then appeared in them8 ,who1 when they were so flayed with whipping that the frame and structure of their bodies were laid open to their very inward veins and arteries1 nevertheless endured it4 ,in like manner1 those who were condemned to the beasts1 and kept a long time in prison1 underwent many cruel torments1 being forced to lie upon sharp spikes laid under their bodies1 and tormented with divers other sorts of punishments2 that so1 if it were possible1 the tyrant1 by the length of their sufferings1 might have brought them to deny ,christ4 7,rel4 ,mor4 ,pol4 c4 ii47 ,,chapter ,v4 ,there is satisfactory evidence that many1 professing to be original witnesses of the ,christian miracles1 passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 ,on the history1 of which the last chapter contains an abstract1 there are a few observations which it may be proper to make1 by way of applying its testimony to the particular propositions for which we contend4 ,i4 ,although our ,scripture history leaves the general account of the apostles in an early part of the narrative1 and proceeds with the separate account of one particular apostle1 yet the information which it delivers so far extends to the rest1 as it shows the nature of the service4 ,when we see one apostle suffering persecution in the discharge of this commission1 we shall not believe1 without evidence1 that the same office could1 at the same time1 be attended with ease and safety to others4 ,and this fair and reasonable inference is confirmed by the direct attestation of the letters1 to which we have so often referred4 ,the writer of these letters not only alludes1 in numerous passages1 to his own sufferings1 but speaks of the rest of the apostles as enduring like sufferings with himself4 ,i think that ,god hath set forth us the apostles last1 as it were1 appointed to death2 for we are made a spectacle unto the world1 and to angels1 and to men2 even unto this present hour1 we both hunger and thirst1 and are naked1 and are buffeted1 and have no certain dwelling-place2 and labour1 working with our own hands3 being reviled1 we bless2 being persecuted1 we suffer it2 being defamed1 we entreat3 we are made as the filth of the earth1 and as the offscouring of all things unto this day4 7,i ,cor4 iv4 #i1 et seq47 ,add to which1 that in the short account that is given of the other apostles in the former part of the history1 and within the short period which that account comprises1 we find1 first1 two of them seized1 imprisoned1 brought before the ,sanhedrim1 and threatened with further punishment2 7,acts iv4 #c1 #ba47 then1 the whole number imprisoned and beaten2 7,acts v4 #ah1 #dj47 soon afterwards1 one of their adherents stoned to death1 and so hot a persecution raised against the sect as to drive most of them out of the place2 a short time only succeeding1 before one of the twelve was beheaded1 and another sentenced to the same fate2 and all this passing in the single city of ,jerusalem1 and within ten years after the ,founder's death1 and the commencement of the institution4 ,,ii4 ,we take no credit at present for the miraculous part of the narrative1 nor do we insist upon the correctness of single passages of it4 ,if the whole story be not a novel1 a romance2 the whole action a dream2 if ,peter1 and ,james1 and ,paul1 and the rest of the apostles mentioned in the account1 be not all imaginary persons2 if their letters be not all forgeries1 and1 what is more1 forgeries of names and characters which never existed2 then is there evidence in our hands sufficient to support the only fact we contend for 7and which1 ,i repeat again1 is1 in itself1 highly probable71 that the original followers of ,jesus ,christ exerted great endeavours to propagate his religion1 and underwent great labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 in consequence of their undertaking4 ,,iii4 ,the general reality of the apostolic history is strongly confirmed by the consideration1 that it1 in truth1 does no more than assign adequate causes for effects which certainly were produced2 and describe consequences naturally resulting from situations which certainly existed4 ,the effects were certainly there1 of which this history sets forth the cause1 and origin1 and progress4 ,it is acknowledged on all hands1 because it is recorded by other testimony than that of the ,christians themselves1 that the religion began to prevail at that time1 and in that country4 ,it is very difficult to conceive how it could begin without the exertions of the ,founder and his followers1 in propagating the new persuasion4 ,the history now in our hands describes these exertions1 the persons employed1 the means and endeavours made use of1 and the labours undertaken in the prosecution of this purpose4 ,again1 the treatment which the history represents the first propagators of the religion to have experienced was no other than what naturally resulted from the situation in which they were confessedly placed4 ,it is admitted that the religion was adverse1 in great degree1 to the reigning opinions1 and to the hopes and wishes of the nation to which it was first introduced2 and that it overthrew1 so far as it was received1 the established theology and worship of every other country4 ,we cannot feel much reluctance in believing that when the messengers of such a system went about not only publishing their opinions1 but collecting proselytes1 and forming regular societies of proselytes1 they should meet with opposition in their attempts1 or that this opposition should sometimes proceed to fatal extremities4 ,our history details examples of this opposition1 and of the sufferings and dangers which the emissaries of the religion underwent1 perfectly agreeable to what might reasonably be expected1 from the nature of their undertaking1 compared with the character of the age and country in which it was carried on4 ,,iv4 ,the records before us supply evidence of what formed another member of our general proposition1 and what1 as hath already been observed1 is highly probable1 and almost a necessary consequence of their new profession1 viz41 that1 together with activity and courage in propagating the religion1 the primitive followers of ,jesus assumed1 upon their conversion1 a new and peculiar course of private life4 ,immediately after their ,master was withdrawn from them1 we hear of their continuing with one accord in prayer and supplication2 7,acts i4 #ad47 of their continuing daily with one accord in the temple 7,acts ii4 #df47 ,of many being gathered together praying4 7,acts xii4 #ab47 ,we know that strict instructions were laid upon the converts by their teachers4 ,wherever they came1 the first word of their preaching was1 ,repent6 ,we know that these injunctions obliged them to refrain from many species of licentiousness1 which were not1 at that time1 reputed criminal4 ,we know the rules of purity1 and the maxims of benevolence1 which ,christians read in their books2 concerning which rules it is enough to observe1 that1 if they were1 ,i will not say completely obeyed1 but in any degree regarded1 they could produce a system of conduct1 and1 what is more difficult to preserve1 a disposition of mind1 and a regulation of affections1 different from anything to which they had hitherto been accustomed1 and different from what they would see in others4 ,the change and distinction of manners1 which resulted from their new character1 is perpetually referred to in the letters of their teachers4 ,and you hath he quickened1 who were dead in trespasses and sins1 wherein in times past ye walked1 according to the course of this world1 according to the prince of the power of the air1 the ,spirit that now worketh in the children of disobedience2 among whom also we all had our conversation in times past1 in the lusts of our flesh1 fulfilling the desires of the flesh1 and of the mind1 and were by nature the children of wrath1 even as others4 7,eph4 ii #a-c4 ,see also ,tit4 iii4 #c47--;,for the time past of our life may suffice us to have wrought the will of the ,gentiles1 when we walked in lasciviousness1 lusts1 excess of wine1 revellings1 banquetings1 and abominable idolatries2 wherein they think it strange that ye run not with them to the same excess of riot4 7#a ,pet4 iv4 #c1 #d47 ,saint ,paul1 in his first letter to the ,corinthians1 after enumerating1 as his manner was1 a catalogue of vicious characters1 adds1 ,such were some of you2 but ye are washed1 but ye are sanctified4 7#a ,cor4 vi4 #aa47 ,in like manner1 and alluding to the same change of practices and sentiments1 he asked the ,roman ,christians1 what fruit they had in those things1 whereof they are now ashamed8 7,rom4 vi4 #ba47 ,the phrases which the same writer employs to describe the moral condition of ,christians1 compared with their condition before they became ,christians1 such as newness of life1 being freed from sin1 being dead to sin2 the destruction of the body of sin1 that1 for the future1 they should not serve sin2 children of light and of the day1 as opposed to children of darkness and of the night2 not sleeping as others2 imply1 at least1 a new system of obligation1 and1 probably1 a new series of conduct1 commencing with their conversion4 ,the testimony which ,pliny bears to the behaviour of the new sect in his time1 and which testimony comes not more than fifty years after that of ,st4 ,paul1 is very applicable to the subject under consideration4 ,the character which this writer gives of the ,christians of that age1 and which was drawn from a pretty accurate inquiry1 because he considered their moral principles as the point in which the magistrate was interested1 is as follows3--,he tells the emperor1 that some of those who had relinquished the society1 or who1 to save themselves1 pretended that they had relinquished it1 affirmed that they were wont to meet together on a stated day1 before it was light1 and sang among themselves alternately a hymn to ,christ as a ,god2 and to bind themselves by an oath1 not to the commission of any wickedness1 but that they would not be guilty of theft1 or robbery1 or adultery2 that they would never falsify their word1 or deny a pledge committed to them1 when called upon to return it4 ,this proves that a morality1 more pure and strict than was ordinary1 prevailed at that time in ,christian societies4 ,and to me it appears1 that we are authorised to carry his testimony back to the age of the apostles2 because it is not probable that the immediate hearers and disciples of ,christ were more relaxed than their successors in ,pliny's time1 or the missionaries of the religion than those whom they taught4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,there is satisfactory evidence that many professing to be original witnesses of the ,christian miracles1 passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 ,when we consider1 first1 the prevalency of the religion at this hour2 secondly1 the only credible account which can be given of its origin1 viz4 the activity of the ,founder and his associates2 thirdly1 the opposition which that activity must naturally have excited2 fourthly1 the fate of the ,founder of the religion1 attested by heathen writers1 as well as our own2 fifthly1 the testimony of the same writers to the sufferings of ,christians1 either contemporary with1 or immediately succeeding1 the original settlers of the institution2 sixthly1 predictions of the suffering of his followers ascribed to the ,founder of the religion1 which ascription alone proves1 either that such predictions were delivered and fulfilled1 or that the writers of ,christ's life were induced by the event to attribute such predictions to him2 seventhly1 letters now in our possession1 written by some of the principal agents in the transaction1 referring expressly to extreme labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 sustained by themselves and their companions2 lastly1 a history purporting to be written by a fellow-traveller of one of the new teachers1 and1 by its unsophisticated correspondency with letters of that person still extant1 proving itself to be written by some one well acquainted with the subject of the narrative1 which history contains accounts of travels1 persecutions1 and martyrdoms1 answering to what the former reasons lead us to expect3 when we lay together these considerations1 which taken separately are1 ,i think correctly such as ,i have stated them in the preceding chapters1 there cannot much doubt remain upon our minds but that a number of persons at that time appeared in the world1 publicly advancing an extraordinary story1 and for the sake of propagating the belief of that story1 voluntarily incurring great personal dangers1 traversing seas and kingdoms1 exerting great industry1 and sustaining great extremities of ill usage and persecution4 ,it is also proved that the same persons1 in consequence of their persuasion1 or pretended persuasion1 of the truth of what they asserted1 entered upon a course of life in many respects new and singular4 ,from the clear and acknowledged parts of the case1 ,i think it to be likewise in the highest degree probable1 that the story for which these persons voluntarily exposed themselves to the fatigues and hardships which they endured was a miraculous story2 ,i mean1 that they pretended to miraculous evidence of some kind or other4 ,they had nothing else to stand upon4 ,the designation of the person1 that is to say1 that ,jesus of ,nazareth1 rather than any other person1 was the ,messiah1 and as such the subject of their ministry1 could only be founded upon supernatural tokens attributed to him4 ,here were no victories1 no conquests1 no revolutions1 no surprising elevation of fortune1 no achievements of valour1 of strength1 or of policy1 to appeal to2 no discoveries in any art or science1 no great efforts of genius or learning to produce4 ,a ,galilean peasant was announced to the world as a divine lawgiver4 ,a young man of mean condition1 of a private and simple life1 and who had wrought no deliverance for the ,jewish nation1 was declared to be their ,messiah4 ,this1 without ascribing to him at the same time some proofs of his mission1 7and what other but supernatural proofs could there be87 was too absurd a claim to be either imagined1 or attempted1 or credited4 ,in whatever degree1 or in whatever part1 the religion was argumentative1 when it came to the question1 ,is the carpenter's son of ,nazareth the person whom we are to receive and obey8 there was nothing but the miracles attributed to him by which his pretensions could be maintained for a moment4 ,every controversy and every question must presuppose these3 for1 however such controversies1 when they did arise1 might and naturally would1 be discussed upon their own grounds of argumentation1 without citing the miraculous evidence which had been asserted to attend the ,founder of the religion 7which would have been to enter upon another1 and a more general question71 yet we are to bear in mind1 that without previously supposing the existence or the pretence of such evidence1 there could have been no place for the discussion of the argument at all4 ,thus1 for example1 whether the prophecies1 which the ,jews interpreted to belong to the ,messiah1 were or were not applicable to the history of ,jesus of ,nazareth1 was a natural subject of debate in those times2 and the debate would proceed without recurring at every turn to his miracles1 because it set out with supposing these2 inasmuch as without miraculous marks and tokens 7real or pretended71 or without some such great change effected by his means in the public condition of the country1 as might have satisfied the then received interpretation of these prophecies1 ,i do not see how the question could ever have been entertained4 ,apollos1 we read1 mightily convinced the ,jews1 showing by the ,scriptures that ,jesus was ,christ2 7,acts xviii4 #bh47 but unless ,jesus had exhibited some distinction of his person1 some proof of supernatural power1 the argument from the old ,scriptures could have had no place4 ,it had nothing to attach upon4 ,a young man calling himself the ,son of ,god1 gathering a crowd about him1 and delivering to them lectures of morality1 could not have excited so much as a doubt among the ,jews1 whether he was the object in whom a long series of ancient prophecies terminated1 from the completion of which they had formed such magnificent expectations1 and expectations of a nature so opposite to what appeared2 ,i mean no such doubt could exist when they had the whole case before them1 when they saw him put to death for his officiousness1 and when by his death the evidence concerning him was closed4 ,again1 the effect of the ,messiah's coming1 supposing ,jesus to have been he1 upon ,jews1 upon ,gentiles1 upon their relation to each other1 upon their acceptance with ,god1 upon their duties and their expectations2 his nature1 authority1 office1 and agency2 were likely to become subjects of much consideration with the early votaries of the religion1 and to occupy their attention and writings4 ,i should not however expect1 that in these disquisitions1 whether preserved in the form of letters1 speeches1 or set treatises1 frequent or very direct mention of his miracles would occur4 ,still1 miraculous evidence lay at the bottom of the argument4 ,in the primary question1 miraculous pretensions and miraculous pretensions alone1 were what they had to rely upon4 ,that the original story was miraculous1 is very fairly also inferred from the miraculous powers which were laid claim to by the ,christians of succeeding ages4 ,if the accounts of these miracles be true1 it was a continuation of the same powers2 if they be false1 it was an imitation1 ,i will not say of what had been wrought1 but of what had been reported to have been wrought1 by those who preceded them4 ,that imitation should follow reality1 fiction should be grafted upon truth2 that1 if miracles were performed at first1 miracles should be pretended afterwards2 agrees so well with the ordinary course of human affairs1 that we can have no great difficulty in believing it4 ,the contrary supposition is very improbable1 namely1 that miracles should be pretended to by the followers of the apostles and first emissaries of the religion1 when none were pretended to1 either in their own persons or that of their ,master1 by these apostles and emissaries themselves4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,there is satisfactory evidence that many1 professing to be original witnesses of the ,christian miracles1 passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 ,it being then once proved1 that the first propagators of the ,christian institution did exert activity1 and subject themselves to great dangers and sufferings1 in consequence and for the sake of an extraordinary and1 ,i think1 we may say1 of a miraculous story of some kind or other2 the next great question is1 whether the account1 which our ,scriptures contain1 be that story2 that which these men delivered1 and for which they acted and suffered as they did8 ,this question is1 in effect1 no other than whether the story which ,christians have now be the story which ,christians had then8 ,and of this the following proofs may be deduced from general considerations1 and from considerations prior to any inquiry into the particular reasons and testimonies by which the authority of our histories is supported4 ,in the first place1 there exists no trace or vestige of any other story4 ,it is not1 like the death of ,cyrus the ,great1 a competition between opposite accounts1 or between the credit of different historians4 ,there is not a document1 or scrap of account1 either contemporary with the commencement of ,christianity1 or extant within many ages afar that commencement1 which assigns a history substantially different from ours4 ,the remote1 brief1 and incidental notices of the affair which are found in heathen writers1 so far as they do go1 go along with us4 ,they bear testimony to these facts--that the institution originated from ,jesus2 that the ,founder was put to death1 as a malefactor1 at ,jerusalem1 by the authority of the ,roman governor1 ,pontius ,pilate2 that the religion nevertheless spread in that city1 and throughout ,judea2 and that it was propagated thence to distant countries2 that the converts were numerous2 that they suffered great hardships and injuries for their profession2 and that all this took place in the age of the world which our books have assigned4 ,they go on1 further1 to describe the manners of ,christians in terms perfectly conformable to the accounts extant in our books2 that they were wont to assemble on a certain day2 that they sang hymns to ,christ as to a ,god2 that they bound themselves by an oath not to commit any crime1 but to abstain from theft and adultery1 to adhere strictly to their promises1 and not to deny money deposited in their hands299 that they worshipped him who was crucified in ,palestine2 that this their first lawgiver had taught them that they were all brethren2 that they had a great contempt for the things of this world1 and looked upon them as common2 that they flew to one another's relief2 that they cherished strong hopes of immortality2 that they despised death1 and surrendered themselves to sufferings4 99 ,see ,pliny's ,letter--,bonnet1 in his lively way of expressing himself1 says1--,comparing ,pliny's ,letter with the account of the ,acts1 it seems to me that ,i had not taken up another author1 but that ,i was still reading the historian of that extraordinary society4 ,this is strong2 but there is undoubtedly an affinity1 and all the affinity that could be expected4 ,it is incredible1 what expedition they use when any of their friends are known to be in trouble4 ,in a word1 they spare nothing upon such an occasion2--for these miserable men have no doubt they shall be immortal and live for ever2 therefore they contemn death1 and many surrender themselves to sufferings4 ,moreover1 their first lawgiver has taught them that they are all brethren1 when once they have turned and renounced the gods of the ,greeks1 and worship this ,master of theirs who was crucified1 and engage to live according to his laws4 ,they have also a sovereign contempt for all the things of this world1 and look upon them as common4 ,lucian1 de ,morte ,peregrini1 t4 i4 p4 #efe1 ed4 ,graev4 ,this is the account of writers who viewed the subject at a great distance2 who were uninformed and uninterested about it4 ,it bears the characters of such an account upon the face of it1 because it describes effects1 namely the appearance in the world of a new religion1 and the conversion of great multitudes to it1 without descending1 in the smallest degree1 to the detail of the transaction upon which it was founded1 the interior of the institution1 the evidence or arguments offered by those who drew over others to it4 ,yet still here is no contradiction of our story2 no other or different story set up against it3 but so far a confirmation of it as that1 in the general points on which the heathen account touches1 it agrees with that which we find in our own books4 ,the same may be observed of the very few ,jewish writers of that and the adjoining period1 which have come down to us4 ,whatever they omit1 or whatever difficulties we may find in explaining the omission1 they advance no other history of the transaction than that which we acknowledge4 ,josephus1 who wrote his ,antiquities1 or ,history of the ,jews1 about sixty years after the commencement of ,christianity1 in a passage generally admitted as genuine1 makes mention of ,john under the name of ,john the ,baptist2 that he was a preacher of virtue2 that he baptized his proselytes2 that he was well received by the people2 that he was imprisoned and put to death by ,herod2 and that ,herod lived in a criminal cohabitation with ,herodias1 his brother's wife4 7,antiq4 ,i4 xviii4 cap4 v4 sect4 #a1 #b47 ,in another passage allowed by many1 although not without considerable question being moved about it1 we hear of ,james1 the brother of him who was called ,jesus1 and of his being put to death4 7,antiq4 ,i4 xx4 cap4 ix4 sect4 #a47 ,in a third passage1 extant in every copy that remains of ,josephus's history1 but the authenticity of which has nevertheless been long disputed1 we have an explicit testimony to the substance of our history in these words3--,at that time lived ,jesus1 a wise man1 if he may be called a man1 for he performed many wonderful works4 ,he was a teacher of such men as received the truth with pleasure4 ,he drew over to him many ,jews and ,gentiles4 ,this was the ,christ2 and when ,pilate1 at the instigation of the chief men among us had condemned him to the cross1 they who before had conceived an affection for him did not cease to adhere to him2 for1 on the third day1 he appeared to them alive again1 the divine prophets having foretold these and many wonderful things concerning him4 ,and the sect of the ,christians1 so called from him1 subsists to this time4 7,antiq4 ,i4 xviii4 cap4 iii4 sect #c47 ,whatever become of the controversy concerning the genuineness of this passage2 whether ,josephus go the whole length of our history1 which1 if the passage be sincere1 he does2 or whether he proceed only a very little way with us1 which1 if the passage be rejected1 we confess to be the case2 still what we asserted is true1 that he gives no other or different history of the subject from ours1 no other or different account of the origin of the institution4 ,and ,i think also that it may with great reason be contended1 either that the passage is genuine1 or that the silence of ,josephus was designed4 ,for1 although we should lay aside the authority of our own books entirely1 yet when ,tacitus1 who wrote not twenty1 perhaps not ten1 years after ,josephus1 in his account of a period in which ,josephus was nearly thirty years of age1 tells us1 that a vast multitude of ,christians were condemned at ,rome2 that they derived their denomination from ,christ1 who1 in the reign of ,tiberius1 was put to death1 as a criminal1 by the procurator1 ,pontius ,pilate2 that the superstition had spread not only over ,judea1 the source of the evil but it had reached ,rome also3--when ,suetonius1 an historian contemporary with ,tacitus1 relates that1 in the time of ,claudius1 the ,jews were making disturbances at ,rome1 ,christus being their leader3 and that1 during the reign of ,nero1 the ,christians were punished2 under both which emperors ,josephus lived3 when ,pliny1 who wrote his celebrated epistle not more than thirty years after the publication of ,josephus's history1 found the ,christians in such numbers in the province of ,bithynia as to draw from him a complaint that the contagion had seized cities1 towns1 and villages1 and had so seized them as to produce a general desertion of the public rites2 and when1 as has already been observed1 there is no reason for imagining that the ,christians were more numerous in ,bithynia than in many other parts of the ,roman empire2 it cannot1 ,i should suppose1 after this1 be believed1 that the religion1 and the transaction upon which it was founded1 were too obscure to engage the attention of ,josephus1 or to obtain a place in his history4 ,perhaps he did not know how to represent the business1 and disposed of his difficulties by passing it over in silence4 ,eusebius wrote the life of ,constantine1 yet omits entirely the most remarkable circumstance in that life1 the death of his son ,crispus2 undoubtedly for the reason here given4 ,the reserve of ,josephus upon the subject of ,christianity appears also in his passing over the banishment of the ,jews by ,claudius1 which ,suetonius1 we have seen1 has recorded with an express reference to ,christ4 ,this is at least as remarkable as his silence about the infants of ,bethlehem499 ,be1 however1 the fact1 or the cause of the omission in ,josephus1 what it may1 no other or different history on the subject has been given by him1 or is pretended to have been given4 99 ,michaelis has computed1 and1 as it should seem1 fairly enough2 that probably not more than twenty children perished by this cruel precaution4 ,michaelis's ,introduction to the ,new ,testament1 translated by ,marsh2 vol4 i4 c4 ii4 sect4 #aa4 ,there is no notice taken of ,christianity in the ,mishna1 a collection of ,jewish traditions compiled about the year #ahj2 although it contains a ,tract ,de cultu peregrino1 of strange or idolatrous worship2 yet it cannot be disputed but that ,christianity was perfectly well known in the world at this time4 ,there is extremely little notice of the subject in the ,jerusalem ,talmud1 compiled about the year #cjj1 and not much more in the ,babylonish ,talmud1 of the year #ejj2 although both these works are of a religions nature1 and although1 when the first was compiled1 ,christianity was on the point of becoming the religion of the state1 and1 when the latter was published1 had been so for #bjj years4 ,but further2 the whole series of ,christian writers1 from the first age of the institution down to the present1 in their discussions1 apologies1 arguments1 and controversies1 proceed upon the general story which our ,scriptures contain1 and upon no other4 ,the main facts1 the principal agents1 are alike in all4 ,this argument will appear to be of great force1 when it is known that we are able to trace back the series of writers to a contact with the historical books of the ,new ,testament1 and to the age of the first emissaries of the religion1 and to deduce it1 by an unbroken continuation1 from that end of the train to the present4 ,the remaining letters of the apostles1 7and what more original than their letters can we have87 though written without the remotest design of transmitting the history of ,christ1 or of ,christianity1 to future ages1 or even of making it known to their contemporaries1 incidentally disclose to us the following circumstances3--,christ's descent and family2 his innocence2 the meekness and gentleness of his character 7a recognition which goes to the whole ,gospel history72 his exalted nature2 his circumcision2 his transfiguration2 his life of opposition and suffering2 his patience and resignation2 the appointment of the ,eucharist1 and the manner of it2 his agony2 his confession before ,pontius ,pilate2 his stripes1 crucifixion1 and burial2 his resurrection2 his appearance after it1 first to ,peter1 then to the rest of the apostles2 his ascension into heaven2 and his designation to be the future judge of mankind2 the stated residence of the apostles at ,jerusalem2 the working of miracles by the first preachers of the ,gospel1 who were also the hearers of ,christ299 the successful propagation of the religion2 the persecution of its followers2 the miraculous conversion of ,paul2 miracles wrought by himself1 and alleged in his controversies with his adversaries1 and in letters to the persons amongst whom they were wrought2 finally1 that ,,miracles were the signs of an apostle4 99 ,heb4 ii4 #c4 ,how shall we escape1 if we neglect so great salvation1 which1 at the first1 began to be spoken by the ,lord1 and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him1 ,god also be bearing them witness1 both with signs and wonders1 and with divers miracles1 and gifts of the ,holy ,ghost8 ,i allege this epistle without hesitation2 for1 whatever doubts may have been raised about its author1 there can be none concerning the age in which it was written4 ,no epistle in the collection carries about it more indubitable marks of antiquity than this does4 ,it speaks for instance1 throughout1 of the temple as then standing and of the worship of the temple as then subsisting4--,heb4 viii4 #d3 ,for1 if he were on earth1 he should not be a priest1 seeing there are priests that offer according to the law4--,again1 ,heb4 xiii4 #aj3 ,we have an altar whereof they have no right to eat which serve the tabernacle4 ,truly the signs of as apostle were wraught among you in all patience1 in signs1 and wonders1 and mighty deeds4' #b ,cor4 xii4 #ab4 ,in an epistle bearing the name of ,barnabas1 the companion of ,paul1 probably genuine1 certainly belonging to that age1 we have the sufferings of ,christ1 his choice of apostles and their number1 his passion1 the scarlet robe1 the vinegar and gall1 the mocking and piercing1 the casting lots for his coat1 7,ep4 ,bar4 c4 vii47 his resurrection on the eighth1 7i4 e4 the first day of the week1,ep4 ,bar4 c4 vi47 and the commemorative distinction of that day1 his manifestation after his resurrection1 and1 lastly1 his ascension4 ,we have also his miracles generally but positively referred to in the following words3--,finally1 teaching the people of ,israel1 and doing many wonders and signs among them1 he preached to them1 and showed the exceeding great love which he bare towards them4 7,ep4 ,bar4 c4 v47 ,in an epistle of ,clement1 a hearer of ,st4 ,paul1 although written for a purpose remotely connected with the ,christian history1 we have the resurrection of ,christ1 and the subsequent mission of the apostles1 recorded in these satisfactory terms3 ,the apostles have preached to us from our ,lord ,jesus ,christ from ,god3--,for1 having received their command1 and being thoroughly assured by the resurrection of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 they went abroad1 publishing that the kingdom of ,god was at hand4 7,ep4 ,clem4 ,rom4 c4 xlii47 ,we find noticed1 also1 the humility1 yet the power of ,christ1 7,ep4 ,clem4 ,rom4 c4 xvi47 his descent from ,abraham--his crucifixion4 ,we have ,peter and ,paul represented as faithful and righteous pillars of the church2 the numerous sufferings of ,peter2 the bonds1 stripes1 and stoning of ,paul1 and more particularly his extensive and unwearied travels4 ,in an epistle of ,polycarp1 a disciple of ,st4 ,john1 though only a brief hortatory letter1 we have the humility1 patience1 sufferings1 resurrection1 and ascension of ,christ1 together with the apostolic character of ,st4 ,paul1 distinctly recognised4 7,pol4 ,ep4 ,ad ,phil4 ,c4 v4 viii4 ii4 iii47 ,of this same father we are also assured1 by ,irenaeus1 that he 7,irenaeus7 had heard him relate1 what he had received from eye-witnesses concerning the ,lord1 both concerning his miracles and his doctrine4 7,ir4 ad ,flor4 #a ap4 ,euseb4 l4 v4 c4 #bj47 ,in the remaining works of ,ignatius1 the contemporary of ,polycarp1 larger than those of ,polycarp1 7yet1 like those of ,polycarp1 treating of subjects in nowise leading to any recital of the ,christian history17 the occasional allusions are proportionably more numerous4 ,the descent of ,christ from ,david1 his mother ,mary1 his miraculous conception1 the star at his birth1 his baptism by ,john1 the reason assigned for it1 his appeal to the prophets1 the ointment poured on his head1 his sufferings under ,pontius ,pilate and ,herod the tetrarch1 his resurrection1 the ,lord's day called and kept in commemoration of it1 and the ,eucharist1 in both its ,parts1--are unequivocally referred to4 ,upon the resurrection1 this writer is even circumstantial4 ,he mentions the apostles' eating and drinking with ,christ after he had risen1 their feeling and their handling him2 from which last circumstance ,ignatius raises this just reflection2--,they believed1 being convinced both by his flesh and spirit2 for this cause1 they despised death1 and were found to be above it4 7,ad ,smyr4 c4 iii47 ,quadratus1 of the same age with ,ignatius1 has left us the following noble testimony3--,the works of our ,saviour were always conspicuous1 for they were real2 both those that were healed1 and those that were raised from the dead2 who were seen not only when they were healed or raised1 but for a long time afterwards2 not only whilst he dwelled on this earth1 but also after his departure1 and for a good while after it1 insomuch that some of them have reached to our times4 7,ap4 ,euseb4 ,h4 ,e4 l4 iv4 c4 #c47 ,justin ,martyr came little more than thirty years after ,quadratus4 ,from ,justin's works1 which are still extant1 might be collected a tolerably complete account of ,christ's life1 in all points agreeing with that which is delivered in our ,scriptures2 taken indeed1 in a great measure1 from those ,scriptures1 but still proving that this account1 and no other1 was the account known and extant in that age4 ,the miracles in particular1 which form the part of ,christ's history most material to be traced1 stand fully and distinctly recognised in the following passage3--,he healed those who had been blind1 and deaf1 and lame from their birth2 causing1 by his word1 one to leap1 another to hear1 and a third to see3 and1 by raising the dead1 and making them to live1 he induced1 by his works1 the men of that age to know him4 7,just4 ,dial4 cum ,tryph4 p4 #bhh1 ed4 ,thirl47 ,it is unnecessary to carry these citations lower1 because the history1 after this time1 occurs in ancient ,christian writings as familiarly as it is wont to do in modern sermons2--occurs always the same in substance1 and always that which our evangelists represent4 ,this is not only true of those writings of ,christians which are genuine1 and of acknowledged authority2 but it is1 in a great measure1 true of all their ancient writings which remain2 although some of these may have been erroneously ascribed to authors to whom they did not belong1 or may contain false accounts1 or may appear to be undeserving of credit1 or never indeed to have obtained any4 ,whatever fables they have mixed with the narrative1 they preserve the material parts1 the leading facts1 as we have them2 and1 so far as they do this1 although they be evidence of nothing else1 they are evidence that these points were fixed1 were received and acknowledged by all ,christians in the ages in which the books were written4 ,at least1 it may be asserted1 that1 in the places where we were most likely to meet with such things1 if such things had existed1 no reliques appear of any story substantially different from the present1 as the cause1 or as the pretence1 of the institution4 ,now that the original story1 the story delivered by the first preachers of the institution1 should have died away so entirely as to have left no record or memorial of its existence1 although so many records and memorials of the time and transaction remain2 and that another story should have stepped into its place1 and gained exclusive possession of the belief of all who professed1 themselves disciples of the institution1 is beyond any example of the corruption of even oral tradition1 and still less consistent with the experience of written history3 and this improbability1 which is very great1 is rendered still greater by the reflection1 that no such change as the oblivion of one story1 and the substitution of another1 took place in any future period of the ,christian aera4 ,christianity hath travelled through dark and turbulent ages2 nevertheless it came out of the cloud and the storm1 such1 in substance1 as it entered in4 ,many additions were made to the primitive history1 and these entitled to different degrees of credit2 many doctrinal errors also were from time to time grafted into the public creed2 but still the original story remained1 and remained the same4 ,in all its principal parts1 it has been fixed from the beginning4 ,thirdly3 ,the religious rites and usages that prevailed amongst the early disciples of ,christianity were such as belonged to1 and sprung out of1 the narrative now in our hands2 which accordancy shows1 that it was the narrative upon which these persons acted1 and which they had received from their teachers4 ,our account makes the ,founder of the religion direct that his disciples should be baptized3 we know that the first ,christians were baptized1 ,our account makes him direct that they should hold religious assemblies3 we find that they did hold religious assemblies4 ,our accounts make the apostles assemble upon a stated day of the week3 we find1 and that from information perfectly independent of our accounts1 that the ,christians of the first century did observe stated days of assembling4 ,our histories record the institution of the rite which we call the ,lord's ,supper1 and a command to repeat it in perpetual succession3 we find1 amongst the early ,christians1 the celebration of this rite universal4 ,and1 indeed1 we find concurring in all the above-mentioned observances1 ,christian societies of many different nations and languages1 removed from one another by a great distance of place and dissimilitude of situation4 ,it is also extremely material to remark1 that there is no room for insinuating that our books were fabricated with a studious accommodation to the usages which obtained at the time they were written2 that the authors of the books found the usages established1 and framed the story to account for their original4 ,the ,scripture accounts1 especially of the ,lord's ,supper1 are too short and cursory1 not to say too obscure1 and in this view1 deficient1 to allow a place for any such suspicion499 99 ,the reader who is conversant in these researches1 by comparing the short ,scripture accounts of the ,christian rites above-mentioned with the minute and circumstantial directions contained in the pretended apostolical constitutions1 will see the force of this observation2 the difference between truth and forgery4 ,amongst the proofs of the truth of our proposition1 viz4 ,that the story which we have now is1 in substance1 the story which the ,christians had then1 or1 in other words1 that the accounts in our ,gospels are1 as to their principal parts1 at least1 the accounts which the apostles and original teachers of the religion delivered1 one arises from observing1 that it appears by the ,gospels themselves that the story was public at the time2 that the ,christian community was already in possession of the substance and principal parts of the narrative4 ,the ,gospels were not the original cause of the ,christian history being believed1 but were themselves among the consequences of that belief4 ,this is expressly affirmed by ,saint ,luke1 in his brief1 but1 as ,i think1 very important and instructive preface3--,forasmuch 7says the evangelist7 as many have taken in hand to set forth in order a declaration of those things which are most surely believed amongst us1 even as they delivered them unto us1 which1 from the beginning1 were eye-witnesses and ministers of the word2 it seemed good to me also1 having had perfect understanding of all things from the very first1 to write unto thee in order1 most excellent ,theophilus1 that thou mightest know the certainty of those things wherein thou hast been instructed4--,this short introduction testifies1 that the substance of the history which the evangelist was about to write was already believed by ,christians2 that it was believed upon the declarations of eye-witnesses and ministers of the word2 that it formed the account of their religion in which ,christians were instructed2 that the office which the historian proposed to himself was to trace each particular to its origin1 and to fix the certainty of many things which the reader had before heard of4 ,in ,saint ,john's ,gospel the same point appears hence1 that there are some principal facts to which the historian refers1 but which he does not relate4 ,a remarkable instance of this kind is the ascension1 which is not mentioned by ,st4 ,john in its place1 at the conclusion of his history1 but which is plainly referred to in the following words of the sixth chapter2 ,what and if ye shall see the ,son of man ascend up where he was before8 7,also ,john iii4 #ca2 and xvi4 #bh47 ,and still more positively in the words which ,christ1 according to our evangelist1 spoke to ,mary after his resurrection1 ,touch me not1 for ,i am not yet ascended to my ,father3 but go unto my brethren1 and say unto them1 ,i ascend unto my ,father and your ,father1 unto my ,god and your ,god4 7,john xx4 #ag47 ,this can only be accounted for by the supposition that ,st4 ,john wrote under a sense of the notoriety of ,christ's ascension1 among those by whom his book was likely to be read4 ,the same account must also be given of ,saint ,matthew's omission of the same important fact4 ,the thing was very well known1 and it did not occur to the historian that it was necessary to add any particulars concerning it4 ,it agrees also with this solution1 and with no other1 that neither ,matthew nor ,john disposes of the person of our ,lord in any manner whatever4 ,other intimations in ,st4 ,john's ,gospel of the then general notoriety of the story are the following3 ,his manner of introducing his narrative 7ch4 i4 ver4 #ae47--;,john bare witness of him1 and cried1 saying evidently presupposes that his readers knew who ,john was4 ,his rapid parenthetical reference to ,john's imprisonment1 for ,john was not yet cast into prison1 7,john iii1 #bd47 could only come from a writer whose mind was in the habit of considering ,john's imprisonment as perfectly notorious4 ,the description of ,andrew by the addition ,simon ,peter's brother1 7,john i4 #dj47 takes it for granted1 that ,simon ,peter was well known4 ,his name had not been mentioned before4 ,the evangelist's noticing the prevailing misconstruction of a discourse1 7,john xxi4 #bd47 which ,christ held with the beloved disciple1 proves that the characters and the discourse were already public4 ,and the observation which these instances afford is of equal validity for the purpose of the present argument1 whoever were the authors of the histories4 ,these four circumstances3--first1 the recognition of the account in its principal parts by a series of succeeding writers2 secondly1 the total absence of any account of the origin of the religion substantially different from ours2 thirdly1 the early and extensive prevalence of rites and institutions1 which resulted from our account2 fourthly1 our account bearing in its construction proof that it is an account of facts which were known and believed at the time1 are sufficient1 ,i conceive1 to support an assurance1 that the story which we have now is1 in general1 the story which ,christians had at the beginning4 ,i say in general2 by which term ,i mean1 that it is the same in its texture1 and in its principal facts4 ,for instance1 ,i make no doubt1 for the reasons above stated1 but that the resurrection of the ,founder of the religion was always a part of the ,christian story4 ,nor can a doubt of this remain upon the mind of any one who reflects that the resurrection is1 in some form or other1 asserted1 referred to1 or assumed1 in every ,christian writing1 of every description which hath come down to us4 ,and if our evidence stopped here1 we should have a strong case to offer3 for we should have to allege1 that in the reign of ,tiberius ,caesar1 a certain number of persons set about an attempt of establishing a new religion in the world3 in the prosecution of which purpose1 they voluntarily encountered great dangers1 undertook great labours1 sustained great sufferings1 all for a miraculous story1 which they published wherever they came2 and that the resurrection of a dead man1 whom during his life they had followed and accompanied1 was a constant part of this story4 ,i know nothing in the above statement which can1 with any appearance of reason1 be disputed2 and ,i know nothing1 in the history of the human species1 similar to it4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,there is satisfactory evidence that many1 professing to be original witnesses of the ,christian miracles1 passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 ,that the story which we have now is1 in the main1 the story which the apostles published1 is1 ,i think1 nearly certain1 from the considerations which have been proposed4 ,but whether1 when we come to the particulars1 and the detail of the narrative1 the historical books of the ,new ,testament be deserving of credit as histories1 so that a fact ought to be accounted true1 because it is found in them2 or whether they are entitled to be considered as representing the accounts which1 true or false1 the apostles published2 whether their authority1 in either of these views1 can be trusted to1 is a point which necessarily depends upon what we know of the books1 and of their authors4 ,now1 in treating of this part of our argument1 the first and most material observation upon the subject is1 that such was the situation of the authors to whom the four ,gospels are ascribed1 that1 if any one of the four be genuine1 it is sufficient for our purpose4 ,the received author of the first was an original apostle and emissary of the religion4 ,the received author of the second was an inhabitant of ,jerusalem1 at the time1 to whose house the apostles were wont to resort1 and himself an attendant upon one of the most eminent of that number4 ,the received author of the third was a stated companion and fellow-traveller of the most active of all the teachers of the religion1 and1 in the course of his travels1 frequently in the society of the original apostles4 ,the received author of the fourth1 as well as of the first1 was one of these apostles4 ,no stronger evidence of the truth of a history can arise from the situation of the historian than what is here offered4 ,the authors of all the histories lived at the time and upon the spot4 ,the authors of two of the histories were present at many of the scenes which they describe2 eye-witnesses of the facts1 ear-witnesses of the discourses2 writing from personal knowledge and recollection2 and1 what strengthens their testimony1 writing upon a subject in which their minds were deeply engaged1 and in which1 as they must have been very frequently repeating the accounts to others1 the passages of the history would be kept continually alive in their memory4 ,whoever reads the ,gospels 7and they ought to be read for this particular purpose7 will find in them not merely a general affirmation of miraculous powers1 but detailed circumstantial accounts of miracles1 with specifications of time1 place1 and persons2 and these accounts many and various4 ,in the ,gospels1 therefore1 which bear the names of ,matthew and ,john1 these narratives1 if they really proceeded from these men1 must either be true as far as the fidelity of human recollection is usually to be depended upon1 that is1 must be true in substance and in their principal parts1 7which is sufficient for the purpose of proving a supernatural agency17 or they must be wilful and mediated falsehoods4 ,yet the writers who fabricated and uttered these falsehoods1 if they be such1 are of the number of those who1 unless the whole contexture of the ,christian story be a dream1 sacrificed their ease and safety in the cause1 and for a purpose the most inconsistent that is possible with dishonest intentions4 ,they were villains for no end but to teach honesty1 and martyrs without the least prospect of honour or advantage4 ,the ,gospels which bear the names of ,mark and ,luke1 although not the narratives of eye-witnesses1 are1 if genuine1 removed from that only by one degree4 ,they are the narratives of contemporary writers1 or writers themselves mixing with the business2 one of the two probably living in the place which was the principal scene of action2 both living in habits of society and correspondence with those who had been present at the transactions which they relate4 ,the latter of them accordingly tells us 7and with apparent sincerity1 because he tells it without pretending to personal knowledge1 and without claiming for his work greater authority than belonged to it7 that the things which were believed amount ,christians came from those who from the beginning were eye-witnesses and ministers of the word2 that he had traced accounts up to their source2 and that he was prepared to instruct his reader in the certainty of the things which he related499 ,very few histories lie so close to their facts2 very few historians are so nearly connected with the subject of their narrative1 or possess such means of authentic information1 as these4 99 ,why should not the candid and modest preface of this historian be believed1 as well as that which ,dion ,cassius prefixes to his ,life of ,commodus8 ,these things and the following ,i write1 not from the report of others1 but from my own knowledge and observation4 ,i see no reason to doubt but that both passages describe truly enough the situation of the authors4 ,the situation of the writers applies to the truth of the facts which they record4 ,but at present we use their testimony to a point somewhat short of this1 namely1 that the facts recorded in the ,gospels1 whether true or false1 are the facts1 and the sort of facts which the original preachers of the religion allege4 ,strictly speaking1 ,i am concerned only to show1 that what the ,gospels contain is the same as what the apostles preached4 ,now1 how stands the proof of this point8 ,a set of men went about the world1 publishing a story composed of miraculous accounts1 7for miraculous from the very nature and exigency of the case they must have been17 and upon the strength of these accounts called upon mankind to quit the religions in which they had been educated1 and to take up1 thenceforth1 a new system of opinions1 and new rules of action4 ,what is more in attestation of these accounts1 that is1 in support of an institution of which these accounts were the foundation1 is1 that the same men voluntarily exposed themselves to harassing and perpetual labours1 dangers1 and sufferings4 ,we want to know what these accounts were4 ,we have the particulars1 i4 e4 many particulars1 from two of their own number4 ,we have them from an attendant of one of the number1 and who1 there is reason to believe1 was an inhabitant of ,jerusalem at the time4 ,we have them from a fourth writer1 who accompanied the most laborious missionary of the institution in his travels2 who1 in the course of these travels1 was frequently brought into the society of the rest2 and who1 let it be observed1 begins his narrative by telling us that he is about to relate the things which had been delivered by those who were ministers of the word1 and eye-witnesses of the facts4 ,i do not know what information can be more satisfactory than this4 ,we may1 perhaps1 perceive the force and value of it more sensibly if we reflect how requiring we should have been if we had wanted it4 ,supposing it to be sufficiently proved1 that the religion now professed among us owed its original to the preaching and ministry of a number of men1 who1 about eighteen centuries ago1 set forth in the world a new system of religious opinions1 founded upon certain extraordinary things which they related of a wonderful person who had appeared in ,judea2 suppose it to be also sufficiently proved1 that1 in the course and prosecution of their ministry1 these men had subjected themselves to extreme hardships1 fatigue1 and peril2 but suppose the accounts which they published had not been committed to writing till some ages after their times1 or at least that no histories but what had been composed some ages afterwards had reached our hands2 we should have said1 and with reason1 that we were willing to believe these under the circumstances in which they delivered their testimony1 but that we did not1 at this day1 know with sufficient evidence what their testimony was4 ,had we received the particulars of it from any of their own number1 from any of those who lived and conversed with them1 from any of their hearers1 or even from any of their contemporaries1 we should have had something to rely upon4 ,now1 if our books be genuine1 we have all these4 ,we have the very species of information which1 as it appears to me1 our imagination would have carved out for us1 if it had been wanting4 ,but ,i have said that if any one of the four ,gospels be genuine1 we have not only direct historical testimony to the point we contend for1 but testimony which1 so far as that point is concerned1 cannot reasonably be rejected4 ,if the first ,gospel was really written by ,matthew1 we have the narrative of one of the number1 from which to judge what were the miracles1 and the kind of miracles1 which the apostles attributed to ,jesus4 ,although1 for argument's sake1 and only for argument's sake1 we should allow that this ,gospel had been erroneously ascribed to ,matthew2 yet1 if the ,gospel of ,st4 ,john be genuine1 the observation holds with no less strength4 ,again1 although the ,gospels both of ,matthew and ,john could be supposed to be spurious1 yet1 if the ,gospel of ,saint ,luke were truly the composition of that person1 or of any person1 be his name what it might1 who was actually in the situation in which the author of that ,gospel professes himself to have been1 or if the ,gospel which bear the name of ,mark really proceeded from him2 we still1 even upon the lowest supposition1 possess the accounts of one writer at least1 who was not only contemporary with the apostles1 but associated with them in their ministry2 which authority seems sufficient1 when the question is simply what it was which these apostles advanced4 ,i think it material to have this well noticed4 ,the ,new ,testament contains a great number of distinct writings1 the genuineness of any one of which is almost sufficient to prove the truth of the religion3 it contains1 however1 four distinct histories1 the genuineness of any one of which is perfectly sufficient4 ,if1 therefore1 we must be considered as encountering the risk of error in assigning the authors of our books1 we are entitled to the advantage of so many separate probabilities4 ,and although it should appear that some of the evangelists had seen and used each other's works1 this discovery1 whist it subtracts indeed from their characters as testimonies strictly independent1 diminishes1 ,i conceive1 little either their separate authority1 7by which ,i mean the authority of any one that is genuine17 or their mutual confirmation4 ,for1 let the most disadvantageous supposition possible be made concerning them2 let it be allowed1 what ,i should have no great difficulty in admitting1 that ,mark compiled his history almost entirely from those of ,matthew and ,luke2 and let it also for a moment be supposed that were not1 in fact1 written by ,matthew and ,luke2 yet1 if it be true that ,mark1 a contemporary of the apostles1 living1 in habits of society with the apostles1 a fellow-traveller and fellow-labourer with some of them2 if1 ,i say1 it be true1 that this person made the compilation1 it follows1 that the writings from which he made it existed in the time of the apostles1 and not only so1 but that they were then in such esteem and credit1 that a companion of the apostles formed a history out of them4 ,let the ,gospel of ,mark be called an epitome of that of ,matthew2 if a person in the situation in which ,mark is described to have been actually made the epitome1 it affords the strongest possible attestation to the character of the original4 ,again1 parallelisms in sentences1 in word1 and in the order of words1 have been traced out between the ,gospel of ,matthew and that of ,luke2 which concurrence cannot easily be explained1 otherwise than by supposing1 either that ,luke had consulted ,matthew's history1 or1 what appears to me in nowise incredible1 that minutes of some of ,christ's discourses1 as well as brief memoirs of some passages of his life1 had been committed to writing at the time2 and that such written accounts had by both authors been occasionally admitted into their histories4 ,either supposition is perfectly consistent with the acknowledged formation of ,st4 ,luke's narrative1 who professes not to write as an eye-witness1 but to have investigated the original of every account which he delivers3 in other words1 to have collected them from such documents and testimonies as he1 who had the best opportunities of making inquiries1 judged to be authentic4 ,therefore1 allowing that this writer also1 in some instances1 borrowed from the ,gospel which we call ,matthew's and once more allowing for the sake of stating the argument1 that that ,gospel was not the production of the author to whom we ascribe it2 yet still we have in ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel a history given by a writer immediately connected with the transaction with the witnesses of it with the persons engaged in it1 and composed from materials which that person1 thus situated1 deemed to be safe source of intelligence2 in other words1 whatever supposition be made concerning any or all the other ,gospels1 if ,saint ,luke's ,gospel be genuine1 we have in it a credible evidence of the point which we maintain4 ,the ,gospel according to ,saint ,john appears to be1 and is on all hands allowed to be1 an independent testimony1 strictly and properly so called4 ,notwithstanding therefore1 any connexion or supposed connexion1 between one of the ,gospels1 ,i again repeat what ,i before said1 that if any one of the four be genuine1 we have1 in that one1 strong reason1 from the character and situation of the writer1 to believe that we possess the accounts which the original emissaries of the religion delivered4 ,secondly3 ,in treating of the written evidences of ,christianity1 next to their separate1 we are to consider their aggregate authority4 ,now1 there is in the evangelic history a cumulation of testimony which belongs hardly to any other history1 but which our habitual mode of reading the ,scriptures sometimes causes us to overlook4 ,when a passage1 in any wise relating to the history of ,christ is read to us out of the epistle of ,clemens ,romanus1 the epistles of ,ignatius1 of ,polycap1 or from any other writing of that age1 we are immediately sensible of the confirmation which it affords to the ,scripture account4 ,here is a new witness4 ,now1 if we had been accustomed to read the ,gospel of ,matthew alone1 and had known that of ,luke only as the generality of ,christians know the writings of the apostolical fathers1 that is1 had known that such a writing was extant and acknowledged2 when we came1 for the first time1 to look into what it contained1 and found many of the facts which ,matthew recorded1 recorded also there1 many other facts of a similar nature added1 and throughout the whole work the same general series of transactions stated1 and the same general character of the person who was the subject of the history preserved1 ,i apprehend that we should feel our minds strongly impressed by this discovery of fresh evidence4 ,we should feel a renewal of the same sentiment in first reading the ,gospel of ,saint ,john4 ,that of ,saint ,mark perhaps would strike us as an abridgment of the history with which we were already acquainted2 but we should naturally reflect1 that if that history was abridged by such a person as ,mark1 or by any person of so early an age1 it afforded one of the highest possible attestations to the value of the work4 ,this successive disclosure of proof would leave us assured1 that there must have been at least some reality in a story which not one1 but many1 had taken in hand to commit to writing4 ,the very existence of four separate histories would satisfy us that the subject had a foundation2 and when1 amidst the variety which the different information of the different writers had supplied to their accounts1 or which their different choice and judgment in selecting their materials had produced1 we observed many facts to stand the same in all2 of these facts1 at least1 we should conclude1 that they were fixed in their credit and publicity4 ,if1 after this1 we should come to the knowledge of a distinct history1 and that also of the same age with the rest1 taking up the subject where the others had left it1 and carrying on a narrative of the effects produced in the world by the extraordinary causes of which we had already been informed1 and which effects subsist at this day1 we should think the reality of the original story in no little degree established by this supplement4 ,if subsequent inquiries should bring to our knowledge1 one after another1 letters written by some of the principal agents in the business1 upon the business1 and during the time of their activity and concern in it1 assuming all along and recognising the original story1 agitating the questions that arose out of it1 pressing the obligations which resulted from it1 giving advice and directions to these who acted upon it2 ,i conceive that we should find1 in every one of these1 a still further support to the conclusion we had formed4 ,at present1 the weight of this successive confirmation is1 in a great measure2 unperceived by us4 ,the evidence does not appear to us what it is2 for1 being from our infancy accustomed to regard the ,new ,testament as one book1 we see in it only one testimony4 ,the whole occurs to us as a single evidence2 and its different parts not as distinct attestations1 but as different portions only of the same4 ,yet in this conception of the subject we are certainly mistaken2 for the very discrepancies among the several documents which form our volume prove1 if all other proof were wanting1 that in their original composition they were separate1 and most of them independent productions4 ,if we dispose our ideas in a different order1 the matter stands thus3--,whilst the transaction was recent1 and the original witnesses were at hand to relate it2 and whilst the apostles were busied in preaching and travelling1 in collecting disciples1 in forming and regulating societies of converts1 in supporting themselves against opposition2 whilst they exercised their ministry under the harassings of frequent persecutions1 and in a state of almost continual alarm1 it is not probable that1 in this engaged1 anxious1 and unsettled condition of life1 they would think immediately of writing histories for the information of the public or of posterity499 ,but it is very probable1 that emergencies might draw from some of them occasional letters upon the subject of their mission1 to converts1 or to societies of converts1 with which they were connected2 or that they might address written discourses and exhortations to the disciples of the institution at large1 which would be received and read with a respect proportioned to the character of the writer4 ,accounts in the mean time would get abroad of the extraordinary things that had been passing1 written with different degrees of information and correctness4 ,the extension of the ,christian society1 which could no longer be instructed3 by a personal intercourse with the apostles1 and the possible circulation of imperfect or erroneous narratives1 would soon teach some amongst them the expediency of sending forth authentic memoirs of the life and doctrine of their ,master4 ,when accounts appeared authorised by the name1 and credit1 and situation of the writers1 recommended or recognised by the apostles and first preachers of the religion1 or found to coincide with what the apostles and first preachers of the religion had taught1 other accounts would fall into disuse and neglect2 whilst these1 maintaining their reputation 7as1 if genuine and well founded1 they would do7 under the test of time1 inquiry1 and contradiction1 might be expected to make their way into the hands of ,christians of all countries of the world4 99 ,this thought occurred to ,eusebius3 ,nor were the apostles of ,christ greatly concerned about the writing of books1 being engaged in a more excellent ministry which is above all human power4 ,eccles4 ,hist4 #a4 iii4 c4 #bd4--,the same consideration accounts also for the paucity of ,christian writings in the first century of its aera4 ,this seems the natural progress of the business2 and with this the records in our possession1 and the evidence concerning them correspond4 ,we have remaining1 in the first place1 many letters of the kind above described1 which have been preserved with a care and fidelity answering to the respect with which we may suppose that such letters would be received4 ,but as these letters were not written to prove the truth of the ,christian religion1 in the sense in which we regard that question2 nor to convey information of facts1 of which those to whom the letters were written had been previously informed2 we are not to look in them for anything more than incidental allusions to the ,christian history4 ,we are able1 however1 to gather from these documents various particular attestations which have been already enumerated2 and this is a species of written evidence1 as far as it goes1 in the highest degree satisfactory1 and in point of time perhaps the first4 ,but for our more circumstantial information1 we have1 in the next place1 five direct histories1 bearing the names of persons acquainted1 by their situation1 with the truth of what they relate1 and three of them purporting1 in the very body of the narrative1 to be written by such persons2 of which books we know1 that some were in the hands of those who were contemporaries of the apostles1 and that1 in the age immediately posterior to that1 they were in the hands1 we may say1 of every one1 and received by ,christians with so much respect and deference1 as to be constantly quoted and referred to by them1 without any doubt of the truth of their accounts4 ,they were treated as such histories1 proceeding from such authorities1 might expect to be treated4 ,in the preface to one of our histories1 we have intimations left us of the existence of some ancient accounts which are now lost4 ,there is nothing in this circumstance that can surprise us4 ,it was to be expected1 from the magnitude and novelty of the occasion1 that such accounts would swarm4 ,when better accounts came forth1 these died away4 ,our present histories superseded others4 ,they soon acquired a character and established a reputation which does not appear to have belonged to any other3 that1 at least1 can be proved concerning them which cannot be proved concerning any other4 ,but to return to the point which led to these reflections4 ,by considering our records in either of the two views in which we have represented them1 we shall perceive that we possess a connection of proofs1 and not a naked or solitary testimony2 and that the written evidence is of such a kind1 and comes to us in such a state1 as the natural order and progress of things1 in the infancy of the institution1 might be expected to produce4 ,thirdly3 ,the genuineness of the historical books of the ,new ,testament is undoubtedly a point of importance1 because the strength of their evidence is augmented by our knowledge of the situation of their authors1 their relation to the subject1 and the part which they sustained in the transaction2 and the testimonies which we are able to produce compose a firm ground of persuasion1 that the ,gospels were written by the persons whose names they bear4 ,nevertheless1 ,i must be allowed to state1 that to the argument which ,i am endeavouring to maintain1 this point is not essential2 ,i mean1 so essential as that the fate of the argument depends upon it4 ,the question before us is1 whether the ,gospels exhibit the story which the apostles and first emissaries of the religion published1 and for which they acted and suffered in the manner in which1 for some miraculous story or other1 they did act and suffer4 ,now let us suppose that we possess no other information concerning these books than that they were written by early disciples of ,christianity2 that they were known and read during the time1 or near the time1 of the original apostles of the religion2 that by ,christians whom the apostles instructed1 by societies of ,christians which the apostles founded1 these books were received1 7by which term received ,i mean that they were believed to contain authentic accounts of the transactions upon which the religion rested1 and accounts which were accordingly used1 repeated1 and relied upon17 this reception would be a valid proof that these books1 whoever were the authors of them1 must have accorded with what the apostles taught4 ,a reception by the first race of ,christians1 is evidence that they agreed with what the first teachers of the religion delivered4 ,in particular1 if they had not agreed with what the apostles themselves preached1 how could they have gained credit in churches and societies which the apostles established8 ,now the fact of their early existence1 and not only of their existence1 but their reputation1 is made out by some ancient testimonies which do not happen to specify the names of the writers3 add to which1 what hath been already hinted1 that two out of the four ,gospels contain averments in the body of the history1 which1 though they do not disclose the names1 fix the time and situation of the authors1 viz41 that one was written by an eye-witness of the sufferings of ,christ1 the other by a contemporary of the apostles4 ,in the ,gospel of ,st4 ,john 7xix4 #ce71 describing the crucifixion1 with the particular circumstance of piercing ,christ's side with a spear1 the historian adds1 as for himself1 and he that saw it bare record1 and his record is true1 and he knoweth that he saith true1 that ye might believe4 ,again 7xxi4 #bd71 after relating a conversation which passed between ,peter and the disciple1 as it is there expressed1 whom ,jesus loved1 it is added1 this is the disciple which testifieth of these things1 and wrote these things4 ,this testimony1 let it be remarked1 is not the less worthy of regard1 because it is1 in one view1 imperfect4 ,the name is not mentioned2 which1 if a fraudulent purpose had been intended1 would have been done4 ,the third of our present ,gospels purports to have been written by the person who wrote the ,acts of the ,apostles2 in which latter history1 or rather latter part of the same history1 the author1 by using in various places the first person plural1 declares himself to have been a contemporary of all1 and a companion of one1 of the original preachers of the religion4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,there is satisfactory evidence that many1 professing to be original witnesses of the ,christian miracles1 passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 ,,of ,,the ,,authenticity ,,of ,,the ,,scriptures4 ,not forgetting1 therefore1 what credit is due to the evangelical history1 supposing even any one of the four ,gospels to be genuine2 what credit is due to the ,gospels1 even supposing nothing to be known concerning them but that they were written by early disciples of the religion1 and received with deference by early ,christian churches2 more especially not forgetting what credit is due to the ,new ,testament in its capacity of cumulative evidence2 we now proceed to state the proper and distinct proofs1 which show not only the general value of these records1 but their specific authority1 and the high probability there is that they actually came from the persons whose names they bear4 ,there are1 however1 a few preliminary reflections1 by which we may draw up with more regularity to the propositions upon which the close and particular discussion of the subject depends4 ,of which nature are the following3 ,i4 ,we are able to produce a great number of ancient manuscripts1 found in many different countries1 and in countries widely distant from each other1 all of them anterior to the art of printing1 some ,certainly seven or eight hundred years old1 and some which have been preserved probably above a thousand years499 ,we have also many ancient versions of these books1 and some of them into languages which are not at present1 nor for many ages have been1 spoken in any part of the world4 ,the existence of these manuscripts and versions proves that the ,scriptures were not the production of any modern contrivance4 ,it does away also the uncertainty which hangs over such publications as the works1 real or pretended1 of ,ossian and ,rowley1 in which the editors are challenged to produce their manuscripts and to show where they obtained their copies4 ,the number of manuscripts1 far exceeding those of any other book1 and their wide dispersion1 afford an argument1 in some measure to the senses1 that the ,scriptures anciently1 in like manner as at this day1 were more read and sought after than any other books1 and that also in many different countries4 ,the greatest part of spurious ,christian writings are utterly lost1 the rest preserved by some single manuscript4 ,there is weight also in ,dr4 ,bentley's observation1 that the ,new ,testament has suffered less injury by the errors of transcribers than the works of any profane author of the same size and antiquity2 that is1 there never was any writing1 in the preservation and purity of which the world was so interested or so careful4 99 ,the ,alexandrian manuscript1 now in the ,british ,museum1 was written probably in the fourth or fifth century4 ,,ii4 ,an argument of great weight with those who are judges of the proofs upon which it is founded1 and capable1 through their testimony1 of being addressed to every understanding1 is that which arises from the style and language of the ,new ,testament4 ,it is just such a language as might be expected from the apostles1 from persons of their age and in their situation1 and from no other persons4 ,it is the style neither of classic authors1 nor of the ancient ,christian fathers1 but ,greek coming from men of ,hebrew origin2 abounding1 that is1 with ,hebraic and ,syriac idioms1 such as would naturally be found in the writings of men who used a language spoken indeed where they lived1 but not the common dialect of the country4 ,this happy peculiarity is a strong proof of the genuineness of these writings3 for who should forge them8 ,the ,christian fathers were for the most part totally ignorant of ,hebrew1 and therefore were not likely to insert ,hebraisms and ,syriasms into their writings4 ,the few who had a knowledge of the ,hebrew1 as ,justin ,martyr1 ,origen1 and ,epiphanius1 wrote in a language which hears no resemblance to that of the ,new ,testament4 ,the ,nazarenes1 who understood ,hebrew1 used chiefly1 perhaps almost entirely1 the ,gospel of ,saint ,matthew1 and therefore cannot be suspected of forging the rest of the sacred writings4 ,the argument1 at any rate1 proves the antiquity of these books2 that they belonged to the age of the apostles2 that they could be composed1 indeed1 in no other499 99 ,see this argument stated more at large in ,michaelis's ,introduction1 7,marsh's translation17 vol4 i4 c4 ii4 sect4 #aj1 from which these observations are taken4 ,,iii4 ,why should we question the genuineness of these books8 ,is it for that they contain accounts of supernatural events8 ,i apprehend that this1 at the bottom1 is the real1 though secret1 cause of our hesitation about them3 for had the writings inscribed with the names of ,matthew and ,john related nothing but ordinary history1 there would have been no more doubt whether these writings were theirs than there is concerning the acknowledged works of ,josephus or ,philo2 that is1 there would have been no doubt at all4 ,now it ought to be considered that this reason1 however it may apply to the credit which is given to a writer's judgment or veracity1 affects the question of genuineness very indirectly4 ,the works of ,bede exhibit many wonderful relations3 but who1 for that reason1 doubts that they were written by ,bede8 ,the same of a multitude of other authors4 ,to which may be added that we ask no more for our books than what we allow to other books in some sort similar to ours3 we do not deny the genuineness of the ,koran2 we admit that the history of ,apollonius ,tyanaeus1 purporting to be written by ,philostratus1 was really written by ,philostratus4 ,,iv4 ,if it had been an easy thing in the early times of the institution to have forged ,christian writings1 and to have obtained currency and reception to the forgeries1 we should have had many appearing in the name of ,christ himself4 ,no writings would have been received with so much avidity and respect as these3 consequently none afforded so great a temptation to forgery4 ,yet have we heard but of one attempt of this sort1 deserving of the smallest notice1 that in a piece of a very few lines1 and so far from succeeding1 ,i mean1 from obtaining acceptance and reputation1 or an acceptance an reputation in anywise similar to that which can be proved to have attended the books of the ,new ,testament1 that it is not so much as mentioned by any writer of the first three centuries4 ,the learned reader need not be informed that ,i mean the epistle of ,christ to ,abgarus1 king of ,edessa1 found at present in the work of ,eusebius199 as a piece acknowledged by him1 though not without considerable doubt whether the whole passage be not an interpolation1 as it is most certain1 that1 after the publication of ,eusebius's work1 this epistle was universally rejected4 99 ,hist4 ,eccl4 lib4 i4 c4 #ae4 ,augustin1 ,a4,d4 #hie 7,de ,consens4 ,evan4 c4 #cd71 had heard that the ,pagans pretended to be possessed of an epistle of ,christ to ,peter and ,paul2 but he had never seen it1 and appears to doubt of the existence of any such piece either genuine or spurious4 ,no other ancient writer mentions it4 ,he also1 and he alone1 notices1 and that in order to condemn it1 an epistle ascribed to ,christ by the ,manichees1 ,a4,d4 #bgj1 and a short hymn attributed to him by the ,priscillianists1 ,a4,d4 #cgh 7cont4 ,faust4 ,man4 ,lib xxviii1 c1#d74 ,the lateness of the writer who notices these things1 the manner in which he notices them1 and above all1 the silence of every preceding writer1 render them unworthy on of consideration4 ,v4 ,if the ascription of the ,gospels to their respective authors had been arbitrary or conjectural1 they would have been ascribed to more eminent men4 ,this observation holds concerning the first three ,gospels1 the reputed authors of which were enabled1 by their situation1 to obtain true intelligence1 and were likely to deliver an honest account of what they knew1 but were persons not distinguished in the history by extraordinary marks of notice or commendation4 ,of the apostles1 ,i hardly know any one of whom less is said than of ,matthew1 or of whom the little that is said is less calculated to magnify his character4 ,of ,mark1 nothing is said in the ,gospels2 and what is said of any person of that name in the ,acts1 and in the epistles1 in no part bestows praise or eminence upon him4 ,the name of ,luke is mentioned only in ,st ,paul's epistles199 and that very transiently4 ,the judgment1 therefore1 which assigned these writings to these authors proceeded1 it may be presumed1 upon proper knowledge and evidence1 and not upon a voluntary choice of names4 ,,vi4 ,christian writers and ,christian churches appear to have soon arrived at a very general agreement upon the subject1 and that without the interposition of any public authority4 ,when the diversity of opinion which prevailed1 and prevails among ,christians in other points1 is considered1 their concurrence in the canon of ,scripture is remarkable1 and of great weight1 especially as it seems to have been the result of private and free inquiry4 ,we have no knowledge of any interference of authority in the question before the council of ,laodicea in the year #cfc4 ,probably the decree of this council rather declared than regulated the public judgment1 or1 more properly speaking1 the judgment of some neighbouring churches2 the council itself consisting of no more than thirty or forty bishops of ,lydia and the adjoining countries4 ,nor does its authority seem to have extended further2 for we find numerous ,christian writers1 after this time1 discussing the question1 ,what books were entitled to be received as ,scripture1 with great freedom1 upon proper grounds of evidence1 and without any reference to the decision at ,laodicea4 99 ,col4 iv4 #ad4 #b,tim4 iv4 #aa4 ,philem4 #bd4 ,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 viii4 ,p4#bia1 et seq4 ,these considerations are not to be neglected3 but of an argument concerning the genuineness of ancient writings1 the substance1 undoubtedly1 and strength1 is ancient testimony4 ,this testimony it is necessary to exhibit somewhat in detail2 for when ,christian advocates merely tell us that we have the same reason for believing the ,gospels to be written by the evangelists whose names they bear as we have for believing the ,commentaries to be ,caesar's1 the ,aeneid ,virgil's1 or the ,orations ,cicero's1 they content themselves with an imperfect representation4 ,they state nothing more than what is true1 but they do not state the truth correctly4 ,in the number1 variety1 and early date of our testimonies1 we far exceed all other ancient books4 ,for one which the most celebrated work of the most celebrated ,greek or ,roman writer can allege1 we produce many4 ,but then it is more requisite in our books than in theirs to separate and distinguish them from spurious competitors4 ,the result1 ,i am convinced1 will be satisfactory to every fair inquirer3 but this circumstance renders an inquiry necessary4 ,in a work1 however1 like the present1 there is a difficulty in finding a place for evidence of this kind4 ,to pursue the details of proof throughout1 would be to transcribe a great part of ,dr4 ,lardner's eleven octavo volumes3 to leave the argument without proofs is to leave it without effect2 for the persuasion produced by this species of evidence depends upon a view and induction of the particulars which compose it4 ,the method which ,i propose to myself is1 first1 to place before the reader1 in one view1 the propositions which comprise the several heads of our testimony1 and afterwards to repeat the same propositions in so many distinct sections1 with the necessary authorities subjoined to each499 99 ,the reader1 when he has the propositions before him1 will observe that the argument1 if he should omit the sections1 proceeds connectedly from this point4 ,the following1 then1 are the allegations upon the subject which are capable of being established by proof3-- ,i4 ,that the historical books of the ,new ,testament1 meaning thereby the four ,gospels and the ,acts of the ,apostles1 are quoted1 or alluded to1 by a series of ,christian writers1 beginning with those who were contemporary with the apostles1 or who immediately followed them1 and proceeding in close and regular succession from their time to the present4 ,,ii4 ,that when they are quoted1 or alluded to1 they are quoted or alluded to with peculiar respect1 as books 'sui generis'2 as possessing an authority which belonged to no other books1 and as conclusive in all questions and controversies amongst ,christians4 ,,iii4 ,that they were1 in very early times1 collected into a distinct volume4 ,,iv4 ,that they were distinguished by appropriate names and titles of respect4 ,v4 ,that they were publicly read and expounded in the religious assemblies of the early ,christians4 ,,vi4 ,that commentaries were written upon them1 harmonies formed out of them1 different copies carefully collated1 and versions of them made into different languages4 ,,vii4 ,that they were received by ,christians of different sects1 by many heretics as well as ,catholics1 and usually appealed to by both sides in the controversies which arose in those days4 ,,viii4 ,that the four ,gospels1 the ,acts of the ,apostles1 thirteen ,epistles of ,saint ,paul1 the first epistle of ,john1 and the first of-,peter1 were received without doubt by those who doubted concerning the other books which are included in our present canon4 ,,ix4 ,that the ,gospels were attacked by the early adversaries of ,christianity1 as books containing the accounts upon which the religion was founded4 ,x4 ,that formal catalogues of authentic ,scriptures were published2 in all which our present sacred histories were included4 ,,xi4 ,that these propositions cannot be affirmed of any other books claiming to be books of ,scripture2 by which are meant those books which are commonly called apocryphal books of the ,new ,testament4 ,,section ,i4 ,the historical books of the ,new ,testament1 meaning thereby the four ,gospels and the ,acts of the ,apostles1 are quoted1 or alluded to1 by a series of ,christian writers1 beginning with those who were contemporary with the apostles1 or who immediately followed them1 and proceeding in close and regular succession from their time to the present4 ,the medium of proof stated in this proposition is1 of all others1 the most unquestionable1 the least liable to any practices of fraud1 and is not diminished by the lapse of ages4 ,bishop ,burnet1 in the ,history of his ,own ,times1 inserts various extracts from ,lord ,clarendon's ,history4 ,one such insertion is a proof that ,lord ,clarendon's ,history was extant at the time when ,bishop ,burnet wrote1 that it had been read by ,bishop ,burnet1 that it was received by ,bishop ,burnet as a work of ,lord ,clarendon1 and also regarded by him as an authentic account of the transactions which it relates2 and it will be a proof of these points a thousand years hence1 or as long as the books exist4 ,quintilian having quoted as ,cicero's1 7,quint1 lib4 xl4 c4 l47 that well known trait of dissembled vanity3--,si quid est in me ingenii1 ,judices1 quod sentio quam sit exiguum2--the quotation would be strong evidence1 were there any doubt1 that the oration1 which opens with this address1 actually came from ,cicero's pen4 ,these instances1 however simple1 may serve to point out to a reader who is little accustomed to such researches the nature and value of the argument4 ,the testimonies which we have to bring forward under this proposition are the following3-- ,i4 ,there is extant an epistle ascribed to ,barnabas199 the companion of ,paul4 ,it is quoted as the epistle of ,barnabas1 by ,clement of ,alexandria1 ,a4,d4 ,,cxciv2 by ,origen1 ,a4,d4 ,,ccxxx4 ,it is mentioned by ,eusebius1 ,a4,d4 ,,cccxv1 and by ,jerome1 ,a4,d4 ,,cccxcii1 as an ancient work in their time1 bearing the name of ,barnabas1 and as well known and read amongst ,christians1 though not accounted a part of ,scripture4 ,it purports to have been written soon after the destruction of ,jerusalem1 during the calamities which followed that disaster2 and it bears the character of the age to which it professes to belong4 99 ,lardner1 ,cred4 edit4 #agee1 vol4 i4 p4 #bc1 et seq4 ,the reader will observe from the references1 that the materials of these sections are almost entirely extracted from ,dr4 ,lardner's work2 my office consisted in arrangement and selection4 ,in this epistle appears the following remarkable passage3--,let us1 therefore1 beware lest it come upon us1 as it is written2 ,there are many called1 few chosen4 ,from the expression1 as it is written1 we infer with certainty1 that at the time when the author of this epistle lived1 there was a book extant1 well known to ,christians1 and of authority amongst them1 containing these words3--,many are called1 few chosen4 ,such a book is our present ,gospel of ,saint ,matthew1 in which this text is twice found1 7,matt xx4 #af2 xxii4 #ad47 and is found in no other book now known4 ,there is a further observation to be made upon the terms of the quotation4 ,the writer of the epistle was a ,jew4 ,the phrase it is written was the very form in which the ,jews quoted their ,scriptures4 ,it is not probable1 therefore1 that he would have used this phrase1 and without qualification1 of any book but what had acquired a kind of ,scriptural authority4 ,if the passage remarked in this ancient writing had been found in one of ,saint ,paul's ,epistles1 it would have been esteemed by every one a high testimony to ,saint ,matthew's ,gospel4 ,it ought1 therefore1 to be remembered1 that the writing in which it is found was probably by very few years posterior to those of ,saint ,paul4 ,beside this passage1 there are also in the epistle before us several others1 in which the sentiment is the same with what we meet with in ,saint ,matthew's ,gospel1 and two or three in which we recognize the same words4 ,in particular1 the author of the epistle repeats the precept1 ,give to every one that asketh thee2 7,matt4 v4 #db47 and saith that ,christ chose as his apostles1 who were to preach the ,gospel1 men who were great sinners1 that he might show that he came not to call the righteous1 but sinners to repentance4 7,matt4 ,ix4 #ac47 ,,ii4 ,we are in possession of an epistle written by ,clement1 bishop of ,rome1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 p4 #fb1 et seq47 whom ancient writers1 without any doubt or scruple1 assert to have been the ,clement whom ,saint ,paul mentions1 ,phil4 iv4 #c2 with ,clement also1 and other my fellow-labourers1 whose names are in the book of life4 ,this epistle is spoken of by the ancients as an epistle acknowledged by all2 and1 as ,irenaeus well represents its value1 written by ,clement1 who had seen the blessed apostles1 and conversed with them2 who had the preaching of the apostles still sounding in his ears1 and their traditions before his eyes4 ,it is addressed to the church of ,corinth2 and what alone may seem almost decisive of its authenticity1 ,dionysius1 bishop of ,corinth1 about the year #agj1 i4 e4 about eighty or ninety years after the epistle was written1 bears witness1 that it had been wont to be read in that church from ancient times4 ,this epistle affords1 amongst others1 the following valuable passages3--,especially remembering the words of the ,lord ,jesus1 which he spake teaching gentleness and long-suffering3 for thus he said399 ,be ye merciful1 that ye may obtain mercy2 forgive1 that it my be forgiven unto you2 as you do1 so shall it be done unto you2 as you give1 so shall it be given unto you2 as ye judge1 so shall ye be judged2 as ye show kindness1 so shall kindness be shown unto you2 with what measure ye mete1 with the same shall it be measured to you4 ,by this command1 and by these rules1 let us establish ourselves1 that we may always walk obediently to his holy words4 99 ,blessed are the merciful1 for they shall obtain mercy4 ,matt4 v4 #g4--;,forgive1 and ye shall be forgiven2 give1 and it shall be given unto you4 ,luke vi4 #cg1 #ch4--;,judge not1 that ye be not judged2 for with what judgment ye judge1 ye shall be judged2 and with what measure ye mete1 it shall be measured to you again4 ,matt4 vii4 #a1 #b4 ,again2 ,remember the words of the ,lord ,jesus1 for he said1 ,woe to that man by whom offences come2 it were better for him that he had not been born1 than that he should offend one of my elect2 it were better for him that a millstone should be tied about his neck1 and that he should be drowned in the sea1 than that he should offend one of my little ones499 99 ,matt4 xviii4 #f4 ,but whoso shall offend one of these little ones which believe in me1 it were better for him that a mill-stone were hanged about his neck1 and that he were cast into the sea4 ,the latter part of the passage in ,clement agrees exactly with ,luke xvii4 #b2 ,it were better for him that a mill-stone were hanged about his neck1 and he cast into the sea1 than that he should offend one of these little ones4 ,in both these passages we perceive the high respect paid to the words of ,christ as recorded by the evangelists2 ,remember the words of the ,lord ,jesus2--by this command1 and by these rules1 let us establish ourselves1 that we may always walk obediently to his holy words4 ,we perceive also in ,clement a total unconsciousness of doubt whether these were the real words of ,christ1 which are read as such in the ,gospels4 ,this observation indeed belongs to the whole series of testimony1 and especially to the most ancient part of it4 ,whenever anything now read in the ,gospels is met with in an early ,christian writing1 it is always observed to stand there as acknowledged truth1 i4 e4 to be introduced without hesitation1 doubt1 or apology4 ,it is to be observed also1 that1 as this epistle was written in the name of the church of ,rome1 and addressed to the church of ,corinth1 it ought to be taken as exhibiting the judgment not only of ,clement1 who drew up the letter1 but of these churches themselves1 at least as to the authority of the books referred to4 ,it may be said that1 as ,clement has not used words of quotation1 it is not certain that he refers to any book whatever4 ,the words of ,christ which he has put down1 he might himself have heard from the apostles1 or might have received through the ordinary medium of oral tradition4 ,this has been said3 but that no such inference can be drawn from the absence of words of quotation1 is proved by the three following considerations3--,first1 that ,clement1 in the very same manner1 namely1 without any mark of reference1 uses a passage now found in the epistle to the ,romans2 7,rom4 i4 #bi47 which passage1 from the peculiarity of the words which compose it1 and from their order1 it is manifest that he must have taken from the book4 ,the same remark may be repeated of some very singular sentiments in the ,epistle to the ,hebrews4 ,secondly1 that there are many sentences of ,saint ,paul's ,first ,epistle to the ,corinthians standing in ,clement's epistle without any sign of quotation1 which yet certainly are quotations2 because it appears that ,clement had ,saint ,paul's epistle before him1 inasmuch as in one place he mentions it in terms too express to leave us in any doubt3--,take into your hands the epistle of the blessed apostle ,paul4 ,thirdly1 that this method of adopting words of ,scripture without reference or acknowledgment was1 as will appear in the sequel1 a method in general use amongst the most ancient ,christian writers4--,these analogies not only repel the objection1 but cast the presumption on the other side1 and afford a considerable degree of positive proof1 that the words in question have been borrowed from the places of ,scripture in which we now find them4 ,but take it if you will the other way1 that ,clement had heard these words from the apostles or first teachers of ,christianity2 with respect to the precise point of our argument1 viz4 that the ,scriptures contain what the apostles taught1 this supposition may serve almost as well4 ,,iii4 ,near the conclusion of the epistle to the ,romans1 ,saint ,paul1 amongst others1 sends the following salutation3 ,salute ,asyncritus1 ,phlegon1 ,hermas1 ,patrobas1 ,hermes1 and the brethren which are with them4 ,of ,hermas1 who appears in this catalogue of ,roman ,christians as contemporary with ,saint ,paul1 a book bearing the name1 and it is most probably rightly1 is still remaining4 ,it is called the ,shepherd1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #aaa47 or pastor of ,hermas4 ,its antiquity is incontestable1 from the quotations of it in ,irenaeus1 ,a4,d4 #agh2 ,clement of ,alexandria1 ,a4,d4 #aid2 ,tertullian1 ,a4,d4 #bjj2 ,origen1 ,a4,d4 #bcj4 ,the notes of time extant in the epistle itself agree with its title1 and with the testimonies concerning it1 for it purports to have been written during the life-time of ,clement4 ,in this place are tacit allusions to ,saint ,matthew's1 ,saint ,luke's1 and ,saint ,john's ,gospels2 that is to say1 there are applications of thoughts and expressions found in these ,gospels1 without citing the place or writer from which they were taken4 ,in this form appear in ,hermas the confessing and denying of ,christ2 7,matt4 x4 3i#b1 #cc1 or1 ,luke xli4 #h1 #i47 the parable of the seed sown 7,matt4 xiii4 #c1 or1 ,luke viii4 #e72 the comparison of ,christ's disciples to little children2 the saying he that putteth away his wife1 and marrieth another1 committeth adultery 7,luke xvi4 #ah472 ,the singular expression1 having received all power from his ,father1 in probable allusion to ,matt4 xxviii4 #ah2 and ,christ being the gate1 or only way of coming to ,god1 in plain allusion to ,john xiv4 #f2 x4 #g1 #i4 ,there is also a probable allusion to ,acts v4 #cb4 ,this piece is the representation of a vision1 and has by many been accounted a weak and fanciful performance4 ,i therefore observe1 that the character of the writing has little to do with the purpose for which we adduce it4 ,it is the age in which it was composed that gives the value to its testimony4 ,,iv4 ,ignatius1 as it is testified by ancient ,christian writers1 became bishop of ,antioch about thirty-seven years after ,christ's ascension2 and1 therefore1 from his time1 and place1 and station1 it is probable that he had known and conversed with many of the apostles4 ,epistles of ,ignatius are referred to by ,polycarp1 his contemporary4 ,passages found in the epistles now extant under his name are quoted by ,irenaeus1 ,a4,d4 #agh2 by ,origen1 ,a4,d4 #bcj2 and the occasion of writing the epistles is given at large by ,eusebius and ,jerome4 ,what are called the smaller epistles of ,ignatius are generally deemed to be those which were read by ,irenaeus1 ,origen1 and ,eusebius 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #adg474 ,in these epistles are various undoubted allusions to the ,gospels of ,saint ,matthew and ,saint ,john2 yet so far of the same form with those in the preceding articles1 that1 like them1 they are not accompanied with marks of quotation4 ,of these allusions the following are clear specimens3 ,matt4993 ,christ was baptized of ,john1 that all righteousness might be fulfilled by him4 ,be ye wise as serpents in all things1 and harmless as a dove4 ,john3 ,yet the ,spirit is not deceived1 being from ,god3 for it knows whence it comes and whither it goes4 ,he 7,christ7 is the door of the ,father1 by which enter in ,abraham and ,isaac1 and ,jacob1 and the apostles1 and the church4 99 ,chap4 iii4 #ae4 ,for thus it becometh us to fulfil all righteousness4 ,chap4 x4 #af4 ,be ye therefore wise as serpents1 and harmless as doves4 ,chap4 iii4 #h4 ,the wind bloweth where it listeth and thou hearest the sound thereof1 but canst not tell whence it cometh1 and whither it goeth2 so is everyone that is born of the ,spirit4 ,chap4 x4 #i4 ,i am the door2 by me if any man enter in he shall be saved4 ,as to the manner of quotation1 this is observable2--,ignatius1 in one place1 speaks of ,st4 ,paul in terms of high respect1 and quotes his ,epistle to the ,ephesians by name2 yet1 in several other places1 he borrows words and sentiments from the same epistle without mentioning it2 which shows that this was his general manner of using and applying writings then extant1 and then of high authority4 ,v4 ,polycarp 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 #aib47 had been taught by the apostles2 had conversed with many who had seen ,christ2 was also by the apostles appointed bishop of ,smyrna4 ,this testimony concerning ,polycarp is given by ,irenaeus1 who in his youth had seen him3--,i can tell the place1 saith ,irenaeus1 in which the blessed ,polycarp sat and taught1 and his going out and coming in1 and the manner of his life1 and the form of his person1 and the discourses he made to the people1 and how he related his conversation with ,john1 and others who had seen the ,lord1 and how he related their sayings1 and what he had heard concerning the ,lord1 both concerning his miracles and his doctrine1 as he had received them from the eyewitnesses of the word of life3 all which ,polycarp related agreeable to the ,scriptures4 ,of ,polycarp1 whose proximity to the age and country and persons of the apostles is thus attested1 we have one undoubted epistle remaining4 ,and this1 though a short letter1 contains nearly forty clear allusions to books of the ,new ,testament2 which is strong evidence of the respect which ,christians of that age bore for these books4 ,amongst these1 although the writings of ,st4 ,paul are more frequently used by ,polycarp than any other parts of ,scripture1 there are copious allusions to the ,gospel of ,st4 ,matthew1 some to passages found in the ,gospels both of ,matthew and ,luke1 and some which more nearly resemble the words in ,luke4 ,i select the following as fixing the authority of the ,lord's prayer1 and the use of it amongst the primitive ,christians3 ,if therefore we pray the ,lord1 that he will forgive us1 we ought also to forgive4 ,with supplication beseeching the all-seeing ,god not to lead us into temptation4 ,and the following1 for the sake of repeating an observation already made1 that words of our ,lord found in our ,gospels were at this early day quoted as spoken by him2 and not only so1 but quoted with so little question or consciousness of doubt about their being really his words1 as not even to mention1 much less to canvass1 the authority from which they were taken3 ,but remembering what the ,lord said1 teaching1 ,judge not1 that ye be not judged2 forgive1 and ye shall be forgiven2 be ye merciful1 that ye may obtain mercy2 with what measure ye mete1 it shall be measured to you again4 7,matt4 vii4 #a1 #b2 v4 #g2 ,luke vi4 #cg1 #ch47 ,supposing ,polycarp to have had these words from the books in which we now find them1 it is manifest that these books were considered by him1 and1 as he thought1 considered by his readers1 us authentic accounts of ,christ's discourses2 and that that point was incontestible sic4 ,the following is a decisive1 though what we call a tacit reference to ,st4 ,peter's speech in the ,acts of the ,apostles3--whom ,god hath raised1 having loosed the pains of death4 7,acts ii4 #bd47 ,,vi4 ,papias1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #bci47 a hearer of ,john1 and companion of ,polycarp1 as ,irenaeus attests1 and of that age1 as all agree1 in a passage quoted by ,eusebius1 from a work now lost1 expressly ascribes the respective ,gospels to ,matthew and ,mark2 and in a manner which proves that these ,gospels must have publicly borne the names of these authors at that time1 and probably long before2 for ,papias does not say that one ,gospel was written by ,matthew1 and another by ,mark2 but1 assuming this as perfectly well known1 he tells us from what materials ,mark collected his account1 viz4 from ,peter's preaching1 and in what language ,matthew wrote1 viz4 in ,hebrew4 ,whether ,papias was well informed in this statement1 or not2 to the point for which ,i produce this testimony1 namely1 that these books bore these names at this time1 his authority is complete4 ,the writers hitherto alleged had all lived and conversed with some of the apostles4 ,the works of theirs which remain are in general very short pieces1 yet rendered extremely valuable by their antiquity2 and none1 short as they are1 but what contain some important testimony to our historical ,scriptures499 99 ,that the quotations are more thinly strewn in these than in the writings of the next and of succeeding ages1 is in a good measure accounted for by the observation1 that the ,scriptures of the ,new ,testament had not yet1 nor by their recency hardly could have1 become a general part of ,christian education2 read as the ,old ,testament was by ,jews and ,christians from their childhood1 and thereby intimately mixing1 as that had long done1 with all their religious ideas1 and with their language upon religious subjects4 ,in process of time1 and as soon perhaps as could be expected1 this came to be the case4 ,and then we perceive the effect1 in a proportionably greater frequency1 as well as copiousness of allusion4--,mich4 ,introd4 c4 ii4 sect4 vi4 ,,vii4 ,not long after these1 that is1 not much more than twenty years after the last1 follows ,justin ,martyr 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #beh474 ,his remaining works are much larger than any that have yet been noticed4 ,although the nature of his two principal writings1 one of which was addressed to heathens1 and the other was a conference with a ,jew1 did not lead him to such frequent appeals to ,christian books as would have appeared in a discourse intended for ,christian readers2 we nevertheless reckon up in them between twenty and thirty quotations of the ,gospels and ,acts of the ,apostles1 certain1 distinct1 and copious3 if each verse be counted separately1 a much greater number2 if each expression1 a very great one499 99 ,he cites our present canon1 and particularly our four ,gospels1 continually1 ,i dare say1 above two hundred times4 ,jones's ,new and ,full ,method4 ,append4 vol4 i4 p4 #ehi1 ed4 #agbf4 ,we meet with quotations of three of the ,gospels within the compass of half a page3 ,and in other words he says1 ,depart from me into outer darkness1 which the ,father hath prepared for ,satan and his angels1 7which is from ,matthew xxv4 #da47 ,and again he said1 in other words1 ,i give unto you power to tread upon serpents and scorpions1 and venomous beasts1 and upon all the power of the enemy4 7,this from ,luke x4 #ai47 ,and before he was crucified1 he said1 ,the ,son of ,man must suffer many things1 and be rejected of the ,scribes and ,pharisees1 and be crucified1 and rise again the third day4 7,this from ,mark viii4 #ca47 ,in another place ,justin quotes a passage in the history of ,christ's birth1 as delivered by ,matthew and ,john1 and fortifies his quotation by this remarkable testimony3 ,as they have taught1 who have written the history of all things concerning our ,saviour ,jesus ,christ2 and we believe them4 ,quotations are also found from the ,gospel of ,saint ,john4 ,what moreover seems extremely material to be observed is1 that in all ,justin's works1 from which might be extracted almost a complete life of ,christ1 there are but two instances in which he refers to anything as said or done by ,christ1 which is not related concerning him in our present ,gospels3 which shows1 that these ,gospels1 and these1 we may say1 alone1 were the authorities from which the ,christians of that day drew the information upon which they depended4 ,one of these instances is of a saying of ,christ1 not met with in any book now extant4 ,wherefore also our ,lord ,jesus ,christ has said1 ,in whatsoever ,i shall find you1 in the same ,i will also judge you4 ,possibly ,justin designed not to quote any text1 but to represent the sense of many of our ,lord's sayings4 ,fabrieius has observed1 that this saying has been quoted by many writers1 and that ,justin is the only one who ascribes it to our ,lord1 and that perhaps by a slip of his memory4 ,words resembling these are read repeatedly in ,ezekiel2 ,i will judge them according to their ways2 7chap4 vii4 #c2 xxxiii4 #bj47 ,it is remarkable that ,justin had just before expressly quoted ,ezekiel4 ,mr4 ,jones upon this circumstance founded a conjecture1 that ,justin wrote only the ,lord hath said1 intending to quote the words of ,god1 or rather the sense of those words in ,ezekiel2 and that some transcriber1 imagining these to be the words of ,christ1 inserted in his copy the addition ,jesus ,christ4 ,vol4 #a4 p4 #eci4 ,the other of a circumstance in ,christ's baptism1 namely1 a fiery or luminous appearance upon the water1 which1 according to ,epiphanius1 is noticed in the ,gospel of the ,hebrews3 and which might be true3 but which1 whether true or false1 is mentioned by ,justin1 with a plain mark of diminution when compared with what he quotes as resting upon ,scripture authority4 ,the reader will advert to this distinction3 and then1 when ,jesus came to the river ,jordan1 where ,john was baptizing1 as ,jesus descended into the water1 a fire also was kindled in ,jordan3 and when he came up out of the water1 7the apostles of this our ,christ have written71 that the ,holy ,ghost lighted upon him as a dove4 ,all the references in ,justin are made without mentioning the author2 which proves that these books were perfectly notorious1 and that there were no other accounts of ,christ then extant1 or1 at least1 no other so received and credited as to make it necessary to distinguish these from the rest4 ,but although ,justin mentions not the author's name1 he calls the books1 ,memoirs composed by the ,apostles2 ,memoirs composed by the ,apostles and their ,companions2 which descriptions1 the latter especially1 exactly suit with the titles which the ,gospels and ,acts of the ,apostles now bear4 ,,viii4 ,hegesippus 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #cad47 came about thirty years after ,justin4 ,his testimony is remarkable only for this particular2 that he relates of himself that1 travelling from ,palestine to ,rome1 he visited1 on his journey1 many bishops2 and that1 in every succession1 and in every city1 the same doctrine is taught1 which the ,law and the ,prophets1 and the ,lord teacheth4 ,this is an important attestation1 from good authority1 and of high antiquity4 ,it is generally understood that by the word ,lord1 ,hegesippus intended some writing or writings1 containing the teaching of ,christ2 in which sense alone the term combines with the other term ,law and ,prophets1 which denote writings2 and together with them admit of the verb teacheth in the present tense4 ,then1 that these writings were some or all of the books of the ,new ,testament1 is rendered probable from hence1 that in the fragments of his works1 which are preserved in ,eusebius1 and in a writer of the ninth century1 enough1 though it be little1 is left to show1 that ,hegesippus expressed divers thing in the style of the ,gospels1 and of the ,acts of the ,apostles2 that he referred to the history in the second chapter of ,matthew1 and recited a text of that ,gospel as spoken by our ,lord4 ,,ix4 ,at this time1 viz4 about the year #agj1 the churches of ,lyons and ,vienne1 in ,france1 sent a relation of the sufferings of their martyrs to the churches of ,asia and ,phrygia4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #ccb47 ,the epistle is preserved entire by ,eusebius4 ,and what carries in some measure the testimony of these churches to a higher age1 is1 that they had now for their bishop1 ,pothinus1 who was ninety years old1 and whose early life consequently must have immediately joined on with the times of the apostles4 ,in this epistle are exact references to the ,gospels of ,luke and ,john1 and to the ,acts of the ,apostles2 the form of reference the same as in all the preceding articles4 ,that from ,saint ,john is in these words3 ,then was fulfilled that which was spoken by the ,lord1 that whosoever killeth you1 will think that he doeth ,god service4 7,john xvi4 #b47 ,x4 ,the evidence now opens upon us full and clear4 ,irenaeus 7,lardner1 vol4 i4 p4 #cdd47 succeeded ,pothinus as bishop of ,lyons4 ,in his youth he had been a disciple of ,polycarp1 who was a disciple of ,john4 ,in the time in which he lived1 he was distant not much more than a century from the publication of the ,gospels2 in his instruction only by one step separated from the persons of the apostles4 ,he asserts of himself and his contemporaries1 that they were able to reckon up1 in all the principal churches1 the succession of bishops from the first4 7,adv4 ,haeres4 #a4 iii4 c4 #c47 ,i remark these particulars concerning ,irenaeus with more formality than usual1 because the testimony which this writer affords to the historical books of the ,new ,testament1 to their authority1 and to the titles which they bear1 is express1 positive1 and exclusive4 ,one principal passage1 in which this testimony is contained1 opens with a precise assertion of the point which we have laid down as the foundation of our argument1 viz41 that the story which the ,gospels exhibit is the story which the apostles told4 ,we have not received1 saith ,irenaeus1 the knowledge of the way of our salvation by any others than those by whom the ,gospel has been brought to us4 ,which ,gospel they first preached1 and afterwards1 by the will of ,god1 committed to writing1 that it might be for time to come the foundation and pillar of our faith4--,for after that our ,lord arose from the dead1 and they 7the apostles7 were endowed from above with the power of the ,holy ,ghost coming down upon them1 they received a perfect knowledge of all things4 ,they then went forth to all the ends of the earth1 declaring to men the ,message of heavenly peace1 having all of them1 and every one1 alike the ,gospel of ,god4 ,matthew then1 among the ,jews1 wrote a ,gospel in their own language1 while ,peter and ,paul were preaching the ,gospel at ,rome1 and founding a church there3 and after their exit1 ,mark also1 the disciple and interpreter of ,peter1 delivered to us in writing the things that had been preached by ,peter and ,luke1 the companion of ,paul1 put down in a book the ,gospel preached by him 7,paul74 ,afterwards ,john1 the disciple of the ,lord1 who also leaned upon his breast1 he likewise published a ,gospel while he dwelt at ,ephesus in ,asia4 ,if any modern divine should write a book upon the genuineness of the ,gospels1 he could not assert it more expressly1 or state their original more distinctly1 than ,irenaeus hath done within little more than a hundred years after they were published4 ,the correspondency1 in the days of ,irenaeus1 of the oral and written tradition1 and the deduction of the oral tradition through various channels from the age of the apostles1 which was then lately passed1 and1 by consequence1 the probability that the books truly delivered what the apostles taught1 is inferred also with strict regularity from another passage of his works4 ,the tradition of the apostles1 this father saith1 hath spread itself over the whole universe2 and all they who search after the sources of truth will find this tradition to be held sacred in every church1 ,we might enumerate all those who have been appointed bishops to these churches by the apostles1 and all their successors1 up to our days4 ,it is by this uninterrupted succession that we have received the tradition which actually exists in the church1 as also the doctrines of truth1 as it was preached by the apostles4 7,iren4 in ,haer4 ,i4 iii4 c4 #c47 ,the reader will observe upon this1 that the same ,irenaeus1 who is now stating the strength and uniformity of the tradition1 we have before seen recognizing1 in the fullest manner1 the authority of the written records2 from which we are entitled to conclude1 that they were then conformable to each other4 ,i have said that the testimony of ,irenaeus in favour of our ,gospels is exclusive of all others4 ,i allude to a remarkable passage in his works1 in which1 for some reasons sufficiently fanciful1 he endeavours to show that there could he neither more nor fewer ,gospels than four4 ,with his argument we have no concern4 ,the position itself proves that four1 and only four1 ,gospels were at that time publicly read and acknowledged4 ,that these were our ,gospels1 and in the state in which we now have them1 is shown from many other places of this writer beside that which we have already alleged4 ,he mentions how ,matthew begins his ,gospel1 bow ,mark begins and ends his1 and their supposed reasons for so doing4 ,he enumerates at length the several passages of ,christ's history in ,luke1 which are not found in any of the other evangelists4 ,he states the particular design with which ,saint ,john composed his ,gospel1 and accounts for the doctrinal declarations which precede the narrative4 ,to the book of the ,acts of the ,apostles1 its author1 and credit1 the testimony of ,irenaeus is no less explicit4 ,referring to the account of ,saint ,paul's conversion and vocation1 in the ninth chapter of that book1 ,nor can they1 says he1 meaning the parties with whom he argues1 show that he is not to be credited1 who has related to us the truth with the greatest exactness4 ,in another place1 he has actually collected the several texts1 in which the writer of the history is represented as accompanying ,saint ,paul2 which leads him to deliver a summary of almost the whole of the last twelve chapters of the book4 ,in an author thus abounding with references and allusions to the ,scriptures1 there is not one to any apocryphal ,christian writing whatever4 ,this is a broad line of distinction between our sacred books and the pretensions of all others4 ,the force of the testimony of the period which we have considered is greatly strengthened by the observation1 that it is the testimony1 and the concurring testimony1 of writers who lived in countries remote from one another4 ,clement flourished at ,rome1 ,ignatius at ,antioch1 ,polycarp at ,smyrna1 ,justin ,martyr in ,syria1 and ,irenaeus in ,france4 ,,xi4 ,omitting ,athenagoras and ,theophilus1 who lived about this time2 7,lardner1 vol4 i4 p4 #djj #dbb47 in the remaining works of the former of whom are clear references to ,mark and ,luke2 and in the works of the latter1 who was bishop of ,antioch1 the sixth in succession from the apostles1 evident allusions to ,matthew and ,john1 and probable allusions to ,luke 7which1 considering the nature of the compositions1 that they were addressed to heathen readers1 is as much as could be expected72 observing also1 that the works of two learned ,christian writers of the same age1 ,miltiades and ,pantaenus1 7,lardner1 vol4 i4 p4#dac1 #dej47 are now lost3 of which ,miltiades ,eusebius records1 that his writings were monuments of zeal for the ,divine ,oracles2 and which ,pantaenus1 as ,jerome testifies1 was a man of prudence and learning1 both in the ,divine ,scriptures and secular literature1 and had left many commentaries upon the ,holy ,scriptures then extant4 ,passing by these without further remark1 we come to one of the most voluminous of ancient ,christian writers1 ,clement of ,alexandria 7,lardner1 vol4 ii4 p4 #dfi474 ,clement followed ,irenaeus at the distance of only sixteen years1 and therefore may be said to maintain the series of testimony in an uninterrupted continuation4 ,in certain of ,clement's works1 now lost1 but of which various parts are recited by ,eusebius1 there is given a distinct account of the order in which the four ,gospels were written4 ,the ,gospels which contain the genealogies were 7he says7 written first2 ,mark's next1 at the instance of ,peter's followers2 and ,john's the last2 and this account he tells us that he had received from presbyters of more ancient times4 ,this testimony proves the following points2 that these ,gospels were the histories of ,christ then publicly received and relied upon2 and that the dates1 occasions1 and circumstances1 of their publication were at that time subjects of attention and inquiry amongst ,christians4 ,in the works of ,clement which remain1 the four ,gospels are repeatedly quoted by the names of their authors1 and the ,acts of the ,apostles is expressly ascribed to ,luke4 ,in one place1 after mentioning a particular circumstance1 he adds these remarkable words3 ,we have not this passage in the four ,gospels delivered to us1 but in that according to the ,egyptians2 which puts a marked distinction between the four ,gospels and all other histories1 or pretended histories1 of ,christ4 ,in another part of his works1 the perfect confidence with which he received the ,gospels is signified by him in these words3 ,that this is true appears from hence1 that it is written in the ,gospel according to ,saint ,luke2 and again1 ,i need not use many words1 but only to allege the evangelic voice of the ,lord4 ,his quotations are numerous4 ,the sayings of ,christ1 of which he alleges many1 are all taken from our ,gospels2 the single exception to this observation appearing to be a loose quotation of a passage in ,saint ,matthew's ,gospel499 99 ,ask great things and the small shall be added unto you4 ,clement rather chose to expound the words of ,matthew 7chap4 vi4 #cc71 than literally to cite them2 and this is most undeniably proved by another place in the same ,clement1 where he both produces the text and these words am an exposition3--,seek ye first the kingdom of heaven and its righteousness1 for these are the great things2 but the small things1 and things relating to this life1 shall be added unto you4 ,jones's ,new and ,full ,method1 vol4 i4 p4 #eec4 ,,xii4 ,in the age in which they lived1 7,lardner1 vol4 ii4 p4 #efa47 ,tertullian joins on with ,clement4 ,the number of the ,gospels then received1 the names of the evangelists1 and their proper descriptions1 are exhibited by this writer in one short sentence3--,among the apostles ,john and ,matthew teach us the faith2 among apostolical men1 ,luke and ,mark refresh it4 ,the next passage to be taken from ,tertullian affords as complete an attestation to the authenticity of our books as can be well imagined4 ,after enumerating the churches which had been founded by ,paul at ,corinth1 in ,galatia1 at ,philippi1 ,thessalonica1 and ,ephesus2 the church of ,rome established by ,peter and ,paul1 and other churches derived from ,john2 he proceeds thus3--,i say1 then1 that with them1 but not with them only which are apostolical1 but with all who have fellowship with them in the same faith1 is that ,gospel of ,luke received from its first publication1 which we so zealously maintain3 and presently afterwards adds1 ,the same authority of the apostolical churches will support the other ,gospels which we have from them and according to them1 ,i mean ,john's and ,matthew's2 although that likewise which ,mark published may be said to be ,peter's1 whose interpreter ,mark was4 ,in another place ,tertullian affirms1 that the three other ,gospels were in the hands of the churches from the beginning1 as well as ,luke's4 ,this noble testimony fixes the universality with which the ,gospels were received and their antiquity2 that they were in the hands of all1 and had been so from the first4 ,and this evidence appears not more than one hundred and fifty years after the publication of the books4 ,the reader must be given to understand that1 when ,tertullian speaks of maintaining or defending 7tuendi7 the ,gospel of ,saint ,luke1 he only means maintaining or defending the integrity of the copies of ,luke received by ,christian churches1 in opposition to certain curtailed copies used by ,marcion1 against whom he writes4 ,this author frequently cites the ,acts of the ,apostles under that title1 once calls it ,luke's ,commentary1 and observes how ,saint ,paul's epistles confirm it4 ,after this general evidence1 it is unnecessary to add particular quotations4 ,these1 however1 are so numerous and ample as to have led ,dr4 ,lardner to observe1 that there are more and larger quotations of the small volume of the ,new ,testament in this one ,christian author1 than there are of all the works of ,cicero in writers of all characters for several ages4 7,lardner1 vol ii4 p4 #fdg47 ,tertullian quotes no ,christian writing as of equal authority with the ,scriptures1 and no spurious books at all2 a broad line of distinction1 we may once more observe1 between our sacred books and all others4 ,we may again likewise remark the wide extent through which the reputation of the ,gospels1 and of the ,acts of the ,apostles had spread1 and the perfect consent1 in this point1 of distant and independent societies4 ,it is now only about one hundred and fifty years since ,christ was crucified2 and within this period1 to say nothing of the apostolical fathers who have been noticed already1 we have ,justin ,martyr at ,neapolis1 ,theophilus at ,antioch1 ,irenaeus in ,france1 ,clement at ,alexandria1 ,tertullian at ,carthage1 quoting the same books of historical ,scriptures1 and ,i may say1 quoting these alone4 ,,xiii4 ,an interval of only thirty years1 and that occupied by no small number of ,christian writers1 7,minucius ,felix1 ,apollonius1 ,caius1 ,asterius ,urbanus ,alexander bishop of ,jerusalem1 ,hippolytus1 ,ammonius ,julius ,africanus7 whose works only remain in fragments and quotations1 and in every one of which is some reference or other to the ,gospels 7and in one of them1 ,hippolytus1 as preserved in ,theodoret1 is an abstract of the whole ,gospel history71 brings us to a name of great celebrity in ,christian antiquity1 ,origen 7,lardner1 vol4 iii4 p4 #bcd47 of ,alexandria1 who in the quantity of his writings exceeded the most laborious of the ,greek and ,latin authors4 ,nothing can be more peremptory upon the subject now under consideration1 and1 from a writer of his learning and information1 more satisfactory1 than the declaration of ,origen1 preserved1 in an extract from his works1 by ,eusebius2 ,that the four ,gospels alone are received without dispute by the whole church of ,god under heaven3 to which declaration is immediately subjoined a brief history of the respective authors to whom they were then1 as they are now1 ascribed4 ,the language holden concerning the ,gospels1 throughout the works of ,origen which remain1 entirely corresponds with the testimony here cited4 ,his attestation to the ,acts of the ,apostles is no less ,positive3 ,and ,luke also once more sounds the trumpet1 relating the acts of the apostles4 ,the universality with which the ,scriptures were then read is well signified by this writer in a passage in which he has occasion to observe against ,celsus1 ,that it is not in any private books1 or such as are read by a few only1 and those studious persons1 but in books read by everybody1 ,that it is written1 ,the invisible things of ,god from the creation of the world are clearly seen1 being understood by things that are made4 ,it is to no purpose to single out quotations of ,scripture from such a writer as this4 ,we might as well make a selection of the quotations of ,scripture in ,dr4 ,clarke's ,sermons4 ,they are so thickly sown in the works of ,origen1 that ,dr4 ,mill says1 ,if we had all his works remaining1 we should have before us almost the whole text of the ,bible4 7,mill1 ,proleg4 esp4 vi4 p4 #ff47 ,origen notices1 in order to censure1 certain apocryphal ,gospels4 ,he also uses four writings of this sort2 that is1 throughout his large works he once or twice1 at the most1 quotes each of the four2 but always with some mark1 either of direct reprobation or of caution to his readers1 manifestly esteeming them of little or no authority4 ,,xiv4 ,gregory1 bishop of ,neocaesaea1 and ,dionysius of ,alexandria1 were scholars of ,origen4 ,their testimony1 therefore1 though full and particular1 may be reckoned a repetition only of his4 ,the series1 however1 of evidence is continued by ,cyprian1 bishop of ,carthage1 who flourished within twenty years after ,origen4 ,the church1 said this father1 is watered1 like ,paradise1 by four rivers1 that is1 by four ,gospels4 ,the ,acts of the ,apostles is also frequently quoted by ,cyprian under that name1 and under the name of the ,divine ,scriptures4 ,in his various writings are such constant and copious citations of ,scripture1 as to place this part of the testimony beyond controversy4 ,nor is there1 in the works of this eminent ,african bishop1 one quotation of a spurious or apocryphal ,christian writing4 ,,xv4 ,passing over a crowd99 of writers following ,cyprian at different distances1 but all within forty years of his time2 and who all1 in the perfect remains of their works1 either cite the historical ,scriptures of the ,new ,testament1 or speak of them in terms of profound respect3 ,i single out ,victorin1 bishop of ,pettaw1 in ,germany1 merely on account of the remoteness of his situation from that of ,origen and ,cyprian1 who were ,africans2 by which circumstance his testimony1 taken in conjunction with theirs1 proves that the ,scripture histories1 and the same histories1 were known and received from one side of the ,christian world to the other4 ,this bishop 7,lardner1 vol4 v4 p4 #bad47 lived about the year #bij3 and in a commentary upon this text of the ,revelation1 ,the first was like a lion1 the second was like a calf1 the third like a man1 and the fourth like a flying eagle1 he makes out that by the four creatures are intended the four ,gospels2 and1 to show the propriety of the symbols1 he recites the subject with which each evangelist opens his history4 ,the explication is fanciful1 but the testimony positive4 ,he also expressly cites the ,acts of the ,apostles4 99 ,novatus1 ,rome1 ,a4,d4 #bea2 ,dionysius1 ,rome1 ,a4,d4 #bei2 ,commodian1 ,a4,d4 #bgj2 ,anatolius1 ,laodicea1 ,a4,d4 #bgj2 ,theognostus ,a4,d4 #bhb2 ,methodius ,lycia1 ,a4,d4 #bij2 ,phileas1 ,egypt1 ,a4,d4 #bif4 ,,xvi4 ,arnobius and ,lactantius 7,lardner1 vol4 viii4 p4 #dc1 #bja471 about the year #cjj1 composed formal arguments upon the credibility of the ,christian religion4 ,as these arguments were addressed to ,gentiles1 the authors abstain from quoting ,christian books by name1 one of them giving this very reason for his reserve2 but when they came to state1 for the information of their readers1 the outlines of ,christ's history1 it is apparent that they draw their accounts from our ,gospels1 and from no other sources2 for these statements exhibit a summary of almost everything which is related of ,christ's actions and miracles by the four evangelists4 ,arnobius vindicates1 without mentioning their names1 the credit of these historians2 observing that they were eye-witnesses of the facts which they relate1 and that their ignorance of the arts of composition was rather a confirmation of their testimony1 than an objection to it4 ,lactantius also argues in defence of the religion1 from the consistency1 simplicity1 disinterestedness1 and sufferings of the ,christian historians1 meaning by that term our evangelists4 ,,xvii4 ,we close the series of testimonies with that of ,eusebius1 7,lardner1 vol4 viii4 p4 #cc47 bishop of ,caesarea who flourished in the year #cae1 contemporary with1 or posterior only by fifteen years to1 the authors last cited4 ,this voluminous writer1 and most diligent collector of the writings of others1 beside a variety of large works1 composed a history of the affairs of ,christianity from its origin to his own time4 ,his testimony to the ,scriptures is the testimony of a man much conversant in the works of ,christian authors1 written during the first three centuries of its era1 and who had read many which are now lost4 ,in a passage of his ,evangelical ,demonstration1 ,eusebius remarks1 with great nicety1 the delicacy of two of the evangelists1 in their manner of noticing any circumstance which regarded themselves2 and of ,mark1 as writing under ,peter's direction1 in the circumstances which regarded him4 ,the illustration of this remark leads him to bring together long quotations from each of the evangelists3 and the whole passage is a proof that ,eusebius1 and the ,christians of those days1 not only read the ,gospels1 but studied them with attention and exactness4 ,in a passage of his ecclesiastical ,history1 he treats1 in form1 and at large1 of the occasions of writing the four ,gospels1 and of the order in which they were written4 ,the title of the chapter is1 ,of the ,order of the ,gospels2 and it begins thus3 ,let us observe the writings of this apostle ,john1 which are not contradicted by any3 and1 first of all1 must be mentioned1 as acknowledged by all1 the ,gospel according to him1 well-known to all the churches under heaven2 and that it has been justly placed by the ancients the fourth in order1 and after the other three1 may be made evident in this manner4--,eusebius then proceeds to show that ,john wrote the last of the four1 and that his ,gospel was intended to supply the omissions of the others2 especially in the part of our ,lord's ministry which took place before the imprisonment of ,john the ,baptist4 ,he observes1 that the apostles of ,christ were not studious of the ornaments of composition1 nor indeed forward to write at all1 being wholly occupied with their ministry4 ,this learned author makes no use at all of ,christian writings1 forged with the names of ,christ's apostle1 or their companions4 ,we close this branch of our evidence here1 because1 after ,eusebius1 there is no room for any question upon the subject2 the works of ,christian writers being as full of texts of ,scripture1 and of references to ,scripture1 as the discourses of modern divines4 ,future testimonies to the books of ,scripture could only prove that they never lost their character or authority4 ,,section ,,ii4 ,when the ,scriptures are quoted1 or alluded to1 they are quoted with peculiar respect1 as books sui generis2 as possessing an authority which belonged to no other books1 and as conclusive in all questions and controversies amongst ,christians4 ,beside the general strain of reference and quotation1 which uniformly and strongly indicates this distinction1 the following may be regarded as specific testimonies3 ,i4 ,theophilus1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 part ii4 vol4 i4 p4 #dbi47 bishop of ,antioch1 the sixth in succession from the apostles1 and who flourished little more than a century after the books of the ,new ,testament were written1 having occasion to quote one of our ,gospels1 writes thus3 ,these things the ,holy ,scriptures teach us1 and all who were moved by the ,holy ,spirit1 among whom ,john says1 ,in the beginning was the ,word1 and the ,word was with ,god4 ,again3 ,concerning the righteousness which the law teaches1 the like things are to be found in the prophets and the ,gospels1 because that all1 being inspired1 spoke by one and the same ,spirit of ,god4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 part ii4 vol4 i4 p4 #ddh47 ,no words can testify more strongly than these do1 the high and peculiar respect in which these books were holden4 ,,ii4 ,a writer against ,artemon1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 part ii4 vol4 iii4 p4 #dj47 who may be supposed to come about one hundred and fifty-eight years after the publication of the ,scripture1 in a passage quoted by ,eusebius1 uses these expressions3 ,possibly what they 7our adversaries7 say1 might have been credited1 if first of all the ,divine ,scriptures did not contradict them2 and then the writings of certain brethren more ancient than the times of ,victor4 ,the brethren mentioned by name are ,justin1 ,miltiades1 ,tatian1 ,clement1 ,irenaeus1 ,melito1 with a general appeal to many more not named4 ,this passage proves1 first1 that there was at that time a collection called ,divine ,scriptures2 secondly1 that these ,scriptures were esteemed of higher authority than the writings of the most early and celebrated ,christians4 ,,iii4 ,in a piece ascribed to ,hippolytus1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iii4 p4 #aab47 who lived near the same time1 the author professes1 in giving his correspondent instruction in the things about which he inquires1 to draw out of the sacred-fountain1 and to set before him from the ,sacred ,scriptures what may afford him satisfaction4 ,he then quotes immediately ,paul's epistles to ,timothy1 and afterwards many books of the ,new ,testament4 ,this preface to the quotations carries in it a marked distinction between the ,scriptures and other books4 ,,iv4 ,our assertions and discourses1 saith ,origen1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iii4 pp4 #bhg-bhi47 are unworthy of credit2 we must receive the ,scriptures as witnesses4 ,after treating of the duty of prayer1 he proceeds with his argument thus3 ,what we have said1 may be proved from the ,divine ,scriptures4 ,in his books against ,celsus we find this passage3 ,that our religion teaches us to seek after wisdom1 shall be shown1 both out of the ancient ,jewish ,scriptures which we also use1 and out of those written since ,jesus1 which are believed in the churches to be divine4 ,these expressions afford abundant evidence of the peculiar and exclusive authority which the ,scriptures possessed4 ,v4 ,cyprian1 bishop of ,carthage1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 vi4 p4 #hdj47 whose age lies close to that of ,origen1 earnestly exhorts ,christian teachers1 in all doubtful cases1 to go back to the fountain2 and1 if the truth has in any case been shaken1 to recur to the ,gospels and apostolic writings4--,the precepts of the ,gospel1 says he in another place1 are nothing less than authoritative divine lessons1 the foundations of our hope1 the supports of our faith1 the guides of our way1 the safeguards of our course to heaven4 ,,vi4 ,novatus1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 v4 p4 #ajb47 a ,roman contemporary with ,cyprian1 appeals to the ,scriptures1 as the authority by which all errors were to be repelled1 and disputes decided4 ,that ,christ is not only man1 but ,god also1 is proved by the sacred authority of the ,divine ,writings4--,the ,divine ,scripture easily detects and confutes the frauds of heretics4--,it is not by the fault of the heavenly ,scriptures1 which never deceive4 ,stronger assertions than these could not be used4 ,,vii4 ,at the distance of twenty years from the writer last cited1 ,anatolius 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 v4 p4 #adf471 a learned ,alexandrian1 and bishop of ,laedicea1 speaking of the rule for keeping ,easter1 a question at that day agitated with much earnestness1 says of those whom he opposed1 ,they can by no means prove their point by the authority of the ,divine ,scripture4 ,,viii4 ,the ,arians1 who sprung up about fifty years after this1 argued strenuously against the use of the words consubstantial1 and essence1 and like phrases2 because they were not in ,scripture4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 vii4 pp4 #bhc-bhd47 ,and in the same strain one of their advocates opens a conference with ,augustine1 after the following manner3 ,if you say what is reasonable1 ,i must submit4 ,if you allege anything from the ,divine ,scriptures which are common to both1 ,i must hear4 ,but unscriptural expressions 7quae extra ,scripturam sunt7 deserve no regard4 ,athanasius1 the great antagonist of ,arianism1 after having enumerated the books of the ,old and ,new ,testament1 adds1 ,these are the fountain of salvation1 that he who thirsts may be satisfied with the oracles contained in them4 ,in these alone the doctrine of salvation is proclaimed4 ,let no man add to them1 or take anything from them4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 xii4 p4 #ahb47 ,,ix4 ,cyril1 bishop of ,jerusalem 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 viii4 p4 #bgf471 who wrote about twenty years after the appearance of ,arianism1 uses these remarkable words3 ,concerning the divine and holy mysteries of faith1 not the least article ought to be delivered without the ,divine ,scriptures4 ,we are assured that ,cyril's ,scriptures were the same as ours1 for he has left us a catalogue of the books included under that name4 ,x4 ,epiphanius1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 viii4 p4 #cad47 twenty years after ,cyril1 challenges the ,arians1 and the followers of ,origen1 to produce any passage of the ,old and ,new ,testament favouring their sentiments4 ,,xi4 ,poebadius1 a ,gallic bishop1 who lived about thirty years after the council of ,nice1 testifies1 that the bishops of that council first consulted the sacred volumes1 and then declared their faith4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ix4 p4 #eb47 ,,xii4 ,basil1 bishop of ,caesarea1 in ,cappadocia1 contemporary with ,epiphanius1 says1 that hearers instructed in the ,scriptures ought to examine what is said by their teachers1 and to embrace what is agreeable to the ,scriptures1 and to reject what is otherwise4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ix4 p4 #abd47 ,,xiii4 ,ephraim1 the ,syrian1 a celebrated writer of the same times1 bears this conclusive testimony to the proposition which forms the subject of our present chapter3 the truth written in the ,sacred ,volume of the ,gospel is a perfect rule4 ,nothing can be taken from it nor added to it1 without great guilt4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ix4 p4 #bjb47 ,,xiv4 ,if we add ,jerome to these1 it is only for the evidence which he affords of the judgment of preceding ages4 ,jerome observes1 concerning the quotations of ancient ,christian writers1 that is1 of writers who were ancient in the year #djj1 that they made a distinction between books2 some they quoted as of authority1 and others not3 which observation relates to the books of ,scripture1 compared with other writings1 apocryphal or heathen4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 x4 pp4 #abc-abd47 ,,section ,,iii4 ,the ,scriptures were in very early times collected into a distinct volume4 ,ignatius1 who was bishop of ,antioch within forty years after the ,ascension1 and who had lived and conversed with the apostles1 speaks of the ,gospel and of the apostles in terms which render it very probable that he meant by the ,gospel the book or volume of the ,gospels1 and by the apostles the book or volume of their ,epistles4 ,his words in one place are1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 part ii4 vol4 i4 p4 #ahj47 ,fleeing to the ,gospel as the flesh of ,jesus1 and to the apostles as the presbytery of the church2 that is1 as ,le ,clere interprets them1 in order to understand the will of ,god1 he fled to the ,gospels1 which he believed no less than if ,christ in the flesh had been speaking to him2 and to the writings of the apostles1 whom he esteemed as the presbytery of the whole ,christian church4 ,it must be observed1 that about eighty years after this we have direct proof1 in the writings of ,clement of ,alexandria1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 part ii4 vol4 ii4 p4 #eaf47 that these two names1 ,gospel1 and ,apostles1 were the names by which the writings of the ,new ,testament1 and the division of these writings1 were usually expressed4 ,another passage from ,ignatius is the following3--,but the ,gospel has somewhat in it more excellent1 the appearance of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 his passion and resurrection4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 part ii4 vol4 ii4 p4 #ahb47 ,and a third3 ,ye ought to hearken to the ,prophets1 but especially to the gospel1 in which the passion has been manifested to us1 and the resurrection perfected4 ,in this last passage1 the ,prophets and the ,gospel are put in conjunction2 and as ,ignatius undoubtedly meant by the prophets a collection of writings1 it is probable that he meant the same by the ,gospel1 the two terms standing in evident parallelism with each other4 ,this interpretation of the word ,gospel1 in the passages above quoted from ,ignatius1 is confirmed by a piece of nearly equal antiquity1 the relation of the martyrdom of ,polycarp by the church of ,smyrna4 ,all things1 say they1 that went before1 were done1 that the ,lord might show us a martyrdom according to the ,gospel1 for he expected to be delivered up as the ,lord also did4 7,ignat4 ,ep4 c4i47 ,and in another place1 ,we do not commend those who offer themselves1 forasmuch as the ,gospel1 teaches us no such thing4 7,ignat4 ,ep4 c4 iv47 ,in both these places1 what is called the ,gospel seems to be the history of ,jesus ,christ1 and of his doctrine4 ,if this be the true sense of the passages1 they are not only evidences of our proposition1 by strong and very ancient proofs of the high esteem in which the books of the ,new ,testament were holden4 ,,ii4 ,eusebius relates1 that ,quadratus and some others1 who were the immediate successors of the apostles1 travelling abroad to preach ,christ1 carried the ,gospels with them1 and delivered them to their converts4 ,the words of ,eusebius are3 ,then travelling abroad1 they performed the work of evangelists1 being ambitious to preach ,christ1 and deliver the ,scripture of the divine ,gospels4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 part ii4 vol4 i4 p4 #bcf47 ,eusebius had before him the writings both of ,quadratus himself1 and of many others of that age1 which are now lost4 ,it is reasonable1 therefore to believe that he had good grounds for his assertion4 ,what is thus recorded of the ,gospels took place within sixty1 or at the most seventy1 years after they were published3 and it is evident that they must1 before this time 7and1 it is probable1 long before this time71 have been in general use and in high esteem in the churches planted by the apostles1 inasmuch as they were now1 we find1 collected into a volume3 and the immediate successors of the apostles1 they who preached the religion of ,christ to those who had not already heard it1 carried the volume with them1 and delivered it to their converts4 ,,iii4 ,irenaeus1 in the year #agh1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 part ii4 vol4 i4 p4 #chc47 puts the evangelic and apostolic writings in connexion with the ,law and the ,prophets1 manifestly intending by the one a code or collection of ,christian sacred writings1 as the other expressed the code or collection of ,jewish sacred writings4 ,and1 ,,iv4 ,melito1 at this time bishop of ,sardis1 writing to one ,onesimus1 tells his correspondent1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #cca47 that he had procured an accurate account of the books of the ,old ,testament4 ,the occurrence in this message of the term ,old ,testament has been brought to prove1 and it certainly does prove1 that there was then a volume or collection of writings called the ,new ,testament4 ,v4 ,in the time of ,clement of ,alexandria1 about fifteen years after the last quoted testimony1 it is apparent that the ,christian ,scriptures were divided into two parts1 under the general titles of the ,gospels and ,apostles2 and that both these were regarded as of the highest authority4 ,one out of many expressions of ,clement1 alluding to this distribution1 is the following3 ,there is a consent and harmony between the ,law and the ,prophets1 the ,apostles and the ,gospel4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #eaf47 ,,vi4 ,the same division1 ,prophets1 ,gospels1 and ,apostles1 appears in ,tertullian1 the contemporary of ,clement4 ,the collection of the ,gospels is likewise called by this writer the ,evangelic ,instrument2 the whole volume the ,new ,testament2 and the two parts1 the ,gospels and ,apostles4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 pp4 #fca1egd #fcb47 ,,vii4 ,from many writers also of the third century1 and especially from ,cyprian1 who lived in the middle of it1 it is collected that the ,christian ,scriptures were divided into two cedes or volumes1 one called the ,gospels or ,scriptures of the ,lord1 the other the ,apostles1 or ,epistles of the ,apostles 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iv4 p4 #hdf47 ,,viii4 ,eusebius1 as we have already seen1 takes some pains to show that the ,gospel of ,saint ,john had been justly placed by the ancients1 the fourth in order1 and after the other three4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 viii4 p4 #ij47 ,these are the terms of his proposition3 and the very introduction of such an argument proves incontestably1 that the four ,gospels had been collected into a volume1 to the exclusion of every other3 that their order in the volume had been adjusted with much consideration2 and that this had been done by those who were called ancients in the time of ,eusebius4 ,in the ,diocletian persecution1 in the year #cjc1 the ,scriptures were sought out and burnt37,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 vii4 pp4 #bad et seq47 many suffered death rather than deliver them up2 and those who betrayed them to the persecutors were accounted as lapsed and apostate4 ,on the other hand1 ,constantine1 after his conversion1 gave directions for multiplying copies of the ,divine ,oracles1 and for magnificently adorning them at the expense of the imperial treasury4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 vii4 p4 #dcb47 ,what the ,christians of that age so richly embellished in their prosperity1 and1 which is more1 so tenaciously preserved under persecution1 was the very volume of the ,new ,testament which we now read4 ,,section ,,iv4 ,our present ,sacred ,writings were soon distinguished by appropriate names and titles of respect4 ,polycarp4 ,i trust that ye are well exercised in the ,holy ,scriptures2--as in these ,scriptures it is said1 ,be ye angry and sin not1 and let not the sun go down upon your wrath4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #bjc47 ,this passage is extremely important2 because it proves that1 in the time of ,polycarp1 who had lived with the apostles1 there were ,christian writings distinguished by the name of ,holy ,scriptures1 or ,sacred ,writings4 ,moreover1 the text quoted by ,polycarp is a text found in the collection at this day4 ,what also the same ,polycarp hath elsewhere quoted in the same manner1 may be considered as proved to belong to the collection2 and this comprehends ,saint ,matthew's and1 probably1 ,saint ,luke's ,gospel1 the ,acts of the ,apostles1 ten epistles of ,paul1 the ,first ,epistle of ,peter1 and the ,first of ,john4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #bbc47 ,in another place1 ,polycarp has these words3 ,whoever perverts the ,oracles of the ,lord to his own lusts1 and says there is neither resurrection nor judgment1 he is the first born of ,satan4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #bbc47--;,it does not appear what else ,polycarp could mean by the ,oracles of the ,lord1 but those same ,holy ,scriptures1 or ,sacred ,writings1 of which he had spoken before4 ,,ii4 ,justin ,martyr1 whose apology was written about thirty years after ,polycarp's epistle1 expressly cites some of our present histories under the title of ,gospel1 and that not as a name by him first ascribed to them1 but as the name by which they were generally known in his time4 ,his words are these3--,for the apostles in the memoirs composed by them1 which are called ,gospels1 have thus delivered it1 that ,jesus commanded them to take bread1 and give thanks4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #bga47 ,there exists no doubt1 but that1 by the memoirs above-mentioned1 ,justin meant our present historical ,scriptures2 for throughout his works he quotes these and no others4 ,,iii4 ,dionysius1 bishop of ,corinth1 who came thirty years after ,justin1 in a passage preserved in ,eusebius 7for his works are lost71 speaks of the ,scriptures of the ,lord4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #bih47 ,,iv4 ,and at the same time1 or very nearly so1 by ,irenaeus1 bishop of ,lyons in ,france1 7,the reader will observe the remoteness of these two writers in country and situation7 they are called ,divine ,scriptures1--,divine ,oracles1--,scriptures of the ,lord1--,evangelic and ,apostolic writings4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #cdc1 et seq47 ,the quotations of ,irenaeus prove decidedly1 that our present ,gospels1 and these alone1 together with the ,acts of the ,apostles1 were the historical books comprehended by him under these appellations4 ,v4 ,saint ,matthew's ,gospel is quoted by ,theophilus1 bishop of ,antioch1 contemporary with ,irenaeus1 under the title of the ,evangelic voice2 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #dbg47 and the copious works of ,clement of ,alexandria1 published within fifteen years of the same time1 ascribe to the books of the ,new ,testament the various titles of ,sacred ,books1--,divine ,scriptures1--,divinely inspired ,scriptures1-- ,scriptures of the ,lord1--the true ,evangelical ,canon4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #eae47 ,,vi4 ,tertullian1 who joins on with ,clement1 beside adopting most of the names and epithets above noticed1 calls the ,gospels our ,digesta1 in allusion1 as it should seem1 to some collection of ,roman laws then extant4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #fcj47 ,,vii4 ,by ,origen1 who came thirty years after ,tertullian1 the same1 and other no less strong titles1 are applied to the ,christian ,scriptures3 and1 in addition thereunto1 this writer frequently speaks of the ,old and ,new ,testament1--the ,ancient and ,new ,scriptures1--the ,ancient and ,new ,oracles4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iii4 p4 #bcj47 ,,viii4 ,in ,cyprian1 who was not twenty years later1 they are ,books of the ,spirit1--,divine ,fountains1--,fountains of the ,divine ,fulness4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iv4 p4 #hdd47 ,the expressions we have thus quoted are evidences of high and peculiar respect4 ,they all occur within two centuries from the publication of the books4 ,some of them commence with the companions of the apostles2 and they increase in number and variety1 through a series of writers touching upon one another1 and deduced from the first age of the religion4 ,,section ,v4 ,our ,scriptures were publicly read and expounded in the religious assemblies of the early ,christians4 ,justin ,,martyr1 who wrote in the year #adj1 which was seventy or eighty years after some1 and less1 probably1 after others of the ,gospels were published1 giving1 in his first apology an account1 to the ,emperor1 of the ,christian worship has this remarkable passage3 ,the ,memoirs of the ,apostles1 or the ,writings of the ,prophets1 are read according as the time allows3 and1 when the reader has ended1 the president makes a discourse1 exhorting to the imitation of so excellent things4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #bgc47 ,a few short observations will show the value of this testimony4 #a4 ,the ,memoirs of the ,apostles1 ,justin in another place expressly tells us1 are what are called ,gospels3 and that they were the ,gospels which we now use1 is made certain by ,justin's numerous quotations of them1 and his silence about any others4 #b4 ,justin describes the general usage of the ,christian church4 #c4 ,justin does not speak of it as recent or newly instituted1 but in the terms in which men speak of established customs4 ,,ii4 ,tertullian1 who followed ,justin at the distance of about fifty years1 in his account of the religious assemblies of ,christians as they were conducted in his time1 says1 ,we come together to recollect the ,divine ,scriptures2 we nourish our faith1 raise our hope1 confirm our trust1 by the ,sacred ,word4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #fbh47 ,,iii4 ,eusebius records of ,origen1 and cites for his authority the letters of bishops contemporary with ,origen1 that when he went into ,palestine about the year #baf1 which was only sixteen years after the date of ,tertullian's testimony1 he was desired by the bishops of that country to discourse and expound the ,scriptures publicly in the church1 though he was not yet ordained a presbyter4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iii4 p4 #fh47 ,this anecdote recognises the usage1 not only of reading1 but of expounding the ,scriptures2 and both as subsisting in full force4 ,origen also himself bears witness to the same practice3 ,this1 says he1 we do1 when the ,scriptures are read in the church1 and when the discourse for explication is delivered to the people4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iii4 p4 #cjb47 ,and what is a still more ample testimony1 many homilies of his upon the ,scriptures of the ,new ,testament1 delivered by him in the assemblies of the church1 are still extant4 ,,iv4 ,cyprian1 whose age was not twenty years lower than that of ,origen1 gives his people an account of having ordained two persons1 who were before confessors1 to be readers2 and what they were to read appears by the reason which he gives for his choice2 ,nothing1 says ,cyprian1 can be more fit than that he who has made a glorious confession of the ,lord should read publicly in the church2 that he who has shown himself willing to die a martyr should read the ,gospel of ,christ by which martyrs are made4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iv4 p4 #hdb47 ,v4 ,intimations of the same custom may be traced in a great number of writers in the beginning and throughout the whole of the fourth century4 ,of these testimonies ,i will only use one1 as being1 of itself1 express and full4 ,augustine1 who appeared near the conclusion of the century1 displays the benefit of the ,christian religion on this very account1 the public reading of the ,scriptures in the churches1 where1 says he1 is a consequence of all sorts of people of both sexes2 and where they hear how they ought to live well in this world1 that they may deserve to live happily and eternally in another4 ,and this custom he declares to be universal3 ,the canonical books of ,scripture being read every where1 the miracles therein recorded are well known to all people4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 x4 p4 #bgf1 et seq47 ,it does not appear that any books1 other than our present ,scriptures were thus publicly read1 except that the epistle of ,clement was read in the church of ,corinth1 to which it had been addressed1 and in some others2 and that the ,shepherd of ,hennas was read in many churches4 ,nor does it subtract much from the value of the argument1 that these two writings partly come within it1 because we allow them to be the genuine writings of apostolical men4 ,there is not the least evidence1 that any other ,gospel than the four which we receive was ever admitted to this distinction4 ,,section ,,vi4 ,commentaries were anciently written upon the ,scriptures2 harmonies formed out of them2 different copies carefully collated2 and versions made of them into different languages4 ,no greater proof can be given of the esteem in which these books were holden by the ancient ,christians1 or of the sense then entertained of their value and importance1 than the industry bestowed upon them4 ,and it ought to be observed that the value and importance of these books consisted entirely in their genuineness and truth4 ,there was nothing in them1 as works of taste or as compositions1 which could have induced any one to have written a note upon them4 ,moreover1 it shows that they were even then considered as ancient books4 ,men do not write comments upon publications of their own times3 therefore the testimonies cited under this head afford an evidence which carries up the evangelic writings much beyond the age of the testimonies themselves1 and to that of their reputed authors4 ,i4 ,tatian1 a follower of ,justin ,martyr1 and who flourished about the year #agj1 composed a harmony1 or collation of the ,gospels1 which he called ,diatessaron1 of the four4 ,the title1 as well as the work1 is remarkable2 because it shows that then1 as now1 there were four1 and only four1 ,gospels in general use with ,christians4 ,and this was little more than a hundred years after the publication of some of them4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #cjg47 ,,ii4 ,pantaenus1 of the ,alexandrian school1 a man of great reputation and learning1 who came twenty years after ,tatian1 wrote many commentaries upon the ,holy ,scriptures1 which1 as ,jerome testifies1 were extant in his time4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 i4 p4 #dee47 ,,iii4 ,clement of ,alexandria wrote short explications of many books of the ,old and ,new ,testament4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #dfb47 ,,iv4 ,tertullian appeals from the authority of a later version1 then in use1 to the authentic ,greek4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #fch47 ,v4 ,an anonymous author1 quoted by ,eusebius1 and who appears to have written about the year #bab1 appeals to the ancient copies of the ,scriptures1 in refutation of some corrupt readings alleged by the followers of ,artemon4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iii4 p4 #df47 ,,vi4 ,the same ,eusebius1 mentioning by name several writers of the church who lived at this time1 and concerning whom he says1 ,there still remain divers monuments of the laudable industry of those ancient and ecclesiastical men1 7i4 e4 of ,christian writers who were considered as ancient in the year #cjj17 adds1 ,there are1 besides1 treatises of many others1 whose names we have not been able to learn1 orthodox and ecclesiastical men1 as the interpretations of the ,divine ,scriptures given by each of them show4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #eea47 ,,vii4 ,the last five testimonies may be referred to the year #bjj2 immediately after which1 a period of thirty years gives us ,julius ,africanus1 who wrote an epistle upon the apparent difference in the genealogies in ,matthew and ,luke1 which he endeavours to reconcile by the distinction of natural and legal descent1 and conducts his hypothesis with great industry through the whole series of generations4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iii4 p4 #agj47 ,ammonius1 a learned ,alexandrian1 who composed1 as ,tatian had done1 a harmony of the four ,gospels1 which proves1 as ,tatian's work did1 that there were four ,gospels1 and no more1 at this time in use in the church4 ,it affords also on instance of the zeal of ,christians for those writings1 and of their solicitude about them4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iii4 p4 #abb47 ,and1 above both these1 ,origen1 who wrote commentaries1 or homilies1 upon most of the books included in the ,new ,testament1 and upon no other books but these4 ,in particular1 he wrote upon ,saint ,john's ,gospel1 very largely upon ,saint ,matthew's1 and commentaries1 or homilies1 upon the ,acts of the ,apostles4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iii4 pp4 #ceb1 #aib1 #bjb #bde47 ,,viii4 ,in addition to these1 the third century likewise contains--,dionysius of ,alexandria1 a very learned man1 who compared1 with great accuracy1 the accounts in the four ,gospels of the time of ,christ's resurrection1 adding a reflection which showed his opinion of their authority3 ,let us not think that the evangelists disagree or contradict each other1 although there be some small difference2 but let us honestly and faithfully endeavour to reconcile what we read4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iv4 p4 #aff47 ,victorin1 bishop of ,pettaw1 in ,germany1 who wrote comments upon ,saint ,matthew's ,gospel4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iv4 p4 #aie47 ,lucian1 a presbyter of ,antioch2 and ,hesychius1 an ,egyptian bishop1 who put forth editions of the ,new ,testament4 ,,ix4 ,the fourth century supplies a catalogue99 of fourteen writers1 who expended their labours upon the books of the ,new ,testament1 and whose works or names are come down to our times2 amongst which number it may be sufficient1 for the purpose of showing the sentiments and studies of learned ,christians of that age1 to notice the following3 99 ,eusebius 444444 ,a4,d4 #cae ,juvencus1 ,spain 44444 #ccj ,theodore1 ,thrace 4444 #ccd ,hilary1 ,poletiers 4444 #cdj ,fortunatus 44444 #ced ,apollinarius of ,loadicea #cfb ,damasus1 ,rome 44444 #cff ,gregory1 ,nyssen 4444 #cga ,didimus of ,alex1 4 4 4 4 #cgj ,ambrose of ,milan 44444 #cgd ,diodore of ,tarsus 44444 #cgh ,gaudent of ,brescia 4444 #chg ,theodore of ,cilicia 4444 #cie ,jerome 44444444 #cib ,chrysostom 444444 #cih ,eusebius1 in the very beginning of the century1 wrote expressly upon the discrepancies observable in the ,gospels1 and likewise a treatise1 in which he pointed out what things are related by four1 what by three1 what by two1 and what by one evangelist4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 viii4 p4 #df47 ,this author also testifies what is certainly a material piece of evidence1 that the writings of the apostles had obtained such an esteem as to be translated into every language both of ,greeks and ,barbarians1 and to be diligently studied by all nations4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 viii4 p4 #bja47 ,this testimony was given about the year #cjj2 how long before that date these translations were made does not appear4 ,damasus1 bishop of ,rome1 corresponded with ,saint ,jerome upon the exposition of difficult texts of ,scripture2 and1 in a letter still remaining1 desires ,jerome to give him a clear explanation of the word ,hosanna1 found in the ,new ,testament2 ,he 7,damasus7 having met with very different interpretations of it in the ,greek and ,latin commentaries of ,catholic writers which he had read4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ix4 ,p4 #ajh7 ,this last clause shows the number and variety of commentaries then extant4 ,gregory of ,nyssen1 at one time1 appeals to the most exact copies of ,saint ,mark's ,gospel2 at another time1 compares together1 and proposes to reconcile1 the several accounts of the ,resurrection given by the four ,evangelists2 which limitation proves that there were no other histories of ,christ deemed authentic beside these1 or included in the same character with these4 ,this writer observes1 acutely enough1 that the disposition of the clothes in the sepulchre1 the napkin that was about our ,saviour's head1 not lying with the linen clothes1 but wrapped together in a place by itself1 did not bespeak the terror and hurry of thieves1 and therefore refutes the story of the body being stolen4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ix4 p4 #afc47 ,ambrose1 bishop of ,milan1 remarked various readings in the ,latin copies of the ,new ,testament1 and appeals to the original ,greek2 ,and ,jerome1 towards the conclusion of this century1 put forth an edition of the ,new ,testament in ,latin1 corrected1 at least as to the ,gospels1 by ,greek copies1 and those 7he says7 ancient4 ,lastly1 ,chrysostom1 it is well known1 delivered and published a great many homilies1 or sermons1 upon the ,gospels and the ,acts of the ,apostles4 ,it is needless to bring down this article lower1 but it is of importance to add1 that there is no example of ,christian writers of the first three centuries composing comments upon any other books than those which are found in the ,new ,testament1 except the single one of ,clement of ,alexandria commenting upon a book called the ,revelation of ,peter4 ,of the ancient versions of the ,new ,testament1 one of the most valuable is the ,syriac4 ,syriac was the language of ,palestine when ,christianity was there first established4 ,and although the books of ,scripture were written in ,greek1 for the purpose of a more extended circulation than within the precincts of ,judea1 yet it is probable that they would soon be translated into the vulgar language of the country where the religion first prevailed4 ,accordingly1 a ,syriac translation is now extant1 all along1 so far as it appears1 used by the inhabitants of ,syria1 bearing many internal marks of high antiquity1 supported in its pretensions by the uniform tradition of the ,east1 and confirmed by the discovery of many very ancient manuscripts in the libraries of ,europe1 ,it is about #bjj years since a bishop of ,antioch sent a copy of this translation into ,europe to be printed2 and this seems to be the first time that the translation became generally known to these parts of the world4 ,the bishop of ,antioch's ,testament was found to contain all our books1 except the second epistle of ,peter1 the second and third of ,john1 and the ,revelation2 which books1 however1 have since been discovered in that language in some ancient manuscripts of ,europe4 ,but in this collection1 no other book1 besides what is in ours1 appears ever to have had a place4 ,and1 which is very worthy of observation1 the text1 though preserved in a remote country1 and without communication with ours1 differs from ours very little1 and in nothing that is important 7,jones on the ,canon1 vol4 i4 e4 #ad474 ,,section ,,vii4 ,our ,scriptures were received by ancient ,christians of different sects and persuasions1 but many ,heretics as well as ,catholics1 and were usually appealed to by both sides in the controversies which arose in those days4 ,the three most ancient topics of controversy amongst ,christians were1 the authority of the ,jewish constitution1 the origin of evil1 and the nature of ,christ4 ,upon the first of these we find1 in very early times1 one class of heretics rejecting the ,old ,testament entirely2 another contending for the obligation of its law1 in all its parts1 throughout its whole extent1 and over every one who sought acceptance with ,god4 ,upon the two latter subjects1 a natural1 perhaps1 and venial1 but a fruitless1 eager1 and impatient curiosity1 prompted by the philosophy and by the scholastic habits of the age1 which carried men much into bold hypotheses and conjectural solutions1 raised1 amongst some who professed ,christianity1 very wild and unfounded opinions4 ,i think there is no reason to believe that the number of these bore any considerable proportion to the body of the ,christian church2 and1 amidst the disputes which such opinions necessarily occasioned1 it is a great satisfaction to perceive what1 in a vast plurality of instances1 we do perceive1 all sides recurring to the same ,scriptures4 99,i4 ,basilides lived near the age of the apostles1 about the year #abj1 or1 perhaps1 sooner4 7,lardner1 vol4 ix4 p4 #bga47 ,he rejected the ,jewish institution1 not as spurious1 but as proceeding from a being inferior to the true ,god2 and in other respects advanced a scheme of theology widely different from the general doctrine of the ,christian church1 and which1 as it gained over some disciples1 was warmly opposed by ,christian writers of the second and third century4 ,in these writings there is positive evidence that ,basilides received the ,gospel of ,matthew2 and there is no sufficient proof that he rejected any of the other three3 on the contrary1 it appears that he wrote a commentary upon the ,gospel1 so copious as to be divided into twenty-four books4 7,lardner1 vol4 ix4 ed4 #aghh1 p4 #cje1 #cjf47 99 ,the materials of the former part of this section are taken from ,dr4 ,lardner's ,history of the ,heretics of the first two centuries1 published since his death1 with additions1 by the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,hogg1 of ,exeter1 and inserted into the ninth volume of his works1 of the edition of #aggh4 ,,ii4 ,the ,valentinians appeared about the same time4 ,their heresy consisted in certain notions concerning angelic natures1 which can hardly be rendered intelligible to a modern reader4 ,they seem1 however1 to have acquired as much importance as any of the separatists of that early age4 ,of this sect1 ,irenaeus1 who wrote ,a4,d4 #agb1 expressly records that they endeavoured to fetch arguments for their opinions from the evangelic and apostolic writings4 ,heracleon1 one of the most celebrated of the sect1 and who lived probably so early as the year #abe1 wrote commentaries upon ,luke and ,john4 ,some observations also of his upon ,matthew are preserved by ,origen4 ,nor is there any reason to doubt that he received the whole ,new ,testament4 7,lardner1 vol4 ix4 ed4 #aghh1 pp4 #cej-cea2 vol4 i4 p4 #chc2 vol4 ix4 ed4 #aghh1 p4 #ceb-cec47 ,,iii4 ,the ,carpocratians were also an early heresy1 little1 if at all1 later than the two preceding4 ,some of their opinions resembled what we at this day mean by ,socinianism4 ,with respect to the ,scriptures1 they are specifically charged1 by ,irenaeus and by ,epiphanius1 with endeavouring to pervert a passage in ,matthew1 which amounts to a positive proof that they received that ,gospel4 ,negatively1 they are not accused1 by their adversaries1 of rejecting any part of the ,new ,testament4 7,lardner1 vol4 ix4 ed4 #aghh1 pp4 #cji #cah47 ,,iv4 ,the ,sethians1 ,a4,d4 #aej2 the ,montanists1 ,a4,d4 #aef2 the ,marcosigns1 ,a4,d4 #afj2 ,hermogenes1 ,a4,d4 #ahj2 ,praxias1 ,a4,d4 #aif2 ,artemon1 ,a4,d4 #bjj2 ,theodotus1 ,a4,d4 #bjj2 all included under the denomination of heretics1 and all engaged in controversies with ,catholic ,christians1 received the ,scriptures of the ,new ,testament4 7,lardner1 vol4 ix4 ed4 #aghh1 pp4 #dee1 #dhb1 #cdh1 #dgc1 #dcc1 #dff47 ,v4 ,tatian1 who lived in the year #agb1 went into many extravagant opinions1 was the founder of a sect called ,encratites1 and was deeply involved in disputes with the ,christians of that age2 yet ,tatian so received the four ,gospels as to compose a harmony from them4 ,,vi4 ,from a writer quoted by ,eusebius1 of about the year #bjj1 it is apparent that they who at that time contended for the mere humanity of ,christ1 argued from the ,scriptures2 for they are accused by this writer of making alterations in their copies in order to favour their opinions4 7,lardner1 vol4 iii4 ,p4 #df47 ,,vii4 ,origen's sentiments excited great controversies1--the bishops of ,rome and ,alexandria1 and many others1 condemning1 the bishops of the east espousing them2 yet there is not the smallest question but that both the advocates and adversaries of these opinions acknowledged the same authority of ,scripture4 ,in his time1 which the reader will remember was about one hundred and fifty years after the ,scriptures were published1 many dissensions subsisted amongst ,christians1 with which they were reproached by ,celsus2 yet ,origen1 who has recorded this accusation without contradicting it1 nevertheless testifies1 that the four ,gospels were received without dispute1 by the whole church of ,god under heaven4 7,lardner1 vol4 iv4 ed4 #aghh1 p4 #fdb47 ,,viii4 ,paul of ,samosata1 about thirty years after ,origen1 so distinguished himself in the controversy concerning the nature of ,christ as to be the subject of two councils or synods1 assembled at ,antioch1 upon his opinions4 ,yet he is not charged by his adversaries with rejecting any book of the ,new ,testament4 ,on the contrary1 ,epiphanius1 who wrote a history of heretics a hundred years afterwards1 says1 that ,paul endeavoured to support his doctrine by texts of ,scripture4 ,and ,vincentius ,lirinensis1 ,a4,d4 #dcd1 speaking of ,paul and other heretics of the same age1 has these words3 ,here1 perhaps1 some one may ask whether heretics also urge the testimony of ,scripture4 ,they urge it1 indeed1 explicitly and vehemently2 for you may see them flying through every book of the sacred law4 7,lardner1 vol4 ix4 p4 #aeh47 ,,ix4 ,a controversy at the same time existed with the ,noetians or ,sabellians1 who seem to have gone into the opposite extreme from that of ,paul of ,samosata and his followers4 ,yet according to the express testimony of ,epiphanius1 ,sabellius received all the ,scriptures4 ,and with both sects ,catholic writers constantly allege the ,scriptures1 and reply to the arguments which their opponents drew from particular texts4 ,we have here1 therefore1 a proof1 that parties who were the most opposite and irreconcilable to one another acknowledged the authority of ,scripture with equal deference4 ,x4 ,and as a general testimony to the same point1 may be produced what was said by one of the bishops of the council of ,carthage1 which was holden a little before this time3--,i am of opinion that blasphemous and wicked heretics1 who pervert the sacred and adorable words of the ,scripture1 should be execrated4 ,undoubtedly1 what they perverted they received4 7,lardner1 vol4 ix4 p4 #hci47 ,,xi4 ,the ,millennium1 ,novatianism1 the baptism of heretics1 the keeping of ,easter1 engaged also the attention and divided the opinions of ,christians1 at and before that time 7and1 by the way1 it may be observed1 that such disputes1 though on some accounts to be blamed1 showed how much men were in earnest upon the subject472 yet every one appealed for the grounds of his opinion to ,scripture authority4 ,dionysius of ,alexandria1 who flourished ,a4,d4 #bdg1 describing a conference or public disputation1 with the ,millennarians of ,egypt1 confesses of them1 though their adversary1 that they embrace whatever could be made out by good arguments1 from the ,holy ,scriptures4 7,lardner1 vol4 iv4 p4 #fff47 ,novatus1 ,a4,d4 #bea1 distinguished by some rigid sentiments concerning the reception of those who had lapsed1 and the founder of a numerous sect1 in his few remaining works quotes the ,gospel with the same respect as other ,christians did2 and concerning his followers1 the testimony of ,socrates1 who wrote about the year #ddj1 is positive1 viz4 ,that in the disputes between the ,catholics and them1 each side endeavoured to support itself by the authority of the ,divine ,scriptures 7,lardner1 vol4 v4 p4 #aje47 ,,xii4 ,the ,donatists1 who sprung up in the year #cbh1 used the same ,scriptures as we do4 ,produce1 saith ,augustine1 some proof from the ,scriptures1 whose authority is common to us both 7,lardner1 vol4 vii4 p4 #bdc47 ,,xiii4 ,it is perfectly notorious1 that in the ,arian controversy1 which arose soon after the year #cjj1 both sides appealed to the same ,scriptures1 and with equal professions of deference and regard4 ,the ,arians1 in their council of ,antioch1 ,a4,d4 #cda1 pronounce that if any one1 contrary to the sound doctrine of the ,scriptures1 say1 that the ,son is a creature1 as one of the creatures1 let him be an anathema4 7,lardner1 vol4 vii4 p4 #bgg47 ,they and the ,athanasians mutually accuse each other of using unscriptural phrases2 which was a mutual acknowledgment of the conclusive authority of ,scripture4 ,,xiv4 ,the ,priscillianists1 ,a4,d4 #cgh1 the ,pelagians1 ,a4,d4 #dje received the same ,scriptures as we do4 7,lardner1 vol4 ix4 p4 #cbe2 vol4 xi p4 #eb47 ,,xv4 ,the testimony of ,chrysostom1 who lived near the year #djj1 is so positive in affirmation of the proposition which we maintain1 that it may form a proper conclusion of the argument4 ,the general reception of the ,gospels is a proof that their history is true and consistent2 for1 since the writing of the ,gospels1 many heresies have arisen1 holding opinions contrary to what is contained in them1 who yet receive the ,gospels either entire or in part4 7,lardner1 vol4 x4 p4 #caf47 ,i am not moved by what may seem a deduction from ,chrysostom's testimony1 the words1 entire or in part2 for if all the parts which were ever questioned in our ,gospels were given up1 it would not affect the miraculous origin of the religion in the smallest degree3 e4g4 ,cerinthus is said by ,epiphanius to have received the ,gospel of ,matthew1 but not entire4 ,what the omissions were does not appear4 ,the common opinion1 that he rejected the first two chapters1 seems to have been a mistake4 7,lardner1 vol4 ix4 ed4 #aghh1 p4 #cbb47 ,it is agreed1 however1 by all who have given any account of ,cerinthus1 that he taught that the ,holy ,ghost 7whether he meant by that name a person or a power7 descended upon ,jesus at his baptism2 that ,jesus from this time performed many miracles1 and that he appeared after his death4 ,he must have retained therefore the essential parts of the history4 ,of all the ancient heretics1 the most extraordinary was ,marcion4 7,lardner1 vol4 ix4 sect4 ii4 c4 x4 ,also ,michael vol4 i4 c4 i4 sect4 xviii47 ,one of his tenets was the rejection of the ,old ,testament1 as proceeding from an inferior and imperfect ,deity2 and in pursuance of this hypothesis1 he erased from the ,new1 and that1 as it should seem1 without entering into any critical reasons1 every passage which recognised the ,jewish ,scriptures4 ,he spared not a text which contradicted his opinion4 ,it is reasonable to believe that ,marcion treated books as he treated texts3 yet this rash and wild controversialist published a recension1 or chastised edition of ,saint ,luke's ,gospel1 containing the leading facts1 and all which is necessary to authenticate the religion4 ,this example affords proof that there were always some points1 and those the main points1 which neither wildness nor rashness1 neither the fury of opposition nor the intemperance of controversy1 would venture to call in question4 ,there is no reason to believe that ,marcion1 though full of resentment against the ,catholic ,christians1 ever charged them with forging their books4 ,the ,gospel of ,saint ,matthew1 the ,epistle to the ,hebrews1 with those of ,saint ,peter and ,saint ,james1 as well as the ,old ,testament in general he said1 were writings not for ,christians but for ,jews4 ,this declaration shows the ground upon which ,marcion proceeded in his mutilation of the ,scriptures1 viz41 his dislike of the passages or the books4 ,marcion flourished about the year #acj499 99 ,i have transcribed this sentence from ,michaelis 7p4 #ch71 who has not1 however1 referred to the authority upon which he attributes these words to ,marcion4 ,dr4 ,lardner1 in his ,general ,review1 sums up this head of evidence in the following words3--,noitus1 ,paul of ,samosata1 ,sabellius1 ,marcelins1 ,photinus1 the ,novatiana1 ,donatists1 ,manicheans 7,this must be with an exception1 however1 of ,faustus1 who lived so late us the year #ced71 ,priscillianists1 beside ,artemon1 the ,audians1 the ,arians1 and divers others1 all received most of all the same books of the ,new ,testament which the ,catholics received2 and agreed in a like respect for them as written by apostles1 or their disciples and companions4 7,lardner1 vol4 iii4 p4 #ab4--;,dr4 ,lardner's future inquiries supplied him with many other instances47 ,,section ,,viii4 ,the four ,gospels1 the ,acts of the ,apostles1 thirteen ,epistles of ,saint ,paul the ,first ,epistle of ,john1 and the ,first of ,peter1 were received without doubt by those who doubted concerning the other books which are included in our present ,canon4 ,i state this proposition1 because1 if made out1 it shows that the authenticity of their books was a subject amongst the early ,christians of consideration and inquiry2 and that1 where there was cause of doubt1 they did doubt2 a circumstance which strengthens very much their testimony to such books as were received by them with full acquiescence4 ,i4 ,jerome1 in his account of ,caius1 who was probably a presbyter of ,rome1 and who flourished near the year #bjj1 records of him1 that1 reckoning up only thirteen epistles of ,paul1 he says the fourteenth1 which is inscribed to the ,hebrews1 is not his3 and then ,jerome adds1 ,with the ,romans to this day it is not looked upon as ,paul's4 ,this agrees in the main with the account given by ,eusebius of the same ancient author and his work2 except that ,eusebius delivers his own remark in more guarded terms3 ,and indeed to this very time1 by some of the ,romans1 this epistle is not thought to be the apostle's4 7,lardner1 vol4 iii4 p4 #bdj47 ,,ii4 ,origen1 about twenty years after ,caius1 quoting the ,epistle to the ,hebrews1 observes that some might dispute the authority of that epistle2 and therefore proceeds to quote to the same point1 as undoubted books of ,scripture1 the ,gospel of ,saint ,matthew1 the ,acts of the ,apostles1 and ,paul's ,first ,epistle to the ,thessalonians4 7,lardner1 vol4 iii4 p4 #bdf47 and in another place1 this author speaks of the ,epistle to the ,hebrews thus3 ,the account come down to us is various2 some saying that ,clement who was bishop of ,rome1 wrote this epistle2 others1 that it was ,luke1 the same who wrote the ,gospel and the ,acts4 ,speaking also1 in the same paragraph1 of ,peter1 ,peter1 says he1 has left one epistle1 acknowledged2 let it be granted likewise that he wrote a second1 for it is doubted of4 ,and of ,john1 ,he has also left one epistle1 of a very few lines2 grant also a second and a third1 for all do not allow them to be genuine4 ,now let it be noted1 that ,origen1 who thus discriminates1 and thus confesses his own doubts and the doubts which subsisted in his time1 expressly witnesses concerning the four ,gospels1 that they alone are received without dispute by the whole church of ,god under heaven4 7,lardner1 vol4 iii4 p4 #bcd47 ,,iii4 ,dionysius of ,alexandria1 in the year #bdg1 doubts concerning the ,book of ,revelation1 whether it was written by ,saint ,john2 states the grounds of his doubt1 represents the diversity of opinion concerning it1 in his own time1 and before his time4 7,lardner1 vol4 iv4 p4 #fgj47 ,yet the same ,dionysius uses and collates the four ,gospels in a manner which shows that he entertained not the smallest suspicion of their authority1 and in a manner also which shows that they1 and they alone1 were received as authentic histories of ,christ4 7,lardner1 vol4 iv4 p4 #ffa47 ,,iv4 ,but this section may be said to have been framed on purpose to introduce to the reader two remarkable passages extant in ,eusebius's ,ecclesiastical ,history4 ,the first passage opens with these words3--,let us observe the writings of the apostle ,john which are uncontradicted3 and first of all must be mentioned1 as acknowledged of all1 the ,gospel according to him1 well known to all the churches under heaven4 ,the author then proceeds to relate the occasions of writing the ,gospels1 and the reasons for placing ,saint ,john's the last1 manifestly speaking of all the four as parallel in their authority1 and in the certainty of their original4 7,lardner1 vol4 viii4 p4 #ij47 ,the second passage is taken from a chapter1 the title of which is1 ,of the ,scriptures universally acknowledged1 and of those that are not such4 ,eusebius begins his enumeration in the following manner3--,in the first place are to be ranked the sacred four ,gospels2 then the book of the ,acts of the ,apostles2 after that are to be reckoned the ,epistles of ,paul4 ,in the next place1 that called the ,first ,epistle of ,john1 and the ,epistle of ,peter1 are to be esteemed authentic4 ,after this is to be placed1 if it be thought fit1 the ,revelation of ,john1 about which we shall observe the different opinions at proper seasons4 ,of the controverted1 but yet well known or approved by the most1 are1 that called the ,epistle of ,james1 and that of ,jude1 and the ,second of ,peter1 and the ,second and ,third of ,john1 whether they are written by the evangelist1 or another of the same name4 7,lardner1 vol4 viii4 p4 #ci47 ,he then proceeds to reckon up five others1 not in our canon1 which he calls in one place spurious1 in another controverted1 meaning1 as appears to me1 nearly the same thing by these two words499 99 ,that ,eusebius could not intend1 by the word rendered 'spurious' what we at present mean by it1 is evident from a clause in this very chapter where1 speaking of the ,gospels of ,peter1 and ,thomas and ,matthias1 and some others1 he says1 ,they the are not so much as to be reckoned among the spurious1 but are altogether absurd and impious4 7,lardner1 vol4 viii4 p4 #ii47 ,it is manifest from this passage1 that the four ,gospels1 and the ,acts of the ,apostles 7the parts of ,scripture with which our concern principally lies71 were acknowledged without dispute1 even by those who raised objections1 or entertained doubts1 about some other parts of the same collection4 ,but the passage proves something more than this4 ,the author was extremely conversant in the writings of ,christians which had been published from the commencement of the institution to his own time3 and it was from these writings that he drew his knowledge of the character and reception of the books in question4 ,that ,eusebius recurred to this medium of information1 and that he had examined with attention this species of proof1 is shown1 first1 by a passage in the very chapter we are quoting1 in which1 speaking of the books which he calls spurious1 ,none1 he says1 of the ecclesiastical writers1 in the succession of the apostles1 have vouchsafed to make any mention of them in their writings2 and1 secondly1 by another passage of the same work1 wherein1 speaking of the ,first ,epistle of ,peter1 ,this1 he says1 the presbyters of ancient times have quoted in their writings as undoubtedly genuine2 7,lardner1 vol4 viii4 p4 #ii47 and then1 speaking of some other writings bearing the name of ,peter1 ,we know1 he says1 that they have not been delivered down to us in the number of ,catholic writings1 forasmuch as no ecclesiastical writer of the ancients1 or of our times1 has made use of testimonies out of them4 ,but in the progress of this history1 the author proceeds1 we shall make it our business to show1 together with the successions from the apostles1 what ecclesiastical writers1 in every age1 have used such writings as these which are contradicted1 and what they have said with regard to the ,scriptures received in the ,new ,testament1 and acknowledged by all1 and with regard to those which are not such4 7,lardner1 vol4 viii4 p4 #aaa7 ,after this it is reasonable to believe that when ,eusebius states the four ,gospels1 and the ,acts of the ,apostles1 as uncontradicted1 uncontested1 and acknowledged by all2 and when he places them in opposition1 not only to those which were spurious1 in our sense of that term1 but to those which were controverted1 and even to those which were well known and approved by many1 yet doubted of by some2 he represents not only the sense of his own age1 but the result of the evidence which the writings of prior ages1 from the apostles' time to his own1 had furnished to his inquiries4 ,the opinion of ,eusebius and his contemporaries appears to have been founded upon the testimony of writers whom they then called ancient3 and we may observe1 that such of the works of these writers as have come down to our times entirely confirm the judgment1 and support the distinction which ,eusebius proposes4 ,the books which he calls books universally acknowledged are in fact used and quoted in time remaining works of ,christian writers1 during the #bej years between the apostles' time and that of ,eusebius1 much more frequently than1 and in a different manner from1 those the authority of which1 he tells us1 was disputed4 ,,section ,,ix4 ,our historical ,scriptures were attacked by the early adversaries of ,christianity1 as containing the accounts upon which the ,religion was founded4 ,near the middle of the second century1 ,celsus1 a heathen philosopher1 wrote a professed treatise against ,christianity4 ,to this treatise ,origen1 who came about fifty years after him1 published an answer1 in which he frequently recites his adversary's words and arguments4 ,the work of ,celsus is lost2 but that of ,origen remains4 ,origen appears to have given us the words of ,celsus1 where he professes to give them1 very faithfully2 and amongst other reasons for thinking so1 this is one1 that the objection1 as stated by him from ,celsus1 is sometimes stronger than his own answer4 ,i think it also probable that ,origen1 in his answer1 has retailed a large portion of the work of ,celsus3 ,that it may not be suspected1 he says1 that we pass by any chapters because we have no answers at hand1 ,i have thought it best1 according to my ability1 to confute everything proposed by him1 not so much observing the natural order of things1 as the order which he has taken himself4 7,orig4 cont4 ,cels4 ,i4 i4 sect4 #da47 ,celsus wrote about one hundred years after the ,gospels were published2 and therefore any notices of these books from him are extremely important for their antiquity4 ,they are1 however1 rendered more so by the character of the author2 for the reception1 credit1 and notoriety of these books must have been well established amongst ,christians1 to have made them subjects of animadversion and opposition by strangers and by enemies4 ,it evinces the truth of what ,chrysostom1 two centuries afterwards1 observed1 that the ,gospels1 when written1 were not hidden in a corner or buried in obscurity1 but they were made known to all the world1 before enemies as well as others1 even as they are now4 7,in ,matt4 ,hom4 ,i4 #g47 #a4 ,celsus1 or the ,jew whom he personates1 uses these words3--,i could say many things concerning the affairs of ,jesus1 and those1 too1 different from those written by the disciples of ,jesus2 but ,i purposely omit them4 7,lardner1 ,jewish and ,heathen ,test4 vol4 ii4 p4 #bgd47 ,upon this passage it has been rightly observed1 that it is not easy to believe1 that if ,celsus could have contradicted the disciples upon good evidence in any material point1 he would have omitted to do so1 and that the assertion is1 what ,origen calls it1 a mere oratorical flourish4 ,it is sufficient1 however1 to prove that1 in the time of ,celsus1 there were books well known1 and allowed to be written by the disciples of ,jesus1 which books contained a history of him4 ,by the term disciples1 ,celsus does not mean the followers of ,jesus in general2 for them he calls ,christians1 or believers1 or the like2 but those who had been taught by ,jesus himself1 i4e4 his apostles and companions4 #b4 ,in another passage1 ,celsus accuses the ,christians of altering the ,gospel4 7,lardner1 ,jewish and ,heathen ,test4 ,vol4 ii4 p4 #bge47 ,the accusation refers to some variations in the readings of particular passages3 for ,celsus goes on to object1 that when they are pressed hard1 and one reading has been confuted1 they disown that1 and fly to another4 ,we cannot perceive from ,origen1 that ,celsus specified any particular instances1 and without such specification the charge is of no value4 ,but the true conclusion to be drawn from it is1 that there were in the hands of the ,christians histories which were even then of some standing3 for various readings and corruptions do not take place in recent productions4 ,the former quotation1 the reader will remember1 proves that these books were composed by the disciples of ,jesus1 strictly so called2 the present quotation shows1 that though objections were taken by the adversaries of the religion to the integrity of these books1 none were made to their genuineness4 #c4 ,in a third passage1 the ,jew whom ,celsus introduces shuts up an argument in this manner3--these things then we have alleged to you out of your own writings1 not needing any other weapons4 7,lardner1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bgf47 ,it is manifest that this boast proceeds upon the supposition that the books over which the writer affects to triumph possessed an authority by which ,christians confessed themselves to be bound4 #d4 ,that the books to which ,celsus refers were no other than our present ,gospels1 is made out by his allusions to various passages still found in these ,gospels4 ,celsus takes notice of the genealogies1 which fixes two of these ,gospels2 of the precepts1 ,resist not him that injures you1 and if a man strike thee on the one cheek1 offer to him the other also2 of the woes denounced by ,christ2 of his predictions2 of his saying1 ,that it is impossible to serve two masters2 7 ,lardner1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #bgf-bgg47 ,of the purple robe1 the crown of thorns1 and the reed in his hand2 of the blood that flowed from the body of ,jesus upon the cross1 which circumstance is recorded by ,john alone2 and 7what is instar omnium for the purpose for which we produce it7 of the difference in the accounts given of the resurrection by the evangelists1 some mentioning two angels at the sepulchre1 ethers only one4 7,lardner1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #bhj1 #bha1 #bhc47 ,it is extremely material to remark1 that ,celsus not only perpetually referred to the accounts of ,christ contained in the four ,gospels1 but that he referred to no other accounts2 that he founded none of his objections to ,christianity upon any thing delivered in spurious ,gospels4 7,the particulars1 of which the above are only a few1 are well collected by ,mr4 ,bryant1 p4 #adj47 ,,ii4 ,what ,celsus was in the second century1 ,porphyry became in the third4 ,his work1 which was a large and formal treatise against the ,christian religion1 is not extant4 ,we must be content1 therefore1 to gather his objections from ,christian writers1 who have noticed in order to answer them2 and enough remains of this species of information to prove completely1 that ,porphyry's animadversions were directed against the contents of our present ,gospels1 and of the ,acts of the ,apostles2 ,porphyry considering that to overthrow them was to overthrow the religion4 ,thus he objects to the repetition of a generation in ,saint ,matthew's genealogy2 to ,matthew's call2 to the quotation of a text from ,isaiah1 which is found in a psalm ascribed to ,asaph2 to the calling of the lake of ,tiberius a sea2 to the expression of ,saint ,matthew1 the abomination of desolation2 to the variation in ,matthew and ,mark upon the text1 the voice of one crying in the wilderness1 ,matthew citing it from ,isaias1 ,mark from the ,prophets2 to ,john's application of the term ,word2 to ,christ's change of intention about going up to the feast of ,tabernacles 7,john vii4 #h72 to the judgment denounced by ,saint ,peter upon ,ananias and ,sapphira1 which he calls an imprecation of death4 7,jewish and ,heathen ,test4 ,vol4 iii4 p4 #aff1 et seq47 ,the instances here alleged serve1 in some measure1 to show the nature of ,porphyry's objections1 and prove that ,porphyry had read the ,gospels with that sort of attention which a writer would employ who regarded them as the depositaries of the religion which he attacked4 ,besides these specifications1 there exists1 in the writings of ancient ,christians1 general evidence that the places of ,scripture upon which ,porphyry had remarked were very numerous4 ,in some of the above-cited examples1 ,porphyry1 speaking of ,saint ,matthew1 calls him your ,evangelist2 he also uses the term evangelists in the plural number4 ,what was said of ,celsus is true likewise of ,porphyry1 that it does not appear that he considered any history of ,christ except these as having authority with ,christians4 ,,iii4 ,a third great writer against the ,christian religion was the emperor ,julian1 whose work was composed about a century after that of ,porphyry4 ,in various long extracts1 transcribed from this work by ,cyril and ,jerome1 it appears1 7,jewish and ,heathen ,test4 vol4 iv4 p4 #gg1 et seq47 that ,julian noticed by name ,matthew and ,luke1 in the difference between their genealogies of ,christ that he objected to ,matthew's application of the prophecy1 ,out of ,egypt have ,i called my son 7ii4 #ae71 and to that of ,a virgin shall conceive 7i4 #bc72 that he recited sayings of ,christ1 and various passages of his history1 in the very words of the evangelists2 in particular1 that ,jesus healed lame and blind people1 and exorcised demoniacs in the villages of ,bethsaida and ,bethany2 that he alleged that none of ,christ's disciples ascribed to him the creation of the world1 except ,john2 that neither ,paul1 nor ,matthew1 nor ,luke1 nor ,mark1 have dared to call ,jesus ,god2 that ,john wrote later than the other evangelists1 and at a time when a great number of men in the cities of ,greece and ,italy were converted2 that he alludes to the conversion of ,cornelius and of ,sergius ,paulus1 to ,peter's vision1 to the circular letter sent by the apostles and elders at ,jerusalem1 which are all recorded in the ,acts of the ,apostles3 by which quoting of the four ,gospels and the ,acts of the ,apostles1 and by quoting no other1 ,julian shows that these were the historical books1 and the only historical books1 received by ,christians as of authority1 and as the authentic memoirs of ,jesus ,christ1 of his apostles1 and of the doctrines taught by them4 ,but ,julian's testimony does something more than represent the judgment of the ,christian church in his time4 ,it discovers also his own4 ,he himself expressly states the early date of these records2 he calls them by the names which they now bear4 ,he all along supposes1 he nowhere attempts to question1 their genuineness4 ,the argument in favour of the books of the ,new ,testament1 drawn from the notice taken of their contents by the early writers against the religion1 is very considerable4 ,it proves that the accounts which ,christians had then were the accounts which we have now2 that our present ,scriptures were theirs4 ,it proves1 moreover1 that neither ,celsus in the second1 ,porphyry in the third1 nor ,julian in the fourth century1 suspected the authenticity of these books1 or ever insinuated that ,christians were mistaken in the authors to whom they ascribed them4 ,not one of them expressed an opinion upon this subject different from that which was holden by ,christians4 ,and when we consider how much it would have availed them to have cast a doubt upon this point1 if they could2 and how ready they showed themselves to be to take every advantage in their power2 and that they were all men of learning and inquiry3 their concession1 or rather their suffrage1 upon the subject is extremely valuable4 ,in the case of ,porphyry1 it is made still stronger1 by the consideration that he did in fact support himself by this species of objection when he saw any room for it1 or when his acuteness could supply any pretence for alleging it4 ,the prophecy of ,daniel he attacked upon this very ground of spuriousness1 insisting that it was written after the time of ,antiochus ,epiphanes1 and maintains his charge of forgery by some far-fetched indeed1 but very subtle criticisms4 ,concerning the writings of the ,new ,testament1 no trace of this suspicion is anywhere to be found in him4 7,michaelis's ,introduction to the ,new ,testament1 vol4 i4 p4 #dc4 ,marsh's ,translation47 ,,section ,x4 ,formal catalogues of authentic ,scriptures were published1 in all which our present sacred histories were included4 ,this species of evidence comes later than the rest2 as it was not natural that catalogues of any particular class of books should be put forth until ,christian writings became numerous2 or until some writings showed themselves1 claiming titles which did not belong to them1 and thereby rendering it necessary to separate books of authority from others4 ,but1 when it does appear1 it is extremely satisfactory2 the catalogues1 though numerous1 and made in countries at a wide distance from one another1 differing very little1 differing in nothing which is material1 and all containing the four ,gospels4 ,to this last article there is no exception4 ,i4 ,in the writings of ,origen which remain1 and in some extracts preserved by ,eusebius1 from works of his which are now lost1 there are enumerations of the books of ,scriptures1 in which the ,four ,gospels and the ,acts of the ,apostles are distinctly and honourably specified1 and in which no books appear beside what are now received4 ,the reader1 by this time1 will easily recollect that the date of ,origen's works is ,a4,d4 #bcj4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 iii4 p4 #bcd1 et seq42 vol4 viii4 p4 #aif47 ,,ii4 ,athanasias1 about a century afterwards1 delivered a catalogue of the books of the ,new ,testament in form1 containing our ,scriptures and no others2 of which he says1 ,in these alone the doctrine of ,religion is taught2 let no man add to them1 or take anything from them4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #bbc47 ,,iii4 ,about twenty years after ,athanasius1 ,cyril1 bishop of ,jerusalem1 set forth a catalogue of the books of ,scripture1 publicly read at that time in the church of ,jerusalem1 exactly the same as ours1 except that the ,revelation is omitted4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #bgj47 ,,iv4 ,and fifteen years after ,cyril1 the council of ,laodicea delivered an authoritative catalogue of canonical ,scripture1 like ,cyril's1 the same as ours with the omission of the ,revelation4 ,v4 ,catalogues now became frequent4 ,within thirty years after the last date1 that is1 from the year #cfc to near the conclusion of the fourth century1 we have catalogues by ,epiphanius1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #cfh47 by ,gregory ,nazianzen1 by ,philaster1 bishop of ,breseia in ,italy1 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ix4 p4 #acb #cgc47 by ,amphilochius1 bishop of ,iconium2 all1 as they are sometimes called1 clean catalogues 7that is1 they admit no books into the number beside what we now receive72 and all1 for every purpose of historic evidence1 the same as ours4 7,epiphanius omits the ,acts of the ,apostles4 ,this must have been an accidental mistake1 either in him or in some copyist of his work2 for he elsewhere expressly refers to this book1 and ascribes it to ,luke47 ,,vi4 ,within the same period ,jerome1 the most learned ,christian writer of his age1 delivered a catalogue of the hooks of the ,new ,testament1 recognising every book now received1 with the intimation of a doubt concerning the ,epistle to the ,hebrews alone1 and taking not the least notice of any book which is not now received4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 x4 p4 #gg47 ,,vii4 ,contemporary with ,jerome1 who lived in ,palestine1 was ,st4 ,augustine1 in ,africa1 who published likewise a catalogue1 without joining to the ,scriptures1 as books of authority1 any other ecclesiastical writing whatever1 and without omitting one which we at this day acknowledge4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 x4 p4 #bac47 ,,viii4 ,and with these concurs another contemporary writer1 ,rufen1 presbyter of ,aquileia1 whose catalogue1 like theirs1 is perfect and unmixed1 and concludes with these remarkable words3 ,these are the volumes which the fathers have included in the canon1 and out of which they would have us prove the doctrine of our faith4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 x4 p4 #ahg47 ,,section ,,xi4 ,these propositions cannot be predicated of any of those books which are commonly called ,apocryphal ,books of the ,new ,testament4 ,i do not know that the objection taken from apocryphal writings is at present much relied upon by scholars4 ,but there are many1 who1 hearing that various ,gospels existed in ancient times under the names of the apostles1 may have taken up a notion1 that the selection of our present ,gospels from the rest was rather an arbitrary or accidental choice1 than founded in any clear and certain cause of preference4 ,to these it may be very useful to know the truth of the case4 ,i observe1 therefore3-- ,i4 ,that1 beside our ,gospels and the ,acts of the ,apostles1 no ,christian history1 claiming to be written by an apostle or apostolical man1 is quoted within three hundred years after the birth of ,christ1 by any writer now extant or known2 or1 if quoted1 is not quoted but with marks of censure and rejection4 ,i have not advanced this assertion without inquiry2 and ,i doubt not but that the passages cited by ,mr4 ,jones and ,dr4 ,lardner1 under the several titles which the apocryphal books bear2 or a reference to the places where they are mentioned as collected in a very accurate table1 published in the year #aggc1 by the ,rev4 ,j4 ,atkinson1 will make out the truth of the proposition to the satisfaction of every fair and competent judgment4 ,if there be any book which may seem to form an exception to the observation1 it is a ,hebrew ,gospel1 which was circulated under the various titles of1 the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews1 the ,gospel of the ,nazarenes1 of the ,ebionites1 sometimes called of the ,twelve1 by some ascribed to ,st ,matthew4 ,this ,gospel is once1 and only once1 cited by ,clemeus ,alexandrinus1 who lived1 the reader will remember1 in the latter part of the second century1 and which same ,clement quotes one or other of our four ,gospels in almost every page of his work4 ,it is also twice mentioned by ,origen1 ,a4,d4 #bcj2 and both times with marks of diminution and discredit4 ,and this is the ground upon which the exception stands4 ,but what is still more material to observe is1 that this ,gospel1 in the main1 agreed with our present ,gospel of ,saint ,matthew4 7,in applying to this ,gospel what ,jerome in the latter end of the fourth century has mentioned of a ,hebrew ,gospel1 ,i think it probable that we sometimes confound it with a ,hebrew copy of ,st4 ,matthew's ,gospel1 whether an original or version1 which was then extant47 ,now if1 with this account of the apocryphal ,gospels1 we compare what we have read concerning the canonical ,scriptures in the preceding sections2 or even recollect that general but well-founded assertion of ,dr4 ,lardner1 ,that in the remaining works of ,irenaeus1 ,clement of ,alexandria1 and ,tertullian1 who all lived in the first two centuries1 there are more and larger quotations of the small volume of the ,new ,testament than of all the works of ,cicero1 by writers of all characters1 for several ages2 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 xii4 p4 #ec47 and if to this we add that1 notwithstanding the loss of many works of the primitive times of ,christianity1 we have1 within the above-mentioned period1 the remains of ,christian writers who lived in ,palestine1 ,syria1 ,asia ,minor1 ,egypt1 the part of ,africa that used the ,latin tongue1 in ,crete1 ,greece1 ,italy1 and ,gaul1 in all which remains references are found to our evangelists2 ,i apprehend that we shall perceive a clear and broad line of division between those writings and all others pretending to similar authority4 ,,ii4 ,but beside certain histories which assumed the names of apostles1 and which were forgeries properly so called1 there were some other ,christian writings1 in the whole or in part of an historical nature1 which1 though not forgeries1 are denominated apocryphal1 as being of uncertain or of no authority4 ,of this second class of writings1 ,i have found only two which are noticed by any author of the first three centuries without express terms of condemnation3 and these are1 the one a book entitled the ,preaching of ,peter1 quoted repeatedly by ,clemens ,alexandrinus1 ,a4,d4 #aif2 the other a book entitled the ,revelation of ,peter1 upon which the above-mentioned ,clemens ,alexandrinus is said by ,eusebius to have written notes2 and which is twice cited in a work still extant1 ascribed to the same author4 ,i conceive1 therefore1 that the proposition we have before advanced1 even after it hath been subjected to every exception of every kind that can be alleged1 separates1 by a wide interval1 our historical ,scriptures from all other writings which profess to give an account of the same subject4 ,we may be permitted however to add1-- #a4 ,that there is no evidence that any spurious or apocryphal books whatever existed in the first century of the ,christian era1 in which century all our historical books are proved to have been extant4 ,there are no quotations of any such books in the apostolical fathers1 by whom ,i mean ,barnabas1 ,clement of ,rome1 ,hermas1 ,ignatius1 and ,polycarp1 whose writings reach from about the year of our ,lord #gj to the year #ajh 7and some of whom have quoted each and every one of our historical ,scriptures73 ,i say this1 adds ,dr4 ,lardner1 because ,i think it has been proved4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 xii4 p4 #aeh47 #b4 ,these apocryphal writings were not read in the churches of ,christians2 #c4 ,were not admitted into their volume2 #d4 ,do not appear in their catalogues2 #e4 ,were not noticed by their adversaries2 #f4 ,were not alleged by different parties1 as of authority in their controversies2 #g4 ,were not the subjects1 amongst them1 of commentaries1 versions1 collections1 expositions4 ,finally2 beside the silence of three centuries1 or evidence within that time of their rejection1 they were1 with a consent nearly universal1 reprobated by ,christian writers of succeeding ages4 ,although it be made out by these observations that the books in question never obtained any degree of credit and notoriety which can place them in competition with our ,scriptures2 yet it appears from the writings of the fourth century1 that many such existed in that century1 and in the century preceding it4 ,it may be difficult at this distance of time to account for their origin4 ,perhaps the most probable explication is1 that they were in general composed with a design of making a profit by the sale4 ,whatever treated of the subject would find purchasers4 ,it was an advantage taken of the pious curiosity of unlearned ,christians4 ,with a view to the same purpose1 there were many of them adapted to the particular opinions of particular sects1 which would naturally promote their circulation amongst the favourers of those opinions4 ,after all1 they were probably much more obscure than we imagine4 ,except the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews1 there is none of which we hear more than the ,gospel of the ,egyptians2 yet there is good reason to believe that ,clement1 a presbyter of ,alexandria in ,egypt1 ,a4,d4 #ahd1 and a man of almost universal reading1 had never seen it4 7,jones1 vol4 i4 p4 #bdc47 ,a ,gospel according to ,peter was another of the most ancient books of this kind2 yet ,serapion1 bishop of ,antioch1 ,a4,d4 #bjj1 had not read it1 when he heard of such a book being in the hands of the ,christians of ,rhossus in ,cillcia2 and speaks of obtaining a sight of this ,gospel from some sectaries who used it4 7,lardner1 ,cred4 vol4 ii4 p4 #eeg47 ,even of the ,gospel of the ,hebrews1 which confessedly stands at the head of the catalogue1 ,jerome1 at the end of the fourth century1 was glad to procure a copy by the favour of the ,nazarenes of ,berea4 ,nothing of this sort ever happened1 or could have happened1 concerning our ,gospels4 ,one thing is observable of all the apocryphal ,christian writings1 viz4 that they proceed upon the same fundamental history of ,christ and his apostles as that which is disclosed in our ,scriptures4 ,the mission of ,christ1 his power of working miracles1 his communication of that power to the apostles1 his passion1 death1 and resurrection1 are assumed or asserted by every one of them4 ,the names under which some of them came forth are the names of men of eminence in our histories4 ,what these books give are not contradictions1 but unauthorised additions4 ,the principal facts are supposed1 the principal agents the same2 which shows that these points were too much fixed to be altered or disputed4 ,if there be any book of this description which appears to have imposed upon some considerable number of learned ,christians1 it is the ,sibylline oracles2 but when we reflect upon the circumstances which facilitated that imposture1 we shall cease to wonder either at the attempt or its success4 ,it was at that time universally understood that such a prophetic writing existed4 ,its contents were kept secret4 ,this situation afforded to some one a hint1 as well as an opportunity1 to give out a writing under this name1 favourable to the already established persuasion of ,christians1 and which writing1 by the aid and recommendation of these circumstances1 would in some degree1 it is probable1 be received4 ,of the ancient forgery we know but little2 what is now produced could not1 in my opinion1 have imposed upon any one4 ,it is nothing else than the ,gospel history woven into verse2 perhaps was at first rather a fiction than a forgery2 an exercise of ingenuity1 more than an attempt to deceive4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,recapitulation4 ,the reader will now be pleased to recollect1 that the two points which form the subject of our present discussion are1 first1 that the ,founder of ,christianity1 his associates1 and immediate followers1 passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings2 secondly1 that they did so in attestation of the miraculous history recorded in our ,scriptures1 and solely in consequence of their belief of the truth of that history4 ,the argument1 by which these two propositions have been maintained by us1 stands thus3 ,no historical fact1 ,i apprehend1 is more certain1 than that the original propagators of ,christianity voluntarily subjected themselves to lives of fatigue1 danger1 and suffering1 in the prosecution of their undertaking4 ,the nature of the undertaking2 the character of the persons employed in it2 the opposition of their tenets to the fixed opinions and expectations of the country in which they first advanced them2 their undissembled condemnation of the religion of all other countries2 their total want of power1 authority1 or force--render it in the highest degree probable that this must have been the case4 ,the probability is increased by what we know of the fate of the ,founder of the institution1 who was put to death for his attempt2 and by what we also know of the cruel treatment of the converts to the institution1 within thirty years after its commencement3 both which points are attested by heathen writers1 and1 being once admitted1 leave it very incredible that the primitive emissaries of the religion1 who exercised their ministry1 first1 amongst the people who had destroyed their ,master1 and1 afterwards1 amongst those who persecuted their converts1 should themselves escape with impunity1 or pursue their purpose in ease and safety4 ,this probability1 thus sustained by foreign testimony1 is advanced1 ,i think1 to historical certainty1 by the evidence of our own books2 by the accounts of a writer who was the companion of the persons whose sufferings he relates2 by the letters of the persons themselves by predictions of persecutions ascribed to the ,founder of the religion1 which predictions would not have been inserted in his history1 much less have been studiously dwelt upon1 if they had not accorded with the event1 and which1 even if falsely ascribed to him1 could only have been so ascribed1 because the event suggested them2 lastly1 by incessant exhortations to fortitude and patience1 and by an earnestness1 repetition1 and urgency upon the subject1 which were unlikely to have appeared if there had not been1 at the time1 some extraordinary call for the exercise of these virtues4 ,it is made out also1 ,i think1 with sufficient evidence1 that both the teachers and converts of the religion1 in consequence of their new profession1 took up a new course of life and behaviour4 ,the next great question is1 what they did this ,,for4 ,that it was for a miraculous story of some kind or other1 is to my apprehension extremely manifest2 because1 as to the fundamental article1 the designation of the person1 viz4 that this particular person1 ,jesus of ,nazareth1 ought to be received as the ,messiah1 or as a messenger from ,god1 they neither had1 nor could have1 anything but miracles to stand upon4 ,that the exertions and sufferings of the apostles were for the story which we have now1 is proved by the consideration that this story is transmitted to us by two of their own number1 and by two others personally connected with them2 that the particularity of the narrative proves that the writers claimed to possess circumstantial information1 that from their situation they had full opportunity of acquiring such information1 that they certainly1 at least1 knew what their colleagues1 their companions1 their masters taught2 that each of these books contains enough to prove the truth of the religion2 that if any one of them therefore be genuine1 it is sufficient2 that the genuineness1 however1 of all of them is made out1 as well by the general arguments which evince the genuineness of the most undisputed remains of antiquity1 as also by peculiar and specific proofs1 viz4 by citations from them in writings belonging to a period immediately contiguous to that in which they were published2 by the distinguished regard paid by early ,christians to the authority of these books2 7which regard was manifested by their collecting of them into a volume1 appropriating to that volume titles of peculiar respect1 translating them into various languages1 digesting them into harmonies1 writing commentaries upon them1 and1 still more conspicuously1 by the reading of them in their public assemblies in all parts of the world7 by an universal agreement with respect to these books1 whilst doubts were entertained concerning some others2 by contending sects appealing to them2 by the early adversaries of the religion not disputing their genuineness1 but1 on the contrary1 treating them as the depositaries of the history upon which the religion was founded2 by many formal catalogues of these1 as of certain and authoritative writings1 published in different and distant parts of the ,christian world2 lastly1 by the absence or defect of the above-cited topics of evidence1 when applied to any other histories of the same subject4 ,these are strong arguments to prove that the books actually proceeded from the authors whose names they bear 7and have always borne1 for there is not a particle of evidence to show that they ever went under any other72 but the strict genuineness of the books is perhaps more than is necessary to the support of our proposition4 ,for even supposing that1 by reason of the silence of antiquity1 or the loss of records1 we knew not who were the writers of the four ,gospels1 yet the fact that they were received as authentic accounts of the transaction upon which the religion rested1 and were received as such by ,christians at or near the age of the apostles1 by those whom the apostles had taught1 and by societies which the apostles had founded2 this fact1 ,i say1 connected with the consideration that they are corroborative of each other's testimony1 and that they are further corroborated by another contemporary history taking up the story where they had left it1 and1 in a narrative built upon that story1 accounting for the rise and production of changes in the world1 the effects of which subsist at this day2 connected1 moreover1 with the confirmation which they receive from letters written by the apostles themselves1 which both assume the same general story1 and1 as often as occasions lead them to do so1 allude to particular parts of it2 and connected also with the reflection1 that if the apostles delivered any different story it is lost2 7the present and no other being referred to by a series of ,christian writers1 down from their age to our own2 being like-wise recognised in a variety of institutions1 which prevailed early and universally1 amongst the disciples of the religion27 and that so great a change as the oblivion of one story and the substitution of another1 under such circumstances1 could not have taken place3 this evidence would be deemed1 ,i apprehend1 sufficient to prove concerning these books1 that1 whoever were the authors of them1 they exhibit the story which the apostles told1 and for which1 consequently1 they acted and they suffered4 ,if it be so1 the religion must be true4 ,these men could not be deceivers4 ,by only not bearing testimony1 they might have avoided all these sufferings1 and have lived quietly4 ,would men in such circumstances pretend to have seen what they never saw2 assert facts which they had no knowledge of2 go about lying to teach virtue2 and1 though not only convinced of ,christ's being an impostor1 but having seen the success of his imposture in his crucifixion1 yet persist in carrying it on2 and so persist1 as to bring upon themselves for nothing1 and with a full knowledge of the consequence1 enmity and hatred1 danger and death8 ,,of ,,the ,,direct ,,historical ,,evidence ,,of ,,christianity4 ,,proposition ,,ii4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,our first proposition was1 ,that there is satisfactory evidence that many pretending to be original witnesses of the ,christian miracles1 passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undertaken and undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of the truth of those accounts2 and that they also submitted1 from the same motives1 to new rules of conduct4 ,our second proposition1 and which now remains to be treated of1 is1 ,that there is ,,not satisfactory evidence1 that persons pretending to be original witnesses of any other similar miracles have acted in the same manner1 in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and solely in consequence of their belief of the truth of those accounts4 ,i enter upon this part of my argument1 by declaring how far my belief in miraculous accounts goes4 ,if the reformers in the time of ,wickliffe1 or of ,luther2 or those of ,england in the time of ,henry the ,eighth1 or of ,queen ,mary2 or the founders of our religious sects since1 such as were ,mr4 ,whitfield and ,mr4 ,wesley in our times--had undergone the life of toil and exertion1 of danger and sufferings1 which we know that many of them did undergo1 for a miraculous story2 that is to say1 if they had founded their public ministry upon the allegation of miracles wrought within their own knowledge1 and upon narratives which could not be resolved into delusion or mistake2 and if it had appeared that their conduct really had its origin in these accounts1 ,i should have believed them4 ,or1 to borrow an instance which will be familiar to every one of my readers1 if the late ,mr4 ,howard had undertaken his labours and journeys in attestation1 and in consequence of a clear and sensible miracle1 ,i should have believed him also4 ,or1 to represent the same thing under a third supposition2 if ,socrates had professed to perform public miracles at ,athens2 if the friends of ,socrates1 ,phaedo1 ,cebes1 ,crito1 and ,simmias1 together with ,plato1 and many of his followers1 relying upon the attestations which these miracles afforded to his pretensions1 had1 at the hazard of their lives1 and the certain expense of their ease and tranquillity1 gone about ,greece1 after his death1 to publish and propagate his doctrines3 and if these things had come to our knowledge1 in the same way as that in which the life of ,socrates is now transmitted to us through the hands of his companions and disciples1 that is1 by writings received without doubt as theirs1 from the age in which they were published to the present1 ,i should have believed this likewise4 ,and my belief would1 in each case1 be much strengthened1 if the subject of the mission were of importance to the conduct and happiness of human life2 if it testified anything which it behoved mankind to know from such authority2 if the nature of what it delivered required the sort of proof which it alleged2 if the occasion was adequate to the interposition1 the end worthy of the means4 ,in the last ease1 my faith would be much confirmed if the effects of the transaction remained2 more especially if a change had been wrought1 at the time1 in the opinion and conduct of such numbers as to lay the foundation of an institution1 and of a system of doctrines1 which had since overspread the greatest part of the civilized world4 ,i should have believed1 ,i say1 the testimony in these cases2 yet none of them do more than come up to the apostolic history4 ,if any one choose to call assent to its evidence credulity1 it is at least incumbent upon him to produce examples in which the same evidence hath turned out to be fallacious4 ,and this contains the precise question which we are now to agitate4 ,in stating the comparison between our evidence1 and what our adversaries may bring into competition with ours1 we will divide the distinctions which we wish to propose into two kinds1--those which relate to the proof1 and those which relate to the miracles4 ,under the former head we may lay out of the case3-- ,i4 ,such accounts of supernatural events as are found only in histories by some ages posterior to the transaction2 and of which it is evident that the historian could know little more than his reader4 ,ours is contemporary history4 ,this difference alone removes out of our way the miraculous history of ,pythagoras1 who lived five hundred years before the ,christian era1 written by ,porphyry and ,jamblicus1 who lived three hundred years after that era2 the prodigies of ,livy's history2 the fables of the heroic ages2 the whole of the ,greek and ,roman1 as well as of the ,gothic mythology2 a great part of the legendary history of ,popish saints1 the very best attested of which is extracted from the certificates that are exhibited during the process of their canonization1 a ceremony which seldom takes place till a century after their deaths4 ,it applies also with considerable force to the miracles of ,apollonius ,tyaneus1 which are contained in a solitary history of his life1 published by ,philostratus above a hundred years after his death2 and in which1 whether ,philostratus had any prior account to guide him1 depends upon his single unsupported assertion4 ,also to some of the miracles of the third century1 especially to one extraordinary instance1 the account of ,gregory1 bishop of ,neocesarea1 called ,thaumaturgus1 delivered in the writings of ,gregory of ,nyssen1 who lived one hundred and thirty years after the subject of his panegyric4 ,the value of this circumstance is shown to have been accurately exemplified in the history of ,ignatius ,loyola1 founder of the order of ,jesuits4 7,douglas's ,criterion of ,miracles1 p4 #gd47 ,his life1 written by a companion of his1 and by one of the order1 was published about fifteen years after his death4 ,in which life1 the author1 so far from ascribing any miracles to ,ignatius1 industriously states the reasons why he was not invested with any such power4 ,the life was republished fifteen years afterwards1 with the addition of many circumstances which were the fruit1 the author says1 of further inquiry1 and of diligent examination2 but still with a total silence about miracles4 ,when ,ignatius had been dead nearly sixty years1 the ,jesuits1 conceiving a wish to have the founder of their order placed in the ,roman calendar1 began1 as it should seem1 for the first time1 to attribute to him a catalogue of miracles which could not then be distinctly disproved2 and which there was1 in those who governed the church1 a strong disposition to admit upon the slenderest proofs4 ,,ii4 ,we may lay out of the case accounts published in one country1 of what passed in a distant country1 without any proof that such accounts were known or received at home4 ,in the case of ,christianity1 ,judea1 which was the scene of the transaction1 was the centre of the mission4 ,the story was published in the place in which it was acted4 ,the church of ,christ was first planted at ,jerusalem itself4 ,with that church others corresponded4 ,from thence the primitive teachers of the institution went forth2 thither they assembled4 ,the church of ,jerusalem1 and the several churches of ,judea1 subsisted from the beginning1 and for many ages2 received also the same books and the same accounts as other churches did4 7,the succession of many eminent bishops of ,jerusalem in the first three centuries is distinctly preserved2 as ,alexander1 ,a4,d4 #bab1 who succeeded ,narcissus1 then #aaf years old47 ,this distinction disposes1 amongst others1 of the above-mentioned miracles of ,apollonius ,tyaneus1 most of which are related to have been performed in ,india2 no evidence remaining that either the miracles ascribed to him1 or the history of those miracles1 were ever heard of in ,india4 ,those of ,francis ,xavier1 the ,indian missionary1 with many others of the ,romish breviary1 are liable to the same objection1 viz4 that the accounts of them were published at a vast distance from the supposed scene of the wonders4 7,douglas's ,crit4 p4 #hd47 ,,iii4 ,we lay out of the case transient rumours4 ,upon the first publication of an extraordinary account1 or even of an article of ordinary intelligence1 no one who is not personally acquainted with the transaction can know whether it be true or false1 because any man may publish any story4 ,it is in the future confirmation1 or contradiction1 of the account2 in its permanency1 or its disappearance2 its dying away into silence1 or its increasing in notoriety2 its being followed up by subsequent accounts1 and being repeated in different and independent accounts--that solid truth is distinguished from fugitive lies4 ,this distinction is altogether on the side of ,christianity4 ,the story did not drop4 ,on the contrary1 it was succeeded by a train of action and events dependent upon it4 ,the accounts which we have in our hands were composed after the first reports must have subsided4 ,they were followed by a train of writings upon the subject4 ,the historical testimonies of the transaction were many and various1 and connected with letters1 discourses1 controversies1 apologies1 successively produced by the same transaction4 ,,iv4 ,we may lay out of the case what ,i call naked history4 ,it has been said1 that if the prodigies of the ,jewish history had been found only in fragments of ,manetho1 or ,berosus1 we should have paid no regard to them3 and ,i am willing to admit this4 ,if we knew nothing of the fact1 but from the fragment2 if we possessed no proof that these accounts had been credited and acted upon1 from times1 probably1 as ancient as the accounts themselves2 if we had no visible effects connected with the history1 no subsequent or collateral testimony to confirm it2 under these circumstances ,i think that it would be undeserving of credit4 ,but this certainly is not our case4 ,in appreciating the evidence of ,christianity1 the books are to be combined with the institution2 with the prevalency of the religion at this day2 with the time and place of its origin1 which are acknowledged points2 with the circumstances of its rise and progress1 as collected from external history2 with the fact of our present books being received by the votaries of the institution from the beginning2 with that of other books coming after these1 filled with accounts of effects and consequences resulting from the transaction1 or referring to the transaction1 or built upon it2 lastly1 with the consideration of the number and variety of the books themselves1 the different writers from which they proceed1 the different views with which they were written1 so disagreeing as to repel the suspicion of confederacy1 so agreeing as to show that they were founded in a common original1 i4 e4 in a story substantially the same4 ,whether this proof be satisfactory or not1 it is properly a cumulation of evidence1 by no means a naked or solitary record4 ,v4 ,a mark of historical truth1 although only a certain way1 and to a certain degree1 is particularity in names1 dates1 places1 circumstances1 and in the order of events preceding or following the transaction3 of which kind1 for instance1 is the particularity in the description of ,st4 ,paul's voyage and shipwreck1 in the #bgth chapter of the ,acts1 which no man1 ,i think1 can read without being convinced that the writer was there2 and also in the account of the cure and examination of the blind man in the #ith chapter of ,st4 ,john's ,gospel1 which bears every mark of personal knowledge on the part of the historian4 7,both these chapters ought to be read for the sake of this very observation47 ,i do not deny that fiction has often the particularity of truth2 but then it is of studied and elaborate fiction1 or of a formal attempt to deceive1 that we observe this4 ,since1 however1 experience proves that particularity is not confined to truth1 ,i have stated that it is a proof of truth only to a certain extent1 i4 e4 it reduces the question to this1 whether we can depend or not upon the probity of the relater8 which is a considerable advance in our present argument2 for an express attempt to deceive1 in which case alone particularity can appear without truth1 is charged upon the evangelists by few4 ,if the historian acknowledge himself to have received his intelligence from others1 the particularity of the narrative shows1 prima facie1 the accuracy of his inquiries1 and the fulness of his information4 ,this remark belongs to ,st4 ,luke's history4 ,of the particularity which we allege1 many examples may be found in all the ,gospels4 ,and it is very difficult to conceive that such numerous particularities as are almost everywhere to be met with in the ,scriptures should be raised out of nothing1 or be spun out of the imagination without any fact to go upon499 99 ,there is always some truth where there are considerable particularities related1 and they always seem to bear some proportion to one another4 ,thus1 there is a great want of the particulars of time1 place1 and persons in ,manetho's account of the ,egyptian ,dynasties1 ,etesias's of the ,assyrian ,kings1 and those which the technical chronologers have given of the ancient kingdoms of ,greece2 and1 agreeably thereto1 the accounts have much fiction and falsehood1 with some truth3 whereas ,thucydides's ,history of the ,peloponnesian ,war1 and ,caesar's of the ,war in ,gaul1 in both which the particulars of time1 place1 and persons are mentioned1 are universally esteemed true to a great degree of exactness4 ,hartley1 vol4 ii4 p4 #aji4 ,it is to be remarked1 however1 that this particularity is only to be looked for in direct history4 ,it is not natural in references or allusions1 which yet1 in other respects1 often afford1 as far as they go1 the most unsuspicious evidence4 ,,vi4 ,we lay out of the case such stories of supernatural events as require1 on the part of the hearer1 nothing more than an otiose assent2 stories upon which nothing depends1 in which no interest is involved1 nothing is to be done or changed in consequence of believing them4 ,such stories are credited1 if the careless assent that is given to them deserve that name1 more by the indolence of the hearer1 than by his judgment3 or1 though not much credited1 are passed from one to another without inquiry or resistance4 ,to this case1 and to this case alone1 belongs what is called the love of the marvellous4 ,i have never known it carry men further4 ,men do not suffer persecution from the love of the marvellous4 ,of the indifferent nature we are speaking of are most vulgar errors and popular superstition3 most1 for instance1 of the current reports of apparitions4 ,nothing depends upon their being true or false4 ,but not1 surely1 of this kind were the alleged miracles of ,christ and his apostles4 ,they decided1 if true1 the most important question upon which the human mind can fix its anxiety4 ,they claimed to regulate the opinions of mankind upon subjects in which they are not only deeply concerned1 but usually refractory and obstinate4 ,men could not be utterly careless in such a case as this4 ,if a ,jew took up the story1 he found his darling partiality to his own nation and law wounded2 if a ,gentile1 he found his idolatry and polytheism reprobated and condemned4 ,whoever entertained the account1 whether ,jew or ,gentile1 could not avoid the following reflection3--,if these things be true1 ,i must give up the opinions and principles in which ,i have been brought up1 the religion in which my fathers lived and died4 ,it is not conceivable that a man should do this upon any idle report or frivolous account1 or1 indeed1 without being fully satisfied and convinced of the truth and credibility of the narrative to which he trusted4 ,but it did not stop at opinions4 ,they who believed ,christianity acted upon it4 ,many made it the express business of their lives to publish the intelligence4 ,it was required of those who admitted that intelligence to change forthwith their conduct and their principles1 to take up a different course of life1 to part with their habits and gratifications1 and begin a new set of rules and system of behaviour4 ,the apostles1 at least1 were interested not to sacrifice their ease1 their fortunes1 and their lives for an idle tale2 multitudes beside them were induced1 by the same tale1 to encounter opposition1 danger1 and sufferings4 ,if it be said1 that the mere promise of a future state would do all this2 ,i answer1 that the mere promise of a future state1 without any evidence to give credit or assurance to it1 would do nothing4 ,a few wandering fishermen talking of a resurrection of the dead could produce no effect4 ,if it be further said that men easily believe what they anxiously desire2 ,i again answer that in my opinion1 the very contrary of this is nearer to the truth4 ,anxiety of desire1 earnestness of expectation1 the vastness of an event1 rather causes men to disbelieve1 to doubt1 to dread a fallacy1 to distrust1 and to examine4 ,when our ,lord's resurrection was first reported to the apostles1 they did not believe1 we are told1 for joy4 ,this was natural1 and is agreeable to experience4 ,,vii4 ,we have laid out of the case those accounts which require no more than a simple assent2 and we now also lay out of the case those which come merely in affirmance of opinions already formed4 ,this last circumstance is of the utmost importance to notice well4 ,it has long been observed1 that ,popish miracles happen in ,popish countries2 that they make no converts2 which proves that stories are accepted when they fall in with principles already fixed1 with the public sentiments1 or with the sentiments of a party already engaged on the side the miracle supports1 which would not be attempted to be produced in the face of enemies1 in opposition to reigning tenets or favourite prejudices1 or when1 if they be believed1 the belief must draw men away from their preconceived and habitual opinions1 from their modes of life and rules of action4 ,in the former case1 men may not only receive a miraculous account1 but may both act and suffer on the side1 and1 in the cause1 which the miracle supports1 yet not act or suffer for the miracle1 but in pursuance of a prior persuasion4 ,the miracle1 like any other argument which only confirms what was before believed1 is admitted with little examination4 ,in the moral1 as in the natural world1 it is change which requires a cause4 ,men are easily fortified in their old opinions1 driven from them with great difficulty4 ,now how does this apply to the ,christian history8 ,the miracles there recorded were wrought in the midst of enemies1 under a government1 a priesthood1 and a magistracy decidedly and vehemently adverse to them1 and to the pretensions which they supported4 ,they were ,protestant miracles in a ,popish country2 they were ,popish miracles in the midst of ,protestants4 ,they produced a change2 they established a society upon the spot1 adhering to the belief of them2 they made converts2 and those who were converted gave up to the testimony their most fixed opinions and most favourite prejudices4 ,they who acted and suffered in the cause acted and suffered for the miracles3 for there was no anterior persuasion to induce them1 no prior reverence1 prejudice1 or partiality to take hold of ,jesus had not one follower when he set up his claim4 ,his miracles gave birth to his sect4 ,no part of this description belongs to the ordinary evidence of ,heathen or ,popish miracles4 ,even most of the miracles alleged to have been performed by ,christians1 in the second and third century of its era1 want this confirmation4 ,it constitutes indeed a line of partition between the origin and the progress of ,christianity4 ,frauds and fallacies might mix themselves with the progress1 which could not possibly take place in the commencement of the religion2 at least1 according to any laws of human conduct that we are acquainted with4 ,what should suggest to the first propagators of ,christianity1 especially to fishermen1 tax-gatherers1 and husbandmen1 such a thought as that of changing the religion of the world2 what could bear them through the difficulties in which the attempt engaged them2 what could procure any degree of success to the attempt8 are questions which apply1 with great force1 to the setting out of the institution--with less1 to every future stage of it4 ,to hear some men talk1 one would suppose the setting up a religion by miracles to be a thing of every day's experience3 whereas the whole current of history is against it4 ,hath any founder of a new sect amongst ,christians pretended to miraculous powers1 and succeeded by his pretensions8 ,were these powers claimed or exercised by the founders of the sects of the ,waldenses and ,albigenses8 ,did ,wickliffe in ,england pretend to it8 ,did ,huss or ,jerome in ,bohemia8 ,did ,luther in ,germany1 ,zuinglius in ,switzerland1 ,calvin in ,france1 or any of the reformers advance this plea8 7,campbell on ,miracles1 p4 #abj1 ed4 #agff47 ,the ,french prophets1 in the beginning of the present century1 7the eighteenth7 ventured to allege miraculous evidence1 and immediately ruined their cause by their temerity4 ,concerning the religion of ancient ,rome1 of ,turkey1 of ,siam1 of ,china1 a single miracle cannot be named that was ever offered as a test of any of those religions before their establishment4 7,adams on ,mir4 p4 #ge47 ,we may add to what has been observed of the distinction which we are considering1 that1 where miracles are alleged merely in affirmance of a prior opinion1 they who believe the doctrine may sometimes propagate a belief of the miracles which they do not themselves entertain4 ,this is the case of what are called pious frauds2 but it is a case1 ,i apprehend1 which takes place solely in support of a persuasion already established4 ,at least it does not hold of the apostolical history4 ,if the apostles did not believe the miracles1 they did not believe the religion2 and without this belief1 where was the piety1 what place was there for anything which could bear the name or colour of piety1 in publishing and attesting miracles in its behalf8 ,if it be said that many promote the belief of revelation1 and of any accounts which favour that belief1 because they think them1 whether well or ill founded1 of public and political utility2 ,i answer1 that if a character exist which can with less justice than another be ascribed to the founders of the ,christian religion1 it is that of politicians1 or of men capable of entertaining political views4 ,the truth is1 that there is no assignable character which will account for the conduct of the apostles1 supposing their story to be false4 ,if bad men1 what could have induced them to take such pains to promote virtue8 ,if good men1 they would not have gone about the country with a string of lies in their mouths4 ,in appreciating the credit of any miraculous story1 these are distinctions which relate to the evidence4 ,there are other distinctions1 of great moment in the question1 which relate to the miracles themselves4 ,of which latter kind the following ought carefully to be retained4 ,i4 ,it is not necessary to admit as a miracle what can be resolved into a false perception4 ,of this nature was the demon of ,socrates2 the visions of ,saint ,anthony1 and of many others2 the vision which ,lord ,herbert of ,cherbury describes himself to have seen2 ,colonel ,gardiner's vision1 as related in his life1 written by ,dr4 ,doddridge4 ,all these may be accounted for by a momentary insanity2 for the characteristic symptom of human madness is the rising up in the mind of images not distinguishable by the patient from impressions upon the senses4 7,batty on ,lunacy47 ,the cases1 however1 in which the possibility of this delusion exists are divided from the cases in which it does not exist by many1 and those not obscure marks4 ,they are1 for the most part1 cases of visions or voices4 ,the object is hardly ever touched4 ,the vision submits not to be handled4 ,one sense does not confirm another4 ,they are likewise almost always cases of a solitary witness4 ,it is in the highest degree improbable1 and ,i know not1 indeed1 whether it hath ever been the fact1 that the same derangement of the mental organs should seize different persons at the same time2 a derangement1 ,i mean1 so much the same1 as to represent to their imagination the same objects4 ,lastly1 these are always cases of momentary miracles2 by which term ,i mean to denote miracles of which the whole existence is of short duration1 in contradistinction to miracles which are attended with permanent effects4 ,the appearance of a spectre1 the hearing of a supernatural sound1 is a momentary miracle4 ,the sensible proof is gone when the apparition or sound is over4 ,but if a person born blind be restored to sight1 a notorious cripple to the use of his limbs1 or a dead man to life1 here is a permanent effect produced by supernatural means4 ,the change indeed was instantaneous1 but the proof continues4 ,the subject of the miracle remains4 ,the man cured or restored is there3 his former condition was known1 and his present condition may be examined4 ,this can by no possibility be resolved into false perception3 and of this kind are by far the greater part of the miracles recorded in the ,new ,testament4 ,when ,lazarus was raised from the dead1 he did not merely move1 and speak1 and die again2 or come out of the grave1 and vanish away4 ,he returned to his home and family1 and there continued2 for we find him some time afterwards in the same town1 sitting at table with ,jesus and his sisters2 visited by great multitudes of the ,jews as a subject of curiosity2 giving1 by his presence1 so much uneasiness to the ,jewish rulers as to beget in them a design of destroying him4 7,john xii4 #a1 #b1 #i1 #aj47 ,no delusion can account for this4 ,the ,french prophets in ,england1 some time since1 gave out that one of their teachers would come to life again2 but their enthusiasm never made them believe that they actually saw him alive4 ,the blind man whose restoration to sight at ,jerusalem is recorded in the ninth chapter of ,saint ,john's ,gospel did not quit the place or conceal himself from inquiry4 ,on the contrary1 he was forthcoming1 to answer the call1 to satisfy the scrutiny1 and to sustain the browbeating of ,christ's angry and powerful enemies4 ,when the cripple at the gate of the temple was suddenly cured by ,peter1 7,acts iii4 #b47 he did not immediately relapse into his former lameness1 or disappear out of the city2 but boldly and honestly produced himself along with the apostles1 when they were brought the next day before the ,jewish council4 7,acts iv4 #ad47 ,here1 though the miracle was sudden1 the proof was permanent4 ,the lameness had been notorious1 the cure continued4 ,this1 therefore1 could not be the effect of any momentary delirium1 either in the subject or in the witnesses of the transaction4 ,it is the same with the greatest number of the ,scripture miracles4 ,there are other cases of a mixed nature1 in which1 although the principal miracle be momentary1 some circumstance combined with it is permanent4 ,of this kind is the history of ,saint ,paul's conversion4 7,acts ix47 ,the sudden light and sound1 the vision and the voice upon the road to ,damascus1 were momentary3 but ,paul's blindness for three days in consequence of what had happened2 the communication made to ,ananias in another place1 and by a vision independent of the former2 ,ananias finding out ,paul in consequence of intelligence so received1 and finding him in the condition described1 and ,paul's recovery of his sight upon ,ananias laying his hands upon him2 are circumstances which take the transaction1 and the principal miracle as included in it1 entirely out of the case of momentary miracles1 or of such as may be accounted for by false perceptions4 ,exactly the same thing may be observed of ,peter's vision preparatory to the call of ,cornelius1 and of its connexion with what was imparted in a distant place to ,cornelius himself1 and with the message despatched by ,cornelius to ,peter4 ,the vision might be a dream2 the message could not4 ,either communication taken separately1 might be a delusion2 the concurrence of the two was impossible to happen without a supernatural cause4 ,beside the risk of delusion which attaches upon momentary miracles1 there is also much more room for imposture4 ,the account cannot be examined at the moment3 and when that is also a moment of hurry and confusion1 it may not be difficult for men of influence to gain credit to any story which they may wish to have believed4 ,this is precisely the case of one of the best attested of the miracles of ,old ,rome1 the appearance of ,castor and ,pollux in the battle fought by ,posthumius with the ,latins at the lake ,regillus4 ,there is no doubt but that ,posthumius1 after the battle1 spread the report of such an appearance4 ,no person could deny it whilst it was said to last4 ,no person1 perhaps1 had any inclination to dispute it afterwards2 or1 if they had1 could say with positiveness what was or what was not seen by some or other of the army1 in the dismay and amidst the tumult of a battle4 ,in assigning false perceptions as the origin to which some miraculous accounts may be referred1 ,i have not mentioned claims to inspiration1 illuminations1 secret notices or directions1 internal sensations1 or consciousnesses of being acted upon by spiritual influences1 good or bad1 because these1 appealing to no external proof1 however convincing they may be to the persons themselves1 form no part of what can be accounted miraculous evidence4 ,their own credibility stands upon their alliance with other miracles4 ,the discussion1 therefore1 of all such pretensions may be omitted4 ,,ii4 ,it is not necessary to bring into the comparison what may be called tentative miracles2 that is1 where1 out of a great number of trials1 some succeed2 and in the accounts of which1 although the narrative of the successful cases be alone preserved1 and that of the unsuccessful cases sunk1 yet enough is stated to show that the cases produced are only a few out of many in which the same means have been employed4 ,this observation bears with considerable force upon the ancient oracles and auguries1 in which a single coincidence of the event with the prediction is talked of and magnified1 whilst failures are forgotten1 or suppressed1 or accounted for4 ,it is also applicable to the cures wrought by relics1 and at the tombs of saints4 ,the boasted efficacy of the king's touch1 upon which ,mr4 ,hume lays some stress1 falls under the same description4 ,nothing is alleged concerning it which is not alleged of various nostrums1 namely1 out of many thousands who have used them1 certified proofs of a few who have recovered after them4 ,no solution of this sort is applicable to the miracles of the ,gospel4 ,there is nothing in the narrative which can induce1 or even allow1 us to believe1 that ,christ attempted cures in many instances1 and succeeded in a few2 or that he ever made the attempt in vain4 ,he did not profess to heal everywhere all that were sick2 on the contrary1 he told the ,jews1 evidently meaning to represent his own case1 that1 although many widows were in ,israel in the days of ,elias1 when the heaven was shut up three years and six months1 when great famine was throughout all the land1 yet unto none of them was ,elias sent1 save unto ,sarepta1 a city of ,sidon1 unto a woman that was a widow3 and that many lepers were in ,israel in the time of ,eliseus the prophet1 and none of them was cleansed saving ,naaman the ,syrian4 7,luke iv4 #be47 ,by which examples he gave them to understand1 that it was not the nature of a ,divine interposition1 or necessary to its purpose1 to be general2 still less to answer every challenge that might be made1 which would teach men to put their faith upon these experiments4 ,christ never pronounced the word1 but the effect followed499 99,one1 and only one1 instance may be produced in which the disciples of ,christ do seem to have attempted a cure1 and not to have been able to perform it4 ,the story is very ingenuously related by three of the evangelists4 7,matt4 xvii4 #ad4 ,mark ix4 #ad4 ,luke ix4 #cc47 ,the patient was afterwards healed by ,christ himself2 and the whole transaction seems to have been intended1 as it was well suited1 to display the superiority of ,christ above all who performed miracles in his name1 a distinction which1 during his presence in the world1 it might be necessary to inculcate by some such proof as this4 ,it was not a thousand sick that received his benediction1 and a few that were benefited2 a single paralytic is let down in his bed at ,jesus's feet1 in the midst of a surrounding multitude2 ,jesus bid him walk1 and he did so4 7,mark ii4 #c47 ,a man with a withered hand is in the synagogue2 ,jesus bid him stretch forth his hand in the presence of the assembly1 and it was restored whole like the other4 7,matt4 xii4 #aj47 ,there was nothing tentative in these cures2 nothing that can be explained by the power of accident4 ,we may observe1 also1 that many of the cures which ,christ wrought1 such as that of a person blind from his birth2 also many miracles besides cures1 as raising the dead1 walking upon the sea1 feeding a great multitude with a few loaves and fishes1 are of a nature which does not in anywise admit of the supposition of a fortunate experiment4 ,,iii4 ,we may dismiss from the question all accounts in which1 allowing the phenomenon to be real1 the fact to be true1 it still remains doubtful whether a miracle were wrought4 ,this is the case with the ancient history of what is called the thundering legion1 of the extraordinary circumstances which obstructed the rebuilding of the temple at ,jerusalem by ,julian2 the circling of the flames and fragrant smell at the martyrdom of ,polycarp2 the sudden shower that extinguished the fire into which the ,scriptures were thrown in the ,diocletian persecution2 ,constantine's dream2 his inscribing in consequence of it the cross upon his standard and the shields of his soldiers2 his victory1 and the escape of the standard-bearer2 perhaps1 also1 the imagined appearance of the cross in the heavens1 though this last circumstance is very deficient in historical evidence4 ,it is also the case with the modern annual exhibition of the liquefaction of the blood of ,saint ,januarius at ,naples4 ,it is a doubt1 likewise1 which ought to be excluded by very special circumstances from those narratives which relate to the supernatural cure of hypochondriacal and nervous complaints1 and of all diseases which are much affected by the imagination4 ,the miracles of the second and third century are1 usually1 healing the sick and casting out evil spirits1 miracles in which there is room for some error and deception4 ,we hear nothing of causing the blind to see1 the lame to walk1 the deaf to hear1 the lepers to be cleansed4 7,jortin's ,remarks1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ea47 ,there are also instances in ,christian writers of reputed miracles1 which were natural operations1 though not known to be such at the time2 as that of articulate speech after the loss of a great part of the tongue4 ,,iv4 ,to the same head of objection1 nearly1 may also be referred accounts in which the variation of a small circumstance may have transformed some extraordinary appearance1 or some critical coincidence of events1 into a miracle2 stories1 in a word1 which may be resolved into exaggeration4 ,the miracles of the ,gospel can by no possibility be explained away in this manner4 ,total fiction will account for anything2 but no stretch of exaggeration that has any parallel in other histories1 no force of fancy upon real circumstances1 could produce the narratives which we now have4 ,the feeding of the five thousand with a few loaves and fishes surpasses all bounds of exaggeration4 ,the raising of ,lazarus1 of the widow's son at ,nain1 as well as many of the cures which ,christ wrought1 come not within the compass of misrepresentation4 ,i mean that it is impossible to assign any position of circumstances however peculiar1 any accidental effects however extraordinary1 any natural singularity1 which could supply an origin or foundation to these accounts4 ,having thus enumerated several exceptions which may justly be taken to relations of miracles1 it is necessary1 when we read the ,scriptures1 to bear in our minds this general remark2 that although there be miracles recorded in the ,new ,testament1 which fall within some or other of the exceptions here assigned1 yet that they are united with others1 to which none of the same exceptions extend1 and that their credibility stands upon this union4 ,thus the visions and revelations which ,saint ,paul asserts to have been imparted to him may not1 in their separate evidence1 be distinguishable from the visions and revelations which many others have alleged4 ,but here is the difference4 ,saint ,paul's pretensions were attested by external miracles wrought by himself1 and by miracles wrought in the cause to which these visions relate2 or1 to speak more properly1 the same historical authority which informs us of one informs us of the other4 ,this is not ordinarily true of the visions of enthusiasts1 or even of the accounts in which they are contained4 ,again1 some of ,christ's own miracles were momentary2 as the transfiguration1 the appearance and voice from ,heaven at his baptism1 a voice from the clouds on one occasion afterwards 7,john xii4 #bh71 and some others4 ,it is not denied1 that the distinction which we have proposed concerning miracles of this species applies1 in diminution of the force of the evidence1 as much to these instances as to others4 ,but this is the case not with all the miracles ascribed to ,christ1 nor with the greatest part1 nor with many4 ,whatever force therefore there may be in the objection1 we have numerous miracles which are free from it2 and even those to which it is applicable are little affected by it in their credit1 because there are few who1 admitting the rest1 will reject them4 ,if there be miracles of the ,new ,testament which come within any of the other heads into which we have distributed the objections1 the same remark must be repeated4 ,and this is one way in which the unexampled number and variety of the miracles ascribed to ,christ strengthen the credibility of ,christianity4 ,for it precludes any solution1 or conjecture about a solution1 which imagination1 or even which experience might suggest1 concerning some particular miracles1 if considered independently of others4 ,the miracles of ,christ were of various kinds199 and performed in great varieties of situation1 form1 and manner2 at ,jerusalem1 the metropolis of the ,jewish nation and religion2 in different parts of ,judea and ,galilee2 in cities and villages2 in synagogues1 in private houses2 in the street1 in highways2 with preparation1 as in the case of ,lazarus2 by accident1 as in the case of the widow's son of ,nain2 when attended by multitudes1 and when alone with the patient2 in the midst of his disciples1 and in the presence of his enemies2 with the common people around him1 and before ,scribes and ,pharisees1 and rulers of the synagogues4 99 ,not only healing every species of disease1 but turning water into wine 7,john ii472 feeding multitudes with a few loaves and fishes 7,matt4 xiv4 #ae2 ,mark vi4 #ce2 ,luke ix4 #ab2 ,john vi4 #e72 walking on the sea 7,matt4 xiv4 #be72 calming a storm 7,matt4 viii4 #bf2 ,luke viii4 #bd72 a celestial voice at his baptism1 and miraculous appearance 7,matt4 iii4 #af2 afterwards ,john xii4 #bh72 his transfiguration 7,matt4 xvii4 #ah2 ,mark ix4 #b2 ,luke ix4 #bh2 #b ,peter i4 #af1 #ag72 raising the dead in three distinct instances 7,matt4 ix4 #ah2 ,mark v4 #bb2 ,luke vii4 #ad2 viii4 #da2 ,john xi474 ,i apprehend that1 when we remove from the comparison the cases which are fairly disposed of by the observations that have been stated1 many cases will not remain4 ,to those which do remain1 we apply this final distinction2 that there is not satisfactory evidence that persons pretending to be original witnesses of the miracles passed their lives in labours1 dangers1 and sufferings1 voluntarily undertaken and undergone in attestation of the accounts which they delivered1 and properly in consequence of their belief of the truth of those accounts4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,but they with whom we argue have undoubtedly a right to select their own examples4 ,the instances with which ,mr4 ,hume has chosen to confront the miracles of the ,new ,testament1 and which1 therefore1 we are entitled to regard as the strongest which the history of the world could supply to the inquiries of a very acute and learned adversary1 are the three following3 ,i4 ,the cure of a blind and of a lame man of ,alexandria1 by the emperor ,vespasian1 as related by ,tacitus2 ,,ii4 ,the restoration of the limb of an attendant in a ,spanish church1 as told by ,cardinal de ,retz2 and1 ,,iii4 ,the cures said to be performed at the tomb of the abbe ,paris in the early part of the eighteenth century4 ,i4 ,the narrative of ,tacitus is delivered in these terms3 ,one of the common people of ,alexandria1 known to be diseased in his eyes1 by the admonition of the god ,serapis1 whom that superstitious nation worship above all other gods1 prostrated himself before the emperor1 earnestly imploring from him a remedy for his blindness1 and entreating that he would deign to anoint with his spittle his cheeks and the balls of his eyes4 ,another1 diseased in his hand1 requested1 by the admonition of the same god1 that he might be touched by the foot of the emperor4 ,vespasian at first derided and despised their application2 afterwards1 when they continued to urge their petitions1 he sometimes appeared to dread the imputation of vanity2 at other times1 by the earnest supplication of the patients1 and the persuasion of his flatterers1 to be induced to hope for success4 ,at length he commanded an inquiry to be made by the physicians1 whether such a blindness and debility were vincible by human aid4 ,the report of the physicians contained various points3 that in the one1 the power of vision was not destroyed1 but would return if the obstacles were removed2 that in the other1 the diseased joints might be restored1 if a healing power were applied2 that it was1 perhaps1 agreeable to the gods to do this2 that the emperor was elected by divine assistance2 lastly1 that the credit of the success would be the emperor's1 the ridicule of the disappointment would fall upon the patients4 ,vespasian believing that everything was in the power of his fortune1 and that nothing was any longer incredible1 whilst the multitude which stood by eagerly expected the event1 with a countenance expressive of joy1 executed what he was desired to do4 ,immediately the hand was restored to its use1 and light returned to the blind man4 ,they who were present relate both these cures1 even at this time1 when there is nothing to be gained by lying4 7,tacit4 ,hist4 lib4 iv47 ,now1 though ,tacitus wrote this account twenty-seven years after the miracle is said to have been performed1 and wrote at ,rome of what passed at ,alexandria1 and wrote also from report2 and although it does not appear that he had examined the story or that he believed it1 7but rather the contrary17 yet ,i think his testimony sufficient to prove that such a transaction took place3 by which ,i mean1 that the two men in question did apply to ,vespasian2 that ,vespasian did touch the diseased in the manner related2 and that a cure was reported to have followed the operation4 ,but the affair labours under a strong and just suspicion1 that the whole of it was a concerted imposture brought about by collusion between the patients1 the physician1 and the emperor4 ,this solution is probable1 because there was everything to suggest1 and everything to facilitate such a scheme4 ,the miracle was calculated to confer honour upon the emperor1 and upon the god ,serapis4 ,it was achieved in the midst of the emperor's flatterers and followers2 in a city and amongst a populace before-hand devoted to his interest1 and to the worship of the god3 where it would have been treason and blasphemy together to have contradicted the fame of the cure1 or even to have questioned it4 ,and what is very observable in the account is1 that the report of the physicians is just such a report as would have been made of a case in which no external marks of the disease existed1 and which1 consequently1 was capable of being easily counterfeited2 viz4 that in the first of the patients the organs of vision were not destroyed1 that the weakness of the second was in his joints4 ,the strongest circumstance in ,tacitus's narration is1 that the first patient was notus tabe oculorum1 remarked or notorious for the disease in his eyes4 ,but this was a circumstance which might have found its way into the story in its progress from a distant country1 and during an interval of thirty years2 or it might be true that the malady of the eyes was notorious1 yet that the nature and degree of the disease had never been ascertained2 a case by no means uncommon4 ,the emperor's reserve was easily affected3 or it is possible he might not be in the secret4 ,there does not seem to be much weight in the observation of ,tacitus1 that they who were present continued even then to relate the story when there was nothing to be gained by the lie4 ,it only proves that those who had told the story for many years persisted in it4 ,the state of mind of the witnesses and spectators at the time is the point to be attended to4 ,still less is there of pertinency in ,mr4 ,hume's eulogium on the cautious and penetrating genius of the historian2 for it does not appear that the historian believed it4 ,the terms in which he speaks of ,serapis1 the deity to whose interposition the miracle was attributed1 scarcely suffer us to suppose that ,tacitus thought the miracle to be real3 by the admonition of the god ,serapis1 whom that superstitious nation 7dedita superstitionibus gens7 worship above all other gods4 ,to have brought this supposed miracle within the limits of comparison with the miracles of ,christ1 it ought to have appeared that a person of a low and private station1 in the midst of enemies1 with the whole power of the country opposing him1 with every one around him prejudiced or interested against his claims and character1 pretended to perform these cures1 and required the spectators1 upon the strength of what they saw1 to give up their firmest hopes and opinions1 and follow him through a life of trial and danger2 that many were so moved as to obey his call1 at the expense both of every notion in which they had been brought up1 and of their ease1 safety1 and reputation2 and that by these beginnings a change was produced in the world1 the effects of which remain to this day3 a case1 both in its circumstances and consequences1 very unlike anything we find in ,tacitus's relation4 ,,ii4 ,the story taken from the ,memoirs of ,cardinal de ,retz1 which is the second example alleged by ,mr4 ,hume1 is this3 ,in the church of ,saragossa in ,spain1 the canons showed me a man whose business it was to light the lamps2 telling me1 that he had been several years at the gate with one leg only4 ,i saw him with two4 7,liv4 iv4 ,a4,d4 #afed47 ,it is stated by ,mr4 ,hume1 that the cardinal who relates this story did not believe it2 and it nowhere appears that he either examined the limb1 or asked the patient1 or indeed any one1 a single question about the matter4 ,an artificial leg1 wrought with art1 would be sufficient1 in a place where no such contrivance had ever before been heard of1 to give origin and currency to the report4 ,the ecclesiastics of the place would1 it is probable1 favour the story1 inasmuch as it advanced the honour of their image and church4 ,and if they patronized it1 no other person at ,saragossa1 in the middle of the last century1 would care to dispute it4 ,the story likewise coincided not less with the wishes and preconceptions of the people than with the interests of their ecclesiastical rulers3 so that there was prejudice backed by authority1 and both operating upon extreme ignorance1 to account for the success of the imposture4 ,if1 as ,i have suggested1 the contrivance of an artificial limb was then new1 it would not occur to the cardinal himself to suspect it2 especially under the carelessness of mind with which he heard the tale1 and the little inclination he felt to scrutinize or expose its fallacy4 ,,iii4 ,the miracles related to have been wrought at the tomb of the abbe ,paris admit in general of this solution4 ,the patients who frequented the tomb were so affected by their devotion1 their expectation1 the place1 the solemnity1 and1 above all1 by the sympathy of the surrounding multitude1 that many of them were thrown into violent convulsions1 which convulsions1 in certain instances1 produced a removal of disorder1 depending upon obstruction4 ,we shall1 at this day1 have the less difficulty in admitting the above account1 because it is the very same thing as hath lately been experienced in the operations of animal magnetism3 and the report of the ,french physicians upon that mysterious remedy is very applicable to the present consideration1 viz4 that the pretenders to the art1 by working upon the imaginations of their patients1 were frequently able to produce convulsions2 that convulsions so produced are amongst the most powerful1 but1 at the same time1 most uncertain and unmanageable applications to the human frame which can be employed4 ,circumstances which indicate this explication1 in the case of the ,parisian miracles1 are the following3 #a4 ,they were tentative4 ,out of many thousand sick1 infirm1 and diseased persons who resorted to the tomb1 the professed history of the miracles contains only nine cures4 #b4 ,the convulsions at the tomb are admitted4 #c4 ,the diseases were1 for the most part1 of that sort which depends upon inaction and obstruction1 as dropsies1 palsies1 and some tumours4 #d4 ,the cures were gradual2 some patients attending many days1 some several weeks1 and some several months4 #e4 ,the cures were many of them incomplete4 #f4 ,others were temporary4 7,the reader will find these particulars verified in the detail1 by the accurate inquiries of the present bishop of ,sarum1 in his ,criterion of ,miracles1 p4 #acb1 et seq47 ,so that all the wonder we are called upon to account for is1 that out of an almost innumerable multitude which resorted to the tomb for the cure of their complaints1 and many of whom were there agitated by strong convulsions1 a very small proportion experienced a beneficial change in their constitution1 especially in the action of the nerves and glands4 ,some of the cases alleged do not require that we should have recourse to this solution4 ,the first case in the catalogue is scarcely distinguishable from the progress of a natural recovery4 ,it was that of a young man who laboured under an inflammation of one eye1 and had lost the sight of the other4 ,the inflamed eye was relieved1 but the blindness of the other remained4 ,the inflammation had before been abated by medicine2 and the young man1 at the time of his attendance at the tomb1 was using a lotion of laudanum4 ,and1 what is a still more material part of the case1 the inflammation1 after some interval1 returned4 ,another case was that of a young man who had lost his sight by the puncture of an awl1 and the discharge of the aqueous humour through the wound4 ,the sight1 which had been gradually returning1 was much improved during his visit to the tomb1 that is1 probably in the same degree in which the discharged humour was replaced by fresh secretions4 ,and it is observable1 that these two are the only cases which1 from their nature1 should seem unlikely to be affected by convulsions4 ,in one material respect ,i allow that the ,parisian miracles were different from those related by ,tacitus1 and from the ,spanish miracle of the cardinal de ,retz4 ,they had not1 like them1 all the power and all the prejudice of the country on their side to begin with4 ,they were alleged by one party against another1 by the ,jansenists against the ,jesuits4 ,these were of course opposed and examined by their adversaries4 ,the consequence of which examination was that many falsehoods were detected1 that with something really extraordinary much fraud appeared to be mixed4 ,and if some of the cases upon which designed misrepresentation could not be charged were not at the time satisfactorily accounted for1 it was because the efficacy of strong spasmodic affections was not then sufficiently known4 ,finally1 the cause of ,jansenism did not rise by the miracles1 but sunk1 although the miracles had the anterior persuasion of all the numerous adherents of that cause to set out with4 ,these1 let us remember1 are the strongest examples which the history of ages supplies4 ,in none of them was the miracle unequivocal2 by none of them were established prejudices and persuasions overthrown2 of none of them did the credit make its way1 in opposition to authority and power2 by none of them were many induced to commit themselves1 and that in contradiction to prior opinions1 to a life of mortification1 danger1 and sufferings2 none were called upon to attest them at the expense of their fortunes and safety499 99 ,it may be thought that the historian of the ,parisian miracles1 ,m4 ,montgeron1 forms an exception to this last assertion4 ,he presented his book 7with a suspicion1 as it should seem1 of the danger of what he was doing7 to the king2 and was shortly afterwards committed to prison2 from which he never came out4 ,had the miracles been unequivocal1 and had ,m4 ,montgeron been originally convinced by them1 ,i should have allowed this exception4 ,it would have stood1 ,i think1 alone in the argument of our adversaries4 ,but1 beside what has been observed of the dubious nature of the miracles1 the account which ,m4 ,montgeron has himself left of his conversion shows both the state of his mind and that his persuasion was not built upon external miracles4--,scarcely had he entered the churchyard when he was struck1 he tells us1 with awe and reverence1 having never before heard prayers pronounced with so much ardour and transport as he observed amongst the supplicants at the tomb4 ,upon this1 throwing himself on his knees1 resting his elbows on the tombstone and covering his face with his hands1 he spake the following prayer4 ,o thou1 by whose intercession so many miracles are said to be performed1 if it be true that a part of thee surviveth the grave1 and that thou hast influence with the ,almighty1 have pity on the darkness of my understanding1 and through his mercy obtain the removal of it4 ,having prayed thus1 many thoughts1 as he sayeth1 began to open themselves to his mind2 and so profound was his attention that he continued on his knees four hours1 not in the least disturbed by the vast crowd of surrounding supplicants4 ,during this time1 all the arguments which he ever heard or read in favour of ,christianity occurred to him with so much force1 and seemed so strong and convincing1 that he went home fully satisfied of the truth of religion in general1 and of the holiness and power of that person who1 as he supposed1 had engaged the ,divine ,goodness to enlighten his understanding so suddenly4 7,douglas's ,crit of ,mir4 p4 #bad47 ,,part ,,ii4 ,,of ,,the ,,auxiliary ,,evidences ,,of ,,christianity ,,chapter ,i4 ,,prophecy4 ,isaiah iii4 #ac2 liii4 ,behold1 my servant shall deal prudently2 he shall be exalted and extolled1 and be very high4 ,as many were astonished at thee2 his visage was so marred more than any man1 and his form more than the sons of men3 so shall he sprinkle many nations2 the kings shall shut their mouths at him3 for that which had not been told them shall they see2 and that which they had not heard shall they consider4 ,who hath believed our report8 and to whom is the arm of the ,lord revealed8 ,for he shall grow up before him as a tender plant1 and as a root out of a dry ground3 he hath no form nor comeliness2 and when we shall see him1 there is no beauty that we should desire him4 ,he is despised and rejected of men1 a man of sorrows1 and acquainted with grief3 and we hid1 as it were1 our faces from him3 he was despised1 and we esteemed him not4 ,surely he hath borne our griefs1 and carried our sorrows3 yet we did esteem him stricken1 smitten of ,god1 and afflicted4 ,but he was wounded for our transgressions1 he was bruised for our iniquities1 the chastisement of our peace was upon him2 and with his stripes we are healed4 ,all we like sheep have gone astray2 we have turned every one to his own way2 and the ,lord hath laid on him the iniquity of us all4 ,he was oppressed1 and he was afflicted1 yet he opened not his mouth3 he is brought as a lamb to the slaughter1 and as a sheep before her shearers is dumb1 so he opened not his mouth4 ,he was taken from prison and from judgment2 and who shall declare his generation8 for he was cut off out of the land of the living3 for the transgression of my people was he stricken4 ,and he made his grave with the wicked1 and with the rich in his death2 because he had done no violence1 neither was any deceit in his mouth4 ,yet it pleased the ,lord to bruise him2 he hath put him to grief4 ,when thou shalt make his soul an offering for sin1 he shall see his seed1 he shall prolong his days1 and the pleasure of the ,lord shall prosper in his hand4 ,he shall see of the travail of his soul1 and shall be satisfied3 by his knowledge shall my righteous servant justify many2 for he shall bear their iniquities4 ,therefore will ,i divide him a portion with the great1 and he shall divide the spoil with the strong2 because he hath poured out his soul unto death2 and he was numbered with the transgressors1 and he bare the sin of many1 and made intercession for the transgressors4 ,these words are extant in a book purporting to contain the predictions of a writer who lived seven centuries before the ,christian era4 ,that material part of every argument from prophecy1 namely1 that the words alleged were actually spoken or written before the fact to which they are applied took place1 or could by any natural means be foreseen1 is1 in the present instance1 incontestable4 ,the record comes out of the custody of adversaries4 ,the ,jews1 as an ancient father well observed1 are our librarians4 ,the passage is in their copies as well as in ours4 ,with many attempts to explain it away1 none has ever been made by them to discredit its authenticity4 ,and what adds to the force of the quotation is1 that it is taken from a writing declaredly prophetic2 a writing professing to describe such future transactions and changes in the world as were connected with the fate and interests of the ,jewish nation4 ,it is not a passage in an historical or devotional composition1 which1 because it turns out to be applicable to some future events1 or to some future situation of affairs1 is presumed to have been oracular4 ,the words of ,isaiah were delivered by him in a prophetic character1 with the solemnity belonging to that character3 and what he so delivered was all along understood by the ,jewish reader to refer to something that was to take place after the time of the author4 ,the public sentiments of the ,jews concerning the design of ,isaiah's writings are set forth in the book of ,ecclesiasticus399 ,he saw by an excellent spirit what should come to pass at the last1 and he comforted them that mourned in ,sion4 ,he showed what should come to pass for ever1 and secret things or ever they came4 99 ,chap4 xlviii4 ver4 #bd4 ,it is also an advantage which this prophecy possesses1 that it is intermixed with no other subject4 ,it is entire1 separate1 and uninterruptedly directed to one scene of things4 ,the application of the prophecy to the evangelic history is plain and appropriate4 ,here is no double sense2 no figurative language but what is sufficiently intelligible to every reader of every country4 ,the obscurities 7by which ,i mean the expressions that require a knowledge of local diction1 and of local allusion7 are few1 and not of great importance4 ,nor have ,i found that varieties of reading1 or a different construing of the original1 produce any material alteration in the sense of the prophecy4 ,compare the common translation with that of ,bishop ,lowth1 and the difference is not considerable4 ,so far as they do differ1 ,bishop ,lowth's corrections1 which are the faithful result of an accurate examination1 bring the description nearer to the ,new ,testament history than it was before4 ,in the fourth verse of the fifty-third chapter1 what our bible renders stricken he translates judicially stricken3 and in the eighth verse1 the clause he was taken from prison and from judgment1 the bishop gives by an oppressive judgment he was taken off4 ,the next words to these1 who shall declare his generation8 are much cleared up in their meaning by the bishop's version2 his manner of life who would declare8 i4 e4 who would stand forth in his defence8 ,the former part of the ninth verse1 and he made his grave with the wicked1 and with the rich in his death1 which inverts the circumstances of ,christ's passion1 the bishop brings out in an order perfectly agreeable to the event2 and his grave was appointed with the wicked1 but with the rich man was his tomb4 ,the words in the eleventh verse1 by his knowledge shall my righteous servant justify many1 are1 in the bishop's version1 by the knowledge of him shall my righteous servant justify many4 ,it is natural to inquire what turn the ,jews themselves give to this prophecy499 ,there is good proof that the ancient ,rabbins explained it of their expected ,messiah3 but their modern expositors concur1 ,i think1 in representing it as a description of the calamitous state1 and intended restoration1 of the ,jewish people1 who are here1 as they say1 exhibited under the character of a single person4 ,i have not discovered that their exposition rests upon any critical arguments1 or upon these in any other than in a very minute degree4 99 ,vaticinium hoc ,esaiae est carnificina ,rabbinorum1 de quo aliqui ,judaei mihi confessi sunt1 ,rabbinos suos ex propheticis scripturis facile se extricare potuisse1 modo2 ,esaias tacuisset4 ,hulse1 ,theol4 ,jud4 ,p4 #cah1 quoted by ,poole1 in loc4 ,hulse1 ,theol4 ,jud4 p4 #dcj4 ,the clause in the ninth verse1 which we render for the transgression of my people was he stricken1 and in the margin1 was the stroke upon him1 the ,jews read for the transgression of my people was the stroke upon them4 ,and what they allege in support of the alteration amounts only to this1 that the ,hebrew pronoun is capable of a plural as well as of a singular signification2 that is to say1 is capable of their construction as well as ours499 ,and this is all the variation contended for2 the rest of the prophecy they read as we do4 ,the probability1 therefore1 of their exposition is a subject of which we are as capable of judging as themselves4 ,this judgment is open indeed to the good sense of every attentive reader4 ,the application which the ,jews contend for appears to me to labour under insuperable difficulties2 in particular1 it may be demanded of them to explain in whose name or person1 if the ,jewish people he the sufferer1 does the prophet speak1 when he says1 ,he hath borne our griefs1 and carried our sorrows1 yet we did esteem him stricken1 smitten of ,god1 and afflicted2 but he was wounded for our transgressions1 he was bruised for our iniquities1 the chastisement of our peace was upon him1 and with his stripes we are healed4 ,again1 the description in the seventh verse1 he was oppressed and he was afflicted1 yet he opened not his mouth2 he is brought as a lamb to the slaughter1 and as a sheep before her shearers is dumb1 so he opened not his mouth1 quadrates with no part of the ,jewish history with which we are acquainted4 ,the mention of the grave and the tomb1 in the ninth verse1 is not very applicable to the fortunes of a nation2 and still less so is the conclusion of the prophecy in the twelfth verse1 which expressly represents the sufferings as voluntary1 and the sufferer as interceding for the offenders2 because he hath poured out his soul unto death1 and he was numbered with the transgressors1 and he bare the sin of many1 and made intercession for the transgressors4 99 ,bishop ,lowth adopts in this place the reading of the seventy1 which gives smitten to death1 for the transgression of my people was he smitten to death4 ,the addition of the words to death makes an end of the ,jewish interpretation of the clause4 ,and the authority upon which this reading 7though not given by the present ,hebrew text7 is adopted1 ,dr4 ,kennicot has set forth by an argument not only so cogent1 but so clear and popular1 that ,i beg leave to transcribe the substance of it into this note3--,origen1 after having quoted at large this prophecy concerning the ,messiah1 tells us that1 having once made use of this passage1 in a dispute against some that were accounted wise amongst the ,jews1 one of them replied that the words did not mean one man1 but one people1 the ,jews1 who were smitten of ,god1 and dispersed among the ,gentiles for their conversion2 that he then urged many parts of this prophecy to show the absurdity of this interpretation1 and that he seemed to press them the hardest by this sentence1--'for the transgression of my people was he smitten to death4' ,now as ,origen1 the author of the ,hexapla1 must have understood ,hebrew1 we cannot suppose that he would have urged this last text as so decisive1 if the ,greek version had not agreed here with the ,hebrew text2 nor that these wise ,jews would have been at all distressed by this quotation1 unless the ,hebrew text had read agreeably to the words to death1 on which the argument principally depended2 for by quoting it immediately1 they would have triumphed over him1 and reprobated his ,greek version4 ,this1 whenever they could do it was their constant practice in their disputes with the ,christians4 ,origen himself1 who laboriously compared the ,hebrew text with the ,septuagint1 has recorded the necessity of arguing with the ,jews from such passages only as were in the ,septuagint agreeable to the ,hebrew4 ,wherefore1 as ,origen had carefully compared the ,greek version of the ,septuagint with the ,hebrew text2 and as he puzzled and confounded the learned ,jews1 by urging upon them the reading to death in this place2 it seems almost impossible not to conclude1 both from ,origen's argument and the silence of his ,jewish adversaries1 that the ,hebrew text at that time actually had the word agreeably to the version of the seventy4 ,lowth's ,isaiah1 p4 #bdb4 ,there are other prophecies of the ,old ,testament1 interpreted by ,christians to relate to the ,gospel history1 which are deserving both of great regard and of a very attentive consideration3 but ,i content myself with stating the above1 as well because ,i think it the clearest and the strongest of all1 as because most of the rest1 in order that their value might be represented with any tolerable degree of fidelity1 require a discussion unsuitable to the limits and nature of this work4 ,the reader will find them disposed in order1 and distinctly explained1 in ,bishop ,chandler's treatise on the subject2 and he will bear in mind1 what has been often1 and1 ,i think1 truly1 urged by the advocates of ,christianity1 that there is no other eminent person to the history of whose life so many circumstances can be made to apply4 ,they who object that much has been done by the power of chance1 the ingenuity of accommodation1 and the industry of research1 ought to try whether the same1 or anything like it1 could be done1 if ,mahomet1 or any other person1 were proposed as the subject of ,jewish prophecy4 ,,ii4 ,a second head of argument from prophecy is founded upon our ,lord's predictions concerning the destruction of ,jerusalem1 recorded by three out of the four evangelists4 ,luke xxi4 #e-be4 ,and as some spake of the temple1 how it was adorned with goodly stones and gifts1 he said1 ,as for these things which ye behold1 the days will come in which there shall not be left one stone upon another1 that shall not be thrown down4 ,and they asked him1 saying1 ,master1 but when shall these things be8 and what sign will there be when these things shall come to pass8 ,and he said1 ,take heed that ye be not deceived2 for many shall come in my name1 saying1 ,i am ,christ2 and the time draweth near2 go ye not therefore after them4 ,but when ye shall hear of wars and commotions1 be not terrified3 for these things must first come to pass2 but the end is not by-and-by4 ,then said he unto them1 ,nation shall rise against nation1 and kingdom against kingdom2 and great earth-quakes shall be in divers places1 and famines and pestilences2 and fearful sights1 and great signs shall there be from heaven4 ,but before all these1 they shall lay their hands on you1 and persecute you1 delivering you up to the synagogues1 and into prisons1 being brought before kings and rulers for my name's sake4 ,and it shall turn to you for a testimony4 ,settle it therefore in your hearts not to meditate before what ye shall answer3 for ,i will give you a mouth and wisdom1 which all your adversaries shall not be able to gainsay nor resist4 ,and ye shall be betrayed both by parents1 and brethren1 and kinsfolk1 and friends2 and some of you shall they cause to be put to death4 ,and ye shall be hated of all men for my name's sake4 ,but there shall not an hair of your head perish4 ,in your patience possess ye your souls4 ,and when ye shall see ,jerusalem compassed with armies1 then know that the desolation thereof is nigh4 ,then let them which are in ,judea flee to the mountains2 and let them which are in the midst of it depart out2 and let not them that are in the countries enter thereinto4 ,for these be the days of vengeance1 that all things which are written may be fulfilled4 ,but woe unto them that are with child and to them that give suck in those days3 for there shall be great distress in the land1 and wrath upon this people4 ,and they shall fall by the edge of the sword1 and shall be led away captive into all nations3 and ,jerusalem shall be trodden down by the ,gentiles1 until the times of the ,gentiles be fulfilled4 ,in terms nearly similar1 this discourse is related in the twenty-fourth chapter of ,matthew and the thirteenth of ,mark4 ,the prospect of the same evils drew from our ,saviour1 on another occasion1 the following affecting expressions of concern1 which are preserved by ,st4 ,luke 7xix4 #da--dd73 ,and when he was come near1 he beheld the city and wept over it1 saying1 ,if thou hadst known1 even thou1 at least in this thy day1 the things which belong unto thy peace6 but now they are hid from thine eyes4 ,for the day shall come upon thee1 that thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee1 and compass thee round and keep thee in on every side1 and shall lay thee even with the ground1 and thy children within thee2 and they shall not leave in thee one stone upon another2 because thou knowest not the time of thy visitation--,these passages are direct and explicit predictions4 ,references to the same event1 some plain1 some parabolical1 or otherwise figurative1 are found in divers other discourses of our ,lord4 7,matt4 xxi4 #cc-df2 xxii4 #a-g4 ,mark xii4 #a-ab4 ,luke xiii4 #a-i2 xx4 #i-bj2 xxi4 #e-ac47 ,the general agreement of the description with the event1 viz4 with the ruin of the ,jewish nation1 and the capture of ,jerusalem under ,vespasian1 thirty-six years after ,christ's death1 is most evident2 and the accordancy in various articles of detail and circumstances has been shown by many learned writers4 ,it is also an advantage to the inquiry1 and to the argument built upon it1 that we have received a copious account of the transaction from ,josephus1 a ,jewish and contemporary historian4 ,this part of the case is perfectly free from doubt4 ,the only question which1 in my opinion1 can be raised upon the subject is1 whether the prophecy was really delivered before the event8 ,i shall apply1 therefore1 my observations to this point solely4 #a4 ,the judgment of antiquity1 though varying in the precise year of the publication of the three ,gospels1 concurs in assigning them a date prior to the destruction of ,jerusalem4 7,lardner1 vol4 xiii47 #b4 ,this judgment is confirmed by a strong probability arising from the course of human life4 ,the destruction of ,jerusalem took place in the seventieth year after the birth of ,christ4 ,the three evangelists1 one of whom was his immediate companion1 and the other two associated with his companions1 were1 it is probable1 not much younger than he was4 ,they must1 consequently1 have been far advanced in life when ,jerusalem was taken2 and no reason has been given why they should defer writing their histories so long4 #c4 7,le ,clerc1 ,diss4 ,,iii4 de ,quat4 ,evang4 num4 vii4 p4 #eda47 ,if the evangelists1 at the time of writing the ,gospels1 had known of the destruction of ,jerusalem1 by which catastrophe the prophecies were plainly fulfilled1 it is most probable that1 in recording the predictions1 they would have dropped some word or other about the completion2 in like manner as ,luke1 after relating the denunciation of a dearth by ,agabus1 adds1 which came to pass in the days of ,claudius ,caesar2 7,acts xi4 #bh47 whereas the prophecies are given distinctly in one chapter of each of the first three ,gospels1 and referred to in several different passages of each1 and in none of all these places does there appear the smallest intimation that the things spoken of had come to pass4 ,i do admit that it would have been the part of an impostor1 who wished his readers to believe that this book was written before the event1 when in truth it was written after it1 to have suppressed any such intimation carefully4 ,but this was not the character of the authors of the ,gospel4 ,cunning was no quality of theirs4 ,of all writers in the world1 they thought the least of providing against objections4 ,moreover1 there is no clause in any one of them that makes a profession of their having written prior to the ,jewish wars1 which a fraudulent purpose would have led them to pretend4 ,they have done neither one thing nor the other2 they have neither inserted any words which might signify to the reader that their accounts were written before the destruction of ,jerusalem1 which a sophist would have done2 nor have they dropped a hint of the completion of the prophecies recorded by them1 which an undesigning writer1 writing after the event1 could hardly1 on some or other of the many occasions that presented themselves1 have missed of doing4 #d4 ,the admonitions99 which ,christ is represented to have given to his followers to save themselves by flight are not easily accounted for on the supposition of the prophecy being fabricated after the event4 ,either the ,christians1 when the siege approached1 did make their escape from ,jerusalem1 or they did not3 if they did1 they must have had the prophecy amongst them3 if they did not know of any such prediction at the time of the siege1 if they did not take notice of any such warning1 it was an improbable fiction1 in a writer publishing his work near to that time 7which1 on any1 even the lowest and most disadvantageous supposition1 was the case with the gospels now in our hands71 and addressing his work to ,jews and to ,jewish converts 7which ,matthew certainly did71 to state that the followers of ,christ had received admonition of which they made no use when the occasion arrived1 and of which experience then recent proved that those who were most concerned to know and regard them were ignorant or negligent4 ,even if the prophecies came to the hands of the evangelists through no better vehicle than tradition1 it must have been by a tradition which subsisted prior to the event4 ,and to suppose that without any authority whatever1 without so much as even any tradition to guide them1 they had forged these passages1 is to impute to them a degree of fraud and imposture from every appearance of which their compositions are as far removed as possible4 99 ,when ye shall see ,jerusalem compassed with armies1 then know that the desolation thereof is nigh2 then let them which are in ,judea flee to the mountains2 then let them which are in the midst of it depart out1 and let not them that are in the countries enter thereinto4--,luke xxi4 #bj1 #ba4 ,when ye shall see ,jerusalem compassed with armies1 then let them which be in ,judea flee unto the mountains2 let him which is on the house-top not come down to take anything out of his house2 neither let him which is in the field return back to take his clothes4--,matt4 xiv4 #ah4 #e4 ,i think that1 if the prophecies had been composed after the event1 there would have been more specification4 ,the names or descriptions of the enemy1 the general1 the emperor1 would have been found in them4 ,the designation of the time would have been more determinate4 ,and ,i am fortified in this opinion by observing that the counterfeited prophecies of the ,sibylline oracles1 of the twelve patriarchs1 and1 ,i am inclined to believe1 most others of the kind1 are mere transcripts of the history1 moulded into a prophetic form4 ,it is objected that the prophecy of the destruction of ,jerusalem is mixed or connected with expressions which relate to the final judgment of the world2 and so connected as to lead an ordinary reader to expect that these two events would not be far distant from each other4 ,to which ,i answer1 that the objection does not concern our present argument4 ,if our ,saviour actually foretold the destruction of ,jerusalem1 it is sufficient2 even although we should allow that the narration of the prophecy had combined what had been said by him on kindred subjects1 without accurately preserving the order1 or always noticing the transition of the discourse4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,the ,,morality ,,of ,,the ,,gospel4 ,is stating the morality of the ,gospel as an argument of its truth1 ,i am willing to admit two points2 first1 that the teaching of morality was not the primary design of the mission2 secondly1 that morality1 neither in the ,gospel1 nor in any other book1 can be a subject1 properly speaking1 of discovery4 ,if ,i were to describe in a very few words the scope of ,christianity as a revelation199 ,i should say that it was to influence the conduct of human life1 by establishing the proof of a future state of reward and punishment1--to bring life and immortality to light4 ,the direct object1 therefore1 of the design is1 to supply motives1 and not rules2 sanctions1 and not precepts4 ,and these were what mankind stood most in need of4 ,the members of civilised society can1 in all ordinary cases1 judge tolerably well how they ought to act3 but without a future state1 or1 which is the same thing1 without credited evidence of that state1 they want a motive to their duty2 they want at least strength of motive sufficient to bear up against the force of passion1 and the temptation of present advantage4 ,their rules want authority4 ,the most important service that can be rendered to human life1 and that consequently which one might expect beforehand would be the great end and office of a revelation from ,god1 is to convey to the world authorised assurances of the reality of a future existence4 ,and although in doing this1 or by the ministry of the same person by whom this is done1 moral precepts or examples1 or illustrations of moral precepts1 may be occasionally given and be highly valuable1 yet still they do not form the original purpose of the mission4 99 ,great and inestimably beneficial effects may accrue from the mission of ,christ1 and especially from his death1 which do not belong to ,christianity as a revelation3 that is1 they might have existed1 and they might have been accomplished1 though we had never1 in this life1 been made acquainted with them4 ,these effects may be very extensive2 they may be interesting even to other orders of intelligent beings4 ,i think it is a general opinion1 and one to which ,i have long come1 that the beneficial effects of ,christ's death extend to the whole human species4 ,it was the redemption of the world4 ,he is the propitiation for our sins1 and not for ours only1 but for the whole world2 #a ,john ii4 #b4 ,probably the future happiness1 perhaps the future existence of the species1 and more gracious terms of acceptance extended to all1 might depend upon it or be procured by it4 ,now these effects1 whatever they be1 do not belong to ,christianity as a revelation2 because they exist with respect to those to whom it is not revealed4 ,secondly2 morality1 neither in the ,gospel nor in any other book1 can be a subject of discovery1 properly so called4 ,by which proposition ,i mean that there cannot1 in morality1 be anything similar to what are called discoveries in natural philosophy1 in the arts of life1 and in some sciences2 as the system of the universe1 the circulation of the blood1 the polarity of the magnet1 the laws of gravitation1 alphabetical writing1 decimal arithmetic1 and some other things of the same sort2 facts1 or proofs1 or contrivances1 before totally unknown and unthought of4 ,whoever1 therefore1 expects in reading the ,new ,testament to be struck with discoveries in morals in the manner in which his mind was affected when he first came to the knowledge of the discoveries above mentioned3 or rather in the manner in which the world was affected by them1 when they were first published2 expects what1 as ,i apprehend1 the nature of the subject renders it impossible that he should meet with4 ,and the foundation of my opinion is this1 that the qualities of actions depend entirely upon their effects1 which effects must all along have been the subject of human experience4 ,when it is once settled1 no matter upon what principle1 that to do good is virtue1 the rest is calculation4 ,but since the calculation cannot be instituted concerning each particular action1 we establish intermediate rules2 by which proceeding1 the business of morality is much facilitated1 for then it is concerning our rules alone that we need inquire1 whether in their tendency they be beneficial2 concerning our actions1 we have only to ask whether they be agreeable to the rules4 ,we refer actions to rules1 and rules to public happiness4 ,now1 in the formation of these rules1 there is no place for discovery1 properly so called1 but there is ample room for the exercise of wisdom1 judgment1 and prudence4 ,as ,i wish to deliver argument rather than panegyric1 ,i shall treat of the morality of the ,gospel in subjection to these observations4 ,and after all1 ,i think it such a morality as1 considering from whom it came1 is most extraordinary2 and such as1 without allowing some degree of reality to the character and pretensions of the religion1 it is difficult to account for3 or1 to place the argument a little lower in the scale1 it is such a morality as completely repels the supposition of its being the tradition of a barbarous age or of a barbarous people1 of the religion being founded in folly1 or of its being the production of craft2 and it repels also1 in a great degree1 the supposition of its having been the effusion of an enthusiastic mind4 ,the division under which the subject may be most conveniently treated is that of the things taught1 and the manner of teaching4 ,under the first head1 ,i should willingly1 if the limits and nature of my work admitted of it1 transcribe into this chapter the whole of what has been said upon the morality of the ,gospel by the author of ,the ,internal ,evidence of ,christianity2 because it perfectly agrees with my own opinion1 and because it is impossible to say the same things so well4 ,this acute observer of human nature1 and1 as ,i believe1 sincere convert to ,christianity1 appears to me to have made out satisfactorily the two following positions1 viz4-- ,i4 ,that the ,gospel omits some qualifies which have usually engaged the praises and admiration of mankind1 but which1 in reality1 and in their general effects1 have been ,prejudicial to human happiness4 ,,ii4 ,that the ,gospel has brought forward some virtues which possess the highest intrinsic value1 but which have commonly been overlooked and contemned4 ,the first of these propositions he exemplifies in the instances of friendship1 patriotism1 active courage2 in the sense in which these qualities are usually understood1 and in the conduct which they often produce4 ,the second1 in the instances of passive courage or endurance of sufferings1 patience under affronts and injuries1 humility1 irresistance1 placability4 ,the truth is1 there are two opposite descriptions of character under which mankind may generally be classed4 ,the one possesses rigour1 firmness1 resolution2 is daring and active1 quick in its sensibilities1 jealous of its fame1 eager in its attachments1 inflexible in its purpose1 violent in its resentments4 ,the other meek1 yielding1 complying1 forgiving2 not prompt to act1 but willing to suffer2 silent and gentle under rudeness and insult1 suing for reconciliation where others would demand satisfaction1 giving way to the pushes of impudence1 conceding and indulgent to the prejudices1 the wrong-headedness1 the intractability of those with whom it has to deal4 ,the former of these characters is1 and ever hath been1 the favourite of the world4 ,it is the character of great men4 ,there is a dignity in it which universally commands respect4 ,the latter is poor-spirited1 tame1 and abject4 ,yet so it hath happened1 that with the ,founder of ,christianity this latter is the subject of his commendation1 his precepts1 his example2 and that the former is so in no part of its composition4 ,this1 and nothing else1 is the character designed in the following remarkable passages3 ,resist not evil3 but whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek1 turn to him the other also2 and if any man will sue thee at the law1 and take away thy coat1 let him have thy cloak also3 and whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile1 go with him twain3 love your enemies1 bless them that curse you1 do good to them that hate you1 and pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you4 ,this certainly is not commonplace morality4 ,it is very original4 ,it shows at least 7and it is for this purpose we produce it7 that no two things can be more different than the ,heroic and the ,christian characters4 ,now the author to whom ,i refer has not only marked this difference more strongly than any preceding writer1 but has proved1 in contradiction to first impressions1 to popular opinion1 to the encomiums of orators and poets1 and even to the suffrages of historians and moralists1 that the latter character possesses the most of true worth1 both as being most difficult either to be acquired or sustained1 and as contributing most to the happiness and tranquillity of social life4 ,the state of his argument is as follows3 ,i4 ,if this disposition were universal1 the case is clear2 the world would be a society of friends4 ,whereas1 if the other disposition were universal1 it would produce a scene of universal contention4 ,the world could not hold a generation of such men4 ,,ii4 ,if1 what is the fact1 the disposition be partial2 if a few be actuated by it1 amongst a multitude who are not2 in whatever degree it does prevail1 in the same proportion it prevents1 allays1 and terminates quarrels1 the great disturbers of human happiness1 and the great sources of human misery1 so far as man's happiness and misery depend upon man4 ,without this disposition enmities must not only be frequent1 but1 once begun1 must be eternal3 for1 each retaliation being a fresh injury1 and consequently requiring a fresh satisfaction1 no period can be assigned to the reciprocation of affronts1 and to the progress of hatred1 but that which closes the lives1 or at least the intercourse1 of the parties4 ,i would only add to these observations1 that although the former of the two characters above described may be occasionally useful2 although1 perhaps1 a great general1 or a great statesman1 may be formed by it1 and these may be instruments of important benefits to mankind1 yet is this nothing more than what is true of many qualities which are acknowledged to be vicious4 ,envy is a quality of this sort3 ,i know not a stronger stimulus to exertion2 many a scholar1 many an artist1 many a soldier1 has been produced by it2 nevertheless1 since in its general effects it is noxious1 it is properly condemned1 certainly is not praised1 by sober moralists4 ,it was a portion of the same character as that we are defending1 or rather of his love of the same character1 which our ,saviour displayed in his repeated correction of the ambition of his disciples2 his frequent admonitions that greatness with them was to consist in humility2 his censure of that love of distinction and greediness of superiority which the chief persons amongst his countrymen were wont1 on all occasions1 great and little1 to betray4 ,they 7the ,scribes and ,pharisees7 love the uppermost rooms at feasts1 and the chief seats in the synagogues1 and greetings in the markets1 and to be called of men ,rabbi1 ,rabbi4 ,but be not ye called ,rabbi1 for one is your ,master1 even ,christ1 and all ye are brethren3 and call no man your father upon the earth1 for one is your father1 which is in heaven2 neither be ye called master1 for one is your ,master1 even ,christ2 but he that is greatest among you shall be your servant2 and whosoever shall exalt himself shall be abased1 and he that shall humble himself shall be exalted4 7,matt4 xxiii4 #f4 ,see also ,mark xii4 #ci2 ,luke xx4 #df2 xiv4 #g47 ,i make no further remark upon these passages 7because they are1 in truth1 only a repetition of the doctrine1 different expressions of the principle1 which we have already stated71 except that some of the passages1 especially our ,lord's advice to the guests at an entertainment1 7,luke iv4 #g47 seem to extend the rule to what we call manners2 which was both regular in point of consistency1 and not so much beneath the dignity of our ,lord's mission as may at first sight be supposed1 for bad manners are bad morals4 ,it is sufficiently apparent that the precepts we have tired1 or rather the disposition which these precepts inculcate1 relate to personal conduct from personal motives2 to cases in which men act from impulse1 for themselves and from themselves4 ,when it comes to be considered what is necessary to be done for the sake of the public1 and out of a regard to the general welfare 7which consideration1 for the most part1 ought exclusively to govern the duties of men in public stations71 it comes to a case to which the rules do not belong4 ,this distinction is plain2 and if it were less so the consequence would not be much felt3 for it is very seldom that in time intercourse of private life men act with public views4 ,the personal motives from which they do act the rule regulates4 ,the preference of time patient to the heroic cheer1 which we have here noticed1 and which the reader will find explained at large in the work to which we have referred him1 is a peculiarity in the ,christian institution1 which ,i propose as an argument of wisdom1 very much beyond the situation and natural character of the person who delivered it4 ,,ii4 ,a second argument1 drawn from the morality of the ,new ,testament1 is the stress which is laid by our ,saviour upon the regulation of the thoughts2 and ,i place this consideration next to the other because they are connected4 ,the other related to the malicious passions2 this to the voluptuous4 ,together1 they comprehend the whole character4 ,out of the heart proceed evil thoughts1 murders1 adulteries1 fornications1 c4 ,these are the things which defile a man4 7,matt4 xv4 #ai47 ,wo unto you1 ,scribes and ,pharisees1 hypocrites6 for ye make clean the outside of the cup and of the platter1 but within they are full of extortion and excess4--,ye are like unto whited sepulchres1 which indeed appear beautiful outward1 but are within full of dead men's bones1 and of all uncleanness2 even so ye also outwardly appear righteous unto men1 but within ye are full of hypocrisy and iniquity 7,matt4 xxiii4 #be1 #bg7 ,and more particularly that strong expression1 7,matt4 v4 #bh47 ,whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her1 hath committed adultery with her already in his heart4 ,there can be no doubt with any reflecting mind but that the propensities of our nature must be subject to regulation2 but the question is1 where the check ought to be placed1 upon the thought1 or only upon the action8 ,in this question our ,saviour1 in the texts here quoted1 has pronounced a decisive judgment4 ,he makes the control of thought essential4 ,internal purity with him is everything4 ,now ,i contend that this is the only discipline which can succeed2 in other words1 that a moral system which prohibits actions1 but leaves the thoughts at liberty1 will be ineffectual1 and is therefore unwise4 ,i know not how to go about the proof of a point which depends upon experience1 and upon a knowledge of the human constitution1 better than by citing the judgment of persons who appear to have given great attention to the subject1 and to be well qualified to form a true opinion about it4 ,boerhaave1 speaking of this very declaration of our ,saviour1 ,whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her1 hath already committed adultery with her in his heart1 and understanding it1 as we do1 to contain an injunction to lay the check upon the thoughts1 was wont to say that our ,saviour knew mankind better than ,socrates4 ,hailer1 who has recorded this saying of ,boerhaave1 adds to it the following remarks of his own3--7,letters to his ,daughter47 ,it did not escape the observation of our ,saviour that the rejection of any evil thoughts was the best defence against vice3 for when a debauched person fills his imagination with impure pictures1 the licentious ideas which he recalls fail not to stimulate his desires with a degree of violence which he cannot resist4 ,this will be followed by gratification1 unless some external obstacle should prevent him from the commission of a sin which he had internally resolved on4 ,every moment of time1 says our author1 that is spent in meditations upon sin increases the power of the dangerous object which has possessed our imagination4 ,i suppose these reflections will be generally assented to4 ,,iii4 ,thirdly1 had a teacher of morality been asked concerning a general principle of conduct1 and for a short rule of life2 and had he instructed the person who consulted him1 constantly to refer his actions to what he believed to be the will of his ,creator1 and constantly to have in view not his own interest and gratification alone1 but the happiness and comfort of those about him1 he would have been thought1 ,i doubt not1 in any age of the world1 and in any1 even the most improved state of morals1 to have delivered a judicious answer2 because1 by the first direction1 he suggested the only motive which acts steadily and uniformly1 in sight and out of sight1 in familiar occurrences and under pressing temptations2 and in the second he corrected what of all tendencies in the human character stands most in need of correction1 selfishness1 or a contempt of other men's conveniency and satisfaction4 ,in estimating the value of a moral rule1 we are to have regard not only to the particular duty1 but the general spirit2 not only to what it directs us to do1 but to the character which a compliance with its direction is likely to form in us4 ,so1 in the present instance1 the rule here recited will never fail to make him who obeys it considerate not only of the rights1 but of the feelings of other men1 bodily and mental1 in great matters and in small2 of the ease1 the accommodation1 the self-complacency of all with whom he has any concern1 especially of all who are in his power1 or dependent upon his will4 ,now what1 in the most applauded philosopher of the most enlightened age of the world1 would have been deemed worthy of his wisdom1 and of his character1 to say1 our ,saviour hath said1 and upon just such an occasion as that which we have feigned4 ,then one of them1 which was a lawyer1 asked him a question1 tempting him1 and saying1 ,master1 which is the great commandment in the law8 ,jesus said unto him1 ,thou shalt love the ,lord thy ,god with all thy heart1 and with all thy soul1 and with all thy mind2 this is the first and great commandment3 and the second is like unto it1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself3 on these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets4 7,matt4 xxii4 #ce-dj47 ,the second precept occurs in ,st4 ,matthew 7xix4 #af71 on another occasion similar to this2 and both of them1 on a third similar occasion1 in ,luke 7x4 #bg74 ,in these two latter instances the question proposed was1 ,what shall ,i do to inherit eternal life8 ,upon all these occasions ,i consider the words of our ,saviour as expressing precisely the same thing as what ,i have put into the mouth of the moral philosopher4 ,nor do ,i think that it detracts much from the merit of the answer1 that these precepts are extant in the ,mosaic code3 for his laying his finger1 if ,i may so say1 upon these precepts2 his drawing them out from the rest of that voluminous institution2 his stating of them1 not simply amongst the number1 but as the greatest and the sum of all the others2 in a word1 his proposing of them to his hearers for their rule and principle1 was our ,saviour's own4 ,and what our ,saviour had said upon the subject appears to me to have fixed the sentiment amongst his followers4 ,saint ,paul has it expressly1 ,if there be any other commandment1 it is briefly comprehended in this saying1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself2 7,rom4 xiii4 #i47 and again1 ,for all the law is fulfilled in one word1 even in this1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself4 7,gal4 v4 #ad47 ,saint ,john1 in like manner1 ,this commandment have we from him1 that he who loveth ,god love his brother also4 7#a ,john iv4 #ba47 ,saint ,peter1 not very differently3 ,seeing that ye have purified your souls in obeying the truth through the ,spirit1 unto unfeigned love of the brethren1 see that ye love one another with a pure heart fervently4 7,i ,peter i1 #bb47 ,and it is so well known as to require no citations to verify it1 that this love1 or charity1 or1 in other words1 regard to the welfare of others1 runs in various forms through all the preceptive parts of the apostolic writings4 ,it is the theme of all their exhortations1 that with which their morality begins and ends1 from which all their details and enumerations set out1 and into which they return4 ,and that this temper1 for some time at least1 descended in its purity to succeeding ,christians1 is attested by one of the earliest and best of the remaining writings of the apostolical fathers1 the epistle of the ,roman ,clement4 ,the meekness of the ,christian character reigns throughout the whole of that excellent piece4 ,the occasion called for it4 ,it was to compose the dissensions of the church of ,corinth4 ,and the venerable hearer of the apostles does not fall short1 in the display of this principle1 of the finest passages of their writings4 ,he calls to the remembrance of the ,corinthian church its former character in which ye were all of you1 he tells them1 humble-minded1 not boasting of anything1 desiring rather to be subject than to govern1 to give than to receive1 being content with the portion ,god had dispensed to you and hearkening diligently to his word2 ye were enlarged in your bowels1 having his sufferings always before your eyes4 ,ye contended day and night for the whole brotherhood1 that with compassion and a good conscience the number of his elect might be saved4 ,ye were sincere1 and without offence towards each other4 ,ye bewailed every one his neighbour's sins1 esteeming their defects your own4 ,his prayer for them was for the return of peace1 long-suffering1 and patience4 7,ep4 ,clem4 ,rom4 c4 #b #ec2 ,abp4 ,wake's ,translation47 ,and his advice to those who might have been the occasion of difference in the society is conceived in the true spirit1 and with a perfect knowledge of the ,christian character3 ,who is there among you that is generous8 who that is compassionate8 ,who that has any charity8 ,let him say1 ,if this sedition1 this contention1 and these schisms be upon my account1 ,i am ready to depart1 to go away whithersoever ye please1 and do whatsoever ye shall command me2 only let the flock of ,christ be in peace with the elders who are set over it4 ,he that shall do this shall get to himself a very great honour in the ,lord2 and there is no place but what will he ready to receive him2 for the earth is the ,lord's and the fullness thereof4 ,these things they who have their conversation towards ,god1 not to be repented of1 both have done1 and will always be ready to do4 7,ep4 ,clem4 ,rom4 c4 #ed2 ,abp4 ,wake's ,translation47 ,this sacred principle1 this earnest recommendation of forbearance1 lenity1 and forgiveness1 mixes with all the writings of that age4 ,there are more quotations in the apostolical fathers of texts which relate to these points than of any other4 ,christ's sayings had struck them4 ,not rendering1 said ,polycarp1 the disciple of ,john1 evil for evil1 or railing for railing1 or striking for striking1 or cursing for cursing4 ,again1 speaking of some whose behaviour had given great offence1 ,be ye moderate1 says he1 on this occasion1 and look not upon such as enemies1 but call them back as suffering and erring members1 that ye save your whole body4 7,pol4 ,ep4 ad ,phil4 c4 #b #aa47 ,be ye mild at their anger1 saith ,ignatius1 the companion of ,polycarp1 humble at their boastings1 to their blasphemies return your prayers1 to their error your firmness in the faith2 when they are cruel1 be ye gentle2 not endeavouring to imitate their ways1 let us be their brethren in all kindness and moderation3 but let us be followers of the ,lord2 for who was ever more unjustly used1 more destitute1 more despised8 ,,iv4 ,a fourth quality by which the morality of the ,gospel is distinguished is the exclusion of regard to fame and reputation4 ,take heed that ye do not your alms before men1 to be seen of them1 otherwise ye have no reward of your father which is in heaven4 ,when thou prayest1 enter into thy closet1 and when thou hast shut the door1 pray to thy father which is in secret2 and thy ,father which seeth in secret shall reward thee openly4 7,matt4 vi4 #a #f47 ,and the rule1 by parity of reason1 is extended to all other virtues4 ,i do not think that either in these or in any other passage of the ,new ,testament1 the pursuit of fame is stated as a vice2 it is only said that an action1 to be virtuous1 must be independent of it4 ,i would also observe that it is not publicity1 but ostentation1 which is prohibited2 not the mode1 but the motive of the action1 which is regulated4 ,a good man will prefer that mode1 as well as those objects of his beneficence1 by which he can produce the greatest effect2 and the view of this purpose may dictate sometimes publication1 and sometimes concealment4 ,either the one or the other may be the mode of the action1 according as the end to be promoted by it appears to require4 ,but from the motive1 the reputation of the deed1 and the fruits and advantage of that reputation to ourselves1 must be shut out1 or1 in whatever proportion they are not so1 the action in that proportion fails of being virtuous4 ,this exclusion of regard to human opinion is a difference not so much in the duties to which the teachers of virtue would persuade mankind1 as in the manner and topics of persuasion4 ,and in this view the difference is great4 ,when we set about to give advice1 our lectures are full of the advantages of character1 of the regard that is due to appearances and to opinion2 of what the world1 especially of what the good or great1 will think and say2 of the value of public esteem1 and of the qualities by which men acquire it4 ,widely different from this was our ,saviour's instruction2 and the difference was founded upon the best reasons4 ,for1 however the care of reputation1 the authority of public opinion1 or even of the opinion of good men1 the satisfaction of being well received and well thought of1 the benefit of being known and distinguished1 are topics to which we are fain to have recourse in our exhortations2 the true virtue is that which discards these considerations absolutely1 and which retires from them all to the single internal purpose of pleasing ,god4 ,this at least was the virtue which our ,saviour taught4 ,and in teaching this1 he not only confined the views of his followers to the proper measure and principle of human duty1 but acted in consistency with his office as a monitor from heaven4 ,next to what our ,saviour taught1 may be considered the manner of his teaching2 which was extremely peculiar1 yet1 ,i think1 precisely adapted to the peculiarity of his character and situation4 ,his lessons did not consist of disquisitions2 of anything like moral essays1 or like sermons1 or like set treatises upon the several points which he mentioned4 ,when he delivered a precept1 it was seldom that he added any proof or argument2 still more seldom that he accompanied it with what all precepts require1 limitations and distinctions4 ,his instructions were conceived in short1 emphatic1 sententious rules1 in occasional reflections1 or in round maxims4 ,i do not think that this was a natural1 or would have been a proper method for a philosopher or a moralist2 or that it is a method which can be successfully imitated by us4 ,but ,i contend that it was suitable to the character which ,christ assumed1 and to the situation in which1 as a teacher1 he was placed4 ,he produced himself as a messenger from ,god4 ,he put the truth of what he taught upon authority4 7,i say unto you1 ,swear not at all2 ,i say auto you1 ,resist not evil2 ,i say unto you1 ,love your enemies4--,matt4 v4 #cd1 #ci1 #dd47 ,in the choice1 therefore1 of his mode of teaching1 the purpose by him to be consulted was impression3 because conviction1 which forms the principal end of our discourses1 was to arise in the minds of his followers from a different source1 from their respect to his person and authority4 ,now1 for the purpose of impression singly and exclusively1 7,i repeat again1 that we are not here to consider the convincing of the understanding17 ,i know nothing which would have so great force as strong ponderous maxims1 frequently urged and frequently brought back to the thoughts of the hearers4 ,i know nothing that could in this view be said better1 than ,do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you3 ,the first and great commandment is1 ,thou shalt love the ,lord thy ,god3 and the second is like unto it1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself4 ,it must also be remembered1 that our ,lord's ministry1 upon the supposition either of one year or three1 compared with his work1 was of short duration2 that1 within this time1 he had many places to visit1 various audiences to address2 that his person was generally besieged by crowds of followers2 that he was1 sometimes1 driven away from the place where he was teaching by persecution1 and at other times thought fit to withdraw himself from the commotions of the populace4 ,under these circumstances1 nothing appears to have been so practicable1 or likely to be so efficacious1 as leaving1 wherever he came1 concise lessons of duty4 ,these circumstances at least show the necessity he was under of comprising what he delivered within a small compass4 ,in particular1 his sermon upon the mount ought always to be considered with a view to these observations4 ,the question is not1 whether a fuller1 a more accurate1 a more systematic1 or a more argumentative discourse upon morals might not have been pronounced2 but whether more could have been said in the same room better adapted to the exigencies of the hearers1 or better calculated for the purpose of impression8 ,seen in this light1 it has always appeared to me to be admirable4 ,dr4 ,lardner thought that this discourse was made up of what ,christ had said at different times1 and on different occasions1 several of which occasions are noticed in ,st ,luke's narrative4 ,i can perceive no reason for this opinion4 ,i believe that our ,lord delivered this discourse at one time and place1 in the manner related by ,saint ,matthew1 and that he repeated the same rules and maxims at different times1 as opportunity or occasion suggested2 that they were often in his mouth1 and were repeated to different audiences1 and in various conversations4 ,it is incidental to this mode of moral instruction1 which proceeds not by proof but upon authority1 not by disquisition but by precept1 that the rules will be conceived in absolute terms1 leaving the application and the distinctions that attend it to the reason of the hearer4 ,it is likewise to be expected that they will be delivered in terms by so much the more forcible and energetic1 as they have to encounter natural or general propensities4 ,it is further also to be remarked1 that many of those strong instances which appear in our ,lord's sermon1 such as1 ,if any man will smite thee on the right cheek1 turn to him the other also3 ,if any man will sue thee at the law1 and take away thy coat1 let him have thy cloak also3 ,whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile1 go with him twain3 though they appear in the form of specific precepts1 are intended as descriptive of disposition and character4 ,a specific compliance with the precepts would be of little value1 but the disposition which they inculcate is of the highest4 ,he who should content himself with waiting for the occasion1 and with literally observing the rule when the occasion offered1 would do nothing1 or worse than nothing3 but he who considers the character and disposition which is hereby inculcated1 and places that disposition before him as the model to which he should bring his own1 takes1 perhaps1 the best possible method of improving the benevolence1 and of calming and rectifying the vices of his temper4 ,if it be said that this disposition is unattainable1 ,i answer1 so is all perfection3 ought therefore a moralist to recommend imperfections8 ,one excellency1 however1 of our ,saviour's rules is1 that they are either never mistaken1 or never so mistaken as to do harm4 ,i could feign a hundred cases in which the literal application of the rule1 of doing to others as we would that others should do unto us1 might mislead us2 but ,i never yet met with the man who was actually misled by it4 ,notwithstanding that our ,lord bade his followers1 not to resist evil1 and to forgive the enemy who should trespass against them1 not till seven times1 but till seventy times seven1 the ,christian world has hitherto suffered little by too much placability or forbearance4 ,i would repeat once more1 what has already been twice remarked1 that these rules were designed to regulate personal conduct from personal motives1 and for this purpose alone4 ,i think that these observations will assist us greatly in placing our ,saviour's conduct as a moral teacher in a proper point of view2 especially when it is considered1 that to deliver moral disquisitions was no part of his design1--to teach morality at all was only a subordinate part of it2 his great business being to supply what was much more wanting than lessons of morality1 stronger moral sanctions1 and clearer assurances of a future judgment499 99 ,some appear to require in a religious system1 or in the books which profess to deliver that system1 minute directions for every case and occurrence that may arise4 ,this1 say they1 is necessary to render a revelation perfect1 especially one which has for its object the regulation of human conduct4 ,now1 how prolix1 and yet how incomplete and unavailing1 such an attempt must have been1 is proved by one notable example3 ,the ,indoo and ,mussulman religions are institutes of civil law1 regulating the minutest questions1 both of property and of all questions which come under the cognizance of the magistrate4 ,and to what length details of this kind are necessarily carried when once begun1 may be understood from an anecdote of the ,mussulman code1 which we have received from the most respectable authority1 that not less than seventy-five thousand traditional precepts have been promulgated4 7,hamilton's translation of ,hedays1 or ,guide47 ,the parables of the ,new ,testament are1 many of them1 such as would have done honour to any book in the world3 ,i do not mean in style and diction1 but in the choice of the subjects1 in the structure of the narratives1 in the aptness1 propriety1 and force of the circumstances woven into them2 and in some1 as that of the ,good ,samaritan1 the ,prodigal ,son1 the ,pharisee and the ,publican1 in an union of pathos and simplicity1 which in the best productions of human genius is the fruit only of a much exercised and well cultivated judgment4 ,the ,lord's ,prayer1 for a succession of solemn thoughts1 for fixing the attention upon a few great points1 for suitableness to every condition1 for sufficiency1 for conciseness without obscurity1 for the weight and real importance of its petitions1 is without an equal or a rival4 ,from whence did these come8 ,whence had this man his wisdom8 ,was our ,saviour1 in fact1 a well instructed philosopher1 whilst he is represented to us as an illiterate peasant8 ,or shall we say that some early ,christians of taste and education composed these pieces and ascribed them to ,christ8 ,beside all other incredibilities in this account1 ,i answer1 with ,dr4 ,jortin1 that they could not do it4 ,no specimens of composition which the ,christians of the first century have left us authorise us to believe that they were equal to the task4 ,and how little qualified the ,jews1 the countrymen and companions of ,christ1 were to assist him in the undertaking1 may be judged of from the traditions and writings of theirs which were the nearest to that age4 ,the whole collection of the ,talmud is one continued proof into what follies they fell whenever they left their ,bible2 and how little capable they were of furnishing out such lessons as ,christ delivered4 ,but there is still another view in which our ,lord's discourses deserve to be considered2 and that is1 in their negative character1--not in what they did1 but in what they did not1 contain4 ,under this head the following reflections appear to me to possess some weight4 ,i4 ,they exhibit no particular description of the invisible world4 ,the future happiness of the good1 and the misery of the bad1 which is all we want to be assured of1 is directly and positively affirmed1 and is represented by metaphors and comparisons1 which were plainly intended as metaphors and comparisons1 and as nothing more4 ,as to the rest1 a solemn reserve is maintained4 ,the question concerning the woman who had been married to seven brothers1 ,whose shall she be on the resurrection8 was of a nature calculated to have drawn from ,christ a more circumstantial account of the state of the human species in their future existence4 ,he cuts short1 however1 the inquiry by an answer1 which at once rebuked intruding curiosity1 and was agreeable to the best apprehensions we are able to form upon the subject1 viz4 ,that they who are accounted worthy of that resurrection1 shall be as the angels of ,god in heaven4 ,i lay a stress upon this reserve1 because it repels the suspicion of enthusiasm3 for enthusiasm is wont to expatiate upon the condition of the departed1 above all other subjects1 and with a wild particularity4 ,it is moreover a topic which is always listened to with greediness4 ,the teacher1 therefore1 whose principal purpose is to draw upon himself attention1 is sure to be full of it4 ,the ,koran of ,mahomet is half made up of it4 ,,ii4 ,our ,lord enjoined no austerities4 ,he not only enjoined none as absolute duties1 but he recommended none as carrying men to a higher degree of ,divine favour4 ,place ,christianity1 in this respect1 by the side of all institutions which have been founded in the fanaticism either of their author or of his first followers3 or1 rather1 compare in this respect ,christianity1 as it came from ,christ1 with the same religion after it fell into other hands--with the extravagant merit very soon ascribed to celibacy1 solitude1 voluntary poverty2 with the rigours of an ascetic1 and the vows of a monastic life2 the hair-shirt1 the watchings1 the midnight prayers1 the obmutescence1 the gloom and mortification of religious orders1 and of those who aspired to religious perfection4 ,,iii4 ,our ,saviour uttered no impassioned devotion4 ,there was no heat in his piety1 or in the language in which he expressed it2 no vehement or rapturous ejaculations1 no violent urgency1 in his prayers4 ,the ,lord's ,prayer is a model of calm devotion4 ,his words in the garden are unaffected expressions of a deep1 indeed1 but sober piety4 ,he never appears to have been worked up into anything like that elation1 or that emotion of spirits which is occasionally observed in most of those to whom the name of enthusiast can in any degree be applied4 ,i feel a respect for ,methodists1 because ,i believe that there is to be found amongst them much sincere piety1 and availing though not always well-informed ,christianity3 yet ,i never attended a meeting of theirs but ,i came away with the reflection1 how different what ,i heard was from what ,i read6 ,i do not mean in doctrine1 with which at present ,i have no concern1 but in manner how different from the calmness1 the sobriety1 the good sense1 and ,i may add1 the strength and authority of our ,lord's discourses6 ,,iv4 ,it is very usual with the human mind to substitute forwardness and fervency in a particular cause for the merit of general and regular morality2 and it is natural1 and politic also1 in the leader of a sect or party1 to encourage such a disposition in his followers4 ,christ did not overlook this turn of thought2 yet1 though avowedly placing himself at the head of a new institution1 he notices it only to condemn it4 ,not every one that saith unto me1 ,lord1 ,lord1 shall enter into the kingdom of heaven2 but he that doeth the will of my ,father which is in heaven4 ,many will say unto me in that day1 ,lord1 ,lord1 have we not prophesied in thy name8 and in thy name have cast out devils8 and in thy name done many wonderful works8 ,and then will ,i profess unto you1 ,i never knew you3 depart from me1 ye that work iniquity4 7,matt4 vii4 #ba1 #bb47 ,so far was the ,author of ,christianity from courting the attachment of his followers by any sacrifice of principle1 or by a condescension to the errors which even zeal in his service might have inspired4 ,this was a proof both of sincerity and judgment4 ,v4 ,nor1 fifthly1 did he fall in with any of the depraved fashions of his country1 or with the natural bias of his own education4 ,bred up a ,jew1 under a religion extremely technical1 in an age and amongst a people more tenacious of the ceremonies than of any other part of that religion1 he delivered an institution containing less of ritual1 and that more simple1 than is to be found in any religion which ever prevailed amongst mankind4 ,we have known1 ,i do allow1 examples of an enthusiasm which has swept away all external ordinances before it4 ,but this spirit certainly did not dictate our ,saviour's conduct1 either in his treatment of the religion of his country1 or in the formation of his own institution4 ,in both he displayed the soundness and moderation of his judgment4 ,he censured an overstrained scrupulousness1 or perhaps an affectation of scrupulousness1 about the ,sabbath3 but how did he censure it8 not by contemning or decrying the institution itself1 but by declaring that the ,sabbath was made for man1 not man for the ,sabbath2 that is to say1 that the ,sabbath was to be subordinate to its purpose1 and that that purpose was the real good of those who were the subjects of the law4 ,the same concerning the nicety of some of the ,pharisees1 in paying tithes of the most trifling articles1 accompanied with a neglect of justice1 fidelity1 and mercy4 ,he finds fault with them for misplacing their anxiety4 ,he does not speak disrespectfully of the law of tithes1 nor of their observance of it2 but he assigns to each class of duties its proper station in the scale of moral importance4 ,all this might be expected perhaps from a well-instructed1 cool1 and judicious philosopher1 but was not to be looked for from an illiterate ,jew2 certainly not from an impetuous enthusiast4 ,,vi4 ,nothing could be more quibbling than were the comments and expositions of the ,jewish doctors at that time2 nothing so puerile as their distinctions4 ,their evasion of the fifth commandment1 their exposition of the law of oaths1 are specimens of the bad taste in morals which then prevailed4 ,whereas1 in a numerous collection of our ,saviour's apophthegms1 many of them referring to sundry precepts of the ,jewish law1 there is not to be found one example of sophistry1 or of false subtlety1 or of anything approaching thereunto4 ,,vii4 ,the national temper of the ,jews was intolerant1 narrow-minded1 and excluding4 ,in ,jesus1 on the contrary1 whether we regard his lessons or his example1 we see not only benevolence1 but benevolence the most enlarged and comprehensive4 ,in the parable of the ,good ,samaritan1 the very point of the story is1 that the person relieved by him was the national and religious enemy of his benefactor4 ,our ,lord declared the equity of the ,divine administration1 when he told the ,jews1 7what1 probably1 they were surprised to hear17 ,that many should come from the east and west1 and should sit down with ,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob1 in the kingdom of heaven2 but that the children of the kingdom should be cast into outer darkness4 7,matt4 viii4 #aa47 ,his reproof of the hasty zeal of his disciples1 who would needs call down fire from heaven to revenge an affront put upon their ,master1 shows the lenity of his character1 and of his religion3 and his opinion of the manner in which the most unreasonable opponents ought to be treated1 or at least of the manner in which they ought not to be treated4 ,the terms in which his rebuke was conveyed deserve to be noticed3--,ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of4 7,luke ix4 #ee47 ,,viii4 ,lastly1 amongst the negative qualities of our religion1 as it came out of the hands of its ,founder and his apostles1 we may reckon its complete abstraction from all views either of ecclesiastical or civil policy2 or1 to meet a language much in fashion with some men1 from the politics either of priests or statesmen4 ,christ's declaration1 that his kingdom was not of this world1 recorded by ,saint ,john2 his evasion of the question1 whether it was lawful or not to give tribute unto ,caesar1 mentioned by the three other evangelists2 his reply to an application that was made to him1 to interpose his authority in a question of property2 ,man1 who made me a ruler or a judge over you8 ascribed to him by ,st4 ,luke2 his declining to exercise the office of a criminal judge in the case of the woman taken in adultery1 as related by ,john1 are all intelligible significations of our ,saviour's sentiments upon this head4 ,and with respect to politics1 in the usual sense of that word1 or discussions concerning different forms of government1 ,christianity declines every question upon the subject4 ,whilst politicians are disputing about monarchies1 aristocracies1 and republics1 the ,gospel is alike applicable1 useful1 and friendly to them all2 inasmuch1 as1 #astly1 it tends to make men virtuous1 and as it is easier to govern good men than bad men under any constitution2 as1 #bndly1 it states obedience to government1 in ordinary cases1 to be not merely a submission to force1 but a duty of conscience2 as1 #crdly1 it induces dispositions favourable to public tranquillity1 a ,christian's chief care being to pass quietly through this world to a better2 as1 #dthly1 it prays for communities1 and1 for the governors of communities1 of whatever description or denomination they be1 with a solicitude and fervency proportioned to the influence which they possess upon human happiness4 ,all which1 in my opinion1 is just as it should be4 ,had there been more to be found in ,scripture of a political nature1 or convertible to political purposes1 the worst use would have been made of it1 on whichever side it seemed to lie4 ,when1 therefore1 we consider ,christ as a moral teacher 7remembering that this was only a secondary part of his office2 and that morality1 by the nature of the subject1 does not admit of discovery1 properly so called7--when we consider either what he taught1 or what he did not teach1 either the substance or the manner of his instruction2 his preference of solid to popular virtues1 of a character which is commonly despised to a character which is universally extolled2 his placing1 in our licentious vices1 the check in the right place1 viz4 upon the thoughts2 his collecting of human duty into two well-devised rules1 his repetition of these rules1 the stress he laid upon them1 especially in comparison with positive duties1 and his fixing thereby the sentiments of his followers2 his exclusion of all regard to reputation in our devotion and alms1 and by parity of reason in our other virtues2--when we consider that his instructions were delivered in a form calculated for impression1 the precise purpose in his situation to be consulted2 and that they were illustrated by parables1 the choice and structure of which would have been admired in any composition whatever2--when we observe him free from the usual symptoms of enthusiasm1 heat and vehemence in devotion1 austerity in institutions1 and a wild particularity in the description of a future state2 free also from the depravities of his age and country2 without superstition amongst the most superstitious of men1 yet not decrying positive distinctions or external observances1 but soberly calling them to the principle of their establishment1 and to their place in the scale of human duties2 without sophistry or trifling1 amidst teachers remarkable for nothing so much as frivolous subtleties and quibbling expositions2 candid and liberal in his judgment of the rest of mankind1 although belonging to a people who affected a separate claim to ,divine favour1 and in consequence of that opinion prone to uncharitableness1 partiality1 and restriction2--when we find in his religion no scheme of building up a hierarchy1 or of ministering to the views of human governments2--in a word1 when we compare ,christianity1 as it came from its ,author1 either with other religions1 or with itself in other hands1 the most reluctant understanding will be induced to acknowledge the probity1 ,i think also the good sense1 of those to whom it owes its origin2 and that some regard is due to the testimony of such men1 when they declare their knowledge that the religion proceeded from ,god2 and when they appeal for the truth of their assertion1 to miracles which they wrought1 or which they saw4 ,perhaps the qualities which we observe in the religion may be thought to prove something more4 ,they would have been extraordinary had the religion come from any person2 from the person from whom it did come1 they are exceedingly so4 ,what was ,jesus in external appearance8 ,a ,jewish peasant1 the son of a carpenter1 living with his father and mother in a remote province of ,palestine1 until the time that he produced himself in his public character4 ,he had no master to instruct or prompt him2 he had read no books but the works of ,moses and the prophets2 he had visited no polished cities2 he had received no lessons from ,socrates or ,plato1--nothing to form in him a taste or judgment different from that of the rest of his countrymen1 and of persons of the same rank of life with himself4 ,supposing it to be true1 which it is not1 that all his points of morality might be picked out of ,greek and ,roman writings1 they were writings which he had never seen4 ,supposing them to be no more than what some or other had taught in various times and places1 he could not collect them together4 ,who were his coadjutors in the undertaking1--the persons into whose hands the religion came after his death8 ,a few fishermen upon the lake of ,tiberias1 persons just as uneducated1 and1 for the purpose of framing rules of morality1 as unpromising as himself4 ,suppose the mission to be real1 all this is accounted for2 the unsuitableness of the authors to the production1 of the characters to the undertaking1 no longer surprises us3 but without reality1 it is very difficult to explain how such a system should proceed from such persons4 ,christ was not like any other carpenter2 the apostles were not like any other fishermen4 ,but the subject is not exhausted by these observations4 ,that portion of it which is most reducible to points of argument has been stated1 and1 ,i trust1 truly4 ,there are1 however1 some topics of a more diffuse nature1 which yet deserve to be proposed to the reader's attention4 ,the character of ,christ is a part of the morality of the ,gospel3 one strong observation upon which is1 that1 neither as represented by his followers1 nor as attacked by his enemies1 is he charged with any personal vice4 ,this remark is as old as ,origen3 ,though innumerable lies and calumnies had been forged against the venerable ,jesus1 none had dared to charge him with an intemperance4 7,or4 ,ep4 ,cels4 #a4 #c1 num4 #cf1 ed4 ,bened47 ,not a reflection upon his moral character1 not an imputation or suspicion of any offence against purity and chastity1 appears for five hundred years after his birth4 ,this faultlessness is more peculiar than we are apt to imagine4 ,some stain pollutes the morals or the morality of almost every other teacher1 and of every other lawgiver499 ,zeno the stoic1 and ,diogenes the cynic1 fell into the foulest impurities2 of which also ,socrates himself was more than suspected4 ,solon forbade unnatural crimes to slaves4 ,lycurgus tolerated theft as a part of education4 ,plato recommended a community of women4 ,aristotle maintained the general right of making war upon barbarians4 ,the elder ,cato was remarkable for the ill usage of his slaves2 the younger gave up the person of his wife4 ,one loose principle is found in almost all the ,pagan moralists2 is distinctly1 however1 perceived in the writings of ,plato1 ,xenophon1 ,cicero1 ,seneca1 ,epictetus2 and that is1 the allowing1 and even the recommending to their disciples1 a compliance with the religion1 and with the religious rites1 of every country into which they came4 ,in speaking of the founders of new institutions we cannot forget ,mahomet4 ,his licentious transgressions of his own licentious rules2 his abuse of the character which he assumed1 and of the power which he had acquired1 for the purposes of personal and privileged indulgence2 his avowed claim of a special permission from heaven of unlimited sensuality1 is known to every reader1 as it is confessed by every writer of the ,moslem story4 99 ,see many instances collected by ,grotius1 de ,veritate ,christianae ,religionis1 in the notes to his second book1 p4 #aaf4 ,pocock's edition4 ,secondly1 in the histories which are left us of ,jesus ,christ1 although very short1 and although dealing in narrative1 and not in observation or panegyric1 we perceive1 beside the absence of every appearance of vice1 traces of devotion1 humility1 benignity1 mildness1 patience1 prudence4 ,i speak of traces of these qualities1 because the qualities themselves are to be collected from incidents2 inasmuch as the terms are never used of ,christ in the ,gospels1 nor is any formal character of him drawn in any part of the ,new ,testament4 ,thus we see the devoutness of his mind in his frequent retirement to solitary prayer2 7,matt4 xiv4 #bc4 ,luke ix4 #bh4 ,matt4 xxvi4 #cf47 in his habitual giving of thanks2 7,matt4 xi4 #be4 ,mark viii4 #f4 ,john vi4 #bc4 ,luke xxii4 #ag47 in his reference of the beauties and operations of nature to the bounty of ,providence2 7,matt4 vi1 #bf--bh47 in his earnest addresses to his ,father1 more particularly that short but solemn one before the raising of ,lazarus from the dead2 7,john xi4 #da47 and in the deep piety of his behaviour in the garden on the last evening of his life37,matt4 xxvi4 #hf--dg47 his humility in his constant reproof of contentions for superiority37,mark ix4 #cc47 the benignity and affectionateness of his temper in his kindness to children2 7,mark x4 #af47 in the tears which he shed over his falling country1 7,luke xix4 #da47 and upon the death of his friend2 7,john xi4 #ce47 in his noticing of the widow's mite2 7,mark xii4 #db47 in his parables of the good ,samaritan1 of the ungrateful servant1 and of the ,pharisee and publican1 of which parables no one but a man of humanity could have been the author3 the mildness and lenity of his character is discovered in his rebuke of the forward zeal of his disciples at the ,samaritan village2 7,luke ix4 #ee47 in his expostulation with ,pilate2 7,john xix4 #aa47 in his prayer for his enemies at the moment of his suffering1 7,luke xxiii4 #cd47 which1 though it has been since very properly and frequently imitated1 was then1 ,i apprehend1 new4 ,his prudence is discerned1 where prudence is most wanted1 in his conduct on trying occasions1 and in answers to artful questions4 ,of these the following are examples3--,his withdrawing in various instances from the first symptoms of tumult1 7,matt4 xiv4 #bb4 ,luke v4 #ae1 #af4 ,john v4 #ac2 vi4 #ae47 and with the express care1 as appears from ,saint ,matthew1 7,chap4 xii4 #ai47 of carrying on his ministry in quietness2 his declining of every species of interference with the civil affairs of the country1 which disposition is manifested by his behaviour in the case of the woman caught in adultery1 7,john viii4 #a47 and in his repulse of the application which was made to him to interpose his decision about a disputed inheritance37,luke xii4 #ad47 his judicious1 yet1 as it should seem1 unprepared answers1 will be confessed in the case of the ,roman tribute 7,matt4 xxii4 #ai47 in the difficulty concerning the interfering relations of a future state1 as proposed to him in the instance of a woman who had married seven brethren2 7,matt4 xxii4 #bh47 and more especially in his reply to those who demanded from him an explanation of the authority by which he acted1 which reply consisted in propounding a question to them1 situated between the very difficulties into which they were insidiously endeavouring to draw him4 7,matt4 xxi4 #bc1 et seq47 ,our ,saviour's lessons1 beside what has already been remarked in them1 touch1 and that oftentimes by very affecting representations1 upon some of the most interesting topics of human duty1 and of human meditation2 upon the principles by which the decisions of the last day will be regulated2 7,matt4 xxv4 #ca1 et seq47 upon the superior1 or rather the supreme importance of religion2 7 ,mark viii4 #ce4 ,matt4 vi4 #ca--cc4 ,luke xii4 #d1 #e1 #af--ba47 upon penitence1 by the most pressing calls1 and the most encouraging invitations2 7,luke xv47 upon self-denial1 7,matt4 v4 #bi47 watchfulhess1 7,mark xiii4 #cg4 ,matt4 xxiv4 #db2 xxv4 #ac47 placability1 7,luke xvii4 #d4 ,matt4 xviii4 #cc1 et seq47 confidence in ,god1 7,matt4 vi4 #be--cj47 the value of spiritual1 that is1 of mental worship1 7,john iv4 #bc1 #bd47 the necessity of moral obedience1 and the directing of that obedience to the spirit and principle of the law1 instead of seeking for evasions in a technical construction of its terms4 7,matt4 v4 #ba47 ,if we extend our argument to other parts of the ,new ,testament1 we may offer1 as amongst the best and shortest rules of life1 or1 which is the same thing1 descriptions of virtue1 that have ever been delivered1 the following passages3-- ,pure religion1 and undefiled1 before ,god and the ,father1 is this2 to visit the fatherless and widows in their affliction1 and to keep himself unspotted from the world4 7,james i4 #bg47 ,now the end of the commandment is charity1 out of a pure heart and a good conscience1 and faith unfeigned4 7,i ,tim4 i4 #e47 ,for the grace of ,god that bringeth salvation hath appeared to all men1 teaching us that1 denying ungodliness and worldly lusts1 we should live soberly1 righteously1 and godly1 in this present world4 7,tit4 ii4 #aa1 #ab47 ,enumerations of virtues and vices1 and those sufficiently accurate and unquestionably just1 are given by ,st4 ,paul to his converts in three several epistles4 7,gal4 v4 #ai4 ,col4 iii4 #ab4 #a ,cor4 xiii47 ,the relative duties of husbands and wives1 of parents and children1 of masters and servants1 of ,christian teachers and their flocks1 of governors and their subjects1 are set forth by the same writer1 7,eph4 v4 #cc2 vi4 #a--e4 #b ,cor4 vi4 #f1 #g4 ,rom4 xiii47 not indeed with the copiousness1 the detail1 or the distinctness of a moralist who should in these days sit down to write chapters upon the subject1 but with the leading rules and principles in each2 and1 above all1 with truth and with authority4 ,lastly1 the whole volume of the ,new ,testament is replete with piety2 with what were almost unknown to heathen moralists1 devotional virtues1 the most profound veneration of the ,deity1 an habitual sense of his bounty and protection1 a firm confidence in the final result of his counsels and dispensations1 a disposition to resort upon all occasions to his mercy for the supply of human wants1 for assistance in danger1 for relief from pain1 for the pardon of sin4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,the ,,candour ,,of ,,the ,,writers ,,of ,,the ,,new ,,testament4 ,i make this candour to consist in their putting down many passages1 and noticing many circumstances1 which no writer whatever was likely to have forged2 and which no writer would have chosen to appear in his book who had been careful to present the story in the most unexceptionable form1 or who had thought himself at liberty to carve and mould the particulars of that story according to his choice1 or according to his judgment of the effect4 ,a strong and well-known example of the fairness of the evangelists offers itself in their account of ,christ's resurrection1 namely1 in their unanimously stating that after he was risen he appeared to his disciples alone4 ,i do not mean that they have used the exclusive word alone2 but that all the instances which they have recorded of his appearance are instances of appearance to his disciples2 that their reasonings upon it1 and allusions to it1 are confined to this supposition2 and that by one of them ,peter is made to say1 ,him ,god raised up the third day1 and showed him openly1 not to all the people1 but to witnesses chosen before of ,god1 even to us who did eat and drink with him after he rose from the dead4 7,acts x4 #dj1 #da47 ,the most common understanding must have perceived that the history of the resurrection would have come with more advantage if they had related that ,jesus appeared1 after he was risen1 to his foes as well as his friends1 to the scribes and ,pharisees1 the ,jewish council1 and the ,roman governor3 or even if they had asserted the public appearance of ,christ in general unqualified terms1 without noticing1 as they have done1 the presence of his disciples on each occasion1 and noticing it in such a manner as to lead their readers to suppose that none but disciples were present4 ,they could have represented in one way as well as the other4 ,and if their point had been to have their religion believed1 whether true or false2 if they had fabricated the story ab initio2 or if they had been disposed either to have delivered their testimony as witnesses1 or to have worked up their materials and information as historians1 in such a manner as to render their narrative as specious and unobjectionable as they could2 in a word1 if they had thought of anything but of the truth of the case1 as they understood and believed it2 they would in their account of ,christ's several appearances after his resurrection1 at least have omitted this restriction4 ,at this distance of time1 the account as we have it is perhaps more credible than it would have been the other way2 because this manifestation of the historians' candour is of more advantage to their testimony than the difference in the circumstances of the account would have been to the nature of the evidence4 ,but this is an effect which the evangelists would not foresee3 and ,i think that it was by no means the case at the time when the books were composed4 ,mr4 ,gibbon has argued for the genuineness of the ,koran1 from the confessions which it contains1 to the apparent disadvantage of the ,mahometan cause4 7,vol4 ix4 c4 #ej1 note #if47 ,the same defence vindicates the genuineness of our ,gospels1 and without prejudice to the cause at all4 ,there are some other instances in which the evangelists honestly relate what they must have perceived would make against them4 ,of this kind is ,john the ,baptist's message preserved by ,saint ,matthew 7xi4 #b7 and ,saint ,luke 7vii4 #ah73 ,now when ,john had heard in the prison the works of ,christ1 he sent two of his disciples1 and said unto him1 ,art thou he that should come1 or look we for another8 ,to confess1 still more to state1 that ,john the ,baptist had his doubts concerning the character of ,jesus1 could not but afford a handle to cavil and objection4 ,but truth1 like honesty1 neglects appearances4 ,the same observation1 perhaps1 holds concerning the apostacy of ,judas499 99 ,i had once placed amongst these examples of fair concession the remarkable words of ,saint ,matthew in his account of ,christ's appearance upon the ,galilean mountain3 ,and when they saw him they worshipped him2 but some doubted4 7,chap4 xxviii4 #ag47 ,i have since1 however1 been convinced1 by what is observed concerning this passage in ,dr4 ,townshend's ,discourse 7,page #agg47 upon the ,resurrection1 that the transaction1 as related by ,saint ,matthew1 was really this3 ,christ appeared first at a distance2 the greater part of the company1 the moment they saw him1 worshipped1 but some as yet1 i4e4 upon this first distant view of his person1 doubted2 whereupon ,christ came up to them1 and spake to them1 c43 that the doubt1 therefore1 was a doubt only at first for a moment1 and upon his being seen at a distance1 and was afterwards dispelled by his nearer approach1 and by his entering into conversation with them4 ,saint ,matthew's words are3 kai proselthon o ,iesous elalesen autois and having come toward them1 ,jesus spoke4 ,this intimates that when he first appeared it was at a distance1 at least from many of the spectators4 ,ib4 p4 #aig4 ,john vi4 #ff4 ,from that time1 many of his disciples went back1 and walked no more with him4 ,was it the part of a writer who dealt in suppression and disguise to put down this anecdote8 ,or this1 which ,matthew has preserved 7xii4 #eh78 ,he did not many mighty works there1 because of their unbelief4 ,again1 in the same evangelist 7v4 #ag1 #ah73 ,think not that ,i am come to destroy the law or the prophets3 ,i am not come to destroy1 but to fulfil2 for1 verily1 ,i say unto you1 till heaven and earth pass1 one jot1 or one tittle1 shall in no wise pass from the law1 till all be fulfilled4 ,at the time the ,gospels were written1 the apparent tendency of ,christ's mission was to diminish the authority of the ,mosaic code1 and it was so considered by the ,jews themselves4 ,it is very improbable1 therefore1 that1 without the constraint of truth1 ,matthew should have ascribed a saying to ,christ1 which1 primo intuitu1 militated with the judgment of the age in which his ,gospel was written4 ,marcion thought this text so objectionable1 that he altered the words1 so as to invert the sense4 7,lardner1 ,cred41 vol4 xv4 p4 #dbb47 ,once more 7,acts xxv4 #ah73 ,they brought none accusation against him of such things as ,i supposed2 but had certain questions against him of their own superstition1 and of one ,jesus which was dead1 whom ,paul affirmed to be alive4 ,nothing could be more in the character of a ,roman governor than these words4 ,but that is not precisely the point ,i am concerned with4 ,a mere panegyrist1 or a dishonest narrator1 would not have represented his cause1 or have made a great magistrate represent it1 in this manner1 i4e4 in terms not a little disparaging1 and bespeaking1 on his part1 much unconcern and indifference about the matter4 ,the same observation may be repeated of the speech which is ascribed to ,gallio 7,acts xviii4 #ae73 ,if it be a question of words and names1 and of your law1 look ye to it2 for ,i will be no judge of such matters4 ,lastly1 where do we discern a stronger mark of candour1 or less disposition to extol and magnify1 than in the conclusion of the same history8 in which the evangelist1 after relating that ,paul1 on his first arrival at ,rome1 preached to the ,jews from morning until evening1 adds1 ,and some believed the things which were spoken1 and some believed not4 ,the following1 ,i think1 are passages which were very unlikely to have presented themselves to the mind of a forger or a fabulist4 ,matt4 xxi4 #ba4 ,jesus answered and said unto them1 ,verily ,i say unto you1 ,if ye have faith1 and doubt not1 ye shall not only do this which is done unto the fig-tree1 but also1 if ye shall say unto this mountain1 ,be thou removed1 and be thou east into the sea1 it shall be done2 all things whatsoever ye shall ask in prayer1 believing1 it shall be done4 7,see also chap4 xvii4 #bj4 ,luke xvii4 #f47 ,it appears to me very improbable that these words should have been put into ,christ's mouth1 if he had not actually spoken them4 ,the term faith1 as here used1 is perhaps rightly interpreted of confidence in that internal notice by which the apostles were admonished of their power to perform any particular miracle4 ,and this exposition renders the sense of the text more easy4 ,but the words undoubtedly1 in their obvious construction1 carry with them a difficulty which no writer would have brought upon himself officiously4 ,luke ix4 #ei4 ,and he said unto another1 ,follow me3 but he said1 ,lord1 suffer me first to go and bury my father4 ,jesus said unto him1 ,let the dead bury their dead1 but go thou and preach the kingdom of ,god4 7,see also ,matt4 viii4 #ba47 ,this answer1 though very expressive of the transcendent importance of religious concerns1 was apparently harsh and repulsive2 and such as would not have been made for ,christ if he had not really used it4 ,at least some other instance would bare been chosen4 ,the following passage1 ,i1 for the same reason1 think impossible to have been the production of artifice1 or of a cold forgery3--,but ,i say unto you1 that whosoever is angry with his brother without a cause shall be in danger of the judgment2 and whosoever shall say to his brother1 ,raca1 shall be in danger of the council2 but whosoever shall say1 ,thou fool1 shall be in danger of hell-fire 7,gehennae74 ,matt4 v4 #bb4 ,it is emphatic1 cogent1 and well calculated for the purpose of impression2 but is inconsistent with the supposition of art or wariness on the part of the relator4 ,the short reply of our ,lord to ,mary ,magdalen1 after his resurrection 7,john xx4 #af1 #ag71 ,touch me not1 for ,i am not yet ascended unto my ,father1 in my opinion must have been founded in a reference or allusion to some prior conversation1 for the want of knowing which his meaning is hidden from us4 ,this very obscurity1 however1 is a proof of genuineness4 ,no one would have forged such an answer4 ,john vi4 ,the whole of the conversation recorded in this chapter is in the highest degree unlikely to be fabricated1 especially the part of our ,saviour's reply between the fiftieth and the fifty-eighth verse4 ,i need only put down the first sentence3 ,i am the living bread which came down from heaven3 if any man eat of this bread he shall live for ever3 and the bread that ,i will give him is my flesh1 which ,i will give for the life of the world4 ,without calling in question the expositions that have been given of this passage1 we may be permitted to say1 that it labours under an obscurity1 in which it is impossible to believe that any one1 who made speeches for the persons of his narrative1 would have voluntarily involved them4 ,that this discourse was obscure1 even at the time1 is confessed by the writer who had preserved it1 when he tells us1 at the conclusion1 that many of our ,lord's disciples1 when they had heard this1 said1 ,this is a hard saying2 who can hear it8 ,christ's taking of a young child1 and placing it in the midst of his contentious disciples 7,matt4 xviii4 #b71 though as decisive a proof as any could be of the benignity of his temper1 and very expressive of the character of the religion which he wished to inculcate1 was not by any means an obvious thought4 ,nor am ,i acquainted with anything in any ancient writing which resembles it4 ,the account of the institution of the eucharist bears strong internal marks of genuineness4 ,if it had been feigned1 it would have been more full2 it would have come nearer to the actual mode of celebrating the rite as that mode obtained very early in the ,christian churches2 and it would have been more formal than it is4 ,in the forged piece called the ,apostolic ,constitutions1 the apostles are made to enjoin many parts of the ritual which was in use in the second and third centuries1 with as much particularity as a modern rubric could have done4 ,whereas1 in the history of the ,lord's ,supper1 as we read it in ,saint ,matthew's ,gospel1 there is not so much as the command to repeat it4 ,this1 surely1 looks like undesignedness4 ,i think also that the difficulty arising from the conciseness of ,christ's expression1 ,this is my body1 would have been avoided in a made-up story4 ,i allow that the explication of these words given by ,protestants is satisfactory2 but it is deduced from a diligent comparison of the words in question with forms of expression used in ,scripture1 and especially by ,christ upon other occasions4 ,no writer would arbitrarily and unnecessarily have thus cast in his reader's way a difficulty which1 to say the least1 it required research and erudition to clear up4 ,now it ought to be observed that the argument which is built upon these examples extends both to the authenticity of the books1 and to the truth of the narrative2 for it is improbable that the forger of a history in the name of another should have inserted such passages into it3 and it is improbable1 also1 that the persons whose names the books hear should have fabricated such passages2 or even have allowed them a place in their work1 if they had not believed them to express the truth4 ,the following observation1 therefore1 of ,dr4 ,lardner1 the most candid of all advocates1 and the most cautious of all inquirers1 seems to be well founded3--,christians are induced to believe the writers of the ,gospel by observing the evidences of piety and probity that appear in their writings1 in which there is no deceit1 or artifice1 or cunning1 or design4 ,no remarks1 as ,dr4 ,beattie hath properly said1 are thrown in to anticipate objections2 nothing of that caution which never fails to distinguish the testimony of those who are conscious of imposture2 no endeavour to reconcile the reader's mind to what may be extraordinary in the narrative4 ,i beg leave to cite also another author1 7,duchal1 pp4 #ig1 #ih47 who has well expressed the reflection which the examples now brought forward were intended to suggest4 ,it doth not appear that ever it came into the mind of these writers to consider how this or the other action would appear to mankind1 or what objections might be raised upon them4 ,but without at all attending to this1 they lay the facts before you1 at no pains to think whether they would appear credible or not4 ,if the reader will not believe their testimony1 there is no help for it3 they tell the truth and attend to nothing else4 ,surely this looks like sincerity1 and that they published nothing to the world but that they believed themselves4 ,as no improper supplement to this chapter1 ,i crave a place here for observing the extreme naturalness of some of the things related in the ,new ,testament4 ,mark ix4 #bc4 ,jesus said unto him1 ,if thou canst believe1 all things are possible to him that believeth4 ,and straightway the father of the child cried out1 and said with tears1 ,lord1 ,i believe2 help thou mine unbelief4 ,this struggle in the father's heart1 between solicitude for the preservation of his child1 and a kind of involuntary distrust of ,christ's power to heal him1 is here expressed with an air of reality which could hardly be counterfeited4 ,again 7,matt4 xxi4 #i71 the eagerness of the people to introduce ,christ into ,jerusalem1 and their demand1 a short time afterwards1 of his crucifixion1 when he did not turn out what they expected him to be1 so far from affording matter of objection1 represents popular favour in exact agreement with nature and with experience1 as the flux and reflux of a wave4 ,the rulers and ,pharisees rejecting ,christ1 whilst many of the common people received him1 was the effect which1 in the then state of ,jewish prejudices1 ,i should have expected4 ,and the reason with which they who rejected ,christ's mission kept themselves in countenance1 and with which also they answered the arguments of those who favoured it1 is precisely the reason which such men usually give3--,have any of the ,scribes or ,pharisees believed on him8 7,john vii4 #dh47 ,in our ,lord's conversation at the well 7,john iv4 #bi71 ,christ had surprised the ,samaritan woman with an allusion to a single particular in her domestic situation1 ,thou hast had five husbands2 and he whom thou now hast is not thy husband4 ,the woman1 soon after this1 ran back to the city1 and called out to her neighbours1 ,come1 see a man which told me all things that ever ,i did4 ,this exaggeration appears to me very natural2 especially in the hurried state of spirits into which the woman may be supposed to have been thrown4 ,the lawyer's subtilty in running a distinction upon the word neighbour1 in the precept1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself1 was no less natural than our ,saviour's answer was decisive and satisfactory4 7,luke x4 #bj47 ,the lawyer of the ,new ,testament1 it must be observed1 was a ,jewish divine4 ,the behaviour of ,gallio 7,acts xviii4 #ab-ag71 and of ,festus 7xxv4 #ah1 #ai71 have been observed upon already4 ,the consistency of ,saint ,paul's character throughout the whole of his history 7viz4 the warmth and activity of his zeal1 first against1 and then for1 ,christianity7 carries with it very much of the appearance of truth4 ,there are also some properties1 as they may be called1 observable in the ,gospels2 that is1 circumstances separately suiting with the situation1 character1 and intention of their respective authors4 ,saint ,matthew1 who was an inhabitant of ,galilee1 and did not join ,christ's society until some time after ,christ had come into ,galilee to preach1 has given us very little of his history prior to that period4 ,saint ,john1 who had been converted before1 and who wrote to supply omissions in the other ,gospels1 relates some remarkable particulars which had taken place before ,christ left ,judea1 to go into ,galilee4 7,hartley's ,observations1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ajc47 ,saint ,matthew 7xv4 #a7 has recorded the cavil of the ,pharisees against the disciples of ,jesus1 for eating with unclean hands4 ,saint ,mark has also 7vii4 #a7 recorded the same transaction 7taken probably from ,saint ,matthew71 but with this addition3 ,for the ,pharisees1 and all the ,jews1 except they wash their hands often1 eat not1 holding the tradition of the elders3 and when they come from the market1 except they wash1 they eat not3 and many other things there be which they have received to hold1 as the washing of cups and pots1 brazen vessels1 and of tables4 ,now ,saint ,matthew was not only a ,jew himself1 but it is evident1 from the whole structure of his ,gospel1 especially from his numerous references to the ,old ,testament1 that he wrote for ,jewish readers4 ,the above explanation1 therefore1 in him1 would have been unnatural1 as not being wanted by the readers whom he addressed4 ,but in ,mark1 who1 whatever use he might make of ,matthew's ,gospel1 intended his own narrative for a general circulation1 and who himself travelled to distant countries in the service of the religion1 it was properly added4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,identity ,,of ,,christ',s ,,character4 ,,the argument expressed by this title ,i apply principally to the comparison of the first three ,gospels with that of ,saint ,john4 ,it is known to every reader of ,scripture that the passages of ,christ's history preserved by ,saint ,john are1 except his passion and resurrection1 for the most part different from those which are delivered by the other evangelists4 ,and ,i think the ancient account of this difference to be the true one1 viz41 that ,saint ,john wrote after the rest1 and to supply what he thought omissions in their narratives1 of which the principal were our ,saviour's conferences with the ,jews of ,jerusalem1 and his discourses to his apostles at his last supper4 ,but what ,i observe in the comparison of these several accounts is1 that1 although actions and discourses are ascribed to ,christ by ,saint ,john in general different from what are given to him by the other evangelists1 yet1 under this diversity1 there is a similitude of manner1 which indicates that the actions and discourses proceeded from the same person4 ,i should have laid little stress upon the repetition of actions substantially alike1 or of discourses containing many of the same expressions1 because that is a species of resemblance which would either belong to a true history1 or might easily be imitate in a false one4 ,nor do ,i deny that a dramatic writer is able to sustain propriety and distinction of character through a great variety of separate incidents and situations4 ,but the evangelists were not dramatic writers2 nor possessed the talents of dramatic writers2 nor will it1 ,i believe1 be suspected that they studied uniformity of character1 or ever thought of any such thing in the person who was the subject of their histories4 ,such uniformity1 if it exist1 is on their part casual2 and if there be1 as ,i contend there is1 a perceptible resemblance of manner1 in passages1 and between discourses1 which are in themselves extremely distinct1 and are delivered by historians writing without any imitation of1 or reference to1 one another1 it affords a just presumption that these are what they profess to be1 the actions and the discourses of the same real person2 that the evangelists wrote from fact1 and not from imagination4 ,the article in which ,i find this agreement most strong is in our ,saviour's mode of teaching1 and in that particular property of it which consists in his drawing of his doctrine from the occasion2 or1 which is nearly the same thing1 raising reflections from the objects and incidents before him1 or turning a particular discourse then passing into an opportunity of general instruction4 ,it will be my business to point out this manner in the first three evangelists2 and then to inquire whether it do not appear also in several examples of ,christ's discourses preserved by ,saint ,john4 ,the reader will observe in the following quotations that the ,italic letter contains the reflection2 the common letter the incident or occasion from which it springs4 ,matt4 xii4 #dg--ej4 ,then they said unto him1 ,behold1 thy mother and thy brethren stand without1 desiring to speak with thee4 ,but he answered and said unto him that told him1 ,who is my mother2 and who are my brethren8 ,and he stretched forth his hand towards his disciples1 and said1 ,behold my mother and my brethren3 for whosoever shall do the will of my ,father which is in heaven1 the same is my brother1 and sister1 and mother4 ,matt4 xvi4 #e4 ,and when his disciples were come to the other side1 they had forgotten to take bread2 then ,jesus said unto them1 ,take heed1 and beware of the leaven of the ,pharisees and of the ,sadducees4 ,and they reasoned among themselves1 saying1 ,it is because we have taken no bread4--,how is it that ye do not understand1 that ,i speak it not to you concerning bread1 that ye shall beware of the leaven of the ,pharisees and of the ,sadducees8 ,then understood they how that he bade them not beware of the leaven of bread1 but of the ,,doctrine of the ,pharisees and of the ,sadducees4 ,matt4 xv4 #a1 #b2 #aj1 #aa2 #ae--bj4 ,then came to ,jesus scribes and ,pharisees1 which were of ,jerusalem1 saying1 ,why do thy disciples transgress the traditions of the elders8 for they wash not their hands when they eat bread4--,and he called the multitude1 and said unto them1 ,hear and understand3 ,not that which goeth into the mouth defileth a man1 but that which cometh out of the mouth1 this defileth the man4--,then answered ,peter1 and said unto him1 ,declare unto us this parable4 ,and ,jesus said1 ,are ye also yet without understanding8 ,do ye not understand that whatsoever entereth in at the mouth goeth into the belly1 and is cast out into the draught8 but those things which proceed out of the mouth come forth from the heart1 and they defile the man3 for out of the heart proceed evil thoughts1 murders1 adulteries1 fornications1 thefts1 false witness1 blasphemies2 these are the things which defile a man3 ,,but ,,to ,,eat ,,with ,,unwashen ,,hands ,,defileth ,,not ,a ,,man4 ,our ,saviour1 on this occasion1 expatiates rather more at large than usual1 and his discourse also is more divided2 but the concluding sentence brings back the whole train of thought to the incident in the first verse1 viz4 the objurgatory question of the ,pharisees1 and renders it evident that the whole sprang from that circumstance4 ,mark x4 #ac1 #ad1 #ae4 ,and they brought young children to him1 that he should touch them2 and his disciples rebuked those that brought them3 but when ,jesus saw it1 he was much displeased1 and said unto them1 ,suffer the little children to come unto me1 and forbid them not2 for of such is the kingdom of ,god3 verily ,i say unto you1 whosoever shall not receive the kingdom of ,god as a little child1 he shall not enter therein4 ,mark i4 #af1 #ag4 ,now as he walked by the sea of ,galilee1 he saw ,simon and ,andrew his brother casting a net into the sea1 for they were fishers3 and ,jesus said unto them1 ,come ye after me1 and ,i will make you fishers of men4 ,luke xi4 #bg4 ,and it came to pass as he spake these things1 a certain woman of the company lifted up her voice1 and said unto him1 ,blessed is the womb that bare thee1 and the paps which thou hast sucked3 but he said1 ,yea1 rather1 blessed are they that hear the word of ,god and keep it4 ,luke xiii4 #a--c4 ,there were present at that season some that told him of the ,galileans1 whose blood ,pilate had mingled with their sacrifices2 and ,jesus answering said unto them1 ,suppose ye1 that these ,galileans were sinners above all the ,galileans1 because they suffered such things8 ,i tell you1 ,nay3 but1 except ye repent1 ye shall all likewise perish4 ,luke xiv4 #ae4 ,and when one of them that sat at meat with him heard these things1 he said unto him1 ,blessed is he that shall eat bread in the kingdom of ,god4 ,then said he unto him1 ,a certain man made a great supper1 and bade many1 c4 ,the parable is rather too long for insertion1 but affords a striking instance of ,christ's manner of raising a discourse from the occasion4 ,observe also in the same chapter two other examples of advice1 drawn from the circumstances of the entertainment and the behaviour of the guests4 ,we will now see how this manner discovers itself in ,saint ,john's history of ,christ4 ,john vi4 #be4 ,and when they had found him on the other side of the sea1 they said unto him1 ,rabbi1 when camest thou hither8 ,jesus answered them and said1 ,verily ,i say unto you1 ye seek me not because ye saw the miracles1 but because ye did eat of the loaves and were filled4 ,labour not for the meat which perisheth1 but for that meat which endureth unto everlasting life1 which the ,son of man shall give unto you4 ,john iv4 #ab4 ,art thou greater than our father ,abraham1 who gave us the well1 and drank thereof himself1 and his children1 and his cattle8 ,jesus answered1 and said unto her 7the woman of ,samaria71 ,whosoever drinketh of this water shall thirst again2 but whosoever drinketh of the water that ,i shall give him1 shall never thirst2 but the water that ,i shall give him shall be in him a well of water1 springing up into everlasting life4 ,john iv4 #ca4 ,in the mean while1 his disciples prayed him1 saying1 ,master1 eat2 but he said unto them1 ,i have meat to eat that ye know not of4 ,therefore said the disciples one to another1 ,hath any man brought him aught to eat8 ,jesus saith unto them1 ,my meat is to do the will of ,him that sent me1 and to finish his work4 ,john ix4 #a--e4 ,and as ,jesus passed by1 he saw a man which was blind from his birth3 and his disciples asked him1 saying1 ,who did sin1 this man or his parents1 that he was born blind8 ,jesus answered1 ,neither hath this man sinned1 nor his parents1 but that the works of ,god should be made manifest in him4 ,i must work the works of ,him that sent me while it is day2 the night cometh when no man can work4 ,as long as ,i am in the world1 ,i am the light of the world4 ,john ix4 #ce--dj4 ,jesus heard that they had cast him 7the blind man above mentioned7 out3 and when he had found him1 he said unto him1 ,dost thou believe on the ,son of ,god8 ,and he answered and said1 ,who is he1 ,lord1 that ,i might believe on him8 ,and ,jesus said unto him1 ,thou hast both seen him1 and it is he that talketh with thee4 ,and he said1 ,lord1 ,i believe2 and he worshipped him4 ,and ,jesus said4 ,for judgment ,i am come into this world1 that they which see not might see2 and that they which see might be made blind4 ,all that the reader has now to do1 is to compare the series of examples taken from ,saint ,john with the series of examples taken from the other evangelists1 and to judge whether there be not a visible agreement of manner between them4 ,in the above-quoted passages1 the occasion is stated1 as well as the reflection4 ,they seem1 therefore1 the most proper for the purpose of our argument4 ,a large1 however1 and curious collection has been made by different writers1 7,newton on ,daniel1 p4 #adh1 note a4 ,jottin1 ,dis41 p4 #bah4 ,bishop ,law's ,life of ,christ47 of instances in which it is extremely probable that ,christ spoke in allusion to some object1 or some occasion then before him1 though the mention of the occasion1 or of the object1 be omitted in the history4 ,i only observe that these instances are common to ,saint ,john's ,gospel with the other three4 ,i conclude this article by remarking1 that nothing of this manner is perceptible in the speeches recorded in the ,acts1 or in any other but those which are attributed to ,christ1 and that1 in truth1 it was a very unlikely manner for a forger or fabulist to attempt2 and a manner very difficult for any writer to execute1 if he had to supply all the materials1 both the incidents and the observations upon them1 out of his own head4 ,a forger or a fabulist would have made for ,christ1 discourses exhorting to virtue and dissuading from vice in general terms4 ,it would never have entered into the thoughts of either1 to have crowded together such a number of allusions to time1 place1 and other little circumstances1 as occur1 for instance1 in the sermon on the mount1 and which nothing but the actual presence of the objects could have suggested 7,see ,bishop ,law's ,life of ,christ74 ,,ii4 ,there appears to me to exist an affinity between the history of ,christ's placing a little child in the midst of his disciples1 as related by the first three evangelists1 7,matt4 xviii4 #a4 ,mark ix4 #cc4 ,luke ix4 #df47 and the history of ,christ's washing his disciples' feet1 as given by ,saint ,john4 7,chap4 xiii4 #c47 ,in the stories themselves there is no resemblance4 ,but the affinity which ,i would point out consists in these two articles3 ,first1 that both stories denote the emulation which prevailed amongst ,christ's disciples1 and his own care and desire to correct it2 the moral of both is the same4 ,secondly1 that both stories are specimens of the same manner of teaching1 viz41 by action2 a mode of emblematic instruction extremely peculiar1 and1 in these passages1 ascribed1 we see1 to our ,saviour by the first three evangelists1 and by ,saint ,john1 in instances totally unlike1 and without the smallest suspicion of their borrowing from each other4 ,,iii4 ,a singularity in ,christ's language which runs through all the evangelists1 and which is found in those discourses of ,saint ,john that have nothing similar to them in the other ,gospels1 is the appellation of the ,son of man2 and it is in all the evangelists found under the peculiar circumstance of being applied by ,christ to himself1 but of never being used of him1 or towards him1 by any other person4 ,it occurs seventeen times in ,matthew's ,gospel1 twenty times in ,mark's1 twenty-one times in ,luke's and eleven times in ,john's1 and always with this restriction4 ,,iv4 ,a point of agreement in the conduct of ,christ1 as represented by his different historians1 is that of his withdrawing himself out of the way whenever the behaviour of the multitude indicated a disposition to tumult4 ,matt4 xiv4 #bb4 ,and straightway ,jesus constrained his disciples to get into a ship1 and to go before him unto the other side1 while he sent the multitude away4 ,and when he had sent the multitude away1 he went up into a mountain apart to pray4 ,luke v4 #ae1 #af4 ,but so much the more went there a fame abroad of him1 and great multitudes came together to hear1 and to be healed by him of their infirmities2 and he withdrew himself into the wilderness and prayed4 ,with these quotations compare the following from ,saint ,john3 ,chap4 v4 #ac4 ,and he that was healed wist not who it was1 for ,jesus had conveyed himself away1 a multitude being in that place4 ,chap4 vi4 #ae4 ,when ,jesus therefore perceived that they would come and take him by force1 to make him a king1 he departed again into a mountain himself alone4 ,in this last instance1 ,saint ,john gives the motive of ,christ's conduct1 which is left unexplained by the other evangelists1 who have related the conduct itself4 ,v4 ,another1 and a more singular circumstance in ,christ's ministry1 was the reserve which1 for some time1 and upon some occasions at least1 he used in declaring his own character1 and his leaving it to be collected from his works rather than his professions4 ,just reasons for this reserve have been assigned4 7,see ,locke's ,reasonableness of ,christianity47 ,but it is not what one would have expected4 ,we meet with it in ,saint ,matthew's ,gospel 7chap4 xvi4 #bj73 ,then charged he his disciples that they should tell no man that he was ,jesus the ,christ4 ,again1 and upon a different occasion1 in ,saint ,mark's 7chap4 iii4 #aa73 ,and unclean spirits1 when they saw him1 fell down before him1 and cried1 saying1 ,thou art the ,son of ,god3 and he straitly charged them that they should not make him known4 ,another instance similar to this last is recorded by ,saint ,luke 7chap4 iv4 #da74 ,what we thus find in the three evangelists1 appears also in a passage of ,saint ,john 7chap4 x4 #bd1 #be73 ,then came the ,jews round about him1 and said unto him1 ,how long dost thou make us to doubt3 ,if thou be the ,christ1 tell us plainly4 ,the occasion here was different from any of the rest2 and it was indirect4 ,we only discover ,christ's conduct through the upbraidings of his adversaries4 ,but all this strengthens the argument4 ,i had rather at any time surprise a coincidence in some oblique allusion than read it in broad assertions4 ,,vi4 ,in our ,lord's commerce with his disciples1 one very observable particular is the difficulty which they found in understanding him when he spoke to them of the future part of his history1 especially of what related to his passion or resurrection4 ,this difficulty produced1 as was natural1 a wish in them to ask for further explanation3 from which1 however1 they appear to have been sometimes kept back by the fear of giving offence4 ,all these circumstances are distinctly noticed by ,mark and ,luke1 upon the occasion of his informing them 7probably for the first time7 that the ,son of man should be delivered into the hands of men4 ,they understood not1 the evangelists tell us1 this saying1 and it was hid from them1 that they perceived it not2 and they feared to ask him of that saying4 ,luke ix4 #de2 ,mark ix4 #cb4 ,in ,saint ,john's ,gospel we have1 on a different occasion1 and in a different instance1 the same difficulty of apprehension1 the same curiosity1 and the same restraint3--,a little while and ye shall not see me2 and again1 a little while and ye shall see me1 because ,i go to the ,father4 ,then said some of his disciples among themselves1 ,what is this that he saith unto us8 ,a little while and ye shall not see me3 and again1 a little while and ye shall see me3 and1 ,because ,i go to the ,father8 ,they said1 therefore1 ,what is this that he saith8 ,a little while8 ,we cannot tell what he saith4 ,now ,jesus knew that they were desirous to ask him1 and said unto them1-- c4 ,john xvi4 #af1 et seq4 ,,vii4 ,the meekness of ,christ during his last sufferings1 which is conspicuous in the narratives of the first three evangelists1 is preserved in that of ,saint ,john under separate examples4 ,the answer given by him1 in ,saint ,john1 7,chap4 xviii4 #bj1 #ba47 when the high priest asked him of his disciples and his doctrine2 ,i spake openly to the world3 ,i ever taught in the synagogue1 and in the temple1 whither the ,jews always resort2 and in secret have ,i said nothing4 ,why askest thou me8 ask them which heard me what ,i have said unto them1 is very much of a piece with his reply to the armed party which seized him1 as we read it in ,saint ,mark's ,gospel1 and in ,saint ,luke's37,mark xiv4 #dh4 ,luke xxii4 #eb47 ,are you come out as against a thief1 with swords and with staves to take me8 ,i was daily with you in the temple teaching1 and ye took me not4 ,in both answers we discern the same tranquillity1 the same reference to his public teaching4 ,his mild expostulation with ,pilate1 on two several occasions1 as related by ,saint ,john1 7,chap4 xviii4 #cd2 xix4 #aa47 is delivered with the same unruffled temper as that which conducted him through the last scene of his life1 as described by his other evangelists4 ,his answer1 in ,saint ,john's ,gospel1 to the officer who struck him with the palm of his hand1 ,if ,i have spoken evil1 bear witness of the evil2 but if well1 why smitest thou me8 7,chap4 xviii4 #bc47 was such an answer as might have been looked for from the person who1 as he proceeded to the place of execution1 bid his companions 7as we are told by ,saint ,luke2 ,chap4 xxiii4 #bh47 weep not for him1 but for themselves1 their posterity1 and their country2 and who1 whilst he was suspended upon the cross1 prayed for his murderers1 for they know not1 said he1 what they do4 ,the urgency also of his judges and his prosecutors to extort from him a defence to the accusation1 and his unwillingness to make any 7which was a peculiar circumstance71 appears in ,saint ,john's account1 as well as in that of the other evangelists4 7,see ,john xix4 #i4 ,matt4 xxvii4 #ad4 ,luke xxiii4 #i47 ,there are1 moreover1 two other correspondencies between ,saint ,john's history of the transaction and theirs1 of a kind somewhat different from those which we have been now mentioning4 ,the first three evangelists record what is called our ,saviour's agony1 i4e4 his devotion in the garden immediately before he was apprehended2 in which narrative they all make him pray that the cup might pass from him4 ,this is the particular metaphor which they all ascribe to him4 ,saint ,matthew adds1 ,o1 my ,father1 if this cup may not pass away from me1 except ,i drink it1 thy will be done4 7,chap1 xxvi4 #db47 ,now ,saint ,john does not give the scene in the garden3 but when ,jesus was seized1 and some resistance was attempted to be made by ,peter1 ,jesus1 according to his account1 checked the attempt1 with this reply3 ,put up thy sword into the sheath2 the cup which my ,father hath given me1 shall ,i not drink it8 7,chap4 xviii4 #aa47 ,this is something more than consistency---it is coincidence2 because it is extremely natural that ,jesus1 who1 before he was apprehended1 had been praying his ,father that that cup might pass from him1 yet with such a pious retraction of his request as to have added1 ,if this cup may not pass from me1 thy will be done2 it was natural1 ,i say1 for the same person1 when he actually was apprehended1 to express the resignation to which he had already made up his thoughts1 and to express it in the form of speech which he had before used1 ,the cup which my ,father hath given me1 shall ,i not drink it8 ,this is a coincidence between writers in whose narratives there is no imitation1 but great diversity4 ,a second similar correspondency is the following3 ,matthew and ,mark make the charge upon which our ,lord was condemned to be a threat of destroying the temple2 ,we heard him say1 ,i will destroy this temple made with hands1 and within three days ,i will build another made without hands3 7,mark xiv4 #eh47 but they neither of them inform us upon what circumstance this calumny was founded4 ,saint ,john1 in the early part of the history1 7,chap4 ii4 #ai47 supplies us with this information2 for he relates1 that on our ,lord's first journey to ,jerusalem1 when the ,jews asked him ,what sign showest thou unto us1 seeing that thou doest these things8 ,he answered1 ,destroy this temple1 and in three days ,i will raise it up4 ,this agreement could hardly arise from anything but the truth of the case4 ,from any care or design in ,saint ,john to make his narrative tally with the narratives of other evangelists1 it certainly did not arise1 for no such design appears1 but the absence of it4 ,a strong and more general instance of agreement is the following4--,the first three evangelists have related the appointment of the twelve apostles2 7,matt4 x4 #a4 ,mark iii4 #ad4 ,luke vi4 #ab47 and have given a catalogue of their names in form4 ,john1 without ever mentioning the appointment1 or giving the catalogue1 supposes1 throughout his whole narrative1 ,christ to be accompanied by a select party of disciples2 the number of these to be twelve2 7,chap4 vi4 #gj47 and whenever he happens to notice any one as of that number1 7,chap4 xx1 #bd2 vi4 #ga47 it is one included in the catalogue of the other evangelists3 and the names principally occurring in the course of his history of ,christ are the names extant in their list4 ,this last agreement1 which is of considerable moment1 runs through every ,gospel1 and through every chapter of each4 ,all this bespeaks reality4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,originality ,,of ,,our ,,saviour',s ,,character4 ,the ,jews1 whether right or wrong1 had understood their prophecies to foretell the advent of a person who by some supernatural assistance should advance their nation to independence1 and to a supreme degree of splendour and prosperity4 ,this was the reigning opinion and expectation of the times4 ,now1 had ,jesus been an enthusiast1 it is probable that his enthusiasm would have fallen in with the popular delusion1 and that1 while he gave himself out to be the person intended by these predictions1 he would have assumed the character to which they were universally supposed to relate4 ,had he been an impostor1 it was his business to have flattered the prevailing hopes1 because these hopes were to be the instruments of his attraction and success4 ,but what is better than conjectures is the fact1 that all the pretended ,messiahs actually did so4 ,we learn from ,josephus that there were many of these4 ,some of them1 it is probable1 might be impostors1 who thought that an advantage was to be taken of the state of public opinion4 ,others1 perhaps1 were enthusiasts1 whose imagination had been drawn to this particular object by the language and sentiments which prevailed around them4 ,but whether impostors or enthusiasts1 they concurred in producing themselves in the character which their countrymen looked for1 that is to say1 as the restorers and deliverers of the nation1 in that sense in which restoration and deliverance were expected by the ,jews4 ,why therefore ,jesus1 if he was1 like them1 either an enthusiast or impostor1 did not pursue the same conduct as they did1 in framing his character and pretensions1 it will be found difficult to explain4 ,a mission1 the operation and benefit of which was to take place in another life1 was a thing unthought of as the subject of these prophecies4 ,that ,jesus1 coming to them as their ,messiah1 should come under a character totally different from that in which they expected him2 should deviate from the general persuasion1 and deviate into pretensions absolutely singular and original--appears to be inconsistent with the imputation of enthusiasm or imposture1 both which by their nature ,i should expect would1 and both which1 throughout the experience which this very subject furnishes1 in fact1 have followed the opinions that obtained at the time4 ,if it be said that ,jesus1 having tried the other plan1 turned at length to this2 ,i answer1 that the thing is said without evidence2 against evidence2 that it was competent to the rest to have done the same1 yet that nothing of this sort was thought of by any4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,one argument which has been much relied upon 7but not more than its just weight deserves7 is the conformity of the facts occasionally mentioned or referred to in ,scripture with the state of things in those times1 as represented by foreign and independent accounts2 which conformity proves1 that the writers of the ,new ,testament possessed a species of local knowledge which could belong only to an inhabitant of that country and to one living in that age4 ,this argument1 if well made out by examples1 is very little short of proving the absolute genuineness of the writings4 ,it carries them up to the age of the reputed authors1 to an age in which it must have been difficult to impose upon the ,christian public forgeries in the names of those authors1 and in which there is no evidence that any forgeries were attempted4 ,it proves1 at least1 that the books1 whoever were the authors of them1 were composed by persons living in the time and country in which these things were transacted2 and consequently capable1 by their situation1 of being well informed of the facts which they relate4 ,and the argument is stronger when applied to the ,new ,testament1 than it is in the case of almost any other writings1 by reason of the mixed nature of the allusions which this book contains4 ,the scene of action is not confined to a single country1 but displayed in the greatest cities of the ,roman empire4 ,allusions are made to the manners and principles of the ,greeks1 the ,romans1 and the ,jews4 ,this variety renders a forgery proportionably more difficult1 especially to writers of a posterior age4 ,a ,greek or ,roman ,christian who lived in the second or third century would have been wanting in ,jewish literature2 a ,jewish convert in those ages would have been equally deficient in the knowledge of ,greece and ,rome4 7,michaelis's ,introduction to the ,new ,testament ,marsh's translation1 c4 ii4 sect4 xi47 ,this1 however1 is an argument which depends entirely upon an induction of particulars2 and as1 consequently1 it carries with it little force without a view of the instances upon which it is built1 ,i have to request the reader's attention to a detail of examples1 distinctly and articulately proposed4 ,in collecting these examples ,i have done no more than epitomise the first volume of the first part of ,dr4 ,lardner's ,credibility of the ,gospel ,history4 ,and ,i have brought the argument within its present compass1 first1 by passing over some of his sections in which the accordancy appeared to me less certain1 or upon subjects not sufficiently appropriate or circumstantial2 secondly1 by contracting every section into the fewest words possible1 contenting myself for the most part with a mere apposition of passages2 and1 thirdly1 by omitting many disquisitions1 which1 though learned and accurate1 are not absolutely necessary to the understanding or verification of the argument4 ,the writer principally made use of in the inquiry is ,josephus4 ,josephus was born at ,jerusalem four years after ,christ's ascension4 ,he wrote his history of the ,jewish war some time after the destruction of ,jerusalem1 which happened in the year of our ,lord ,,lxx1 that is1 thirty-seven years after the ascension2 and his history of the ,jews he finished in the year xciii1 that is1 sixty years after the ascension4 ,at the head of each article ,i have referred1 by figures included in brackets1 to the page of ,dr4 ,lardner's volume where the section from which the abridgment is made begins4 ,the edition used is that of #agda4 ,i4 p4 #ad4 ,matt4 ii4 #bb4 ,when he 7,joseph7 heard that ,archclaus did reign in ,judea in the room of his father ,herod1 he was afraid to go thither3 notwithstanding1 being warned of ,god in a dream1 he turned aside into the parts of ,galilee4 ,,ii4 ,in this passage it is asserted that ,archclaus succeeded ,herod in ,judea2 and it is implied that his power did not extend to ,galilee4 ,now we learn from ,josephus that ,herod the ,great1 whose dominion included all the land of ,israel1 appointed ,archelaus his successor in ,judea1 and assigned the rest of his dominions to other sons2 and that this disposition was ratified1 as to the main parts of it1 by the ,roman emperor 7,ant4 lib4 xvi4 c4 #h1 sect4 #a474 ,saint ,matthew says that ,archclaus reigned1 was king1 in ,judea4 ,agreeably to this1 we are informed by ,josephus1 not only that ,herod appointed ,archclaus his successor in ,judea1 but that he also appointed him with the title of ,king2 and the ,greek verb basileuei1 which the evangelist uses to denote the government and rank of ,archclaus1 is used likewise by ,josephus 7,de ,bell4 lib4 i4 c4 #c1c1 sect4 #g474 ,the cruelty of ,archelaus's character1 which is not obscurely intimated by the evangelist1 agrees with divers particulars in his history preserved by ,josephus3--,in the tenth year of his government1 the chief of the ,jews and ,samaritans1 not being able to endure his cruelty and tyranny1 presented complaints against him to ,caesar4 7,ant1 lib4 xii4 #ac1 sect4 #a47 ,,ii4 p4 #ai4 ,luke iii4 #a4 ,in the fifteenth year of the reign of ,tiberius ,caesar--,herod being tetrarch of ,galilee1 and his brother ,philip tetrarch of ,iturea1 and of the region of ,trachonitis--the word of ,god came unto ,john4 ,by the will of ,herod the ,great1 and the decree of ,augustus thereupon1 his two sons were appointed1 one 7,herod ,antipus7 tetrarch of ,galilee and ,peraea1 and the other 7,philip7 tetrarch of ,trachonitis and the neighbouring countries4 7,ant4 lib4 xvii4 c4 #h1 sect4 #a47 ,we have1 therefore1 these two persons in the situations in which ,saint ,luke places them2 and also1 that they were in these situations in the fifteenth year of ,tiberius2 in other words1 that they continued in possession of their territories and titles until that time1 and afterwards1 appears from a passage of ,josephus1 which relates of ,herod1 that he was removed by ,caligula1 the successor of ,tiberius2 7,ant4 lib4 xviii4 c4 #h1 sect4 #b47 and of ,philip1 that he died in the twentieth year of ,tiberius1 when he had governed ,trachonitis and ,batanea and ,gaulanitis thirty-seven years4 7,ant4 lib4 xviii4 c4 #e1 sect4 #f47 ,,iii4 p4 #bj4 ,mark vi4 #ag4 ,herod had sent forth1 and laid hold upon ,john1 and bound him in prison1 for ,heredias' sake1 his brother ,philip's wife3 for he had married her4 7,see also ,matt4 xiv4 #a--ac2 ,luke iii4 #ai47 ,with this compare ,joseph4 ,antiq4 #a4 xviii4 c4 #f1 sect4 #a3--;,he 7,herod the tetrareh7 made a visit to ,herod his brother4--,here1 failing in love with ,herodias1 the wife of the said ,herod1 he ventured to make her proposals of marriage499 99 ,the affinity of the two accounts is unquestionable2 but there is a difference in the name of ,herodias's first husband1 which in the evangelist is ,philip2 in ,josephus1 ,herod4 ,the difficulty1 however1 will not appear considerable when we recollect how common it was in those times for the same persons to bear two names4 ,simon1 which is called ,peter2 ,lebbeus1 whose surname is ,thaddeus2 ,thomas1 which is called ,didymus2 ,simeon1 who was called ,niger2 ,saul1 who was also called ,paul4 ,the solution is rendered likewise easier in the present case by the consideration that ,herod the ,great had children by seven or eight wives2 that ,josephus mentions three of his sons under the name of ,herod2 that it is nevertheless highly probable that the brothers bore some additional name by which they were distinguished from one another4 ,lardner1 vol4 ii4 p4 #hig4 ,again1 ,mark vi4 #bb4 ,and when the daughter of the said ,herodias came in and danced4 ,with this also compare ,joseph4 ,antiq4 #a4 xviii4 c4 #f1 sect4 #d4 ,herodias was married to ,herod1 son of ,herod the ,great4 ,they had a daughter1 whose name was ,salome2 after whose birth ,herodias1 in utter violation of the laws of her country1 left her husband1 then living1 and married ,herod the tetrarch of ,galilee1 her husband's brother by the father's side4 ,,iv4 p4 #bi4 ,acts xii4 #a4 ,now1 about that time1 ,herod the king stretched forth his hands1 to vex certain of the church4 ,in the conclusion of the same chapter1 ,herod's death is represented to have taken place soon after this persecution4 ,the accuracy of our historian1 or1 rather1 the unmeditated coincidence which truth of its own accord produces1 is in this instance remarkable4 ,there was no portion of time for thirty years before1 nor ever afterwards1 in which there was a king at ,jerusalem1 a person exercising that authority in ,judea1 or to whom that title could be applied1 except the last three years of this ,herod's life1 within which period the transaction recorded in the ,acts is stated to have taken place4 ,this prince was the grandson of ,herod the ,great4 ,in the ,acts he appears under his family-name of ,herod2 by ,josephus he was called ,agrippa4 ,for proof that he was a king1 properly so called1 we have the testimony of ,josephus1 in full and direct terms3--,sending for him to his palace1 ,caligula put a crown upon his head1 and appointed him king of the tetrarchie of ,philip1 intending also to give him the tetrarchie of ,lysanias4 7,antiq4 xviii4 c4 #g1 sect4 #aj47 ,and that ,judea was at last1 but not until the last1 included in his dominions1 appears by a subsequent passage of the same ,josephus1 wherein he tells us that ,claudius1 by a decree1 confirmed to ,agrippa the dominion which ,caligula had given him2 adding also ,judea and ,samaria1 in the utmost extent1 as possessed by his grandfather ,herod 7,antiq4 xix4 c4 #e1 sect4 #a474 ,v4 p4 #cb4 ,acts xii4 #ai--bc4 ,and he 7,herod7 went down from ,judea to ,cesarea1 and there abode4 ,and on a set day ,herod1 arrayed in royal apparel1 sat upon his throne1 and made an oration unto them3 and the people gave a shout1 saying1 ,it is the voice of a god1 and not of a man2 and immediately the angel of the ,lord smote him1 because he gave not ,god the glory3 and he was eaten of worms1 and gave up the ghost4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib4 xix4 c4 #h1 sect4 #b4 ,he went to the city of ,cesarea4 ,here he celebrated shows in honour of ,caesar4 ,on the second day of the shows1 early in the morning1 he came into the theatre1 dressed in a robe of silver1 of most curious workmanship4 ,the rays of the rising sun1 reflected from such a splendid garb1 gave him a majestic and awful appearance4 ,they called him a god2 and intreated him to be propitious to them1 saying1 ,hitherto we have respected you as a man2 but now we acknowledge you to be more than mortal4 ,the king neither reproved these persons1 nor rejected the impious flattery4 ,immediately after this he was seized with pains in his bowels1 extremely violent at the very first4 ,he was carried therefore with all haste to his palace4 ,these pains continually tormenting him1 he expired in five days' time4 ,the reader will perceive the accordancy of these accounts in various particulars4 ,the place 7,cesarea71 the set day1 the gorgeous dress1 the acclamations of the assembly1 the peculiar turn of the flattery1 the reception of it1 the sudden and critical incursion of the disease1 are circumstances noticed in both narratives4 ,the worms mentioned by ,saint ,luke are not remarked by ,josephus2 but the appearance of these is a symptom not unusually1 ,i believe1 attending the disease which ,josephus describes1 viz41 violent affections of the bowels4 ,,vi4 p4 #da4 ,acts xxiv4 #bd4 ,and after certain days1 when ,felix came with his wife ,drusilla1 which was a ,jewess1 he sent for ,paul4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib4 xx4 c4 #f1 sect4 #a1 #b4 ,agrippa gave his sister ,drusilla in marriage to ,azizus1 king of the ,emesenes1 when he had consented to be circumcised4--,but this marriage of ,drusilla with ,azizus was dissolved in a short time after1 in this manner3--,when ,felix was procurator of ,judea1 having had a sight of her1 he was mightily taken with her4--,she was induced to transgress the laws of her country1 and marry ,felix4 ,here the public station of ,felix1 the name of his wife1 and the singular circumstance of her religion1 all appear in perfect conformity with the evangelist4 ,,vii4 p4 #df4 ,acts xxv4 #ac4 ,and after certain days king ,agrippa and ,berenice came to ,cesarea to salute ,festus4 ,by this passage we are in effect told that ,agrippa was a king1 but not of ,judea2 for he came to salute ,festus1 who at this time administered the government of that country at ,cesarea4 ,now1 how does the history of the age correspond with this account8 ,the ,agrippa here spoken of was the son of ,herod ,agrippa1 mentioned in the last article2 but that he did not succeed to his father's kingdom1 nor ever recovered ,judea1 which had been a part of it1 we learn by the information of ,josephus1 who relates of him that when his father was dead ,claudius intended at first to have put him immediately in possession of his father's dominions2 but that1 ,agrippa being then but seventeen years of age1 the emperor was persuaded to alter his mind1 and appointed ,cuspius ,fadus prefect of ,judea and the whole kingdom2 7,antiq4 xi4 c4 #i ad fin47 which ,fadus was succeeded by ,tiberius ,alexander1 ,cumanus1 ,felix1 ,festus4 7,antiq4 xx4 de ,bell4 lib4 ii47 ,but that1 though disappointed of his father's kingdom1 in which was included ,judea1 he was1 nevertheless1 rightly styled ,king ,agrippa1 and that he was in possession of considerable territories1 bordering upon ,judea1 we gather from the same authority3 for1 after several successive donations of country1 ,claudius1 at the same time that he sent ,felix to be procurator of ,judea1 promoted ,agrippa from ,chalcis to a greater kingdom1 giving to him the tetrarchie which had been ,philip's2 and he added1 moreover1 the kingdom of ,lysanias1 and the province that had belonged to ,varus4 7,de ,bell4 lib4 li4 c4 #ab ad fin47 ,saint ,paul addresses this person as a ,jew3 ,king ,agrippa1 believest thou the prophets8 ,i know that thou believest4 ,as the son of ,herod ,agrippa1 who is described by ,josephus to have been a zealous ,jew1 it is reasonable to suppose that he maintained the same profession4 ,but what is more material to remark1 because it is more close and circumstantial1 is1 that ,saint ,luke1 speaking of the father 7,acts xii4 #a--c71 calls him ,herod the1 king1 and gives an example of the exercise of his authority at ,jerusalem3 speaking of the son 7xxv4 #ac71 he calls him king1 but not of ,judea2 which distinction agrees correctly with the history4 ,,viii4 p4 #ea4 ,acts xiii4 #f4 ,and when they had gone through the isle 7,cyprus7 to ,paphos1 they found a certain sorcerer1 a false prophet1 a ,jew1 whose name was ,bar-jesus1 which was with the deputy of the country1 ,sergius ,paulus1 a prudent man4 ,the word which is here translated deputy1 signifies and upon this word our observation is founded4 ,the provinces of the ,roman empire were of two kinds2 those belonging the emperor1 in which the governor was called proprietor2 those belonging to the senate1 in which the governor was proconsul4 ,and this was a regular distinction4 ,now it appears from ,dio ,cassius1 7,lib4 liv4 ad ,a4 ,u4 #gcb47 that the province of ,cyprus1 which1 in original distribution1 was assigned to the emperor1 had transferred to the senate1 in exchange for some others2 and after this exchange1 the appropriate title of the ,roman was proconsul4 ,ib4 xviii4 #ab4 p4 #ee4 ,and when ,gallio was deputy 7proconsul7 of ,achaia4 ,the propriety of the title proconsul is in this still more critical4 ,for the province of ,achaia1 after passing from the senate to the emperor1 had been restored again by the emperor ,claudius to the senate 7and consequently its government had become proconsular7 only six or seven years before the time in which this transaction is said to have taken place4 7,suet4 in ,claud4 c4 xxv4 ,dio1 lib4 lxi47 ,and what confines with strictness the appellation to the time is1 that ,achaia under the following reign ceased to be a ,roman province at all4 ,,ix4 p4 #aeb4 ,it appears1 as well from the general constitution of a ,roman province1 as from what ,josephus delivers concerning the state of ,judea in particular1 7,antiq4 lib4 xx4 c4 #h1 sect4 #e2 c4 #a1 sect4 #b47 that the power of life and death resided exclusively in the ,roman governor2 but that the ,jews1 nevertheless1 had magistrates and a council1 invested with a subordinate and municipal authority4 ,this economy is discerned in every part of the ,gospel narrative of our ,saviour's crucifixion4 ,x4 p4 #bjc4 ,acts ix4 #ca4 ,then had the churches rest throughout all ,judea and ,galilee and ,samaria4 ,this rest synchronises with the attempt of ,caligula to place his statue in the temple of ,jerusalem2 the threat of which outrage produced amongst the ,jews a consternation that1 for a season1 diverted their attention from every other object4 7,joseph4 de ,bell lib4 ,xi4 c4 #ac1 sect4 #a1 #c1 #d47 ,,xi4 p4 #bah4 ,acts xxi4 #cj4 ,and they took ,paul1 and drew him out of the temple2 and forthwith the doors were shut4 ,and as they went about to kill him1 tidings came to the chief captain of the band that all ,jerusalem was in an uproar4 ,then the chief captain came near1 and took him and commanded him to be bound with two chains1 and demanded who he was1 and what he had done2 and some cried one thing1 and some another1 among the multitude3 and1 when he could not know the certainty for the tumult1 he commanded him to be carried into the castle4 ,and when he came upon the stairs1 so it was1 that he was borne of the soldiers for the violence of the people4 ,in this quotation we have the band of ,roman soldiers at ,jerusalem1 their office 7to suppress tumults71 the castle1 the stairs1 both1 as it should seem1 adjoining to the temple4 ,let us inquire whether we can find these particulars in any other record of that age and place4 ,joseph4 de4 ,ball4 lib4 v4 e4 #e1 sect4 #h4 ,antonia was situated at the angle of the western and northern porticoes of the outer temple4 ,it was built upon a rock fifty cubits high1 steep on all sides4--,on that side where it joined to the porticoes of the temple1 there were stairs reaching to each portico1 by which the guard descended2 for there was always lodged here a ,roman legion2 and posting themselves in their armour in several places in the porticoes1 they kept a watch on the people on the feast-days to prevent all disorders2 for as the temple was a guard to the city1 so was ,antonia to the temple4 ,,xii4 p4 #bbd4 ,acts iv4 #a4 ,and as they spake unto the people1 the priests1 and the captain of the temple1 and the ,sadducees1 came upon them4 ,here we have a public officer1 under the title of captain of the temple1 and he probably a ,jew1 as he accompanied the priests and ,sadducees in apprehending the apostles4 ,joseph4 de ,bell4 lib4 ii4 c4 #ag1 sect4 #b4 ,and at the temple1 ,eleazer1 the son of ,ananias the high priest1 a young man of a bold and resolute disposition1 then captain1 persuaded those who performed the sacred ministrations not to receive the gift or sacrifice of any stranger4 ,,xiii4 p4 #bbe4 ,acts xxv4 #ab4 ,then ,festus1 when he had conferred with the council1 answered1 ,hast thou appealed unto ,caesar8 unto ,caesar shalt thou go4 ,that it was usual for the ,roman presidents to have a council consisting of their friends1 and other chief ,romans in the province1 appears expressly in the following passage of ,cicero's oration against ,verres3--,illud negare posses1 aut nunc negabis1 te1 concilio tuo dimisso1 viris primariis1 qui in consilio ,c4 ,sacerdotis fuerant1 tibique esse volebant1 remotis1 de re judicata judicasse8 ,,xiv4 p4 #bce4 ,acts xvi4 #ac4 ,and 7at ,philippi7 on the ,sabbath we went out of the city by a river-side1 where prayer was wont to be made1 or where a proseuche1 oratory1 or place of prayer was allowed4 ,the particularity to be remarked is1 the situation of the place where prayer was wont to be made1 viz4 by a river-side4 ,philo1 describing the conduct of the ,jews of ,alexandria1 on a certain public occasion1 relates of them1 that1 early in the morning1 flocking out of the gates of the city1 they go to the neighbouring shores1 7for the proseuchai were destroyed17 and1 standing in a most pure place1 they lift up their voices with one accord4 7,philo in ,flacc4 p4 #chb47 ,josephus gives us a decree of the city of ,halicarnassus1 permitting the ,jews to build oratories2 a part of which decree runs thus3--,we ordain that the ,jews1 who are willing1 men and women1 do observe the ,sabbaths1 and perform sacred rites1 according to the ,jewish laws1 and build oratories by the sea-side4 7,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib4 xiv4 c4 #aj1 sect1 #bd47 ,tertullian1 among other ,jewish rites and customs1 such as feasts1 sabbaths1 fasts1 and unleavened bread1 mentions orationes literales1 that is1 prayers by the river-side4 7,tertull4 ad ,nat1 lib4 i4 c4 #ac47 ,,xv4 p4 #bee4 ,acts xxvi4 #e4 ,after the most straitest sect of our religion1 ,i lived a ,pharisee4 ,joseph4 de ,bell4 lib4 i4 c4 #e1 sect4 #b4 ,the ,pharisees were reckoned the most religious of any of the ,jews1 and to be the most exact and skilful in explaining the laws4 ,in the original1 there is an agreement not only in the sense but in the expression1 it being the same ,greek adjective which is rendered strait in the ,acts1 and exact in ,josephus4 ,,xvi4 p4 #bee4 ,mark vii4 #c1d4 ,the ,pharisees and all the ,jews1 except they wash1 eat not1 holding the tradition of the elders2 and many other things there be which they have received to hold4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib4 xiii4 c4 #aj1 sect4 #f4 ,the ,pharisees have delivered up to the people many institutions1 as received from the fathers1 which are not written in the law of ,moses4 ,,xvii4 p4 #bei4 ,acts xxiii4 #h4 ,for the ,sadducees say1 that there is no resurrection1 neither angel1 nor spirit2 but the ,pharisees confess both4 ,joseph4 de ,bell4 lib4 ii4 c4 #h1 sect4 #ad4 ,they 7the ,pharisees7 believe every soul to be immortal1 but that the soul of the good only passes into another body1 and that the soul of the wicked is punished with eternal punishment4 ,on the other hand 7,antiq4 lib4 xviii4 e4 #a1 sect4 #d71 ,it is the opinion of the ,sadducees that souls perish with the bodies4 ,,xviii4 p4 #bfh4 ,acts v4 #ag4 ,then the high priest rose up1 and all they that were with him 7which is the sect of the ,sadducees71 and were filled with indignation4 ,saint ,luke here intimates that the high priest was a ,sadducee2 which is a character one would not have expected to meet with in that station4 ,this circumstance1 remarkable as it is1 was not however without examples4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib4 xiii4 c4 #aj1 sect4 #f1 #g4 ,john ,hyreanus1 high priest of the ,jews1 forsook the ,pharisees upon a disgust1 and joined himself to the party of the ,sadducees4 ,this high priest died one hundred and seven years before the ,christian era4 ,again 7,antiq4 lib4 xx4 e4 #h1 sect4 #a71 ,this ,ananus the younger1 who1 as we have said just now1 had received the high priesthood1 was fierce and haughty in his behaviour1 and1 above all men1 hold and daring1 and1 moreover1 was of the sect of the ,sadducees4 ,this high priest lived little more than twenty years after the transaction in the ,acts4 ,,xix4 p4 #bhb4 ,luke ix4 #ea4 ,and it came to pass1 when the time was come that he should be received up1 he steadfastly set his face to go to ,jerusalem1 and sent messengers before his face4 ,and they went1 and entered into a village of the ,samaritans1 to make ready for him4 ,and they did not receive him1 because his face was as though he would go to ,jerusalem4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib4 xx4 c4 #e1 sect4 #a4 ,it was the custom of the ,galileans1 who went up to the holy city at the feasts1 to travel through the country of ,samaria4 ,as they were in their journey1 some inhabitants of the village called ,ginaea1 which lies on the borders of ,samaria and the great plain1 falling upon them1 killed a great many of them4 ,,xx4 p4 #bgh4 ,john iv4 #bj4 ,our fathers1 said the ,samaritan woman1 worshipped in this mountain2 and ye say1 that ,jerusalem is the place where men ought to worship4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib4 xviii4 c4 #e1 sect4 #a4 ,commanding them to meet him at mount ,gerizzim1 which is by them 7the ,samaritans7 esteemed the most sacred of all mountains4 ,,xxi4 p4 #cab4 ,matt4 xxvi4 #c4 ,then assembled together the chief priests1 and the elders of the people1 unto the palace of the high priest1 who was called ,caiaphas4 ,that ,caiaphas was high priest1 and high priest throughout the presidentship of ,pontius ,pilate1 and consequently at this time1 appears from the following account3--,he was made high priest by ,valerius ,gratus1 predecessor of ,pontius ,pilate1 and was removed from his office by ,vitellius1 president of ,syria1 after ,pilate was sent away out of the province of ,judea4 ,josephus relates the advancement of ,caiaphas to the high priesthood in this manner3 ,gratus gave the high priesthood to ,simon1 the son of ,camithus4 ,he1 having enjoyed this honour not above a year1 was succeeded by ,joseph1 who is also called ,caiaphas4 7,antiq4 lib4 xviii4 c4 #b1 sect4 #b47 ,after this1 ,gratus went away for ,rome1 having been eleven years in ,judea2 and ,pontius ,pilate came thither as his successor4 ,of the removal of ,caiaphas from his office1 ,josephus likewise afterwards informs us3 and connects it with a circumstance which fixes the time to a date subsequent to the determination of ,pilate's government--,vitellius1 he tells us2 ordered ,pilate to repair to ,rome3 and after that1 went up himself to ,jerusalem1 and then gave directions concerning several matters4 ,and having done these things he took away the priesthood from the high priest ,joseph1 who is called ,caiaphas4 7,antiq4 lib4 xvii4 c4 #e1 sect #c47 ,,xxii4 7,michaelis1 c4 xi4 sect4 #aa47 ,acts xxiii4 #d4 ,and they that stood by said1 ,revilest thou ,god's high priest8 ,then said ,paul1 ,i wist not1 brethren1 that he was the high priest8 ,now1 upon inquiry into the history of the age1 it turns out that ,ananias1 of whom this is spoken1 was1 in truth1 not the high priest1 though he was sitting in judgment in that assumed capacity4 ,the case was1 that he had formerly holden the office1 and had been deposed2 that the person who succeeded him had been murdered2 that another was not yet appointed to the station2 and that during the vacancy1 he had1 of his own authority1 taken upon himself the discharge of the office4 7,joseph4 ,antiq4 #a4 xx4 c4 #e1 sect4 #b2 c4 #f1 sect4 #b2 c4 #i1 sect4 #b47 ,this singular situation of the high priesthood took place during the interval between the death of ,jonathan1 who was murdered by order of ,felix1 and the accession of ,ismael1 who was invested with the high priesthood by ,agrippa2 and precisely in this interval it happened that ,saint ,paul was apprehended1 and brought before the ,jewish council4 ,,xxiii4 p4 #cbc4 ,matt4 xxvi4 #ei4 ,now the chief priests and elders1 and all the council1 sought false witness against him4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib4 xviii4 e4 #ae1 sect4 #c1 #d4 ,then might be seen the high priests themselves with ashes on their heads and their breasts naked4 ,the agreement here consists in speaking of the high priests or chief priests 7for the name in the original is the same7 in the plural number1 when in strictness there was only one high priest3 which may be considered as a proof that the evangelists were habituated to the manner of speaking then in use1 because they retain it when it is neither accurate nor just4 ,for the sake of brevity1 ,i have put down from ,josephus only a single example of the application of this title in the plural number2 but it is his usual style4 ,ib4 p4 #hga4 ,luke ill4 #a4 ,now in the fifteenth year of the reign of ,tiberius ,caesar1 ,pontius ,pilate being governor of ,juries1 and ,herod being tetrarch of ,galilee1 ,annas and ,caiaphas being the high priests1 the word of ,god came unto ,john4 ,there is a passage in ,josephus very nearly parallel to this1 and which may at least serve to vindicate the evangelist from objection1 with respect to his giving the title of high priest specifically to two persons at the same time3 ,quadratus sent two others of the most powerful men of the ,jews1 as also the high priests ,jonathan and ,ananias4 7,de ,bell4 lib4 ix4 c4 #ab1 sect4 #f47 ,that ,annas was a person in an eminent station1 and possessed an authority coordinate with1 or next to1 that of the high print properly so called1 may he inferred from ,saint ,john's ,gospel1 which in the history of ,christ's crucifixion relates that the soldiers led him away to ,annas first4 7xviii4#ac47 ,and this might be noticed as an example of undesigned coincidence in the two evangelists4 ,again1 p4 #hgj4 ,acts iv4 #f4 ,annas is called the high priest1 though ,caiaphas was in the office of the high priesthood4 ,in like manner in ,josephus1 7,lib4 ii4 c4 #bj1 sect4 #c47 ,joseph the son of ,gorion1 and the high priest ,ananus1 were chosen to be supreme governors of all things in the city4 ,yet ,ananus1 though here called the high priest ,ananus1 was not then in the office of the high priesthood4 ,the truth is1 there is an indeterminateness in the use of this title in the ,gospel37,mark xiv4 #ec47 sometimes it is applied exclusively to the person who held the office at the time2 sometimes to one or two more1 who probably shared with him some of the powers or functions of the office2 and sometimes to such of the priests as were eminent by their station or character2 and there is the very same indeterminateness in ,josephus4 ,,xxiv4 p4 #cdg4 ,john xix4 #ai1 #bj4 ,and ,pilate wrote a title1 and put it on the cross4 ,that such was the custom of the ,romans on these occasions appears from passages of ,suetonius and ,dio ,cassius3 ,pattrem familias--canibus objecit1 cure hoc titulo1 ,impie locutus parmularius4 ,suet4 ,domit4 cap4 x4 ,and in ,dio ,cassius we have the following3 ,having led him through the midst of the court or assembly1 with a writing signifying the cause of his death1 and afterwards crucifying him4 ,book liv4 ,ib4 ,and it was written in ,hebrew1 ,greek1 and ,latin4 ,that it was also usual about this time in ,jerusalem to set up advertisements in different languages1 is gathered from the account which ,josephus gives of an expostulatory message from ,titus to the ,jews when the city was almost in his hands2 in which he says1 ,did ye not erect pillars with inscriptions on them1 in the ,greek and in our language1 ,let no one pass beyond these bounds8 ,,xxv4 p4 #ceb4 ,matt4 xxvii4 #bf4 ,when he had scourged ,jesus1 he delivered him to be crucified4 ,the following passages occur in ,josephus3 ,being beaten1 they were crucified opposite to the citadel4 7,p4 #abdg1 edit4 #bd ,huds47 ,whom1 having first scourged with whips1 he crucified4 7,p4 #ajhj1 edit4 #de47 ,he was burnt alive1 having been first beaten4 7,p4 #acbg1 edit4 #dc47 ,to which may he added one from ,livy1 lib4 xi4 c4 #e4 ,pro ductique omnes1 virgisqus caesi1 ac securi percussi4 ,a modern example may illustrate the use we make of this instance4 ,the preceding of a capital execution by the corporal punishment of the sufferer is a practice unknown in ,england1 but retained1 in some instances at least1 as appears by the late execution of a regicide in ,sweden4 ,this circumstance1 therefore1 in the account of an ,english execution1 purporting to come from an ,english writer1 would not only bring a suspicion upon the truth of the account1 but would in a considerable degree impeach its pretensions of having been written by the author whose name it bore4 ,whereas1 the same circumstance in the account of a ,swedish execution would verify the account1 and support the authenticity of the book in which it was found1 or1 at least1 would prove that the author1 whoever he was1 possessed the information and the knowledge which he ought to possess4 ,,xxvi4 p4 #cec4 ,john xix4 #af4 ,and they took ,jesus1 and led him away2 and he bearing his cross went forth4 ,plutarch1 ,de iis qui sero puniuntur1 p4 #eed2 a ,paris1 #afbd4 ,every kind of wickedness produces its own particular torment2 just as every malefactor1 when he is brought forth to execution1 carries his own cross4 ,,xxvii4 ,john xix4 #cb4 ,then came the soldiers and brake the legs of the first1 and of the other which was crucified with him4 ,constantine abolished the punishment of the cross3 in commending which edict1 a heathen writer notices this very circumstance of breaking the legs3 ,eo pius1 ut etiam vetus veterrimumque supplicium1 patibulum1 et cruribus suffringendis1 primus removerit4 ,aur4 ,vict ,ces4 cap4 xli4 ,,xxviii4 p4 #deg4 ,acts iii4 #a4 ,now ,peter and ,john went up together into the temple1 at the hour of prayer1 being the ninth hour4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib xv4 e4 #g1 sect4 #h4 ,twice every day1 in the morning and at the ninth hour1 the priests perform their1 duty at the altar4 ,,xxix4 p4 #dfb4 ,acts xv4 #ba4 ,for ,moses of old time hath1 in every city1 them that preach him1 being read in the synagogues every ,sabbath-day4 ,joseph4 contra ,ap4 #a4 ii4 ,he 7,moses7 gave us the law1 the most excellent of all institutions2 nor did he appoint that it should be heard once only1 or twice1 or often1 but that1 laying aside all other works1 we should meet together every week to hear it read1 and gain a perfect understanding of it4 ,,xxx4 p4 #dfe4 ,acts xxi4 #bc4 ,we have four men which have a vow on them2 them take1 and purify thyself with them that they may shave their heads4 ,joseph4 de ,bell4 #a4 xi4 c4 #ae4 ,it is customary for those who have been afflicted with some distemper1 or have laboured under any other difficulties1 to make a vow thirty days before they offer sacrifices1 to abstain from wine1 and shave the hair of their heads4 ,ib4 v4 #bd4 ,them take1 and purify thyself with them1 and be at charges with them1 that they may shave their heads4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 #a4 xix4 c4 #f4 ,he 7,herod ,agrippa7 coming to ,jerusalem1 offered up sacrifices of thanksgiving1 and omitted nothing that was prescribed by the law4 ,for which reason he also ordered a good number of ,nazarites to be shaved4 ,we here find that it was an act of piety amongst the ,jews to defray for those who were under the ,nazaritic vow the expenses which attended its completion2 and that the phrase was1 that they might be saved4 ,the custom and the expression are both remarkable1 and both in close conformity with the ,scripture account4 ,,xxxi4 p4 #dgd4 #b ,cor4 xi4 #bd4 ,of the ,jews1 five times received ,i forty stripes save one4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 iv4 c4 #h1 sect4 #ba4 ,he that acts contrary hereto let him receive forty stripes1 wanting one1 from the officer4 ,the coincidence here is singular1 because the law allowed forty stripes3--,forty stripes he may give him and not exceed4 ,deut4 xxv4 #c4 ,it proves that the author of the ,epistle to the ,corinthians was guided not by books1 but by facts2 because his statement agrees with the actual custom1 even when that custom deviated from the written law1 and from what he must have learnt by consulting the ,jewish code1 as set forth in the ,old ,testament4 ,,xxxii4 p4 #dij4 ,luke iii4 #ab4 ,then came also publicans to be baptized4 ,from this quotation1 as well as from the history of ,levi or ,matthew 7,luke v4 #bi71 and of ,zaccheus 7,luke xix4 #b71 it appears that the publicans or tax-gatherers were1 frequently at least1 if not always1 ,jews3 which1 as the country was then under a ,roman government1 and the taxes were paid to the ,romans1 was a circumstance not to be expected4 ,that it was the truth1 however1 of the case appears from a short passage of ,josephus4 ,de ,bell4 lib4 ii4 c4 #ad1 sect4 #de4 ,but ,florus not restraining these practices by his authority1 the chief men of the ,jews1 among whom was ,john the publican1 not knowing well what course to take1 wait upon ,florus and give him eight talents of silver to stop the building4 ,,xxxiii4 p4 #dif4 ,acts xxii4 #be4 ,and as they bound him with thongs1 ,paul said unto the centurion that stood by1 ,is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a ,roman and uncondemned8 ,facinus est vinciri civem ,romanum2 scelus verberari4 ,cic4 in ,verr4 ,caedebatur virgis1 in medio foro ,messanae1 civis ,romanus1 ,judices3 cum interea nullus gemitus1 nulla vox alia1 istius miseri inter dolorem crepitumque plagarum audiebatur1 nisi haec1 ,civis ,romanus sum4 ,,xxxiv4 p4 #eac ,acts xxii4 #bg4 ,then the chief captain came1 and said unto him 7,paul71 ,tell me1 ,art thou a ,roman8 ,he said ,yea4 ,the circumstance to be here noticed is1 that a ,jew was a ,roman citizen4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib4 xiv4 c4 #aj1 sect4 #ac4 ,lucius ,lentulna1 the consul1 declared1 ,i have dismissed from the service the ,jewish ,roman citizens1 who observe the rites of the ,jewish religion at ,ephesus4 ,ib4 ver4 #bh4 ,and the chief captain answered1 with a great sum obtained ,i this freedom4 ,dio ,cassius1 lib4 lx4 ,this privilege1 which had been bought formerly at a great price1 became so cheap1 that it was commonly said a man might be made a ,roman citizen for a few pieces of broken glass4 ,,xxxv4 p4 #eba4 ,acts xxviii4 #af4 ,and when we came to ,rome the centurion delivered the prisoners to the captain of the guard2 but ,paul was suffered to dwell by himself1 with a soldier that kept him4 ,with which join vet4 #bj4 ,for the hope of ,israel1 ,i am bound with this chain4 ,quemadmedum cadem catean et custodiam et militem copulat2 sic ista1 quae tam dissimilia sunt1 pariter incedunt4 ,seneca1 ,ep4 v4 ,proconsul estimare solet1 utrum in carcerera recipienda sit persona1 an militi tradenda4 ,ulpian4 l4 i4 sect4 ,de ,custod4 et ,exhib4 ,reor4 ,in the confinement of ,agrippa by the order of ,tiberius1 ,antonia managed that the centurion who presided over the guards1 and the soldier to whom ,agrippa was to be bound1 might be men of mild character4 7,joseph4 ,antiq4 lib4 xviii4 c4 #g1 sect4 #e47 ,after the accession of ,caligula1 ,agrippa also1 like ,paul1 was suffered to dwell1 yet as a prisoner1 in his own house4 ,,xxxvi4 p4 #eca4 ,acts xxvii4 #a4 ,and when it was determined that we should sail into ,italy1 they delivered ,paul1 and certain other prisoners1 unto one named ,julius4 ,since not only ,paul1 but certain other prisoners were sent by the same ship into ,italy1 the text must be considered as carrying with it an intimation that the sending of persons from ,judea to be tried at ,rome was an ordinary practice4 ,that in truth it was so1 is made out by a variety of examples which the writings of ,josephus furnish3 and1 amongst others1 by the following1 which comes near both to the time and the subject of the instance in the ,acts4 ,felix1 for some slight offence1 bound and sent to ,rome several priests of his acquaintance1 and very good and honest men1 to answer for themselves to ,caesar4 ,joseph4 in ,vit4 sect4 #c4 ,,xxxvii4 p4 #eci4 ,acts xi4 #bg4 ,and in these days came prophets from ,jerusalem unto ,antioch2 and there stood up one of them1 named ,agabus1 and signified by the ,spirit that there should be a great dearth throughout all the world 7or all the country72 which came to pass in the days of ,claudius ,caesar4 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 #a4 xx4 c4 #d1 sect4 #b4 ,in their time 7i4 e4 about the fifth or sixth year of ,claudius7 a great dearth happened in ,judea4 ,,xxxviii4 p4 #eee4 ,acts xviii4 #a1 #b4 ,because that ,claudius had commanded all ,jews to depart from ,rome4 ,suet4 ,gland4 c4 xxv4 ,judeos1 impulsero ,chresto assidue tumultuantes1 ,roma expulit4 ,,xxxix4 p4 #ffd4 ,acts v4 #cg4 ,after this man1 rose up ,judas of ,galilee1 in the days of the taxing1 and drew away much people after him4 ,joseph4 de ,bell4 #a4 vii4 ,he 7viz4 the person who in another place is called1 by ,josephus1 ,judas the ,galilean1 or ,judas of ,galilee7 persuaded not a few to enrol themselves when ,cyrenius the censor was sent into ,judea4 ,,xl4 p4 #idb4 ,acts xxi4 #ch4 ,art not thou that ,egyptian which1 before these days1 madest an uproar1 and leddest out into the wilderness four thousand men that were murderers8 ,joseph4 de ,bell4 #a4 ii4 c4 #ac1 sect4 #e4 ,but the ,egyptian false prophet brought a yet heavier disaster upon the ,jews2 for this impostor1 coming into the country1 and gaining the reputation of a prophet1 gathered together thirty thousand men1 who were deceived by him4 ,having brought them round out of the wilderness1 up to the mount of ,olives1 he intended from thence to make his attack upon ,jerusalem2 but ,felix1 coming suddenly upon him with the ,roman soldiers1 prevented the attack4--,a great number1 or 7as it should rather be rendered7 the greatest part1 of those that were with him were either slain or taken prisoners4 ,in these two passages1 the designation of this impostor1 an ,egyptian1 without the proper name1 the wilderness 2 his escape1 though his followers were destroyed2 the time of the transaction1 in the presidentship of ,felix1 which could not be any long time before the words in ,luke are supposed to have been spoken2 are circumstances of close correspondency4 ,there is one1 and only one1 point of disagreement1 and that is1 in the number of his followers1 which in the ,acts are called four thousand1 and by ,josephus thirty thousand3 but1 beside that the names of numbers1 more than any other words1 are liable to the errors of transcribers1 we are in the present instance under the less concern to reconcile the evangelist with ,josephus1 as ,josephus is not1 in this point1 consistent with himself4 ,for whereas1 in the passage here quoted1 he calls the number thirty thousand1 and tells us that the greatest part1 or a great number 7according as his words are rendered7 of those that were with him were destroyed2 in his ,antiquities he represents four hundred to have been killed upon this occasion1 and two hundred taken prisoners37,lib4 xx4 c4 #g1 sect4 #f47 which certainly was not the greatest part1 nor a great part1 nor a great number1 out of thirty thousand4 ,it is probable1 also1 that ,lysias and ,josephus spoke of the expedition in its different stages3 ,lysias1 of those who followed the ,egyptian out of ,jerusalem2 ,josephus1 of all who were collected about him afterwards1 from different quarters4 ,,xli4 7,lardner's ,jewish and ,heathen ,testimonies1 vol4 iii p4 #ba47 ,acts xvii4 #bb4 ,then ,paul stood in the midst of ,marshill1 and said1 ,ye men of ,athens1 ,i perceive that in all things ye are too superstitious2 for1 as ,i passed by and beheld your devotions1 ,i found an altar with this inscription1 ,,to ,,the ,,unknown ,,god4 ,whom therefore ye ignorantly worship1 him declare ,i unto you4 ,diogenes ,laertius1 who wrote about the year #baj1 in his history of ,epimenides1 who is supposed to have flourished nearly six hundred years before ,christ1 relates of him the following story3 that1 being invited to ,athens for the purpose1 he delivered the city from a pestilence in this manner2--,taking several sheep1 some black1 others white1 he had them up to the ,areopagus1 and then let them go where they would1 and gave orders to those who followed them1 wherever any of them should lie down1 to sacrifice it to the god to whom it belonged2 and so the plague ceased4--,hence1 says the historian1 it has come to pass1 that to this present time may be found in the boroughs of the ,athenians ,,anonymous altars3 a memorial of the expiation then made4 7,in ,epimenide1 l4 i4 segm4 #aaj47 ,these altars1 it may be presumed1 were called anonymous because there was not the name of any particular deity inscribed upon them4 ,pausanias1 who wrote before the end of the second century1 in his description of ,athens1 having mentioned an altar of ,jupiter ,olympius1 adds1 ,and nigh unto it is an altar of unknown gods4 7,paus4 l4 v4 p4 #dab47 ,and in another place1 he speaks of altars of gods called unknown4 7,paus4 l4 i4 p4 #d47 ,philostratus1 who wrote in the beginning of the third century2 records it as an observation of ,apollonius ,tyanseus1 ,that it was wise to speak well of all the gods1 especially at ,athens1 where altars of unknown demons were erected4 7,philos4 ,apoll4 ,tyan4 l4 vi4 c4 #c47 ,the author of the dialogue ,philoparis by many supposed to have been ,lucian1 who wrote about the year #agj1 by others some anonymous ,heathen writer of the fourth century1 makes ,critias swear by the unknown god of ,athens2 and1 near time end of the dialogue1 has these words1 ,but let us find out the unknown god at ,athens1 and1 stretching our hands to heaven1 offer to him our praises and thanksgivings4 7,lucian4 in ,philop4 tom4 ii4 ,graev4 pp4 #gfg1 #ghj47 ,this is a very curious and a very important coincidence4 ,it appears beyond controversy1 that altars with this inscription were existing at ,athens at the time when ,saint ,paul is alleged to have been there4 ,it seems also 7which is very worthy of observation7 that this inscription was peculiar to the ,athenians4 ,there is no evidence that there were altars inscribed to the unknown god in any other country4 ,supposing the history of ,saint ,paul to have been a fable1 how is it possible that such a writer as the author of the ,acts of the ,apostles was should hit upon a circumstance so extraordinary1 and introduce it by an allusion so suitable to ,saint ,paul's office and character8 ,the examples here collected will be sufficient1 ,i hope1 to satisfy us that the writers of the ,christian history knew something of what they were writing about4 ,the argument is also strengthened by the following considerations3 ,i4 ,that these agreements appear not only in articles of public history1 but sometimes in minute1 recondite1 and very peculiar circumstances1 in which1 of all others1 a forger is most likely to have been found tripping4 ,,ii4 ,that the destruction of ,jerusalem1 which took place forty years after the commencement of the ,christian institution1 produced such a change in the state of the country1 and the condition of the ,jews1 that a writer who was unacquainted with the circumstances of the nation before that event would find it difficult to avoid mistakes1 in endeavouring to give detailed accounts of transactions connected with those circumstances1 forasmuch as he could no longer have a living exemplar to copy from4 ,,iii4 ,that there appears1 in the writers of the ,new ,testament1 a knowledge of the affairs of those times which we do not find in authors of later ages4 ,in particular1 many of the ,christian writers of the second and third centuries1 and of the following ages1 had false notions concerning the state of ,judea between the nativity of ,jesus and the destruction of ,jerusalem4 7,lardner1 part i4 vol4 ii4 p4 #ifj47 ,therefore they could not have composed our histories4 ,amidst so many conformities we are not to wonder that we meet with some difficulties4 ,the principal of these ,i will put down1 together with the solutions which they have received4 ,but in doing this ,i must be contented with a brevity better suited to the limits of my volume than to the nature of a controversial argument4 ,for the historical proofs of my assertions1 and for the ,greek criticisms upon which some of them are founded1 ,i refer the reader to the second volume of the first part of ,dr4 ,lardner's large work4 ,i4 ,the taxing during which ,jesus was born was first made1 as we read1 according to our translation1 in ,saint ,luke1 whilst ,cyrenius was governor of ,syria4 7,chap4 ii4 ver4 #b47 ,now it turns out that ,cyrenius was not governor of ,syria until twelve1 or at the soonest1 ten years after the birth of ,christ2 and that a taxing census1 or assessment1 was made in ,judea1 in the beginning of his government1 ,the charge1 therefore1 brought against the evangelist is1 that1 intending to refer to this taxing1 he has misplaced the date of it by an error of ten or twelve years4 ,the answer to the accusation is founded in his using the word first3--,and this taxing was first made3 for1 according to the mistake imputed to the evangelist1 this word could have no signification whatever2 it could have had no place in his narrative2 because1 let it relate to what it will1 taxing1 census1 enrolment1 or assessment1 it imports that the writer had more than one of those in contemplation4 ,it acquits him therefore of the charge3 it is inconsistent with the supposition of his knowing only of the taxing in the beginning of ,cyrenius's government4 ,and if the evangelist knew 7which this word proves that he did7 of some other taxing beside that1 it is too much1 for the sake of convicting him of a mistake1 to lay it down as certain that he intended to refer to that4 ,the sentence in ,saint ,luke may be construed thus3 ,this was the first assessment 7or enrolment7 of ,cyrenius1 governor of ,syria299 the words governor of ,syria being used after the name of ,cyrenius as his addition or title4 ,and this title1 belonging to him at the time of writing the account1 was naturally enough subjoined to his name1 though acquired after the transaction which the account describes4 ,a modern writer who was not very exact in the choice of his expressions1 in relating the affairs of the ,east ,indies1 might easily say that such a thing was done by ,governor ,hastings2 though1 in truth1 the thing had been done by him before his advancement to the station from which he received the name of governor4 ,and this1 as we contend1 is precisely the inaccuracy which has produced the difficulty in ,saint ,luke4 99 ,if the word which we render first be rendered before1 which it has been strongly contended that the ,greek idiom shows of1 the whole difficulty vanishes3 for then the passage would be1--,now this taxing was made before ,cyreulus was governor of ,syria2 which corresponds with the chronology4 ,but ,i rather choose to argue1 that however the word first be rendered1 to give it a meaning at all1 it militates with the objection4 ,in this ,i think there can be no mistake4 ,at any rate it appears from the form of the expression that he had two taxings or enrolments in contemplation4 ,and if ,cyrenius had been sent upon this business into ,judea before he became governor of ,syria 7against which supposition there is no proof1 but rather external evidence of an enrolment going on about this time under some person or other 71 then the census on all hands acknowledged to have been made by him in the beginning of his government would form a second1 so as to occasion the other to be called the first4 ,josephus 7,antiq4 xvii4 c4 #b1 sect4 #f47 has this remarkable message3 ,when therefore the whole ,jewish nation took an oath to be faithful to ,caesar1 and the interests of the king4 ,this transaction corresponds in the course of the history with the time of ,christ's birth4 ,what is called a census1 and which we render taxing1 was delivering upon oath an account of their property4 ,this might be accompanied with an oath of fidelity1 or might be mistaken by ,josephus for it4 ,,ii4 ,another chronological objection arises upon a date assigned in the beginning of the third chapter of ,saint ,luke4 7,lardner1 part i4 vol4 ii4 p4 #gfh47 ,now in the fifteenth year of the reign of ,tiberius ,caesar1--,jesus began to be about thirty years of age3 for1 supposing ,jesus to have been born as ,saint ,matthew and ,saint ,luke also himself relate1 in the time of ,herod1 he must1 according to the dates given in ,josephus and by the ,roman historians1 have been at least thirty-one years of age in the fifteenth year of ,tiberius4 ,if he was born1 as ,saint ,matthew's narrative intimates1 one or two years before ,herod's death1 he would have been thirty-two or thirty-three years old at that time4 ,this is the difficulty3 the solution turns upon an alteration in the construction of the ,greek4 ,saint ,luke's words in the original are allowed1 by the general opinion of learned men1 to signify1 not that ,jesus began to be about thirty years of age1 but that he was about thirty years of age when he began his ministry4 ,this construction being admitted1 the adverb about gives us all the latitude we want1 and more especially when applied1 as it is in the present instance1 to a decimal number2 for such numbers1 even without this qualifying addition1 are often used in a laxer sense than is here contended for499 99 ,livy1 speaking of the peace which the conduct of ,romulus had procured to the state1 during the whole reign of his successor 7,numa71 has these words3 ,ab illo enim profectis viribus datis tautum valuit1 ut1 in quaaraginta deiade annos1 tutam proem haberet3 yet afterwards in the same chapter1 ,romulus1 he says1 septera et triginta regnavit annos4 ,numa tres et quadraginta4 7,liv4 ,hist4 c4 i4 sect4 #af47 ,,iii4 ,acts v4 #cf4 ,for before these days rose up ,theudas1 boasting himself to be somebody2 to whom a number of men1 about four hundred1 joined themselves3 who were slain2 and all1 as many as obeyed him1 were scattered and brought to nought4 ,josephus has preserved the account of an impostor of the name of ,theudas1 who created some disturbances1 and was slain2 but according to the date assigned to this man's appearance 7in which1 however1 it is very possible that ,josephus may have been mistaken71 7,michaelis's ,introduction to the ,new ,testament ,marsh's translation1 vol4 i4 p4 #fa47 it must have been1 at the least1 seven years after ,gamaliel's speech1 of which this text is a part1 was delivered4 ,it has been replied to the objection1 7,lardner1 part i4 vol4 ii4 p4 #ib47 that there might be two impostors of this name3 and it has been observed1 in order to give a general probability to the solution1 that the same thing appears to have happened in other instances of the same kind4 ,it is proved from ,josephus1 that there were not fewer than four persons of the name of ,simon within forty years1 and not fewer than three of the name of ,judas within ten years1 who were all leaders of insurrections3 and it is likewise recorded by this historian1 that upon the death of ,herod the ,great 7which agrees very well with the time of the commotion referred to by ,gamaliel1 and with his manner of stating that time1 before these days7 there were innumerable disturbances in ,judea4 7,antiq4 #a4 #ag1 c4 #ab4 sect4 #d47 ,archbishop ,usher was of opinion1 that one of the three ,judases above mentioned was ,gamaliel's ,theudas2 7,annals1 p4 #gig47 and that with a less variation of the name than we actually find in the ,gospel1 where one of the twelve apostles is called1 by ,luke1 ,judas2 and by ,mark1 ,thaddeus4 7,luke vi4 #af4 ,mark iii4 #ah47 ,origen1 however he came at his information1 appears to have believed that there was an impostor of the name of ,theudas before the nativity of ,christ4 7,orig4 cont ,cels4 p4 #dd47 ,,iv4 ,matt4 xxiii4 #cd4 ,wherefore1 behold ,i send unto you prophets1 and wise men1 and scribes1 and some of them ye shall kill and crucify2 and some of them shall ye scourge in your synagogues1 and persecute them from city to city2 that upon you may come all the righteous blood shed upon the earth1 from the blood of righteous ,abel unto the blood of ,zacharias1 son of ,barachias1 whom ye slew between the temple and the altar4 ,there is a ,zacharias whose death is related in the second book of ,chronicles199 in a manner which perfectly supports our ,saviour's allusion4 ,but this ,zacharias was the son of ,jehoiada4 99 ,and the ,spirit of ,god came upon ,zacharias1 the son of ,jehoiada the priest1 which stood above the people1 and mid unto them1 ,thus saith ,god1 ,why transgress ye the commandments of the ,lord that ye cannot prosper8 ,because ye hive forsaken the ,lord1 he hath also forsaken you4 ,and they conspired against him1 and stoned him with stones1 at the commandment of the king1 in the court of the house of the ,lord4 #b ,chron4 xxiv4 #bj1 #ba4 ,there is also ,zacharias the prophet2 who was the son of ,barachiah1 and is so described in the superscription of his prophecy1 but of whose death we have no account4 ,i have little doubt but that the first ,zacharias was the person spoken of by our ,saviour2 and that the name of the father has been since added or changed1 by some one who took it from the title of the prophecy1 which happened to be better known to him than the history in the ,chronicles4 ,there is likewise a ,zacharias1 the son of ,baruch1 related by ,josephus to have been slain in the temple a few years before the destruction of ,jerusalem4 ,it has been insinuated that the words put into our ,saviour's mouth contain a reference to this transaction1 and were composed by some writer who either confounded the time of the transaction with our ,saviour's age1 or inadvertently overlooked the anachronism4 ,now1 suppose it to have been so2 suppose these words to have been suggested by the transaction related in ,josephus1 and to have been falsely ascribed to ,christ2 and observe what extraordinary coincidences 7accidentally as it must in that case have been7 attend the forger's mistake4 ,first1 that we have a ,zacharias in the book of ,chronicles1 whose death1 and the manner of it1 corresponds with the allusion4 ,secondly1 that although the name of this person's father be erroneously put down in the ,gospel1 yet we have a way of accounting for the error by showing another ,zacharias in the ,jewish ,scriptures much better known than the former1 whose patronymic was actually that which appears in the text4 ,every one who thinks upon the subject will find these to be circumstances which could not have met together in a mistake which did not proceed from the circumstances themselves4 ,i have noticed1 ,i think1 all the difficulties of this kind4 ,they are few3 some of them admit of a clear1 others of a probable solution4 ,the reader will compare them with the number1 the variety1 the closeness1 and the satisfactoriness1 of the instances which are to be set against them2 and he will remember the scantiness1 in many cases1 of our intelligence1 and that difficulties always attend imperfect information4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,undesigned ,,coincidences4 ,between the letters which bear the name of ,saint ,paul in our collection and his history in the ,acts of the ,apostles there exist many notes of correspondency4 ,the simple perusal of the writings is sufficient to prove that neither the history was taken from the letters1 nor the letters from the history4 ,and the undesignedness of the agreements 7which undesignedness is gathered from their latency1 their minuteness1 their obliquity1 the suitableness of the circumstances in which they consist to the places in which those circumstances occur1 and the circuitous references by which they are traced out7 demonstrates that they have not been produced by meditation1 or by any fraudulent contrivance4 ,but coincidences1 from which these causes are excluded1 and which are too close and numerous to be accounted for by accidental concurrences of fiction1 must necessarily have truth for their foundation4 ,this argument appeared to my mind of so much value 7especially for its assuming nothing beside the existence of the books71 that ,i have pursued it through ,saint ,paul's thirteen epistles1 in a work published by me four years ago1 under the title of ,horae ,paulinae4 ,i am sensible how feebly any argument which depends upon an induction of particulars is represented without examples4 ,on which account ,i wished to have abridged my own volume1 in the manner in which ,i have treated ,dr4 ,lardner's in the preceding chapter4 ,but1 upon making the attempt1 ,i did not find it in my power to render the articles intelligible by fewer words than ,i have there used4 ,i must be content1 therefore1 to refer the reader to the work itself4 ,and ,i would particularly invite his attention to the observations which are made in it upon the first three epistles4 ,i persuade myself that he will find the proofs1 both of agreement1 and undesignedness1 supplied by these epistles1 sufficient to support the conclusion which is there maintained1 in favour both of the genuineness of the writings and the truth of the narrative4 ,it remains only1 in this place1 to point out how the argument bears upon the general question of the ,christian history4 ,first1 ,saint ,paul in these letters affirms1 in unequivocal terms1 his own performance of miracles1 and1 what ought particularly to be remembered1 ,that miracles were the signs of an ,apostle4 7,rom4 xv4 #ah1 #ai4 #b ,cor4 xii4 #ab47 ,if this testimony come from ,saint ,paul's own hand1 it is invaluable4 ,and that it does so1 the argument before us fixes in my mind a firm assurance4 ,secondly1 it shows that the series of action represented in the epistles of ,saint ,paul was real2 which alone lays a foundation for the proposition which forms the subject of the first part of our present work1 viz4 that the original witnesses of the ,christian history devoted themselves to lives of toil1 suffering1 and danger1 in consequence of their belief of the truth of that history1 and for the sake of communicating the knowledge of it to others4 ,thirdly1 it proves that ,luke1 or whoever was the author of the ,acts of the ,apostles 7for the argument does not depend upon the name of the author1 though ,i know no reason for questioning it71 was well acquainted with ,saint ,paul's history2 and that he probably was1 what he professes himself to be1 a companion of ,saint ,paul's travels2 which1 if true1 establishes1 in a considerable degree1 the credit even of his ,gospel1 because it shows that the writer1 from his time1 situation1 and connexions1 possessed opportunities of informing himself truly concerning the transactions which he relates4 ,i have little difficulty in applying to the ,gospel of ,saint ,luke what is proved concerning the ,acts of the ,apostles1 considering them as two parts of the same history2 for though there are instances of second parts being forgeries1 ,i know none where the second part is genuine1 and the first not so4 ,i will only observe1 as a sequel of the argument1 though not noticed in my work1 the remarkable similitude between the style of ,saint ,john's ,gospel and of ,saint ,john's ,epistle4 ,the style of ,saint ,john's is not at all the style of ,saint ,paul's ,epistles1 though both are very singular2 nor is it the style of ,saint ,james's or of ,saint ,peter's ,epistles3 but it bears a resemblance to the style of the ,gospel inscribed with ,saint ,john's name1 so far as that resemblance can be expected to appear1 which is not in simple narrative1 so much as in reflections1 and in the representation of discourses4 ,writings so circumstanced prove themselves1 and one another1 to be genuine4 ,this correspondency is the more valuable1 as the epistle itself asserts1 in ,saint ,john's manner1 indeed1 but in terms sufficiently explicit1 the writer's personal knowledge of ,christ's history3 ,that which was from the beginning1 which we have heard1 which we have seen with our eyes1 which we have looked upon1 and our hands have handled1 of the word of life2 that which we have seen and heard1 declare we unto you4 7,ch4 i4 ver4 #a--c47,who would not desire1 who perceives not the value of an account delivered by a writer so well informed as this8 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,of ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,the ,,resurrection4 ,the history of the resurrection of ,christ is a part of the evidence of ,christianity3 but ,i do not know whether the proper strength of this passage of the ,christian history1 or wherein its peculiar value1 as a head of evidence1 consists1 be generally understood4 ,it is not that1 as a miracle1 the resurrection ought to be accounted a more decisive proof of supernatural agency than other miracles are2 it is not that1 as it stands in the ,gospels1 it is better attested than some others2 it is not1 for either of these reasons1 that more weight belongs to it than to other miracles1 but for the following1 viz41 ,that it is completely certain that the apostles of ,christ1 and the first teachers of ,christianity1 asserted the fact4 ,and this would have been certain1 if the four ,gospels had been lost1 or never written4 ,every piece of ,scripture recognizes the resurrection4 ,every epistle of every apostle1 every author contemporary with the apostles1 of the age immediately succeeding the apostles1 every writing from that age to the present genuine or spurious1 on the side of ,christianity or against it1 concur in representing the resurrection of ,christ as an article of his history1 received without doubt or disagreement by all who called themselves ,christians1 as alleged from the beginning by the propagators of the institution1 and alleged as the centre of their testimony4 ,nothing1 ,i apprehend1 which a man does not himself see or hear can be more certain to him than this point4 ,i do not mean that nothing can be more certain than that ,christ rose from the dead2 but that nothing can be more certain than that his apostles1 and the first teachers of ,christianity1 gave out that he did so4 ,in the other parts of the ,gospel narrative1 a question may be made1 whether the things related of ,christ be the very things which the apostles and first teachers of the religion delivered concerning him8 ,and this question depends a good deal upon the evidence we possess of the genuineness1 or rather perhaps of the antiquity1 credit1 and reception of the books4 ,on the subject of the resurrection1 no such discussion is necessary1 because no such doubt can be entertained4 ,the only points which can enter into our consideration are1 whether the apostles knowingly published a falsehood1 or whether they were themselves deceived2 whether either of these suppositions be possible4 ,the first1 ,i think1 is pretty generally given up4 ,the nature of the undertaking1 and of the men2 the extreme unlikelihood that such men should engage in such a measure as a scheme2 their personal toils1 and dangers and sufferings in the cause2 their appropriation of their whole time to the object2 the warm and seemingly unaffected zeal and earnestness with which they profess their sincerity exempt their memory from the suspicion of imposture4 ,the solution more deserving of notice is that which would resolve the conduct of the apostles into enthusiasm2 which would class the evidence of ,christ's resurrection with the numerous stories that are extant of the apparitions of dead men4 ,there are circumstances in the narrative1 as it is preserved in our histories1 which destroy this comparison entirely4 ,it was not one person but many1 who saw him2 they saw him not only separately but together1 not only by night but by day1 not at a distance but near1 not once but several times2 they not only saw him1 but touched him1 conversed with him1 ate with him1 examined his person to satisfy their doubts4 ,these particulars are decisive3 but they stand1 ,i do admit1 upon the credit of our records4 ,i would answer1 therefore1 the insinuation of enthusiasm1 by a circumstance which arises out of the nature of the thing2 and the reality of which must be confessed by all who allow1 what ,i believe is not denied1 that the resurrection of ,christ1 whether true or false1 was asserted by his disciples from the beginning2 and that circumstance is1 the non-production of the dead body4 ,it is related in the history1 what indeed the story of the resurrection necessarily implies1 that the corpse was missing out of the sepulchre3 it is related also in the history1 that the ,jews reported that the followers of ,christ had stolen it away499 ,and this account1 though loaded with great improbabilities1 such as the situation of the disciples1 their fears for their own safety at the time1 the unlikelihood of their expecting to succeed1 the difficulty of actual success1 and the inevitable consequence of detection and failure1 was1 nevertheless1 the most credible account that could be given of the matter4 ,but it proceeds entirely upon the supposition of fraud1 as all the old objections did4 ,what account can be given of the body1 upon the supposition of enthusiasm8 ,it is impossible our ,lord's followers could believe that he was risen from the dead1 if his corpse was lying before them4 ,no enthusiasm ever reached to such a pitch of extravagancy as that3 a spirit may be an illusion2 a body is a real thing1 an object of sense1 in which there can be no mistake4 ,all accounts of spectres leave the body in the grave4 ,and although the body of ,christ might be removed by fraud1 and for the purposes of fraud1 yet without any such intention1 and by sincere but deluded men 7which is the representation of the apostolic character we are now examining71 no such attempt could be made4 ,the presence and the absence of the dead body are alike inconsistent with the hypothesis of enthusiasm3 for if present1 it must have cured their enthusiasm at once2 if absent1 fraud1 not enthusiasm1 must have carried it away4 99 ,and this saying1 ,saint ,matthew writes1 is commonly reported amongst the ,jews until this day 7chap4 xxviii4 #ae74 ,the evangelist may be thought good authority as to this point1 even by those who do not admit his evidence in every other point3 and this point is sufficient to prove that the body was missing4 ,it has been rightly1 ,i think1 observed by ,dr4 ,townshend 7,dis4 upon the ,res4 p4 #abf71 that the story of the guards carried collusion upon the face of it3--,his disciples came by night1 and stole him away while we slept4 ,men in their circumstances would not have made such an acknowledgment of their negligence without previous assurances of protection and impunity4 ,especially at the full moon1 the city full of people1 many probably passing the whole night1 as ,jesus and his disciples had done1 in the open air1 the sepulchre so near the city as to be now enclosed within the walls4 ,priestley on the ,resurr4 p4 #bd4 ,but further1 if we admit1 upon the concurrent testimony of all the histories1 so much of the account as states that the religion of ,jesus was set up at ,jerusalem1 and set up with asserting1 in the very place in which he had been buried1 and a few days after he had been buried1 his resurrection out of the grave1 it is evident that1 if his body could have been found1 the ,jews would have produced it1 as the shortest and completest answer possible to the whole story4 ,the attempt of the apostles could not have survived this refutation a moment4 ,if we also admit1 upon the authority of ,saint ,matthew1 that the ,jews were advertised of the expectation of ,christ's followers1 and that they had taken due precaution in consequence of this notice1 and that the body was in marked and public custody1 the observation receives more force still4 ,for notwithstanding their precaution and although thus prepared and forewarned2 when the story of the resurrection of ,christ came forth1 as it immediately did2 when it was publicly asserted by his disciples1 and made the ground and basis of their preaching in his name1 and collecting followers to his religion1 the ,jews had not the body to produce2 but were obliged to meet the testimony of the apostles by an answer not containing indeed any impossibility in itself1 but absolutely inconsistent with the supposition of their integrity2 that is1 in other words1 inconsistent with the supposition which would resolve their conduct into enthusiasm4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,the ,,propagation ,,of ,,christianity4 ,in this argument1 the first consideration is the fact--in what degree1 within what time1 and to what extent1 ,christianity actually was propagated4 ,the accounts of the matter which can be collected from our books are as follow3 ,a few days after ,christ's disappearance out of the world1 we find an assembly of disciples at ,jerusalem1 to the number of about one hundred and twenty2 7,acts i4 #ae47 which hundred and twenty were probably a little association of believers1 met together not merely as believers in ,christ1 but as personally connected with the apostles1 and with one another4 ,whatever was the number of believers then in ,jerusalem1 we have no reason to be surprised that so small a company should assemble3 for there is no proof that the followers of ,christ were yet formed into a society2 that the society was reduced into any order2 that it was at this time even understood that a new religion 7in the sense which that term conveys to us7 was to be set up in the world1 or how the professors of that religion were to be distinguished from the rest of mankind4 ,the death of ,christ had left1 we may suppose1 the generality of his disciples in great doubt1 both as to what they were to do1 and concerning what was to follow4 ,this meeting was holden1 as we have already said1 a few days after ,christ's ascension3 for ten days after that event was the day of ,pentecost1 when1 as our history relates1 7,acts ii4 #a47 upon a signal display of divine agency attending the persons of the apostles1 there were added to the society about three thousand souls4 7,acts ii4 #da47 ,but here1 it is not1 ,i think1 to be taken1 that these three thousand were all converted by this single miracle2 but rather that many who before were believers in ,christ became now professors of ,christianity2 that is to say1 when they found that a religion was to be established1 a society formed and set up in the name of ,christ1 governed by his laws1 avowing their belief in his mission1 united amongst themselves1 and separated from the rest of the world by visible distinctions2 in pursuance of their former conviction1 and by virtue of what they had heard and seen1 and known of ,christ's history1 they publicly became members of it4 ,we read in the fourth chapter 7verse #d7 of the ,acts1 that soon after this1 the number of the men1 i4 e4 the society openly professing their belief in ,christ1 was about five thousand4 ,so that here is an increase of two thousand within a very short time4 ,and it is probable that there were many1 both now and afterwards1 who1 although they believed in ,christ1 did not think it necessary to join themselves to this society2 or who waited to see what was likely to become of it4 ,gamaliel1 whose advice to the ,jewish council is recorded ,acts v4 #cd1 appears to have been of this description2 perhaps ,nicodemus1 and perhaps also ,joseph of ,arimathea4 ,this class of men1 their character and their rank1 are likewise pointed out by ,saint ,john1 in the twelfth chapter of his ,gospel3 ,nevertheless1 among the chief rulers also many believed on him1 but because of the ,pharisees they did not confess him1 lest they should be put out of the synagogue1 for they loved the praise of men more than the praise of ,god4 ,persons such as these might admit the miracles of ,christ1 without being immediately convinced that they were under obligation to make a public profession of ,christianity at the risk of all that was dear to them in life1 and even of life itself499 99 ,beside those who professed1 and those who rejected and opposed1 ,christianity1 there were in all probability multitudes between both1 neither perfect ,christians nor yet unbelievers4 ,they had a favourable opinion of the ,gospel1 but worldly considerations made them unwilling to own it4 ,there were many circumstances which inclined them to think that ,christianity was a divine revelation1 but there were many inconveniences which attended the open profession of it2 and they could not find in themselves courage enough to bear them to disoblige their friends and family1 to ruin their fortunes1 to lose their reputation1 their liberty1 and their life1 for the sake of the new religion4 ,therefore they were willing to hope1 that if they endeavoured to observe the great principles of morality which ,christ had represented as the principal part1 the sum and substance of religion2 if they thought honourably of the ,gospel2 if they offered no injury to the ,christians2 if they did them all the services that they could safely perform1 they were willing to hope that ,god would accept this1 and that ,he would excuse and forgive the rest4 ,jortin's ,dis4 on the ,christ4 ,rel4 p4 #ia1 ed4 #d4 ,christianity1 however1 proceeded to increase in ,jerusalem by a progress equally rapid with its first success2 for in the next chapter of our history1 we read that believers were the more added to the ,lord1 multitudes both of men and women4 ,and this enlargement of the new society appears in the first verse of the succeeding chapter1 wherein we are told1 that when the number of the disciples was multiplied1 there arose a murmuring of the ,grecians against the ,hebrews because their widows were neglected2 7,acts v4 #ad2 vi4 #a7 and afterwards1 in the same chapter1 it is declared expressly1 that the number of the disciples multiplied in ,jerusalem greatly1 and that a great company of the priests were obedient to the faith4 ,this ,i call the first period in the propagation of ,christianity4 ,it commences with the ascension of ,christ1 and extends1 as may be collected from incidental notes of time1 7,vide ,pearson's ,antiq4 #a4 xviii4 c4 #g4 ,benson's ,history of ,christ1 b4 i4 p4 #adh47 to something more than one year after that event4 ,during which term1 the preaching of ,christianity1 so far as our documents inform us1 was confined to the single city of ,jerusalem4 ,and how did it succeed there8 ,the first assembly which we meet with of ,christ's disciples1 and that a few days after his removal from the world1 consisted of one hundred and twenty4 ,about a week after this1 three thousand were added in one day2 and the number of ,christians publicly baptized1 and publicly associating together1 was very soon increased to five thousand4 ,multitudes both of men and women continued to be added2 disciples multiplied greatly1 and many of the ,jewish priesthood as well as others1 became obedient to the faith2 and this within a space of less than two years from the commencement of the institution4 ,by reason of a persecution raised against the church at ,jerusalem1 the converts were driven from that city1 and dispersed throughout the regions of ,judea and ,samaria4 7,acts viii4 l47 ,wherever they came1 they brought their religion with them3 for our historian informs us1 7,acts viii4 #d47 that they that were scattered abroad went everywhere preaching the word4 ,the effect of this preaching comes afterwards to be noticed1 where the historian is led1 in the course of his narrative1 to observe that then 7i4 e4 about three years posterior to this1 ,benson1 b4 i4 p4 #bjg47 the churches had rest throughout all ,judea and ,galilee and ,samaria1 and were edified1 and walking in the fear of the ,lord1 and in the comfort of the ,holy ,ghost1 were multiplied4 ,this was the work of the second period1 which comprises about four years4 ,hitherto the preaching of the ,gospel had been confined to ,jews1 to ,jewish proselytes1 and to ,samaritans4 ,and ,i cannot forbear from setting down in this place an observation of ,mr4 ,bryant1 which appears to me to be perfectly well founded2--,the ,jews still remain3 but how seldom is it that we can make a single proselyte6 ,there is reason to think1 that there were more converted by the apostles in one day than have since been won over in the last thousand years4 7,bryant on the ,truth of the ,christian ,religion1 p4 #aab47 ,it was not yet known to the apostles that they were at liberty to propose the religion to mankind at large4 ,that mystery1 as ,saint ,paul calls it1 7,eph4 iii4 #c--f47 and as it then was1 was revealed to ,peter by an especial miracle4 ,it appears to have been 7,benson1 book ii4 p4 #bcf47 about seven years after ,christ's ascension that the ,gospel was preached to the ,gentiles of ,cesarea4 ,a year after this a great multitude of ,gentiles were converted at ,antioch in ,syria4 ,the expressions employed by the historian are these3--,a great number believed1 and turned to the ,lord2 much people was added unto the ,lord2 the apostles ,barnabas and ,paul taught much people4 7,acts xi4 #ba1 #bd1 #bf47 ,upon ,herod's death1 which happened in the next year1 7,benson1 book ii1 p4 #bhi47 it is observed1 that the word of ,god grew and multiplied4 7,acts xii4 #bd47 ,three years from this time1 upon the preaching of ,paul at ,iconium1 the metropolis of ,lycaonia1 a great multitude both of ,jews and ,greeks believed3 7,acts xiv4 #a47 and afterwards1 in the course of this very progress1 he is represented as making many disciples at ,derbe1 a principal city in the same district4 ,three years 7,benson's ,history of ,christ1 book iii4 p4 #ej47 after this1 which brings us to sixteen after the ascension1 the apostles wrote a public letter from ,jerusalem to the ,gentile converts in ,antioch1 ,syria1 and ,cilicia1 with which letter ,paul travelled through these countries1 and found the churches established in the faith1 and increasing in number daily4 7,acts xvi4 #e47 ,from ,asia the apostle proceeded into ,greece1 where1 soon after his arrival in ,macedonia1 we find him at ,thessalonica3 in which city1 some of the ,jews believed1 and of the devout ,greeks a great multitude4 7,acts xvii4 #d47 ,we meet also here with an accidental hint of the general progress of the ,christian mission1 in the exclamation of the tumultuous ,jews of ,thessalonica1 that they who had turned the world upside down were come thither also4 7,acts xvii4 #f47 ,at ,berea1 the next city at which ,saint ,paul arrives1 the historian1 who was present1 inform us that many of the ,jews believed4 7,acts xvii4 #ab47 ,the next year and a half of ,saint ,paul's ministry was spent at ,corinth4 ,of his success in that city we receive the following intimations2 that many of the ,corinthians believed and were baptized2 and that it was revealed to the ,apostle by ,christ1 that be had much people in that city4 7,acts xviii1 #h--aj47 ,within less than a year after his departure from ,corinth1 and twenty-five 7,benson1 book iii4 p1 #afj47 years after the ascension1 ,saint ,paul fixed his station at ,ephesus for the space of two years 7,acts xix4 #aj47 and something more4 ,the effect of his ministry in that city and neighbourhood drew from the historian a reflection how mightily grew the word of ,god and prevailed4 7,acts xix4 #bj47 ,and at the conclusion of this period we find ,demetrius at the head of a party1 who were alarmed by the progress of the religion1 complaining1 that not only at ,ephesus1 but also throughout all ,asia 7i4 e4 the province of ,lydia1 and the country adjoining to ,ephesus71 this ,paul hath persuaded and turned away much people4 7,acts xix4 #bf47 ,beside these accounts1 there occurs1 incidentally1 mention of converts at ,rome1 ,alexandria1 ,athens1 ,cyprus1 ,cyrene1 ,macedonia1 ,philippi4 ,this is the third period in the propagation of ,christianity1 setting off in the seventh year after the ascension1 and ending at the twenty-eighth4 ,now1 lay these three periods together1 and observe how the progress of the religion by these accounts is represented4 ,the institution1 which properly began only after its ,author's removal from the world1 before the end of thirty years1 had spread itself through ,judea1 ,galilee1 and ,samaria1 almost all the numerous districts of the ,lesser ,asia1 through ,greece1 and the islands of the ,aegean ,sea1 the seacoast of ,africa1 and had extended itself to ,rome1 and into ,italy4 ,at ,antioch1 in ,syria1 at ,joppa1 ,ephesus1 ,corinth1 ,thessalonica1 ,berea1 ,iconium1 ,derbe1 ,antioch in ,pisidia1 at ,lydda1 ,saron1 the number of converts is intimated by the expressions1 a great number1 great multitudes1 much people4 ,converts are mentioned1 without any designation of their number199 at ,tyre1 ,cesarea1 ,troas1 ,athens1 ,philippi1 ,lystra1 ,damascus4 ,during all this time ,jerusalem continued not only the centre of the mission1 but a principal seat of the religion2 for when ,saint ,paul returned thither at the conclusion of the period of which we are now considering the accounts1 the other apostles pointed out to him1 as a reason for his compliance with their advice1 how many thousands 7myriads1 ten thousands7 there were in that city who believed4 99 ,considering the extreme conciseness of many parts of the history1 the silence about the number of converts is no proof of their paucity2 for at ,philippi1 no mention whatever is made of the number1 yet ,saint ,paul addressed an epistle to that church4 ,the churches of ,galatia1 and the affairs of those churches1 were considerable enough to be the subject of another letter1 and of much of ,saint ,paul's solicitude2 yet no account is preserved in the history of his success1 or even of his preaching in that country1 except the slight notice which these words convey3--,when they had gone throughout ,phrygia1 and the region of ,galatia1 they assayed to go into ,bithynia4 ,acts xvi4 #f4 ,acts xxi4 #bj4 ,upon this abstract1 and the writing from which it is drawn1 the following observations seem material to be made3 ,i4 ,that the account comes from a person who was himself concerned in a portion of what he relates1 and was contemporary with the whole of it2 who visited ,jerusalem1 and frequented the society of those who had acted1 and were acting the chief parts in the transaction4 ,i lay down this point positively2 for had the ancient attestations to this valuable record been less satisfactory than they are1 the unaffectedness and simplicity with which the author notes his presence upon certain occasions1 and the entire absence of art and design from these notices1 would have been sufficient to persuade my mind that1 whoever he was1 he actually lived in the times1 and occupied the situation1 in which he represents himself to be4 ,when ,i say1 whoever he was1 ,i do not mean to cast a doubt upon the name to which antiquity hath ascribed the ,acts of the ,apostles 7for there is no cause1 that ,i am acquainted with1 for questioning it71 but to observe that1 in such a case as this1 the time and situation of the author are of more importance than his name2 and that these appear from the work itself1 and in the most unsuspicious form4 ,,ii4 ,that this account is a very incomplete account of the preaching and propagation of ,christianity2 ,i mean1 that if what we read in the history be true1 much more than what the history contains must be true also4 ,for1 although the narrative from which our information is derived has been entitled the ,acts of the ,apostles1 it is1 in fact1 a history of the twelve apostles only during a short time of their continuing together at ,jerusalem2 and even of this period the account is very concise4 ,the work afterwards consists of a few important passages of ,peter's ministry1 of the speech and death of ,stephen1 of the preaching of ,philip the deacon2 and the sequel of the volume1 that is1 two thirds of the whole1 is taken up with the conversion1 the travels1 the discourses1 and history of the new apostle1 ,paul2 in which history1 also1 large portions of time are often passed over with very scanty notice4 ,,iii4 ,that the account1 so far as it goes1 is for this very reason more credible4 ,had it been the author's design to have displayed the early progress of ,christianity1 he would undoubtedly have collected1 or at least have set forth1 accounts of the preaching of the rest of the apostles1 who cannot without extreme improbability be supposed to have remained silent and inactive1 or not to have met with a share of that success which attended their colleagues4 ,to which may be added1 as an observation of the same kind1 ,,iv4 ,that the intimations of the number of converts1 and of the success of the preaching of the apostles1 come out for the most part incidentally3 are drawn from the historian by the occasion1 such as the murmuring of the ,grecian converts2 the rest from persecution2 ,herod's death2 the sending of ,barnabas to ,antioch1 and ,barnabas calling ,paul to his assistance2 ,paul coming to a place and finding there disciples2 the clamour of the ,jews2 the complaint of artificers interested in the support of the popular religion2 the reason assigned to induce ,paul to give satisfaction to the ,christians of ,jerusalem4 ,had it not been for these occasions it is probable that no notice whatever would have been taken of the number of converts in several of the passages in which that notice now appears4 ,all this tends to remove the suspicion of a design to exaggerate or deceive4 ,,parallel ,,testimonies with the history are the letters of ,saint ,paul1 and of the other apostles1 which have come down to us4 ,those of ,saint ,paul are addressed to the churches of ,corinth1 ,philippi1 ,thessalonica1 the church of ,galatia1 and1 if the inscription be right1 of ,ephesus2 his ministry at all which places is recorded in the history3 to the church of ,colosse1 or rather to the churches of ,colosse and ,laodicea jointly1 which he had not then visited4 ,they recognise by reference the churches of ,judea1 the churches of ,asia1 and all the churches of the ,gentiles4 7,thess ii4 #ad47 ,in the ,epistle to the ,romans 7,rom4 xv4 #ah1 #ai47 the author is led to deliver a remarkable declaration concerning the extent of his preaching1 its efficacy1 and the cause to which he ascribes it1--to make the ,gentiles obedient by word and deed1 through mighty signs and wonders1 by the power of the ,spirit of ,god2 so that from ,jerusalem1 and round about unto ,illyricum1 ,i have fully preached the ,gospel of ,christ4 ,in the epistle to the ,colossians1 7,col4 i4 #bc47 we find an oblique but very strong signification of the then general state of the ,christian mission1 at least as it appeared to ,saint ,paul3--,if ye continue in the faith1 grounded and settled1 and be not moved away from the hope of the ,gospel1 which ye have heard1 and which was preached to every creature which is under heaven2 which ,gospel1 he had reminded them near the beginning of his letter 7,col4 i4 #f471 was present with them1 as it was in all the world4 ,the expressions are hyperbolical2 but they are hyperboles which could only be used by a writer who entertained a strong sense of the subject4 ,the first epistle of ,peter accosts the ,christians dispersed throughout ,pontus1 ,galatia1 ,cappadocia1 ,asia1 and ,bithynia4 ,it comes next to be considered how far these accounts are confirmed or followed up by other evidence4 ,tacitus1 in delivering a relation1 which has already been laid before the reader1 of the fire which happened at ,rome in the tenth year of ,nero 7which coincides with the thirtieth year after ,christ's ascension71 asserts that the emperor1 in order to suppress the rumours of having been himself the author of the mischief1 procured the ,christians to be accused4 ,of which ,christians1 thus brought into his narrative1 the following is so much of the historian's account as belongs to our present purpose3 ,they had their denomination from ,christus1 who1 in the reign of ,tiberius1 was put to death as a criminal by the procurator ,pontius ,pilate4 ,this pernicious superstition1 though checked for a while1 broke out again1 and spread not only over ,judea1 but reached the city also4 ,at first they only were apprehended who confessed themselves of that sect2 afterwards vast multitude were discovered by them4 ,this testimony to the early propagation of ,christianity is extremely material4 ,it is from an historian of great reputation1 living near the time2 from a stranger and an enemy to the religion2 and it joins immediately with the period through which the ,scripture accounts extend4 ,it establishes these points3 that the religion began at ,jerusalem2 that it spread throughout ,judea2 that it had reached ,rome1 and not only so1 but that it had there obtained a great number of converts4 ,this was about six years after the time that ,saint ,paul wrote his ,epistle to the ,romans1 and something more than two years after he arrived there himself4 ,the converts to the religion were then so numerous at ,rome1 that of those who were betrayed by the information of the persons first persecuted1 a great multitude 7multitudo ingens7 were discovered and seized4 ,it seems probable1 that the temporary check which ,tacitus represents ,christianity to have received 7repressa in praesens7 referred to the persecution of ,jerusalem which followed the death of ,stephen 7,acts viii472 and which1 by dispersing the converts1 caused the institution1 in some measure1 to disappear4 ,its second eruption at the same place1 and within a short time1 has much in it of the character of truth4 ,it was the firmness and perseverance of men who knew what they relied upon4 ,next in order of time1 and perhaps superior in importance is the testimony of ,pliny the ,younger4 ,pliny was the ,roman governor of ,pontus and ,bithynia1 two considerable districts in the northern part of ,asia ,minor4 ,the situation in which he found his province led him to apply to the emperor 7,trajan7 for his direction as to the conduct he was to hold towards the ,christians4 ,the letter in which this application is contained was written not quite eighty years after ,christ's ascension4 ,the president1 in this letter1 states the measures he had already pursued1 and then adds1 as his reason for resorting to the emperor's counsel and authority1 the following words3--,suspending all judicial proceedings1 ,i have recourse to you for advice2 for it has appeared to me a matter highly deserving consideration1 especially on account of the great number of persons who are in danger of suffering3 for many of all ages1 and of every rank1 of both sexes likewise1 are accused1 and will be accused4 ,nor has the contagion of this superstition seized cities only1 but the lesser towns also1 and the open country4 ,nevertheless it seemed to me that it may be restrained and corrected4 ,it is certain that the temples1 which were almost forsaken1 begin to be more frequented2 and the sacred solemnities1 after a long intermission1 are revived4 ,victims1 likewise1 are everywhere 7passim7 bought up2 whereas1 for some time1 there were few to purchase them4 ,whence it is easy to imagine that numbers of men might be reclaimed if pardon were granted to those that shall repent4 7,c4 ,plin4 ,trajano ,imp4 lib4 x4 ep4 xcvii47 ,it is obvious to observe1 that the passage of ,pliny's letter here quoted1 proves1 not only that the ,christians in ,pontus and ,bithynia were now numerous1 but that they had subsisted there for some considerable time4 ,it is certain1 he says1 that the temples1 which were almost forsaken 7plainly ascribing this desertion of the popular worship to the prevalency of ,christianity71 begin to be more frequented2 and the sacred solemnities1 after a long intermission1 are revived4 ,there are also two clauses in the former part of the letter which indicate the same thing2 one1 in which he declares that he had never been present at any trials of ,christians1 and therefore knew not what was the usual subject of inquiry and punishment1 or how far either was wont to be urged4 ,the second clause is the following3 ,others were named by an informer1 who1 at first1 confessed themselves ,christians1 and afterwards denied it2 the rest said they had been ,christians some three years ago1 some longer1 and some about twenty years4 ,it is also apparent1 that ,pliny speaks of the ,christians as a description of men well known to the person to whom he writes4 ,his first sentence concerning them is1 ,i have never been present at the trials of ,christians4 ,this mention of the name of ,christians1 without any preparatory explanation1 shows that it was a term familiar both to the writer of the letter and the person to whom it was addressed4 ,had it not been so1 ,pliny would naturally have begun his letter by informing the emperor that he had met with a certain set of men in the province called ,christians4 ,here then is a very singular evidence of the progress of the ,christian religion in a short space4 ,it was not fourscore years after the crucifixion of ,jesus when ,pliny wrote this letter2 nor seventy years since the apostles of ,jesus began to mention his name to the ,gentile world4 ,bithynia and ,pontus were at a great distance from ,judea1 the centre from which the religion spread2 yet in these provinces ,christianity had long subsisted1 and ,christians were now in such numbers as to lead the ,roman governor to report to the emperor that they were found not only in cities1 but in villages and in open countries2 of all ages1 of every rank and condition2 that they abounded so much as to have produced a visible desertion of the temples2 that beasts brought to market for victims had few purchasers2 that the sacred solemnities were much neglected3--circumstances noted by ,pliny for the express purpose of showing to the emperor the effect and prevalency of the new institution4 ,no evidence remains by which it can be proved that the ,christians were more numerous in ,pontus and ,bithynia than in other parts of the ,roman empire2 nor has any reason been offered to show why they should be so4 ,christianity did not begin in these countries1 nor near them4 ,i do not know1 therefore1 that we ought to confine the description in ,pliny's letter to the state of ,christianity in these provinces1 even if no other account of the same subject had come down to us2 but1 certainly1 this letter may fairly be applied in aid and confirmation of the representations given of the general state of ,christianity in the world1 by ,christian writers of that and the next succeeding age4 ,justin ,martyr1 who wrote about thirty years after ,pliny1 and one hundred and six after the ascension1 has these remarkable words3 ,there is not a nation1 either of ,greek or barbarian1 or of any other name1 even of those who wander in tribes1 and live in tents1 amongst whom prayers and thanksgivings are not offered to the ,father and ,creator of the universe by the name of the crucified ,jesus4 7,dial cum ,tryph47 ,tertullian1 who comes about fifty years after ,justin1 appeals to the governors of the ,roman empire in these terms3 ,we were but of yesterday1 and we have filled your cities1 islands1 towns1 and boroughs1 the camp1 the senate1 and the forum4 ,they 7the heathen adversaries of ,christianity7 lament that every sex1 age1 and condition1 and persons of every rank also1 are converts to that name4 7,tertull4 ,apol4 c4 #cg47 ,i do allow that these expressions are loose1 and may be called declamatory4 ,but even declamation hath its bounds2 this public boasting upon a subject which must be known to every reader was not only useless but unnatural1 unless the truth of the case1 in a considerable degree1 corresponded with the description2 at least1 unless it had been both true and notorious1 that great multitudes of ,christians1 of all ranks and orders1 were to be found in most parts of the ,roman empire4 ,the same ,tertullian1 in another passage1 by way of setting forth the extensive diffusion of ,christianity1 enumerates as belonging to ,christ1 beside many other countries1 the ,moors and ,gaetulians of ,africa1 the borders of ,spain1 several nations of ,france1 and parts of ,britain inaccessible to the ,romans1 the ,sarmatians1 ,daci1 ,germans1 and ,scythians2 7,ad ,jud4 c4 #g47 and1 which is more material than the extent of the institution1 the number of ,christians in the several countries in which it prevailed is thus expressed by him3 ,although so great a multitude1 that in almost every city we form the greater part1 we pass our time modestly and in silence4 7,ad ,scap4 c4 iii47 ,a ,clemens ,alexandrinus1 who preceded ,tertullian by a few years1 introduced a comparison between the success of ,christianity and that of the most celebrated philosophical institutions3 ,the philosophers were confined to ,greece1 and to their particular retainers2 but the doctrine of the ,master of ,christianity not remain in ,judea1 as philosophy did in ,greece1 but is throughout the whole world1 in every nation1 and village1 and city1 both of ,greeks and barbarians1 converting both whole houses and separate individuals1 having already brought over to the truth not a few of the philosophers themselves4 ,if the ,greek philosophy he prohibited1 it immediately vanishes2 whereas1 from the first preaching of our doctrine1 kings and tyrants1 governors and presidents1 with their whole train1 and with the populace on their side1 have endeavoured with their whole might to exterminate it1 yet doth it flourish more and more4 7,clem4 ,,ai4 ,strora4 lib4 vi4 ad fin47 ,origen1 who follows ,tertullian at the distance of only thirty years1 delivers nearly the same account3 ,in every part of the world1 says he1 throughout all ,greece1 and in all other nations1 there are innumerable and immense multitudes1 who1 having left the laws of their country1 and those whom they esteemed gods1 have given themselves up to the law of ,moses1 and the religion of ,christ3 and this not without the bitterest resentment from the idolaters1 by whom they were frequently put to torture1 and sometimes to death3 and it is wonderful to observe how1 in so short a time1 the religion has increased1 amidst punishment and death1 and every kind of torture4 7,orig4 in ,cels4 lib4 i47 ,in another passage1 ,origen draws the following candid comparison between the state of ,christianity in his time and the condition of its more primitive ages3 ,by the good providence of ,god1 the ,christian religion has so flourished and increased continually that it is now preached freely without molestation1 although there were a thousand obstacles to the spreading of the doctrine of ,jesus in the world4 ,but as it was the will of ,god that the ,gentiles should have the benefit of it1 all the counsels of men against the ,christians were defeated3 and by how much the more emperors and governors of provinces1 and the people everywhere strove to depress them1 so much the more have they increased and prevailed exceedingly4 7,orig4 cont4 ,cels4 lib vii47 ,it is well known that1 within less than eighty years after this1 the ,roman empire became ,christian under ,constantine3 and it is probable that ,constantine declared himself on the side of the ,christians because they were the powerful party3 for ,arnobius1 who wrote immediately before ,constantine's accession1 speaks of the whole world as filled with ,christ's doctrine1 of its diffusion throughout all countries1 of an innumerable body of ,christians in distant provinces1 of the strange revolution of opinion of men of the greatest genius1--orators1 grammarians1 rhetoricians1 lawyers1 physicians having come over to the institution1 and that also in the face of threats1 executions and tortures4 7,arnob4 in ,genres1 #a4 i4 pp4 #bg1 #i1 #bd1 #db1 #da4 edit4 ,lug4 ,bat4 #afej47 ,and not more than twenty years after ,constantine's entire possession of the empire1 ,julius ,firmiens ,maternus calls upon the emperors ,constantius and ,constans to extirpate the relics of the ancient religion2 the reduced and fallen condition of which is described by our author in the following words3 ,licet adhue in quibusdam regionibus idololatriae morientia palpitont membra2 tamen in eo res est1 ut a ,christianis omnibus terris pestiferum hoc malum funditus amputetur3 and in another place1 ,modicum tautum superest1 ut legibus vestris--extincta idololatriae pereat funesta contagio4 7,de ,error4 ,profan4 ,relig4 c4 xxi4 p4 #agb1 quoted by ,lardner1 vol4 viii4 p4 #bfb47 ,it will not be thought that we quote this writer in order to recommend his temper or his judgment1 but to show the comparative state of ,christianity and of ,heathenism at this period4 ,fifty years afterwards1 ,jerome represents the decline of ,paganism1 in language which conveys the same idea of its approaching extinction3 ,solitudinem patitur et in urbe gentilitas4 ,dii quondam nationum1 cum bubonibus et noctuis1 in solis culminibus remanserunt4 7,jer4 ad ,lect4 ep4 #e1 #g47 ,jerome here indulges a triumph1 natural and allowable in a zealous friend of the cause1 but which could only be suggested to his mind by the consent and universality with which he saw2 the religion received4 ,but now1 says he1 the passion and resurrection of ,christ are celebrated in the discourses and writings of all nations4 ,i need not mention ,jews1 ,greeks1 and ,latins4 ,the ,indians1 ,persians1 ,goths1 and ,egyptians philosophise1 and firmly believe the immortality of the soul1 and future recompenses1 which1 before1 the greatest philosophers had denied1 or doubted of1 or perplexed with their disputes4 ,the fierceness of ,thracians and ,scythians is now softened by the gentle sound of the ,gospel2 and everywhere ,christ is all in all4 7,jer4 ad ,lect4 ep4 #h1 ad ,heliod47 ,were1 therefore1 the motives of ,constantine's conversion ever so problematical1 the easy establishment of ,christianity1 and the ruin of ,heathenism1 under him and his immediate successors1 is of itself a proof of the progress which had made in the preceding period4 ,it may be added also1 that ,maxentius1 the rival of ,constantine1 had shown himself friendly to the ,christians4 ,therefore of those who were contending for worldly power and empire1 one actually favoured and flattered them1 and another may be suspected to have joined himself to them partly from consideration of interest3 so considerable were they become1 under external disadvantages of all sorts4 7,lardner1 vol4 vii4 p4 #chj47 ,this at least is certain1 that1 throughout the whole transaction hitherto1 the great seemed to follow1 not to lead1 the public opinion4 ,it may help to convey to us some notion of the extent and progress of ,christianity1 or rather of the character and quality of many early ,christians1 of their learning and their labours1 to notice the number of ,christian writers who flourished in these ages4 ,saint ,jerome's catalogue contains sixty-six writers within the first three centuries1 and the first six years of the fourth2 and fifty-four between that time and his own1 viz4 ,a4 ,d4 #cib4 ,jerome introduces his catalogue with the following just remonstrance3--,let those who say the church has had no philosophers1 nor eloquent and learned men1 observe who and what they were who founded1 established1 and adorned it2 let them cease to accuse our faith of rusticity1 and confess their mistake4 7,jer4 ,prol4 in ,lib4 de ,ser4 ,eccl47 ,of these writers1 several1 as ,justin1 ,irenaeus1 ,clement of ,alexandria1 ,tertullian1 ,origen1 ,bardesanes1 ,hippolitus1 ,eusebius1 were voluminous writers4 ,christian writers abounded particularly about the year #agh4 ,alexander1 bishop of ,jerusalem1 founded a library in that city1 ,a4,d4 #bab4 ,pamphilus1 the friend of ,origen1 founded a library at ,cesarea1 ,a4,d4 #bid4 ,public defences were also set forth1 by various advocates of the religion1 in the course of its first three centuries4 ,within one hundred years after ,christ's ascension1 ,quadratus and ,aristides1 whose works1 except some few fragments of the first1 are lost2 and1 about twenty years afterwards1 ,justin ,martyr1 whose works remain1 presented apologies for the ,christian religion to the ,roman emperors2 ,quadratus and ,aristides to ,adrian1 ,justin to ,antoninus ,pins1 and a second to ,marcus ,antoninus4 ,melito1 bishop of ,sardis1 and ,apollinaris1 bishop of ,hierapolis1 and ,miltiades1 men of great reputation1 did the same to ,marcus ,antoninus1 twenty years afterwards2 7,euseb4 ,hist4 lib4 iv4 c4 #bf4 ,see also ,lardner1 vol4 ii4 p4 #fff47 and ten years after this1 ,apollonius1 who suffered martyrdom under the emperor ,commodus1 composed an apology for his faith which he read in the senate1 and which was afterwards published4 7,lardner1 vol4 ii4 p4 #fhg47 ,fourteen years after the apology of ,apollonius1 ,tertullian addressed the work which now remains under that name to the governors of provinces in the ,roman empire2 and1 about the same time1 ,minucius ,felix composed a defence of the ,christian religion1 which is still extant2 and1 shortly after the conclusion of this century1 copious defences of ,christianity were published by ,arnobius and ,lactantius4 ,,section ,,ii4 ,,reflections ,,upon ,,the ,,preceding ,,account4 ,in viewing the progress of ,christianity1 our first attention is due to the number of converts at ,jerusalem1 immediately after its ,founder's death2 because this success was a success at the time1 and upon the spot1 when and where the chief part of the history had been transacted4 ,we are1 in the next place1 called upon to attend to the early establishment of numerous ,christian societies in ,judea and ,galilee2 which countries had been the scene of ,christ's miracles and ministry1 and where the memory of what had passed1 and the knowledge of what was alleged1 must have yet been fresh and certain4 ,we are1 thirdly1 invited to recollect the success of the apostles and of their companions1 at the several places to which they came1 both within and without ,judea2 because it was the credit given to original witnesses1 appealing for the truth of their accounts to what themselves had seen and heard4 ,the effect also of their preaching strongly confirms the truth of what our history positively and circumstantially relates1 that they were able to exhibit to their hearers supernatural attestations of their mission4 ,we are1 lastly1 to consider the subsequent growth and spread of the religion1 of which we receive successive intimations1 and satisfactory1 though general and occasional1 accounts1 until its full and final establishment4 ,in all these several stages1 the history is without a parallel for it must be observed1 that we have not now been tracing the progress1 and describing the prevalency1 of an opinion founded upon philosophical or critical arguments1 upon mere of reason1 or the construction of ancient writing2 7of which are the several theories which have1 at different times1 possession of the public mind in various departments of science and literature2 and of one or other of which kind are the tenets also which divide the various sects of ,christianity27 but that we speak of a system1 the very basis and postulatum of which was a supernatural character ascribed to a particular person2 of a doctrine1 the truth whereof depends entirely upon the truth of a matter of fact then recent4 ,to establish a new religion1 even amongst a few people1 or in one single nation1 is a thing in itself exceedingly difficult4 ,to reform some corruptions which may have spread in a religion1 or to make new regulations in it1 is not perhaps so hard1 when the main and principal part of that religion is preserved entire and unshaken2 and yet this very often cannot be accomplished without an extraordinary concurrence of circumstances1 and may be attempted a thousand times without success4 ,but to introduce a new faith1 a new way of thinking and acting1 and to persuade many nations to quit the religion in which their ancestors have lived and died1 which had been delivered down to them from time immemorial2 to make them forsake and despise the deities which they had been accustomed to reverence and worship2 this is a work of still greater difficulty4 7,jortin's ,dis4 on the ,christ4 ,rel4 p4 #ajg1 #dth edit47 ,the resistance of education1 worldly policy1 and superstition1 is almost invincible4 ,if men1 in these days1 be ,christians in consequence of their education1 in submission to authority1 or in compliance with fashion1 let us recollect that the very contrary of this1 at the beginning1 was the case4 ,the first race of ,christians1 as wall as millions who succeeded them1 became such in formal opposition to all these motives1 to the whole power and strength of this influence4 ,every argument1 therefore1 and every instance1 which sets forth the prejudice of education1 and the almost irresistible effects of that prejudice 7and no persons are more fond of expatiating upon this subject than deistical writers71 in fact confirms the evidence of ,christianity4 ,but1 in order to judge of the argument which is drawn from the early propagation of ,christianity1 ,i know no fairer way of proceeding than to compare what we have seen on the subject with the success of ,christian missions in modern ages4 ,in the ,east ,india mission1 supported by the ,society for ,promoting ,christian ,knowledge1 we hear sometimes of thirty1 sometimes of forty1 being baptized in the course of a year1 and these principally children4 ,of converts properly so called1 that is1 of adults voluntarily embracing ,christianity1 the number is extremely small4 ,notwithstanding the labour of missionaries for upwards of two hundred years1 and the establishments of different ,christian nations who support them1 there are not twelve thousand ,indian ,christians1 and those almost entirely outcasts4 7,sketches relating to the history1 learning1 and manners of the ,hindoos1 p4 #dh2 quoted by ,dr4 ,robertson1 ,hist4 ,dis4 concerning ,ancient ,india1 p4 #bcf47 ,i lament as much as any man the little progress which ,christianity has made in these countries1 and the inconsiderable effect that has followed the labours of its missionaries2 but ,i see in it a strong proof of the ,divine origin of the religion4 ,what had the apostles to assist them in propagating ,christianity which the missionaries have not8 ,if piety and zeal had been sufficient1 ,i doubt not but that our missionaries possess these qualities in a high degree3 for nothing except piety and zeal could engage them in the undertaking4 ,if sanctity of life and manners was the allurement1 the conduct of these men is unblameable4 ,if the advantage of education and learning be looked to1 there is not one of the modern missionaries who is not1 in this respect1 superior to all the apostles2 and that not only absolutely1 but1 what is of more importance1 relatively1 in comparison1 that is1 with those amongst whom they exercise their office4 ,if the intrinsic excellency of the religion1 the perfection of its morality1 the purity of its precepts1 the eloquence1 or tenderness1 or sublimity1 of various parts of its writings1 were the recommendations by which it made its way1 these remain the same4 ,if the character and circumstances under which the preachers were introduced to the countries in which they taught be accounted of importance1 this advantage is all on the side of the modern missionaries4 ,they come from a country and a people to which the ,indian world look up with sentiments of deference4 ,the apostles came forth amongst the ,gentiles under no other name than that of ,jews1 which was precisely the character they despised and derided4 ,if it be disgraceful in ,india to become a ,christian1 it could not be much less so to be enrolled amongst those quos1 per flagitia invisos1 vulgus ,christianos appellabat4 ,if the religion which they had to encounter be considered1 the difference1 ,i apprehend1 will not be great4 ,the theology of both was nearly the same3 what is supposed to be performed by the power of ,jupiter1 ,neptune1 of ,aeolus1 of ,mars1 of ,venus1 according to the mythology of the ,west1 is ascribed1 in the ,east1 to the agency ,agrio the god of fire1 ,varoon the god of oceans1 ,vayoo god of wind1 ,cama the god of love4 7,baghvat ,gets1 p4 #id1 quoted by ,dr4 ,robertson1 ,ind4 ,dis4 p4 #cjf47 ,the sacred rites of the ,western ,polytheism were gay1 festive1 and licentious2 the rites of the public religion in the ,east partake of the same character1 with a more avowed indecency4 ,in every function performed in the pagodas1 as well as in every public procession1 it is the office of these women 7i4 e4 of women prepared by the ,brahmins for the purpose7 to dance before the idol1 and to sing hymns in his praise2 and it is difficult to say whether they trespass most against decency by the gestures they exhibit1 or by the verses which they recite4 ,the walls of the pagodas were covered with paintings in a style no less indelicate4 7,others of the deities of the ,east are of an austere and gloomy character1 to be propitiated by victims1 sometimes by human sacrifices1 and by voluntary torments of the most excruciating kind4 ,voyage de ,gentil4 vol4 i4 p4 #bdd--bfj4 ,preface to the ,code of ,gentoo ,laws1 p4 #eg2 quoted by ,dr4 ,robertson1 p4 #cbj47 ,on both sides of the comparison1 the popular religion had a strong establishment4 ,in ancient ,greece and ,rome it was strictly incorporated with the state4 ,the magistrate was the priest4 ,the highest officers of government bore the most distinguished part in the celebration of the public rites4 ,in ,india1 a powerful and numerous caste possesses exclusively the administration of the established worship2 and are1 of consequence1 devoted to its service1 and attached to its interest4 ,in both1 the prevailing mythology was destitute of any proper evidence3 or rather1 in both1 the origin of the tradition is run up into ages long anterior to the existence of credible history1 or of written language4 ,the ,indian chronology computes eras by millions of years1 and the life of man by thousands ,the ,suffec ,jogue1 or age of purity1 is said to have lasted three million two hundred thousand years2 and they hold that the life of man was extended in that age to one hundred thousand years2 but there is a difference amongst the ,indian writers of six millions of years in the computation of this era4 7,voyage de ,gentil4 vol4 i4 p4 #bdd--bfj4 ,preface to the ,code of ,gentoo ,laws1 p4 #eg2 quoted by ,dr4 ,robertson1 p4 #cbj47 and in these1 or prior to these1 is placed the history of their divinities4 ,in both1 the established superstition held the same place in the public opinion2 that is to say1 in both it was credited by the bulk of the people1 but by the learned and philosophical part of the community either derided1 or regarded by them as only fit to be upholden for the sake of its political uses499 99 ,how absurd soever the articles of faith may be which superstition has adopted1 or how unhallowed the rites which it prescribes1 the former are received1 in every age and country with unhesitating assent1 by the great body of the people1 and the latter observed with scrupulous exactness4 ,in our reasonings concerning opinions and practices which differ widely from our own1 we are extremely apt to err4 ,having been instructed ourselves in the principles of a religion worthy in every respect of that ,divine wisdom by which they were dictated1 we frequently express wonder at the credulity of nations1 in embracing systems of belief which appear to us so directly repugnant to right reason2 and sometimes suspect that tenets so wild and extravagant do not really gain credit with them4 ,but experience may satisfy us1 that neither our wonder nor suspicions are well founded4 ,no article of the public religion was called in question by those people of ancient ,europe with whose history we are best acquainted2 and no practice which it enjoined appeared improper to them4 ,on the other hand1 every opinion that tended to diminish the reverence of men for the gods of their country1 or to alienate them from their worship1 excited1 among the ,greeks and ,romans1 that indignant zeal which is natural to every people attached to their religion by a firm persuasion of its truth4 ,ind4 ,dis4 p4 #cba4 ,that the learned ,brahmins of the ,east are rational ,theists1 and secretly reject the established theory1 and contemn the rites that were founded upon them1 or rather consider them as contrivances to be supported for their political uses1 see ,dr4 ,robertson's ,ind4 ,dis4 p4 #cbd-ccd4 ,or if it should be allowed1 that the ancient heathens believed in their religion less generally than the present ,indians do1 ,i am far from thinking that this circumstance would afford any facility to the work of the apostles1 above that of the modern missionaries4 ,to me it appears1 and ,i think it material to be remarked1 that a disbelief of the established religion of their country has no tendency to dispose men for the reception of another2 but that1 on the contrary1 it generates a settled contempt of all religious pretensions whatever4 ,general infidelity is the hardest soil which the propagators of a new religion can have to work upon4 ,could a ,methodist or ,moravian promise himself a better chance of success with a ,french esprit fort1 who had been accustomed to laugh at the popery of his country1 than with a believing ,mahometan or ,hindoo8 ,or are our modern unbelievers in ,christianity1 for that reason1 in danger of becoming ,mahometans or ,hindoos8 ,it does not appear that the ,jews1 who had a body of historical evidence to offer for their religion1 and who at that time undoubtedly entertained and held forth the expectation of a future state1 derived any great advantage1 as to the extension of their system1 from the discredit into which the popular religion had fallen with many of their heathen neighbours4 ,we have particularly directed our observations to the state and progress of ,christianity amongst the inhabitants of ,india3 but the history of the ,christian mission in other countries1 where the efficacy of the mission is left solely to the conviction wrought by the preaching of strangers1 presents the same idea as the ,indian mission does of the feebleness and inadequacy of human means4 ,about twenty-five years ago was published1 in ,england1 a translation from the ,dutch of a ,history of ,greenland and a relation of the mission for above thirty years carried on in that country by the ,unitas ,fratrum1 or ,moravians4 ,every part of that relation confirms the opinion we have stated4 ,nothing could surpass1 or hardly equal1 the zeal and patience of the missionaries4 ,yet their historian1 in the conclusion of his narrative1 could find place for no reflections more encouraging than the following3--,a person that had known the heathen1 that had seen the little benefit from the great pains hitherto taken with them1 and considered that one after another had abandoned all hopes of the conversion of these infidels 7and some thought they would never be converted1 till they saw miracles wrought as in the apostles' days1 and this the ,greenlanders expected and demanded of their instructors72 one that considered this1 ,i say1 would not so much wonder at the past unfruitfulness of these young beginners1 as at their steadfast perseverance in the midst of nothing but distress1 difficulties1 and impediments1 internally and externally3 and that they never desponded of the conversion of those poor creatures amidst all seeming impossibilities4 7,history of ,greenland1 vol4 ii4 p4 #cgf47 ,from the widely disproportionate effects which attend the preaching of modern missionaries of ,christianity1 compared with what followed the ministry of ,christ and his apostles under circumstances either alike1 or not so unlike as to account for the difference1 a conclusion is fairly drawn in support of what our histories deliver concerning them1 viz4 that they possessed means of conviction which we have not2 that they had proofs to appeal to which we want4 ,,section ,,iii4 ,,of ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,mahomet4 ,the only event in the history of the human species which admits of comparison with the propagation of ,christianity is the success of ,mahometanism4 ,the ,mahometan institution was rapid in its progress1 was recent in its history1 and was founded upon a supernatural or prophetic character assumed by its author4 ,in these articles1 the resemblance with ,christianity is confessed4 ,but there are points of difference which separate1 we apprehend1 the two cases entirely4 ,i4 ,mahomet did not found his pretensions upon miracles1 properly so called2 that is1 upon proofs of supernatural agency capable of being known and attested by others4 ,christians are warranted in this4 assertion by the evidence of the ,koran1 in which ,mahomet not only does not affect the power of working miracles1 but expressly disclaims it4 ,the following passages of that book furnish direct proofs of the truth of what we allege3--,the infidels say1 ,unless a sign be sent down unto him from his lord1 we will not believe2 thou art a preacher only4 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 xiii4 p4 #bja1 ed4 quarto47 ,again2 ,nothing hindered us from sending thee with miracles1 except that the former nations have charged them with imposture4 7,c4 xvii4 p4 #bcb47 ,and lastly2 ,they say1 ,unless a sign be sent down unto him from his lord1 we will not believe3 ,answer2 ,signs are in the power of ,god alone1 and ,i am no more than a public preacher4 ,is it not sufficient for them1 that we have sent down unto them the book of the ,koran to be read unto them8 7,c4 xxix4 p4 #cbh47 ,beside these acknowledgments1 ,i have observed thirteen distinct places in which ,mahomet puts the objection 7unless a sign1 c47 into the mouth of the unbeliever1 in not one of which does he allege a miracle in reply4 ,his answer is1 that ,god giveth the power of working miracles when and to whom he pleaseth2 7,c4 v4 x4 xiii4 twice47 that if he should work miracles1 they would not believe2 7,c4 vi47 that they had before rejected ,moses1 and ,jesus and the ,prophets1 who wrought miracles2 7,c4 iii4 xxi4 xxviii47 that the ,koran itself was a miracle4 7,c4 xvi47 ,the only place in the ,koran in which it can be pretended that a sensible miracle is referred to 7for ,i do not allow the secret visitations of ,gabriel1 the night-journey of ,mahomet to heaven1 or the presence in battle of invisible hosts of angels1 to deserve the name of sensible miracles7 is the beginning of the fifty-fourth chapter4 ,the words are these3--,the hour of judgment approacheth1 and the moon hath been split in sunder3 but if the unbelievers see a sign1 they turn aside1 saying1 ,this is a powerful charm4 ,the ,mahometan expositors disagree in their interpretation of this passage2 some explaining it to be mention of the splitting of the moon as one of the future signs of the approach of the day of judgment3 others referring it to a miraculous appearance which had then taken place4 7,vide ,sale1 in loc47 ,it seems to me not improbable1 that ,mahomet might have taken advantage of some extraordinary halo1 or other unusual appearance of the moon1 which had happened about this time2 and which supplied a foundation both for this passage1 and for the story which in after times had been raised out of it4 ,after this more than silence1 after these authentic confessions of the ,koran1 we are not to be moved with miraculous stories related of ,mahomet by ,abulfeda1 who wrote his life about six hundred years after his death2 or which are found in the legend of ,al-,jannabi1 who came two hundred years later499 ,on the contrary1 from comparing what ,mahomet himself wrote and said with what was afterwards reported of him by his followers1 the plain and fair conclusion is1 that when the religion was established by conquest1 then1 and not till then1 came out the stories of his miracles4 99 ,it does not1 ,i think1 appear1 that these historians had any written accounts to appeal to more ancient than the ,sonnah2 which was a collection of traditions made by order of the ,caliphs two hundred years after ,mahomet's death4 ,mahomet died ,a4,d4 #fcb2 ,al-,bochari1 one of the six doctors who compiled the ,sonnah1 was born ,a4,d4 #hji2 died #hfi4 ,prideaux's ,life of ,mahomet1 p4 #aib1 ed4 #gth4 ,now this difference alone constitutes1 in my opinion1 a bar to all reasoning from one case to the other4 ,the success of a religion founded upon a miraculous history shows the credit which was given to the history2 and this credit1 under the circumstances in which it was given1 i4 e4 by persons capable of knowing the truth1 and interested to inquire after it1 is evidence of the reality of the history1 and1 by consequence1 of the truth of the religion4 ,where a miraculous history is not alleged1 no part of this argument can be applied4 ,we admit that multitudes acknowledged the pretensions of ,mahomet3 but1 these pretensions being destitute of miraculous evidence1 we know that the grounds upon which they were acknowledged could not be secure grounds of persuasion to his followers1 nor their example any authority to us4 ,admit the whole of ,mahomet's authentic history1 so far as it was of a nature capable of being known or witnessed by others1 to be true 7which is certainly to admit all that the reception of the religion can be brought to prove71 and ,mahomet might still be an impostor1 or enthusiast1 or a union of both4 ,admit to be true almost any part of ,christ's history1 of that1 ,i mean1 which was public1 and within the cognizance of his followers1 and he must have come from ,god4 ,where matter of fact is not in question1 where miracles are not alleged1 ,i do not see that the progress of a religion is a better argument of its truth than the prevalency of any system of opinions in natural religion1 morality1 or physics1 is a proof of the truth of those opinions4 ,and we know that this sort of argument is inadmissible in any branch of philosophy what ever4 ,but it will be said1 if one religion could make its way without miracles1 why might not another8 ,to which ,i reply1 first1 that this is not the question2 the proper question is not1 whether a religious institution could be set up without miracles1 but whether a religion1 or a change of religion1 founding itself in miracles1 could succeed without any reality to rest upon8 ,i apprehend these two cases to be very different3 and ,i apprehend ,mahomet's not taking this course1 to be one proof1 amongst others1 that the thing is difficult1 if not impossible1 to be accomplished3 certainly it was not from an unconsciousness of the value and importance of miraculous evidence2 for it is very observable1 that in the same volume1 and sometimes in the same chapters1 in which ,mahomet so repeatedly disclaims the power of working miracles himself1 he is incessantly referring to the miracles of preceding prophets4 ,one would imagine1 to hear some men talk1 or to read some books1 that the setting up of a religion by dint of miraculous pretences was a thing of every day's experience3 whereas1 ,i believe that1 except the ,jewish and ,christian religion1 there is no tolerably well authenticated account of any such thing having been accomplished4 ,,ii4 ,the establishment of ,mahomet's religion was affected by causes which in no degree appertained to the origin of ,christianity4 ,during the first twelve years of his mission1 ,mahomet had recourse only to persuasion4 ,this is allowed4 ,and there is sufficient reason from the effect to believe that1 if he had confined himself to this mode of propagating his religion1 we of the present day should never have heard either of him or it4 ,three years were silently employed in the conversion of fourteen proselytes4 ,for ten years1 the religion advanced with a slow and painful progress1 within the walls of ,mecca4 ,the number of proselytes in the seventh year of his mission may be estimated by the absence of eighty-three men and eighteen women1 who retired to ,aethiopia4 7,gibbon's ,hist4 vol4 ix4 p4 #bdd1 et seq4 ed4 ,dub47 ,yet this progress1 such as it was1 appears to have been aided by some very important advantages which ,mahomet found in his situation1 in his mode of conducting his design1 and in his doctrine4 #a4 ,mahomet was the grandson of the most powerful and honourable family in ,mecca2 and although the early death of his father had not left him a patrimony suitable to his birth1 he had1 long before the commencement of his mission1 repaired this deficiency by an opulent marriage4 ,a person considerable by his wealth1 of high descent1 and nearly allied to the chiefs of his country1 taking upon himself the character of a religious teacher1 would not fail of attracting attention and followers4 #b4 ,mahomet conducted his design1 in the outset especially1 with great art and prudence4 ,he conducted it as a politician would conduct a plot4 ,his first application was to his own family4 ,this gained him his wife's uncle1 a considerable person in ,mecca1 together with his cousin ,ali1 afterwards the celebrated ,caliph1 then a youth of great expectation1 and even already distinguished by his attachment1 impetuosity1 and courage499 ,he next expressed himself to ,abu ,beer1 a man amongst the first of the ,koreish in wealth and influence4 ,the interest and example of ,abu ,beer drew in five other principal persons in ,mecca1 whose solicitations prevailed upon five more of the same rank4 ,this was the work of three years2 during which time everything was transacted in secret4 ,upon the strength of these allies1 and under the powerful protection of his family1 who1 however some of them might disapprove his enterprise1 or deride his pretensions1 would not suffer the orphan of their house1 the relict of their favourite brother1 to be insulted1 ,mahomet now commenced his public preaching4 ,and the advance which he made during the nine or ten remaining years of his peaceable ministry was by no means greater than what1 with these advantages1 and with the additional and singular circumstance of there being no established religion at ,mecca at that time to contend with1 might reasonably have been expected4 ,how soon his primitive adherents were let into the secret of his views of empire1 or in what stage of his undertaking these views first opened themselves to his own mind1 it is not now easy to determine4 ,the event however was1 that these1 his first proselytes1 all ultimately attained to riches and honours1 to the command of armies1 and the government of kingdoms4 7,gibbon1 vol4 ix4 p #bdd47 99 ,of which ,mr4 ,gibbon has preserved the following specimen3 ,when ,mahomet called out in an assembly of his family1 ,who among you will be my companion1 and my vizir8 ,ali1 then only in the fourteenth year of his age1 suddenly replied1 ,o prophet ,i am the man2--whosoever rises against thee1 ,i will dash out his teeth1 tear out his eyes1 break his legs1 rip up his belly4 ,o prophet6 ,i will be thy vizir over them4 ,vol4 ix4 p4 #bae4 #c4 ,the ,arabs deduced their descent from ,abraham through the line of ,ishmael4 ,the inhabitants of ,mecca1 in common probably with the other ,arabian tribes1 acknowledged1 as ,i think may clearly be collected from the ,koran1 one supreme ,deity1 but had associated with him many objects of idolatrous worship4 ,the great doctrine with which ,mahomet set out was the strict and exclusive unity of ,god4 ,abraham1 he told them1 their illustrous ancestor2 ,ishmael1 the father of their nation2 ,moses1 the lawgiver of the ,jews2 and ,jesus1 the author of ,christianity--had all asserted the same thing2 that their followers had universally corrupted the truth1 and that he was now commissioned to restore it to the world4 ,was it to be wondered at1 that a doctrine so specious1 and authorized by names1 some or other of which were holden in the highest veneration by every description of his hearers1 should1 in the hands of a popular missionary1 prevail to the extent in which ,mahomet succeeded by his pacific ministry8 #d4 ,of the institution which ,mahomet joined with this fundamental doctrine1 and of the ,koran in which that institution is delivered1 we discover1 ,i think1 two purposes that pervade the whole1 viz41 to make converts1 and to make his converts soldiers4 ,the following particulars1 amongst others1 may be considered as pretty evident indications of these designs3 #a4 ,when ,mahomet began to preach1 his address to the ,jews1 to the ,christians1 and to the ,pagan ,arabs1 was1 that the religion which he taught was no other than what had been originally their own4--,we believe in ,god1 and that which hath been sent down unto us1 and that which hath been sent down unto ,abraham1 and ,ishmael1 and ,isaac1 and ,jacob1 and the ,tribes1 and that which was delivered unto ,moses and ,jesus1 and that which was delivered unto the prophets from their ,lord3 we make no distinction between any of them4 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 ii4 p4 #ag47 ,he hath ordained you the religion which he commanded ,noah1 and which we have revealed unto thee1 ,o ,mohammed1 and which we commanded ,abraham1 and ,moses1 and ,jesus1 saying1 ,observe this religion1 and be not divided therein4 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 xlii4 p4 #cic47 ,he hath chosen you1 and hath not imposed on you any difficulty in the religion which he hath given you1 the religion of your father ,abraham4 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 xxii4 p4 #bha47 #b4 ,the author of the ,koran never ceases from describing the future anguish of unbelievers1 their despair1 regret1 penitence1 and torment4 ,it is the point which he labours above all others4 ,and these descriptions are conceived in terms which will appear in no small degree impressive1 even to the modern reader of an ,english translation4 ,doubtless they would operate with much greater force upon the minds of those to whom they were immediately directed4 ,the terror which they seem well calculated to inspire would be to many tempers a powerful application4 #c4 ,on the other hand3 his voluptuous paradise2 his robes of silk1 his palaces of marble1 his riven1 and shades1 his groves and couches1 his wines1 his dainties2 and1 above all1 his seventy-two virgins assigned to each of the faithful1 of resplendent beauty and eternal youth--intoxicated the imaginations1 and seized the passions of his ,eastern followers4 #d4 ,but ,mahomet's highest heaven was reserved for those who fought his battles or expended their fortunes in his cause3 ,those believers who sit still at home1 not having any hurt1 and those who employ their fortunes and their persons for the religion of ,god1 shall not be held equal4 ,god hath preferred those who employ their fortunes and their persons in that cause to a degree above those who sit at home4 ,god had indeed promised every one ,paradise2 but ,god had preferred those who fight for the faith before those who sit still1 by adding unto them a great reward2 by degrees of honour conferred upon them from him1 and by granting them forgiveness and mercy4 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 iv4 p4 #gc47 ,again2 ,do ye reckon the giving drink to the pilgrims1 and the visiting of the holy temple1 to be actions as meritorious as those performed by him who believeth in ,god and the last day1 and fighteth for the religion of ,god8 ,they shall not be held equal with ,god4--,they who have believed and fled their country1 and employed their substance and their persons in the defence of ,god's true religion1 shall be in the highest degree of honour with ,god2 and these are they who shall be happy4 ,the ,lord sendeth them good tidings of mercy from him1 and good will1 and of gardens wherein they shall enjoy lasting pleasures4 ,they shall continue therein for ever2 for with ,god is a great reward4 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 ix4 p4 #aea47 ,and1 once more2 ,verily ,god hath purchased of the true believers their souls and their substance1 promising them the enjoyment of ,paradise on condition that they fight for the cause of ,god3 whether they slay or be slain1 the promise for the same is assuredly due by the ,law and the ,gospel and the ,koran4 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 ix4 p4 #afd4799 99 ,the sword1 saith ,mahomet1 is the key of heaven and of hell2 a drop of blood shed in the cause of ,god1 a night spent in arms1 is of more avail than two months' fasting or prayer4 ,whosoever falls in battle1 his sins are forgiven at the day of judgment2 his wounds shall be resplendent as vermilion1 and odoriferous as musk2 and the loss of his limbs shall be supplied by the wings of angels and cherubim4 ,gibbon1 vol4 ix4 p4 #bef4 #e4 ,his doctrine of predestination was applicable1 and was applied by him1 to the same purpose of fortifying and of exalting the courage of his adherents4--,if anything of the matter had happened unto us1 we had not been slain here4 ,answer2 ,if ye had been in your houses1 verily they would have gone forth to fight1 whose slaughter was decreed1 to the places where they died4 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 iii4 p4 #ed47 #f4 ,in warm regions1 the appetite of the sexes is ardent1 the passion for inebriating liquors moderate4 ,in compliance with this distinction1 although ,mahomet laid a restraint upon the drinking of wine1 in the use of women he allowed an almost unbounded indulgence4 ,four wives1 with the liberty of changing them at pleasure1 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 iv4 p4 #fc47 together with the persons of all his captives1 7,gibbon1 vol4 ix4 p4 #bbe47 was an irresistible bribe to an ,arabian warrior4 ,god is minded1 says he1 speaking of this very subject1 to make his religion light unto you2 for man was created weak4 ,how different this from the unaccommodating purity of the ,gospel6 ,how would ,mahomet have succeeded with the ,christian lesson in his mouth4--,whosoever looketh upon a woman to lust after her1 hath committed adultery with her already in his heart8 ,it must be added1 that ,mahomet did not venture upon the prohibition of wine till the fourth year of the ,hegira1 or the seventeenth of his mission1 when his military successes had completely established his authority4 ,the same observation holds of the fast of the ,ramadan1 7,mod4 ,univ4 ,hist4 ,vol4 i4 pp4 #abf #aab47 and of the most laborious part of his institution1 the pilgrimage to ,mecca4 7,this latter1 however1 already prevailed amongst the ,arabs1 and had grown out of their excessive veneration for the ,caaba4 ,mahomot's law1 in this respect1 was rather a compliance than an innovation4 ,sale's ,prelim4 ,disc4 p4 #abb47 ,what has hitherto been collected from the records of the ,musselman history relates to the twelve or thirteen years of ,mahomet's peaceable preaching1 which part alone of his life and enterprise admits of the smallest comparison with the origin of ,christianity4 ,a new scene is now unfolded4 ,the city of ,medina1 distant about ten days' journey from ,mecca1 was at that time distracted by the hereditary contentions of two hostile tribes4 ,these feuds were exasperated by the mutual persecutions of the ,jews and ,christians1 and of the different ,christian sects by which the city was inhabited4 7,mod4 ,univ4 ,hist4 ,vol4 i4 p4 #ajj47 ,the religion of ,mahomet presented1 in some measure1 a point of union or compromise to these divided opinions4 ,it embraced the principles which were common to them all4 ,each party saw in it an honourable acknowledgment of the fundamental truth of their own system4 ,to the ,pagan ,arab1 somewhat imbued with the sentiments and knowledge of his ,jewish or ,christian fellow-citizen1 it offered no defensive or very improbable theology4 ,this recommendation procured to ,mahometanism a more favourable reception at ,medina than its author had been able1 by twelve years' painful endeavours1 to obtain for it at ,mecca4 ,yet1 after all1 the progress of the religion was inconsiderable4 ,his missionary could only collect a congregation of forty persons4 ,it was not a religious1 but a political association1 which ultimately introduced ,mahomet into ,medina4 ,harassed1 as it should seem1 and disgusted by the long continuance of factions and disputes1 the inhabitants of that city saw in the admission of the prophet's authority a rest from the miseries which they had suffered1 and a suppression of the violence and fury which they had learned to condemn4 ,after an embassy1 therefore1 composed of believers and unbelievers1 7,mod4 ,univ4 ,hist4 ,vol4 i4 p4 #he47 and of persons of both tribes1 with whom a treaty was concluded of strict alliance and support1 ,mahomet made his public entry1 and was received as the sovereign of ,medina4 ,from this time1 or soon after this time1 the impostor changed his language and his conduct4 ,having now a town at his command1 where to arm his party1 and to head them with security1 he enters upon new counsels4 ,he now pretends that a divine commission is given him to attack the infidels1 to destroy idolatry1 and to set up the true faith by the sword4 7,mod4 ,univ4 ,hist4 ,vol4 i4 p4 #hh47 ,an early victory over a very superior force1 achieved by conduct and bravery1 established the renown of his arms1 and of his personal character4 7,victory of ,bedr1 ,mod4 ,univ4 ,hist4 ,vol4 i4 p4 #ajf47 ,every year after this was marked by battles or assassinations4 ,the nature and activity of ,mahomet's future exertions may be estimated from the computation1 that in the nine following years of his life he commanded his army in person in eight general engagements1 7,mod4 ,univ4 ,hist4 vol4 i4 p4 #bee47 and undertook1 by himself or his lieutenants1 fifty military enterprises4 ,from this time we have nothing left to account for1 but that ,mahomet should collect an army1 that his army should conquer1 and that his religion should proceed together with his conquests4 ,the ordinary experience of human affairs leaves us little to wonder at in any of these effects3 and they were likewise each assisted by peculiar facilities4 ,from all sides1 the roving ,arabs crowded round the standard of religion and plunder1 of freedom and victory1 of arms and rapine4 ,beside the highly painted joys of a carnal paradise1 ,mahomet rewarded his followers in this world with a liberal division of the spoils1 and with the persons of their female captives4 7,gibbon1 vol4 ix4 p4 #bee47 ,the condition of ,arabia1 occupied by small independent tribes1 exposed it to the impression1 and yielded to the progress of a firm and resolute army4 ,after the reduction of his native peninsula1 the weakness also of the ,roman provinces on the north and the west1 as well as the distracted state of the ,persian empire on the east1 facilitated the successful invasion of neighbouring countries4 ,that ,mahomet's conquests should carry his religion along with them will excite little surprise1 when we know the conditions which he proposed to the vanquished4 ,death or conversion was the only choice offered to idolaters4 ,strike off their heads6 strike off all the ends of their fingers67,sale's ,koran1 c4 viii4 p4 #adj47 kill the idolaters1 wheresoever ye shall find them6 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 ix4 p4 #adi47 ,to the ,jews and ,christians was left the somewhat milder alternative of subjection and tribute1 if they persisted in their own religion1 or of an equal participation in the rights and liberties1 the honours and privileges1 of the faithful1 if they embraced the religion of their conquerors4 ,ye ,christian dogs1 you know your option2 the ,koran1 the tribute1 or the sword4 7,gibbon1 vol4 ix4 p4 #ccg47 ,the corrupted state of ,christianity in the seventh century1 and the contentions of its sects1 unhappily so fell in with men's care of their safety or their fortunes1 as to induce many to forsake its profession4 ,add to all which1 that ,mahomet's victories not only operated by the natural effect of conquest1 but that they were constantly represented1 both to his friends and enemies1 as divine declarations in his favour4 ,success was evidence4 ,prosperity carried with it1 not only influence1 but proof4 ,ye have already1 says he1 after the battle of ,bedr1 had a miracle shown you1 in two armies which attacked each other2 one army fought for ,god's true religion1 but the other were infidels4 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 iii4 p4 #cf47 ,again2 ,ye slew not those who were slain at ,bedr1 but ,god slew them4--,if ye desire a decision of the matter between us1 now hath a decision come unto you4 7,sale's ,koran1 c4 viii4 p4 #ada47 ,many more passages might be collected out of the ,koran to the same effect2 but they are unnecessary4 ,the success of ,mahometanism during this1 and indeed every future period of its history1 bears so little resemblance to the early propagation of ,christianity1 that no inference whatever can justly be drawn from it to the prejudice of the ,christian argument4 ,for what are we comparing8 ,a ,galilean peasant accompanied by a few fishermen with a conqueror at the head of his army4 ,we compare ,jesus1 without force1 without power1 without support1 without ,one external circumstance of attraction or influence1 prevailing against the prejudices1 the learning1 the hierarchy1 of his country2 against the ancient religious opinions1 the pompous religious rites1 the philosophy1 the wisdom1 the authority1 of the ,roman empire1 in the most polished and enlightened period of its existence1--with ,mahomet making his way amongst ,arabs2 collecting followers in the midst of conquests and triumphs1 in the darkest ages and countries of the world1 and when success in arms not only operated by that command of men's wills and persons which attend prosperous undertakings1 but was considered as a sure testimony of ,divine approbation4 ,that multitudes1 persuaded by this argument1 should join the train of a victorious chief2 that still greater multitudes should1 without any argument1 bow down before irresistible power--is a conduct in which we cannot see much to surprise us2 in which we can see nothing that resembles the causes by which the establishment of ,christianity was effected4 ,the success1 therefore1 of ,mahometanism stands not in the way of this important conclusion2 that the propagation of ,christianity1 in the manner and under the circumstances in which it was propagated1 is an unique in the history of the species4 ,a ,jewish peasant overthrew the religion of the world4 ,i have1 nevertheless1 placed the prevalency of the religion amongst the auxiliary arguments of its truth2 because1 whether it had prevailed or not1 or whether its prevalency can or cannot be accounted for1 the direct argument remains still4 ,it is still true that a great number of men upon the spot1 personally connected with the history and with the ,author of the religion1 were induced by what they heard and saw1 and knew1 not only to change their former opinions1 but to give up their time1 and sacrifice their ease1 to traverse seas and kingdoms without rest and without weariness1 to commit themselves to extreme dangers1 to undertake incessant toils1 to undergo grievous sufferings1 and all this solely in consequence1 and in support1 of their belief of facts1 which1 if true1 establish the truth of the religion1 which1 if false1 they must have known to be so4 ,,part ,,iii4 ,a ,,brief ,,consideration ,,of ,,some ,,popular ,,objections4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,the ,,discrepancies ,,between ,,the ,,several ,,gospels4 ,i know not a more rash or unphilosophical conduct of the understanding1 than to reject the substance of a story by reason of some diversity in the circumstances with which it is related4 ,the usual character of human testimony is substantial truth under circumstantial variety4 ,this is what the daily experience of courts of justice teaches4 ,when accounts of a transaction come from the mouths of different witnesses1 it is seldom that it is not possible to pick out apparent or real inconsistencies between them4 ,these inconsistencies are studiously displayed by an adverse pleader1 but oftentimes with little impression upon the minds of the judges4 ,on the contrary1 a close and minute agreement induces the suspicion of confederacy and fraud4 ,when written histories touch upon the same scenes of action2 the comparison almost always affords ground for a like reflection4 ,numerous1 and sometimes important1 variations present themselves2 not seldom1 also1 absolute and final contradictions2 yet neither one nor the other are deemed sufficient to shake the credibility of the main fact4 ,the embassy of the ,jews to deprecate the execution of ,claudian's order to place his statute1 in their temple1 ,philo places in harvest1 ,josephus in seed time2 both contemporary writers4 ,no reader is led by this inconsistency to doubt whether such an embassy was sent1 or whether such an order was given4 ,our own history supplies examples of the same kind4 ,in the account of the ,marquis of ,argyle's death1 in the reign of ,charles the ,second1 we have a very remarkable contradiction4 ,lord ,clarendon relates that he was condemned to be hanged1 which was performed the same day2 on the contrary1 ,burnet1 ,woodrew1 ,heath1 ,echard1 concur in stating that he was beheaded2 and that he was condemned upon the ,saturday1 and executed upon the ,monday4 7,see ,biog4 ,britann47 ,was any reader of ,english history ever sceptic enough to raise from hence a question whether the ,marquis of ,argyle was executed or not8 ,yet this ought to be left in uncertainty1 according to the principles upon which the ,christian history has sometimes been attacked4 ,dr4 ,middleton contended1 that the different hours of the day assigned to the crucifixion of ,christ1 by ,john and by the other ,evangelists1 did not admit of the reconcilement which learned men had proposed3 and then concludes the discussion with this hard remark2 ,we must be forced1 with several of the critics1 to leave the difficulty just as we found it1 chargeable with all the consequences of manifest inconsistency4 7,middleton's ,reflections answered by ,benson1 ,hist4 ,christ4 vol4 iii4 p4 #ej47 ,but what are these consequences8 ,by no means the discrediting of the history as to the principal fact1 by a repugnancy 7even supposing that repugnancy not to be resolvable into different modes of computation7 in the time of the day in which it is said to have taken place4 ,a great deal of the discrepancy observable in the ,gospels arises from omission2 from a fact or a passage of ,christ's life being noticed by one writer which is unnoticed by another4 ,now1 omission is at all times a very uncertain ground of objection4 ,we perceive it1 not only in the comparison of different writers1 but even in the same writer when compared with himself4 ,there are a great many particulars1 and some of them of importance1 mentioned by ,josephus in his ,antiquities1 which1 as we should have supposed1 ought to have been put down by him in their place in the ,jewish ,wars4 7,lardner1 part i4 vol4 ii4 p4 #gce1 et seq47 ,suetonius1 ,tacitus1 ,dio ,cassius1 have1 all three1 written of the reign of ,tiberius4 ,each has mentioned many things omitted by the rest1 7,lardner1 part i4 vol4 ii4 p4 #gdc47 yet no objection is from thence taken to the respective credit of their histories4 ,we have in our own times1 if there were not something indecorous in the comparison1 the life of an eminent person written by three of his friends1 in which there is very great variety in the incidents selected by them2 some apparent1 and perhaps some real contradictions2 yet without any impeachment of the substantial truth of their accounts1 of the authenticity of the books1 of the competent information or general fidelity of the writers4 ,but these discrepancies will be still more numerous1 when men do not write histories1 but memoirs3 which is1 perhaps1 the true name and proper description of our ,gospels3 that is1 when they do not undertake1 nor ever meant to deliver1 in order of time1 a regular and complete account of all the things of importance which the person who is the subject of their history did or said2 but only1 out of many similar ones1 to give such passages1 or such actions and discourses1 as offered themselves more immediately to their attention1 came in the way of their inquiries1 occurred to their recollection1 or were suggested by their particular design at the time of writing4 ,this particular design may appear sometimes1 but not always1 nor often4 ,thus ,i think that the particular design which ,saint ,matthew had in view whilst he was writing the history of the resurrection was to attest the faithful performance of ,christ's promise to his disciples to go before them into ,galilee2 because he alone1 except ,mark1 who seems to have taken it from him1 has recorded this promise1 and he alone has confined his narrative to that single appearance to the disciples which fulfilled it4 ,it was the preconcerted1 the great and most public manifestation of our ,lord's person4 ,it was the thing which dwelt upon ,saint ,matthew's mind1 and he adapted his narrative to it4 ,but1 that there is nothing in ,saint ,matthew's language which negatives other appearances1 or which imports that this his appearance to his disciples in ,galilee1 in pursuance of his promise1 was his first or only appearance1 is made pretty evident by ,saint ,mark's ,gospel1 which uses the same terms concerning the appearance in ,galilee as ,saint ,matthew uses1 yet itself records two other appearances prior to this3 ,go your way1 tell his disciples and ,peter1 that he goeth before you into ,galilee3 there shall ye see him as he said unto you 7xvi4 #g74 ,we might be apt to infer from these words1 that this was the first time they were to see him2 at least1 we might infer it1 with as much reason as we draw the inference from the same words in ,matthew3 the historian himself did not perceive that he was leading his readers to any such conclusion2 for1 in the twelfth and following verses of this chapter1 he informs us of two appearances1 which1 by comparing the order of events1 are shown to have been prior to the appearance in ,galilee4 ,he appeared in another form unto two of them1 as they walked1 and went into the country2 and they went and told it unto the residue1 neither believed they them3 afterwards he appeared unto the eleven1 as they sat at meat1 and upbraided them with their unbelief1 because they believed not them that had seen him after he was risen4 ,probably the same observation1 concerning the particular design which guided the historian1 may be of use in comparing many other passages of the ,gospels4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,erroneous ,,opinions ,,imputed ,,to ,,the ,,apostles4 ,a species of candour which is shown towards every other book is sometimes refused to the ,scriptures3 and that is1 the placing of a distinction between judgment and testimony4 ,we do not usually question the credit of a writer1 by reason of an opinion he may have delivered upon subjects unconnected with his evidence3 and even upon subjects connected with his account1 or mixed with it in the same discourse or writing1 we naturally separate facts from opinions1 testimony from observation1 narrative from argument4 ,to apply this equitable consideration to the ,christian records1 much controversy and much objection has been raised concerning the quotations of the ,old ,testament found in the ,new2 some of which quotations1 it is said1 are applied in a sense and to events apparently different from that which they bear1 and from those to which they belong in the original4 ,it is probable1 to my apprehension1 that many of those quotations were intended by the writers of the ,new ,testament as nothing more than accommodations4 ,they quoted passages of their ,scripture which suited1 and fell in with1 the occasion before them1 without always undertaking to assert that the occasion was in the view of the author of the words4 ,such accommodations of passages from old authors1 from books especially which are in every one's hands1 are common with writers of all countries2 but in none1 perhaps1 were more to be expected than in the writings of the ,jews1 whose literature was almost entirely confined to their ,scriptures4 ,those prophecies which are alleged with more solemnity1 and which are accompanied with a precise declaration that they originally respected the event then related1 are1 ,i think1 truly alleged4 ,but were it otherwise2 is the judgment of the writers of the ,new ,testament1 in interpreting passages of the ,old1 or sometimes1 perhaps1 in receiving established interpretations1 so connected either with their veracity1 or with their means of information concerning what was passing in their own times1 as that a critical mistake1 even were it clearly made out1 should overthrow their historical credit8--,does it diminish it8 ,has it anything to do with it8 ,another error imputed to the first ,christians was the expected approach of the day of judgment4 ,i would introduce this objection by a remark upon what appears to me a somewhat similar example4 ,our ,saviour1 speaking to ,peter of ,john1 said1 ,if ,i will that he tarry till ,i come1 what is that to thee8' 7,john xxi4 #bb47 ,these words we find had been so misconstrued1 as that a report from thence went abroad among the brethren1 that that disciple should not die4 ,suppose that this had come down to us amongst the prevailing opinions of the early ,christians1 and that the particular circumstance from which the mistake sprang had been lost 7which1 humanly speaking1 was most likely to have been the case71 some1 at this day1 would have been ready to regard and quote the error as an impeachment of the whole ,christian system4 ,yet with how little justice such a conclusion would have been drawn1 or rather such a presumption taken up1 the information which we happen to possess enables us now to perceive4 ,to those who think that the ,scriptures lead us to believe that the early ,christians1 and even the apostles1 expected the approach of the day of judgment in their own times1 the same reflection will occur as that which we have made with respect to the more partial1 perhaps1 and temporary1 but still no less ancient1 error concerning the duration of ,saint ,john's life4 ,it was an error1 it may be likewise said1 which would effectually hinder those who entertained it from acting the part of impostors4 ,the difficulty which attends the subject of the present chapter is contained in this question2 ,if we once admit the fallibility of the apostolic judgment1 where are we to stop1 or in what can we rely upon it8 ,to which question1 as arguing with unbelievers1 and as arguing for the substantial truth of the ,christian history1 and for that alone1 it is competent to the advocate of ,christianity to reply1 ,give me the apostles' testimony1 and ,i do not stand in need of their judgment2 give me the facts1 and ,i have complete security for every conclusion ,i want4 ,but1 although ,i think that it is competent to the ,christian apologist to return this answer1 ,i do not think that it is the only answer which the objection is capable of receiving4 ,the two following cautions1 founded1 ,i apprehend1 in the most reasonable distinctions1 will exclude all uncertainty upon this head which can be attended with danger4 ,first1 to separate what was the object of the apostolic mission1 and declared by them to be so1 from what was extraneous to it1 or only incidentally connected with it4 ,of points clearly extraneous to the religion nothing need be said4 ,of points incidentally connected with it something may be added4 ,demoniacal possession is one of these points3 concerning the reality of which1 as this place will not admit the examination1 nor even the production of the argument on either side of the question1 it would be arrogance in me to deliver any judgment4 ,and it is unnecessary4 ,for what ,i am concerned to observe is1 that even they who think it was a general1 but erroneous opinion of those times2 and that the writers of the ,new ,testament1 in common with other ,jewish writers of that age1 fell into the manner of speaking and of thinking upon the subject which then universally prevailed1 need not be alarmed by the concession1 as though they had anything to fear from it for the truth of ,christianity4 ,the doctrine was not what ,christ brought into the world4 ,it appears in the ,christian records1 incidentally and accidentally1 as being the subsisting opinion of the age and country in which his ministry was exercised4 ,it was no part of the object of his revelation1 to regulate men's opinions concerning the action of spiritual substances upon animal bodies4 ,at any rate it is unconnected with testimony4 ,if a dumb person was by a word restored to the use of his speech1 it signifies little to what cause the dumbness was ascribed2 and the like of every other cure wrought upon these who are said to have been possessed4 ,the malady was real1 the cure was real1 whether the popular explication of the cause was well founded or not4 ,the matter of fact1 the change1 so far as it was an object of sense1 or of testimony1 was in either case the same4 ,secondly1 that1 in reading the apostolic writings1 we distinguish between their doctrines and their arguments4 ,their doctrines came to them by revelation properly so called2 yet in propounding these doctrines in their writings or discourses they were wont to illustrate1 support1 and enforce them by such analogies1 arguments1 and considerations as their own thoughts suggested4 ,thus the call of the gentiles1 that is1 the admission of the ,gentiles to the ,christian profession without a previous subjection to the law of ,moses1 was imported to the apostles by revelation1 and was attested by the miracles which attended the ,christian ministry among them4 ,the apostles' own assurance of the matter rested upon this foundation4 ,nevertheless1 ,saint ,paul1 when treating of the subject1 often a great variety of topics in its proof and vindication4 ,the doctrine itself must be received3 but it is not necessary1 in order to defend ,christianity1 to defend the propriety of every comparison1 or the validity of every argument1 which the apostle has brought into the discussion4 ,the same observation applies to some other instances1 and is1 in my opinion1 very well founded2 ,when divine writers argue upon any point1 we are always bound to believe the conclusions that their reasonings end in1 as parts of divine revelation3 but we are not bound to be able to make out1 or even to assent to all the premises made use of by them1 in their whole extent1 unless it appear plainly1 that they affirm the premises as expressly as they do the conclusions proved by them4 7,burnets ,expos4 art4 #f47 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,the ,,connexion ,,of ,,christianity ,,with ,,the ,,jewish ,,history4 ,undoubtedly our ,saviour assumes the divine origin of the ,mosaic institution3 and1 independently of his authority1 ,i conceive it to be very difficult to assign any other cause for the commencement or existence of that institution2 especially for the singular circumstance of the ,jews adhering to the unity when every other people slid into polytheism2 for their being men in religion1 children in everything else2 behind other nations in the arts of peace and war1 superior to the most improved in their sentiments and doctrines relating to the ,deity499 99 ,in the doctrine1 for example1 of the unity1 the eternity1 the omnipotence1 the omniscience1 the omnipresence1 the wisdom1 and the goodness of ,god2 in their opinions concerning providence1 and the creation1 preservation1 and government of the world4 ,campbell on ,mir4 p4 #bjg4 ,to which we may add1 in the acts of their religion not being accompanied either with cruelties or impurities3 in the religion itself being free from a species of superstition which prevailed universally in the popular religions of the ancient world1 and which is to be found perhaps in all religions that have their origin in human artifice and credulity1 viz4 fanciful connexions between certain appearances and actions1 and the destiny of nations or individuals4 ,upon these conceits rested the whole train of auguries and auspices1 which formed so much even of the serious part of the religions of ,greece and ,rome1 and of the charms and incantations which were practised in those countries by the common people4 ,from everything of this sort the religion of the ,jews1 and of the ,jews alone1 was free4 ,vide4 ,priestley's ,lectures on the ,truth of the ,jewish and ,christian ,revelation2 #agid4 ,undoubtedly1 also1 our ,saviour recognises the prophetic character of many of their ancient writers4 ,so far1 therefore1 we are bound as ,christians to go4 ,but to make ,christianity answerable1 with its life1 for the circumstantial truth of each separate passage of the ,old ,testament1 the genuineness of every book1 the information1 fidelity1 and judgment of every writer in it1 is to bring1 ,i will not say great1 but unnecessary difficulties into the whole system4 ,these books were universally read and received by the ,jews of our ,saviour's time4 ,he and his apostles1 in common with all other ,jews1 referred to them1 alluded to them1 used them4 ,yet1 except where he expressly ascribes a divine authority to particular predictions1 ,i do not know that we can strictly draw any conclusion from the books being so used and applied1 beside the proof1 which it unquestionably is1 of their notoriety and reception at that time4 ,in this view1 our ,scriptures afford a valuable testimony to those of the ,jews4 ,but the nature of this testimony ought to be understood4 ,it is surely very different from what it is sometimes represented to be1 a specific ratification of each particular fact and opinion2 and not only of each particular fact1 but of the motives assigned for every action1 together with the judgment of praise or dispraise bestowed upon them4 ,saint ,james1 in his ,epistle1 says1 ,ye have heard of the patience of ,job1 and have seen the end of the ,lord4 ,notwithstanding this text1 the reality of ,job's history1 and even the existence of such a person1 have been always deemed a fair subject of inquiry and discussion amongst ,christian divines4 ,saint ,james's authority is considered as good evidence of the existence of the book of ,job at that time1 and of its reception by the ,jews2 and of nothing more4 ,saint ,paul1 in his ,second ,epistle to ,timothy1 has this similitude3 ,now1 as ,jannes and ,jambres withstood ,moses1 so do these also resist the truth4 ,these names are not found in the ,old ,testament4 ,and it is uncertain whether ,saint ,paul took them from some apocryphal writing then extant1 or from tradition4 ,but no one ever imagined that ,saint ,paul is here asserting the authority of the writing1 if it was a written account which he quoted1 or making himself answerable for the authenticity of the tradition2 much less that he so involves himself with either of these questions as that the credit of his own history and mission should depend upon the fact whether ,jannes and ,jambres withstood ,moses or not4 ,for what reason a more rigorous interpretation should be put upon other references it is difficult to know4 ,i do not mean1 that other passages of the ,jewish history stand upon no better evidence than the history of ,job1 or of ,jannes and ,jambres 7,i think much otherwise72 but ,i mean1 that a reference in the ,new ,testament to a passage in the ,old does not so fix its authority as to exclude all inquiry into its credibility1 or into the separate reasons upon which that credibility is founded2 and that it is an unwarrantable as well as unsafe rule to lay down concerning the ,jewish history1 what was never laid down concerning any other1 that either every particular of it must be true1 or the whole false4 ,i have thought it necessary to state this point explicitly1 because a fashion1 revived by ,voltaire1 and pursued by the disciples of his school1 seems to have much prevailed of late1 of attacking ,christianity through the sides of ,judaism4 ,some objections of this class are founded in misconstruction1 some in exaggeration2 but all proceed upon a supposition1 which has not been made out by argument1 viz4 that the attestation which the ,author and first teachers of ,christianity gave to the divine mission of ,moses and the prophets extends to every point and portion of the ,jewish history2 and so extends as to make ,christianity responsible1 in its own credibility1 for the circumstantial truth 7,i had almost said for the critical exactness7 of every narrative contained in the ,old ,testament4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,rejection ,,of ,,christianity4 ,we acknowledge that the ,christian religion1 although it converted great numbers1 did not produce an universal1 or even a general conviction in the minds of men of the age and countries in which it appeared4 ,and this want of a more complete and extensive success is called the rejection of the ,christian history and miracles2 and has been thought by some to form a strong objection to the reality of the facts which the history contains4 ,the matter of the objection divides itself into two parts2 as it relates to the ,jews1 and as it relates to ,heathen nations3 because the minds of these two descriptions of men may have been1 with respect to ,christianity1 under the influence of very different causes4 ,the case of the ,jews1 inasmuch as our ,saviour's ministry was originally addressed to them1 offers itself first to our consideration4 ,now upon the subject of the truth of the ,christian religion2 with us there is but one question1 viz41 whether the miracles were actually wrought8 ,from acknowledging the miracles1 we pass instantaneously to the acknowledgment of the whole4 ,no doubt lies between the premises and the conclusion4 ,if we believe the works of any one of them1 we believe in ,jesus4 ,and this order of reasoning has become so universal and familiar that we do not readily apprehend how it could ever have been otherwise4 ,yet it appears to me perfectly certain1 that the state of thought in the mind of a ,jew of our ,saviour's age was totally different from this4 ,after allowing the reality of the miracle1 he had a great deal to do to persuade himself that ,jesus was the ,messiah4 ,this is clearly intimated by various passages of the ,gospel history4 ,it appears that1 in the apprehension of the writers of the ,new ,testament1 the miracles did not irresistibly carry even those who saw them to the conclusion intended to be drawn from them2 or so compel assent1 as to leave no room for suspense1 for the exercise of candour1 or the effects of prejudice4 ,and to this point1 at least1 the evangelists may he allowed to be good witnesses2 because it is a point in which exaggeration or disguise would have been the other way4 ,their accounts1 if they could he suspected of falsehood1 would rather have magnified than diminished the effects of the miracles4 ,john vii4 #ba--ca4 ,jesus answered and said unto them1 ,i have done one work1 and ye all marvel4--,if a man on the ,sabbath-day receive circumcision1 that the law of ,moses should not be broken2 are ye angry at me1 because ,i have made a man every whit whole on the ,sabbath-day8 ,judge not according to the appearance1 but judge righteous judgment4 ,then said some of them of ,jerusalem1 ,is not this he whom they seek to kill8 ,but lo1 he speaketh boldly1 and they say nothing to him3 do the rulers know indeed that this is the very ,christ8 ,howbeit we know this man1 whence he is3 but when ,christ cometh1 no man knoweth whence he is4 ,then cried ,jesus in the temple as he taught1 saying1 ,ye both know me1 and ye know whence ,i am3 and ,i am not come of myself1 but ,he that sent me is true1 whom ye know not4 ,but ,i know ,him1 for ,i am from ,him1 and ,he hath sent me4 ,then they sought to take him3 but no man laid hands on him1 because his hour was not yet come4 ,and many of the people believed on him and said1 ,when ,christ cometh1 will he do more miracles than those which this man hath done8 ,this passage is very observable4 ,it exhibits the reasoning of different sorts of persons upon the occasion of a miracle which persons of all sorts are represented to have acknowledged as real4 ,one sort of men thought that there was something very extraordinary in all this2 but that still ,jesus could not be the ,christ1 because there was a circumstance in his appearance which militated with an opinion concerning ,christ in which they had been brought up1 and of the truth of which1 it is probable1 they had never entertained a particle of doubt1 viz4 ,that when ,christ cometh1 no man knoweth whence he is4 ,another sort were inclined to believe him to be the ,messiah4 ,but even these did not argue as we should2 did not consider the miracle as of itself decisive of the question2 as what1 if once allowed1 excluded all further debate upon the subject2 but founded their opinion upon a kind of comparative reasoning1 ,when ,christ cometh1 will he do more miracles than those which this man hath done8 ,another passage in the same evangelist1 and observable for the same purpose1 is that in which he relates the resurrection of ,lazarus2 ,jesus1 he tells us 7xi4 #dc1 #dd71 when he had thus spoken1 cried with a loud voice1 ,lazarus1 come forth3 and he that was dead came forth1 bound hand and foot with graveclothes1 and his face was bound about with a napkin4 ,jesus saith unto them1 ,loose him1 and let him go4 ,one might have suspected1 that at least all those who stood by the sepulchre1 when ,lazarus was raised1 would have believed in ,jesus4 ,yet the evangelist does not so represent it3--,then many of the ,jews which came to ,mary1 and had seen the things which ,jesus did1 believed on him2 but some of them went their ways to the ,pharisees1 and told them what things ,jesus had done4 ,we cannot suppose that the evangelist meant by this account to leave his readers to imagine1 that any of the spectators doubted about the truth of the miracle4 ,far from it4 ,unquestionably1 he states the miracle to have been fully allowed2 yet the persons who allowed it were1 according to his representation1 capable of retaining hostile sentiments towards ,jesus4 ,believing in ,jesus was not only to believe that he wrought miracles1 but that he was the ,messiah4 ,with us there is no difference between these two things2 with them there was the greatest2 and the difference is apparent in this transaction4 ,if ,saint ,john has represented the conduct of the ,jews upon this occasion truly 7and why he should not ,i cannot tell1 for it rather makes against him than for him71 it shows clearly the principles upon which their judgment proceeded4 ,whether he has related the matter truly or not1 the relation itself discovers the writer's own opinion of those principles3 and that alone possesses considerable authority4 ,in the next chapter1 we have a reflection of the evangelist entirely suited to this state of the case3 ,but though he had done so many miracles before them1 yet believed they not on him4 7,chap4 xii4 #cg47 ,the evangelist does not mean to impute the defect of their belief to any doubt about the miracles1 but to their not perceiving1 what all now sufficiently perceive1 and what they would have perceived had not their understandings been governed by strong prejudices1 the infallible attestation which the works of ,jesus bore to the truth of his pretensions4 ,the ninth chapter of ,saint ,john's ,gospel contains a very circumstantial account of the cure of a blind man2 a miracle submitted to all the scrutiny and examination which a sceptic could propose4 ,if a modern unbeliever had drawn up the interrogatories1 they could hardly have been more critical or searching4 ,the account contains also a very curious conference between the ,jewish rulers and the patient1 in which the point for our present notice is1 their resistance of the force of the miracle1 and of the conclusion to which it led1 after they had failed in discrediting its evidence4 ,we know that ,god spake unto ,moses1 but as for this fellow1 we know not whence he is4 ,that was the answer which set their minds at rest4 ,and by the help of much prejudice1 and great unwillingness to yield1 it might do so4 ,in the mind of the poor man restored to sight1 which was under no such bias1 and felt no such reluctance1 the miracle had its natural operation4 ,herein1 says he1 is a marvellous thing1 that ye know not from whence he is1 yet he hath opened mine eyes4 ,now we know that ,god heareth not sinners3 but if any man be a worshipper of ,god1 and doeth his will1 him he heareth4 ,since the world began1 was it not heard1 that any man opened the eyes of one that was born blind4 ,if this man were not of ,god1 he could do nothing4 ,we do not find that the ,jewish rulers had any other reply to make to this defence1 than that which authority is sometimes apt to make to argument1 ,dost thou teach us8 ,if it shall be inquired how a turn of thought1 so different from what prevails at present1 should obtain currency with the ancient ,jews2 the answer is found in two opinions which are proved to have subsisted in that age and country4 ,the one was their expectation of a ,messiah of a kind totally contrary to what the appearance of ,jesus bespoke him to be2 the other1 their persuasion of the agency of demons in the production of supernatural effects4 ,these opinions are not supposed by us for the purpose of argument1 but are evidently recognised in the ,jewish writings as well as in ours4 ,and it ought moreover to be considered1 that in these opinions the ,jews of that age had been from their infancy brought up2 that they were opinions1 the grounds of which they had probably few of them inquired into1 and of the truth of which they entertained no doubt4 ,and ,i think that these two opinions conjointly afford an explanation of their conduct4 ,the first put them upon seeking out some excuse to themselves for not receiving ,jesus in the character in which he claimed to be received2 and the second supplied them with just such an excuse as they wanted4 ,let ,jesus work what miracles he would1 still the answer was in readiness1 that he wrought them by the assistance of ,beelzebub4 ,and to this answer no reply could be made1 but that which our ,saviour did make1 by showing that the tendency of his mission was so adverse to the views with which this being was1 by the objectors themselves1 supposed to act1 that it could not reasonably be supposed that he would assist in carrying it on4 ,the power displayed in the miracles did not alone refute the ,jewish solution1 because the interposition of invisible agents being once admitted1 it is impossible to ascertain the limits by which their efficiency is circumscribed4 ,we of this day may be disposed possibly to think such opinions too absurd to have been ever seriously entertained4 ,i am not bound to contend for the credibility of the opinions4 ,they were at least as reasonable as the belief in witchcraft4 ,they were opinions in which the ,jews of that age had from their infancy been instructed2 and those who cannot see enough in the force of this reason to account for their conduct towards our ,saviour1 do not sufficiently consider how such opinions may sometimes become very general in a country1 and with what pertinacity1 when once become so1 they are for that reason alone adhered to4 ,in the suspense which these notions and the prejudices resulting from them might occasion1 the candid and docile and humble-minded would probably decide in ,christ's favour2 the proud and obstinate1 together with the giddy and the thoughtless1 almost universally against him4 ,this state of opinion discovers to us also the reason of what some choose to wonder at1 why the ,jews should reject miracles when they saw them1 yet rely so much upon the tradition of them in their own history4 ,it does not appear that it had ever entered into the minds of those who lived in the time of ,moses and the prophets to ascribe their miracles to the supernatural agency of evil being4 ,the solution was not then invented4 ,the authority of ,moses and the prophets being established1 and become the foundation of the national polity and religion1 it was not probable that the later ,jews1 brought up in a reverence for that religion1 and the subjects of that polity1 should apply to their history a reasoning which tended to overthrow the foundation of both4 ,,ii4 ,the infidelity of the ,gentile world1 and that more especially of men of rank and learning in it1 is resolvable into a principle which1 in my judgment1 will account for the inefficacy of any argument or any evidence whatever1 viz4 contempt prior to examination4 ,the state of religion amongst the ,greeks and ,romans had a natural tendency to induce this disposition4 ,dionysius ,halicarnassensis remarks1 that there were six hundred different kinds of religions or sacred rites exercised at ,rome4 7,jortin's ,remarks on ,eccl4 ,hist4 ,vol4 i4 p4 #cga47 ,the superior classes of the community treated them all as fables4 ,can we wonder1 then1 that ,christianity was included in the number1 without inquiry into its separate merits1 or the particular grounds of its pretensions8 ,it might be either true or false for anything they knew about it4 ,the religion had nothing in its character which immediately engaged their notice4 ,it mixed with no politics4 ,it produced no fine writers4 ,it contained no curious speculations4 ,when it did reach their knowledge1 ,i doubt not but that it appeared to them a very strange system1--so unphilosophical1--dealing so little in argument and discussion1 in such arguments however and discussions as they were accustomed to entertain4 ,what is said of ,jesus ,christ1 of his nature1 office1 and ministry1 would be in the highest degree alien from the conceptions of their theology4 ,the ,redeemer and the destined ,judge of the human race a poor young man1 executed at ,jerusalem with two thieves upon a cross6 ,still more would the language in which the ,christian doctrine was delivered be dissonant and barbarous to their ears4 ,what knew they of grace1 of redemption1 of justification1 of the blood of ,christ shed for the sins of men1 of reconcilement1 of mediation8 ,christianity was made up of points they had never thought of2 of terms which they had never heard4 ,it was presented also to the imagination of the learned ,heathen under additional disadvantage1 by reason of its real1 and still more of its nominal1 connexion with ,judaism4 ,it shared in the obloquy and ridicule with which that people and their religion were treated by the ,greeks and ,romans4 ,they regarded ,jehovah himself only as the idol of the ,jewish nation1 and what was related of him as of a piece with what was told of the tutelar deities of other countries2 nay1 the ,jews were in a particular manner ridiculed for being a credulous race2 so that whatever reports of a miraculous nature came out of that country were looked upon by the ,heathen world as false and frivolous4 ,when they heard of ,christianity1 they heard of it as a quarrel amongst this people about some articles of their own superstition4 ,despising1 therefore1 as they did1 the whole system1 it was not probable that they would enter1 with any degree of seriousness or attention1 into the detail of its disputes or the merits of either side4 ,how little they knew1 and with what carelessness they judged of these matters1 appears1 ,i think1 pretty plainly from an example of no less weight than that of ,tacitus1 who1 in a grave and professed discourse upon the history of the ,jews1 states that they worshipped the effigy of an ass4 7,tacit4 ,hist4 lib4 v4 c4 #b47 ,the passage is a proof how prone the learned men of those times were1 and upon how little evidence1 to heap together stories which might increase the contempt and odium in which that people was holden4 ,the same foolish charge is also confidently repeated by ,plutarch4 7,sympos4 lib4 iv4 quaest4 #e47 ,it is observable that all these considerations are of a nature to operate with the greatest force upon the highest ranks2 upon men of education1 and that order of the public from which writers are principally taken3 ,i may add also upon the philosophical as well as the libertine character2 upon the ,antonines or ,julian1 not less than upon ,nero or ,domitian2 and1 more particularly1 upon that large and polished class of men who acquiesced in the general persuasion1 that all they had to do was to practise the duties of morality1 and to worship the ,deity more patrio2 a habit of thinking1 liberal as it may appear1 which shuts the door against every argument for a new religion4 ,the considerations above mentioned would acquire also strength from the prejudices which men of rank and learning universally entertain against anything that originates with the vulgar and illiterate2 which prejudice is known to be as obstinate as any prejudice whatever4 ,yet ,christianity was still making its way3 and1 amidst so many impediments to its progress1 so much difficulty in procuring audience and attention1 its actual success is more to be wondered at1 than that it should not have universally conquered scorn and indifference1 fixed the levity of a voluptuous age1 or1 through a cloud of adverse prejudications1 opened for itself a passage to the hearts and understandings of the scholars of the age4 ,and the cause which is here assigned for the rejection of ,christianity by men of rank and learning among the ,heathens1 namely1 a strong antecedent contempt1 accounts also for their silence concerning it4 ,if they had rejected it upon examination1 they would have written about it2 they would have given their reasons4 ,whereas1 what men repudiate upon the strength of some prefixed persuasion1 or from a settled contempt of the subject1 of the persons who propose it1 or of the manner in which it is proposed1 they do not naturally write books about1 or notice much in what they write upon other subjects4 ,the letters of the younger ,pliny furnish an example of this silence1 and let us1 in some measure1 into the cause of it4 ,from his celebrated correspondence with ,trajan1 we know that the ,christian religion prevailed in a very considerable degree in the province over which he presided2 that it had excited his attention2 that he had inquired into the matter just so much as a ,roman magistrate might be expected to inquire1 viz41 whether the religion contained any opinions dangerous to government2 but that of its doctrines1 its evidences1 or its books1 he had not taken the trouble to inform himself with any degree of care or correctness4 ,but although ,pliny had viewed ,christianity in a nearer position than most of his learned countrymen saw it in1 yet he had regarded the whole with such negligence and disdain 7further than as it seemed to concern his administration71 that1 in more than two hundred and forty letters of his which have come down to us1 the subject is never once again mentioned4 ,if1 out of this number1 the two letters between him and ,trajan had been lost1 with what confidence would the obscurity of the ,christian religion have been argued from ,pliny's silence about it1 and with how little truth6 ,the name and character which ,tacitus has given to ,christianity1 exitiabilis superstitio 7a pernicious superstition71 and by which two words he disposes of the whole question of the merits or demerits of the religion1 afford a strong proof how little he knew1 or concerned himself to know1 about the matter4 ,i apprehend that ,i shall not be contradicted1 when ,i take upon me to assert1 that no unbeliever of the present age would apply this epithet to the ,christianity of the ,new ,testament1 or not allow that it was entirely unmerited4 ,read the instructions given by a great teacher of the religion to those very ,roman converts of whom ,tacitus speaks2 and given also a very few years before the time of which he is speaking2 and which are not1 let it be observed1 a collection of fine sayings brought together from different parts of a large work1 but stand in one entire passage of a public letter1 without the intermixture of a single thought which is frivolous or exceptionable3--,abhor that which is evil1 cleave to that which is good4 ,be kindly affectioned one to another1 with brotherly love2 in honour preferring one another2 not slothful in business2 fervent in spirit2 serving the ,lord2 rejoicing in hope2 patient in tribulation2 continuing instant in prayer2 distributing to the necessity of saints2 given to hospitality4 ,bless them which persecute you2 bless1 and curse not4 ,rejoice with them that do rejoice1 and weep with them that weep4 ,be of the same mind one towards another4 ,mind not high things1 but condescend to men of low estate4 ,be not wise in your own conceits4 ,recompense to no man evil for evil4 ,provide things honest in the sight of all men4 ,if it be possible1 as much as lieth in you1 live peaceably with all men4 ,avenge not yourselves1 but rather give place unto wrath3 for it is written1 ,vengeance is mine2 ,i will repay1 saith the ,lord3 therefore1 if thine enemy hunger1 feed him2 if he thirst1 give him drink3 for1 in so doing1 thou shalt heap coals of fire on his head4 ,be not overcome of evil1 but overcome evil with good4 ,let every soul be subject unto the higher powers4 ,for there is no power but of ,god3 the powers that be are ordained of ,god4 ,whosoever1 therefore1 resisteth the power1 resisteth the ordinance of ,god3 and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation4 ,for rulers are not a terror to good works1 but to the evil4 ,wilt thou then not be afraid of the power8 ,do that which is good1 and thou shalt have praise of the same3 for he is the minister of ,god to thee for good4 ,but if thou do that which is evil1 be afraid2 for he beareth not the sword in vain3 for he is the minister of ,god1 a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil4 ,wherefore ye must needs be subject1 not only for wrath1 but also for conscience' sake4 ,for1 for this cause pay ye tribute also3 for they are ,god's ministers1 attending continually upon this very thing4 ,render therefore to all their dues2 tribute to whom tribute is due2 custom to whom custom2 fear to whom fear2 honour to whom honour4 ,owe no man anything1 but to love one another2 for he that loveth another1 hath fulfilled the law4 ,for this1 ,thou shalt not commit adultery1 ,thou shalt not kill1 ,thou shalt not steal1 ,thou shalt not bear false witness1 ,thou shalt not covet2 and if there be any other commandment1 it is briefly comprehended in this saying1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself4 ,love worketh no ill to his neighbour2 therefore love is the fulfilling of the law4 ,and that1 knowing the time1 that now it is high time to awake out of sleep2 for now is our salvation nearer than when we believed4 ,the night is far spent1 the day is at hand2 let us therefore cast off the works of darkness1 and let us put on the armour of light4 ,let us walk honestly as in the day2 not in rioting and drunkenness1 not in chambering and wantonness1 not in strife and envying4 7,romans1 xii4 #i--xiii4 #ac47 ,read this1 and then think of exitiabilis superstitio6 ,or1 if we be not allowed1 in contending with ,heathen authorities1 to produce our books against theirs1 we may at least be permitted to confront theirs with one another4 ,of this pernicious superstition what could ,pliny find to blame1 when he was led1 by his office1 to institute something like an examination into the conduct and principles of the sect8 ,he discovered nothing but that they were went to meet together on a stated day before it was light1 and sing among themselves a hymn to ,christ as a ,god1 and to bind themselves by an oath1 not to the commission of any wickedness1 but1 not to be guilty of theft1 robbery1 or adultery2 never to falsify their word1 nor to deny a pledge committed to them1 when called upon to return it4 ,upon the words of ,tacitus we may build the following observations3 ,first2 ,that we are well warranted in calling the view under which the learned men of that age beheld ,christianity an obscure and distant view4 ,had ,tacitus known more of ,christianity1 of its precepts1 duties1 constitution1 or design1 however he had discredited the story1 he would have respected the principle4 ,he would have described the religion differently1 though he had rejected it4 ,it has been very satisfactorily shown1 that the superstition of the ,christians consisted in worshipping a person unknown to the ,roman calendar2 and that the perniciousness with which they were reproached was nothing else but their opposition to the established polytheism2 and this view of the matter was just such an one as might be expected to occur to a mind which held the sect in too much contempt to concern itself about the grounds and reasons of their conduct4 ,secondly2 ,we may from hence remark how little reliance can be placed upon the most acute judgments in subjects which they are pleased to despise2 and which1 of course1 they from the first consider as unworthy to be inquired into4 ,had not ,christianity survived to tell its own story1 it must have gone down to posterity as a pernicious superstition2 and that upon the credit of ,tacitus's account1 much1 ,i doubt not1 strengthened by the name of the writer1 and the reputation of his sagacity4 ,thirdly2 ,that this contempt1 prior to examination1 is an intellectual vice1 from which the greatest faculties of mind are not free4 ,i know not1 indeed1 whether men of the greatest faculties of mind are not the most subject to it4 ,such men feel themselves seated upon an eminence4 ,looking down from their height upon the follies of mankind1 they behold contending tenets wasting their idle strength upon one another with the common disdain of the absurdity of them all4 ,this habit of thought1 however comfortable to the mind which entertain it1 or however natural to great parts1 is extremely dangerous2 and more apt than almost any other disposition to produce hasty and contemptuous1 and1 by consequence1 erroneous judgments1 both of persons and opinions4 ,fourthly2 ,we need not be surprised at many writers of that age not mentioning ,christianity at all1 when they who did mention it appear to have entirely misconceived its nature and character2 and1 in consequence of this misconception1 to have regarded it with negligence and contempt4 ,to the knowledge of the greatest part of the learned heathens1 the facts of the ,christian history could only come by report4 ,the books1 probably1 they had never looked into4 ,the settled habit of their minds was1 and long had been1 an indiscriminate rejection of all reports of the kind4 ,with these sweeping conclusions truth hath no chance4 ,it depends upon distinction4 ,if they would not inquire1 how should they be convinced8 ,it might be founded in truth1 though they1 who made no search1 might not discover it4 ,men of rank and fortune1 of wit and abilities1 are often found1 even in ,christian countries1 to be surprisingly ignorant of religion1 and of everything that relates to it4 ,such were many of the heathens4 ,their thoughts were all fixed upon other things2 upon reputation and glory1 upon wealth and power1 upon luxury and pleasure1 upon business or learning4 ,they thought1 and they had reason to think1 that the religion of their country was fable and forgery1 a heap of inconsistent lies2 which inclined them to suppose that other religions were no better4 ,hence it came to pass1 that when the apostles preached the ,gospel1 and wrought miracles in confirmation of a doctrine every way worthy of ,god1 many ,gentiles knew little or nothing of it1 and would not take the least pains to inform themselves about it4 ,this appears plainly from ancient history4 7,jortin's ,disc4 on the ,christ4 ,rel4 p4 #ff1 ed4 #dth47 ,i think it by no means unreasonable to suppose that the heathen public1 especially that part which is made up of men of rank and education1 were divided into two classes2 these who despised ,christianity beforehand1 and those who received it4 ,in correspondency with which division of character the writers of that age would also be of two classes2 those who were silent about ,christianity1 and those who were ,christians4 ,a good man1 who attended sufficiently to the ,christian affairs1 would become a ,christian2 after which his testimony ceased to be pagan and became ,christian4 7,hartley1 ,obs4 p4 #aai47 ,i must also add1 that ,i think it sufficiently proved1 that the notion of magic was resorted to by the heathen adversaries of ,christianity1 in like manner as that of diabolical agency had before been by the ,jews4 ,justin ,martyr alleges this as his reason for arguing from prophecy rather than from miracles4 ,origen imputes this evasion to ,celsus2 ,jerome to ,porphyry2 and ,lactantius to the heathen in general4 ,the several passages which contain these testimonies will be produced in the next chapter4 ,it being difficult1 however1 to ascertain in what degree this notion prevailed1 especially the superior ranks of the heathen communities1 another1 and think an adequate1 cause has been assigned for their infidelity4 ,it is probable that in many cases the two causes would together4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,that ,,the ,,christian ,,miracles ,,are ,,not ,,recited1 ,,or ,,appealed ,,to1 ,,by ,,early ,,christian ,,writers ,,themselves ,,so ,,fully ,,or ,,frequently ,,as ,,might ,,have ,,been ,,expected4 ,i shall consider this objection1 first1 as it applies to the letters of the apostles preserved in the ,new ,testament2 and secondly1 as it applies to the remaining writings of other early ,christians4 ,the epistles of the apostles are either hortatory or argumentative4 ,so far as they were occupied in delivering lessons of duty1 rules of public order1 admonitions against certain prevailing corruptions1 against vice1 or any particular species of it1 or in fortifying and encouraging the constancy of the disciples under the trials to which they were exposed1 there appears to be no place or occasion for more of these references than we actually find4 ,so far as these epistles are argumentative1 the nature of the argument which they handle accounts for the infrequency of these allusions4 ,these epistles were not written to prove the truth of ,christianity4 ,the subject under consideration was not that which the miracles decided1 the reality of our ,lord's mission2 but it was that which the miracles did not decide1 the nature of his person or power1 the design of his advent1 its effects1 and of those effects the value1 kind1 and extent4 ,still ,i maintain that miraculous evidence lies at the bottom of the argument4 ,for nothing could be so preposterous as for the disciples of ,jesus to dispute amongst themselves1 or with others1 concerning his office or character2 unless they believed that he had shown1 by supernatural proofs1 that there was something extraordinary in both4 ,miraculous evidence1 therefore1 forming not the texture of these arguments1 but the ground and substratum1 if it be occasionally discerned1 if it be incidentally appealed to1 it is exactly so much as ought take place1 supposing the history to be true4 ,as a further answer to the objection1 that the apostolic epistles do not contain so frequent1 or such direct and circumstantial recitals of miracles as might be expected1 ,i would add1 that the apostolic epistles resemble in this respect the apostolic speeches1 which speeches are given by a writer who distinctly records numerous miracles wrought by these apostles themselves1 and by the ,founder of the institution in their presence2 that it is unwarrantable to contend that the omission1 or infrequency1 of such recitals in the speeches of the apostles negatives the existence of the miracles1 when the speeches are given in immediate conjunction with the history of those miracles3 and that a conclusion which cannot be inferred from the speeches without contradicting the whole tenour of the book which contains them cannot be inferred from letters1 which in this respect are similar only to the speeches4 ,to prove the similitude which we allege1 it may be remarked1 that although in ,saint ,luke's ,gospel the apostle ,peter is represented to have been present at many decisive miracles wrought by ,christ2 and although the second part of the same history ascribes other decisive miracles to ,peter himself1 particularly the cure of the lame man at the gate of the temple 7,acts iii4 #a71 the death of ,ananias and ,sapphira 7,acts v4 #a71 the cure of ,aeneas 7,acts ix4 #cd71 the resurrection of ,dorcas 7,acts ix4 #dj72 yet out of six speeches of ,peter1 preserved in the ,acts1 ,i know but two in which reference is made to the miracles wrought by ,christ1 and only one in which he refers to miraculous powers possessed by himself4 ,in his speech upon the day of ,pentecost1 ,peter addresses his audience with great solemnity thus3 ,ye men of ,israel1 hear these words3 ,jesus of ,nazareth1 a man approved of ,god among you1 by miracles1 and wonders1 and signs1 which ,god did by him in the midst of you1 as ye yourselves also know3 7,acts ii4 #bb47 c4 ,in his speech upon the conversion of ,cornelius1 he delivers his testimony to the miracles performed by ,christ in these words3 ,we are witnesses of all things which he did1 both in the land of the ,jews and in ,jerusalem4 7,acts x4 #ci47 ,but in this latter speech no allusion appears to the miracles wrought by himself notwithstanding that the miracles above enumerated all preceded the time in which it was delivered4 ,in his speech upon the election of ,matthias1 7,acts i4 #ae47 no distinct reference is made to any of the miracles of ,christ's history except his resurrection4 ,the same also may be observed of his speech upon the cure of the lame man at the of the temple2 7,acts iii4 #ab47 the same in his speech before the ,sanhedrim2 7,acts iv4 #h47 the same in his second apology in the presence of that assembly ,stephen's long speech contains no reference whatever to miracles1 though it be expressly related of him1 in the book which preserves the speech1 and almost immediately before the speech1 that he did great wonders and miracles among the people4 7,acts vi4 #h47 ,again1 although miracles be expressly attributed to ,saint ,paul in the ,acts of the ,apostles1 first generally1 as at ,iconium 7,acts xiv4 #c71 during the whole tour through the ,upper ,asia 7xiv4 #bg2 xv4 #ab71 at ,ephesus 7xix4 #aa1 #ab72 secondly1 in specific instances1 as the blindness of ,elymas at ,paphos1 7,acts xiii4 #aa47 the cure of the cripple at ,lystra1 7,acts xiv4 #h47 of the pythoness at ,philippi1 7,acts xvi4 #af47 the miraculous liberation from prison in the same city1 7,acts xvi4 #bf47 the restoration of ,eutychus1 7,acts xx4 #aj47 the predictions of his shipwreck1 7,acts xxvii4 #a47 the viper at ,melita1 the cure of ,publius's father2 7,acts xxvii4 #h47 at all which miracles1 except the first two1 the historian himself was present3 notwithstanding1 ,i say1 this positive ascription of miracles to ,st4 ,paul1 yet in the speeches delivered by him1 and given as delivered by him1 in the same book in which the miracles are related1 and the miraculous powers asserted1 the appeals to his own miracles1 or indeed to any miracles at all1 are rare and incidental4 ,in his speech at ,antioch in ,pisidia1 7,acts xiii4 #af47 there is no allusion but to the resurrection4 ,in his discourse at ,miletus1 7,acts xx4 #ag47 none to any miracle3 none in his speech before ,felix2 7,acts xxiv4 #aj47 none in his speech before ,festus2 7,acts xxv4 #h47 except to ,christ's resurrection and his own conversion4 ,agreeably hereunto1 in thirteen letters ascribed to ,saint ,paul1 we have incessant references to ,christ's resurrection1 frequent references to his own conversion1 three indubitable references to the miracles which he wrought2 7,gal4 iii4 #e2 ,rom4 xv4 #ah1 #ai2 #b ,cor4 xii4 #ab47 four other references to the same1 less direct1 yet highly probable2 7#a ,cor4 ii4 #d1e2 ,eph4 iii4 #g2 ,gal4 ii4 #h2 #a ,thess4 i4 #h47 but more copious or circumstantial recitals we have not4 ,the consent1 therefore1 between ,saint ,paul's speeches and letters is in this respect sufficiently exact2 and the reason in both is the same1 namely1 that the miraculous history was all along presupposed1 and that the question which occupied the speaker's and the writer's thoughts was this3 whether1 allowing the history of ,jesus to be true1 he was1 upon the strength of it1 to be received as the promised ,messiah2 and1 if he was1 what were the consequences1 what was the object and benefit of his mission8 ,the general observation which has been made upon the apostolic writings1 namely1 that the subject of which they treated did not lead them to any direct recital of the ,christian history1 belongs to the writings of the apostolic fathers4 ,the epistle of ,barnabas is1 in its subject and general composition1 much like the epistle to the ,hebrews2 an allegorical application of divers passages of the ,jewish history1 of their law and ritual1 to those parts of the ,christian dispensation in which the author perceived a resemblance4 ,the epistle of ,clement was written for the sole purpose of quieting certain dissensions that had arisen amongst the members of the church of ,corinth1 and of reviving in their minds that temper and spirit of which their predecessors in the ,gospel had left them an example4 ,the work of ,hermas is a vision2 quotes neither the ,old ,testament nor the ,new1 and merely falls now and then into the language and the mode of speech which the author had read in our ,gospels4 ,the epistles of ,polycarp and ,ignatius had for their principal object the order and discipline of the churches which they addressed4 ,yet1 under all these circumstances of disadvantage1 the great points of the ,christian history are fully recognised4 ,this hath been shown in its proper place4 7,vide supra1 pp4 #dh-ea4 ,part #a1 ,chapter #h7 ,there is1 however1 another class of writers to whom the answer above given1 viz4 the unsuitableness of any such appeals or references as the objection demands to the subjects of which the writings treated1 does not apply2 and that is the class of ancient apologists1 whose declared design it was to defend ,christianity1 and to give the reasons of their adherence to it4 ,it is necessary1 therefore1 to inquire how the matter of the objection stands in these4 ,the most ancient apologist of whose works we have the smallest knowledge is ,quadratus4 ,quadratus lived about seventy years after the ascension1 and presented his apology to the ,emperor ,adrian4 ,from a passage of this work1 preserved in ,eusebius1 it appears that the author did directly and formally appeal to the miracles of ,christ1 and in terms as express and confident as we could desire4 ,the passage 7which has been once already stated7 is as follows3 ,the works of our ,saviour were always conspicuous1 for they were real3 both they that were healed1 and they that were raised from the dead1 were seen1 not only when they were healed or raised1 but for a long time afterwards2 not only whilst he dwelled on this earth1 but also after his departure1 and for a good while after it2 insomuch as that some of them have reached to our times1 7,euseb4 ,hist4 ,i4 iv4 c4 #c47 ,nothing can be more rational or satisfactory than this4 ,justin ,martyr1 the next of the ,christian apologists1 whose work is not lost1 and who followed ,quadratus at the distance of about thirty years1 has touched upon passages of ,christ's history in so many places1 that a tolerably complete account of ,christ's life might be collected out of his works4 ,in the following quotation he asserts the performance of miracles by ,christ1 in words as strong and positive as the language possesses3 ,christ healed those who from their birth were blind1 and deaf1 and lame2 causing1 by his word1 one to leap1 another to hear1 and a third to see2 and having raised the dead1 and caused them to live1 he1 by his works1 excited attention1 and induced the men of that age to know him3 who1 however1 seeing these things done1 said that it was a magical appearance1 and dared to call him a magician1 and a deceiver of the people4 7,just4 ,dial4 p4 #beh1 ed4 ,thirlby47 ,in his first apology1 7,apolog4 prim4 p4 #dh1 ib47 ,justin expressly assigns the reason for his having recourse to the argument from prophecy1 rather than alleging the miracles of the ,christian history2 which reason was1 that the persons with whom he contended would ascribe these miracles to magic2 lest any of our opponents should say1 ,what hinders1 but that he who is called ,christ by us1 being a man sprung from men1 performed the miracles which we attribute to him by magical art8 ,the suggestion of this reason meets1 as ,i apprehend1 the very point of the present objection2 more especially when we find ,justin followed in it by other writers of that age4 ,irenaeus1 who came about forty years after him1 notices the same evasion in the adversaries of ,christianity1 and replies to it by the same argument3 ,but if they shall say1 that the ,lord performed these things by an illusory appearance 7phantasiodos71 leading these objectors to the prophecies1 we will show from them1 that all things were thus predicted concerning him1 and ,strictly came to pass4 7,iren4 ,i4 ii4 c4 #eg47 ,lactantius1 who lived a century lower1 delivers the same sentiment upon the same occasion3 ,he performed miracles2--we might have supposed him to have been a magician1 as ye say1 and as the ,jews then supposed1 if all the prophets had not with one spirit foretold that ,christ should perform these very things4 7,lactant4 v4 #c47 ,but to return to the ,christian apologists in their order4 ,tertullian3--,that person whom the ,jews had vainly imagined1 from the meanness of his appearance1 to be a mere man1 they afterwards1 in consequence of the power he exerted1 considered as a magician1 when he1 with one word1 ejected devils out of the bodies of men1 gave sight to the blind1 cleansed the leprous1 strengthened the nerves of those that had the palsy1 and lastly1 with one command1 restored the dead to life2 when he1 ,i say1 made the very elements obey him1 assuaged the storms1 walked upon the seas1 demonstrating himself to be the ,word of ,god4 7,tertul4 ,apolos4 p4 #bj2 ed4 ,priorii1 ,par4 #afge47 ,next in the catalogue of professed apologists we may place ,origen1 who1 it is well known1 published a formal defence of ,christianity1 in answer to ,celsus1 a heathen1 who had written a discourse against it4 ,i know no expressions by which a plainer or more positive appeal to the ,christian miracles can be made1 than the expressions used by ,origen2 ,undoubtedly we do think him to be the ,christ1 and the ,son of ,god1 because he healed the lame and the blind2 and we are the more confirmed in this persuasion by what is written in the prophecies3 ',then shall the eyes of the blind be opened1 and the ears of the deaf shall hear1 and the lame man shall leap as a hart4' ,but that he also raised the dead1 and that it is not a fiction of those who wrote the ,gospels1 is evident from hence1 that if it had been a fiction1 there would have been many recorded to be raised up1 and such as had been a long time in their graves4 ,but1 it not being a fiction1 few have been recorded3 for instance1 the daughter of the ruler of a synagogue1 of whom ,i do not know why he said1 ,she is not dead1 but sleepeth1 expressing something peculiar to her1 not common to all dead persons3 and the only son of a widow1 on whom he had compassion1 and raised him to life1 after he had bid the bearers of the corpse to stop2 and the third1 ,lazarus1 who had been buried four days4 ,this is positively to assert the miracles of ,christ1 and it is also to comment upon them1 and that with a considerable degree of accuracy and candour4 ,in another passage of the same author1 we meet with the old solution of magic applied to the miracles of ,christ by the adversaries of the religion4 ,celsus1 saith ,origen1 well knowing what great works may be alleged to have been done by ,jesus1 pretends to grant that the things related of him are true2 such as healing diseases1 raising the dead1 feeding multitudes with a few leaves1 of which large fragments were left4 7,orig4 cont4 ,cels4 lib4 ii4 sect4 #dh47 ,and then ,celsus gives1 it seems1 an answer to these proofs of our ,lord's mission1 which1 as ,origen understood it1 resolved the phenomena into magic2 for ,origen begins his reply by observing1 ,you see that ,celsus in a manner allows that there is such a thing as magic4 7,lardner's ,jewish and ,heath4 ,test1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bid1 ed4 #dto47 ,it appears also from the testimony of ,st4 ,jerome1 that ,porphyry1 the most learned and able of the heathen writers against ,christianity1 resorted to the same solution3 ,unless1 says he1 speaking to ,vigilantius1 according to the manner of the ,gentiles and the profane1 of ,porphyry and ,eunomius1 you pretend that these are the tricks of demons4 7,jerome cont4 ,vigil47 ,this magic1 these demons1 this illusory appearance1 this comparison with the tricks of jugglers1 by which many of that age accounted so easily for the ,christian miracles1 and which answers the advocates of ,christianity often thought it necessary to refute by arguments drawn from other topics1 and particularly from prophecy 7to which1 it seems1 these solutions did not apply71 we now perceive to be gross subterfuges4 ,that such reasons were ever seriously urged and seriously received1 is only a proof what a gloss and varnish fashion can give to any opinion4 ,it appears1 therefore1 that the miracles of ,christ1 understood as we understand them in their literal and historical sense1 were positively and precisely asserted and appealed to by the apologists for ,christianity2 which answers the allegation of the objection4 ,i am ready1 however1 to admit1 that the ancient ,christian advocates did not insist upon the miracles in argument so frequently as ,i should have done4 ,it was their lot to contend with notions of magical agency1 against which the mere production of the facts was not sufficient for the convincing of their adversaries3 ,i do not know whether they themselves thought it quite decisive of the controversy4 ,but since it is proved1 ,i conceive with certainty1 that the sparingness with which they appealed to miracles was owing neither to their ignorance nor their doubt of the facts1 it is1 at any rate1 an objection not to the truth of the history1 but to the judgment of its defenders4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,want ,,of ,,universality ,,in ,,the ,,knowledge ,,and ,,reception ,,of ,,christianity1 ,,and ,,of ,,greater ,,clearness ,,in ,,the ,,evidence4 ,or1 a ,revelation which really came from ,god1 the proof1 it has been said1 would in all ages be so public and manifest1 that no part of the human species would remain ignorant of it1 no understanding could fail of being convinced by it4 ,the advocates of ,christianity do not pretend that the evidence of their religion possesses these qualities4 ,they do not deny that we can conceive it to be within the compass of divine power to have communicated to the world a higher degree of assurance1 and to have given to his communication a stronger and more extensive influence4 ,for anything we are able to discern1 ,god could have so formed men1 as to have perceived the truths of religion intuitively2 or to have carried on a communication with the other world whilst they lived in this2 or to have seen the individuals of the species1 instead of dying1 pass to heaven by a sensible translation4 ,he could have presented a separate miracle to each man's senses4 ,he could have established a standing miracle4 ,he could have caused miracles to be wrought in every different age and country4 ,these and many more methods1 which we may imagine if we once give loose to our imaginations1 are1 so far as we can judge1 all practicable4 ,the question therefore is1 not whether ,christianity possesses the highest possible degree of evidence1 but whether the not having more evidence be a sufficient reason for rejecting that which we have4 ,now there appears to be no fairer method of judging concerning any dispensation which is alleged to come from ,god1 when question is made whether such a dispensation could come from ,god or not1 than by comparing it with other things which are acknowledged to proceed from the same counsel1 and to be produced by the same agency4 ,if the dispensation in question labour under no defects but what apparently belong to other dispensations1 these seeming defects do not justify us in setting aside the proofs which are offered of its authenticity1 if they be otherwise entitled to credit4 ,throughout that order then of nature1 of which ,god is the author1 what we find is a system of beneficence3 we are seldom or never able to make out a system of optimism4 ,i mean1 that there are few cases in which1 if we permit ourselves to range in possibilities1 we cannot suppose something more perfect1 and1 more unobjectionable1 than what we see4 ,the rain which descends from heaven is confessedly amongst the contrivances of the ,creator for the sustentation of the animals and vegetables which subsist upon the surface of the earth4 ,yet how partially3 and irregularly is it supplied6 ,how much of it falls upon sea1 where it can be of no use6 how often is it wanted where it would be of the greatest6 ,what tracts of continent are rendered deserts by the scarcity of it6 ,or1 not to speak of extreme cases1 how much sometimes do inhabited countries suffer by its deficiency or delay6--,we could imagine1 if to imagine were our business1 the matter to be otherwise regulated4 ,we could imagine showers to fall just where and when they would do good2 always seasonable1 everywhere sufficient2 so distributed as not to leave a field upon the face of the globe scorched by drought or even a plant withering for the lack of moisture4 ,yet1 does the difference between the real case and the imagined case1 or the seeming inferiority of the one to the other1 authorise us to say1 that the present disposition of the atmosphere is not amongst the productions or the designs of the ,deity8 ,does it check the inference which we draw from the confessed beneficence of the provision8 or does it make us cease to admire the contrivance8 ,the observation which we have exemplified in the single instance of the rain of heaven may be repeated concerning most of the phenomena of nature2 and the true conclusion to which it leads is this--that to inquire what the ,deity might have done1 could have done1 or1 as we even sometimes presume to speak1 ought to have done1 or1 in hypothetical cases1 would have done2 and to build any propositions upon such inquiries against evidence of facts1 is wholly unwarrantable4 ,it is a mode of reasoning which will not do in natural history1 which will not do in natural religion1 which cannot therefore be applied with safety to revelation4 ,it may have same foundation in certain speculative a priori ideas of the divine attributes1 but it has none in experience or in analogy4 ,the general character of the works of nature is1 on the one hand1 goodness both in design and effect2 and1 on the other hand1 a liability to difficulty and to objections1 if such objections be allowed1 by reason of seeming incompleteness or uncertainty in attaining their end4 ,christianity participates of this character4 ,the true similitude between nature and revelation consists in this--that they each bear strong marks of their original1 that they each also bear appearances of irregularity and defect4 ,a system of strict optimism may1 nevertheless1 be the real system in both cases4 ,but what ,i contend is1 that the proof is hidden from us2 that we ought not to expect to perceive that in revelation which we hardly perceive in anything2 that beneficence1 of which1 we can judge1 ought to satisfy us that optimism1 of which we cannot judge1 ought not to be sought after4 ,we can judge of beneficence1 because it depends upon effects which we experience1 and upon the relation between the means which we see acting and the ends which we see produced4 ,we cannot judge of optimism because it necessarily implies a comparison of that which is tried with that which is not tried2 of consequences which we see with others which we imagine1 and concerning many of which1 it is more than probable1 we know nothing2 concerning some that we have no notion4 ,if ,christianity be compared with the state and progress of natural religion1 the argument of the objector will gain nothing by the comparison4 ,i remember hearing an unbeliever say that1 if ,god had given a revelation1 he would have written it in the skies4 ,are the truths of natural religion written in the skies1 or in a language which every one reads8 or is this the case with the most useful arts1 or the most necessary sciences of human life8 ,an ,otaheitean or an ,esquimaux knows nothing of ,christianity2 does he know more of the principles of deism or morality8 which1 notwithstanding his ignorance1 are neither untrue1 nor unimportant1 nor uncertain4 ,the existence of ,deity is left to be collected from observations1 which every man does not make1 which every man1 perhaps1 is not capable of making4 ,can it be argued that ,god does not exist because if he did1 he would let us see him1 or discover himself to man kind by proofs 7such as1 we may think1 the nature of the subject merited7 which no inadvertency could miss1 no prejudice withstand8 ,if ,christianity be regarded as a providential instrument the melioration of mankind1 its progress and diffusion that of other causes by which human life is improved diversity is not greater1 nor the advance more slow1 in than we find it to be in learning1 liberty1 government1 laws4 ,the ,deity hath not touched the order of nature in vain4 ,the ,jewish religion produced great and permanent effects2 the ,christian religion hath done the same4 ,it hath disposed the world to amendment3 it hath put things in a train4 ,it is by no means improbable that it may become universal2 and that the world may continue in that stage so long as that the duration of its reign may bear a vast proportion to the time of its partial influence4 ,when we argue concerning ,christianity1 that it must necessarily be true because it is beneficial1 we go1 perhaps1 too far on one side2 and we certainly go too far on the other when we conclude that it must be false because it is not so efficacious as we could have supposed4 ,the question of its truth is to be tried upon its proper evidence1 without deferring much to this sort of argument on either side4 ,the evidence1 as ,bishop ,butler hath rightly observed1 depends upon the judgment we form of human conduct1 under given circumstances1 of which it may be presumed that we know something2 the objection stands upon the supposed conduct of the ,deity1 under relations with which we are not acquainted4 ,what would be the real effect of that overpowering evidence which our adversaries require in a revelation it is difficult foretell2 at least we must speak of it as of a dispensation which we have no experience4 ,some consequences1 however1 would1 it is probable1 attend this economy1 which do not seem to befit a revelation that proceeded from ,god4 ,one is1 that irresistible proof would restrain the voluntary powers too much2 would not answer the purpose of trial and probation2 would call for no exercise of candour1 seriousness1 humility1 inquiry1 no submission of passion1 interests1 and prejudices1 to moral evidence and to probable truth2 no habits of reflection2 none of that previous desire to learn and to obey the will of ,god1 which forms perhaps the test of the virtuous principle1 and which induces men to attend1 with care and reverence1 to every credible intimation of that will1 and to resign present advantages and present pleasures to every reasonable expectation of propitiating his favour4 ,men's moral probation may be1 whether they will take due care to inform themselves by impartial consideration2 and1 afterwards1 whether they will act1 as the case requires1 upon the evidence which they have4 ,and this we find by experience is often our probation in our temporal capacity4 7,butler's ,analogy1 part ii4 c4 #f47 ,,ii4 ,these modes of communication would leave no place for the admission of internal evidence2 which ought1 perhaps1 to bear a considerable part in the proof of every revelation1 because it is a species of evidence which applies itself to the knowledge1 love1 and practice1 of virtue1 and which operates in proportion to the degree of those qualities which it finds in the person whom it addresses4 ,men of good dispositions1 amongst ,christians1 are greatly affected by the impression which the ,scriptures themselves make upon their minds4 ,their conviction is much strengthened by these impressions4 ,and this perhaps was intended to be one effect to be produced by the religion4 ,it is likewise true1 to whatever cause we ascribe it 7for ,i am not in this work at liberty to introduce the ,christian doctrine of grace or assistance1 or the ,christian promise that1 if any man will do his will1 he shall know of the doctrine1 whether it be of ,god ,john vii4 #ag471--;it is true1 ,i say1 that they who sincerely act1 or sincerely endeavour to act1 according to what they believe1 that is1 according to the just result of the probabilities1 or1 if you please1 the possibilities in natural and revealed religion1 which they themselves perceive1 and according to a rational estimate of consequences1 and1 above all1 according to the just effect of those principles of gratitude and devotion which even the view of nature generates in a well-ordered mind1 seldom fail of proceeding farther4 ,this also may have been exactly what was designed4 ,whereas1 may it not be said that irresistible evidence would confound all characters and all dispositions8 would subvert rather than promote the true purpose of the ,divine counsels2 which is1 not to produce obedience by a force little short of mechanical constraint1 7which obedience would be regularity1 not virtue1 and would hardly perhaps differ from that which inanimate bodies pay to the laws impressed upon their nature71 but to treat moral agents agreeably to what they are2 which is done1 when light and motives are of such kinds1 and are imparted in such measures1 that the influence of them depends upon the recipients themselves8 ,it is not meet to govern rational free agents in via by sight and sense4 ,it would be no trial or thanks to the most sensual wretch to forbear sinning1 if heaven and hell were open to his sight4 ,that spiritual vision and fruition is our state in patria4 7,baxter's ,reasons1 p4 #ceg47 ,there may be truth in this thought1 though roughly expressed4 ,few things are more improbable than that we 7the human species7 should be the highest order of beings in the universe3 that animated nature should ascend from the lowest reptile to us1 and all at once stop there4 ,if there be classes above us of rational intelligences1 clearer manifestations may belong to them4 ,this may be one of the distinctions4 ,and it may be one to which we ourselves hereafter shall attain4 ,,iii4 ,but may it not also be asked1 whether the perfect display of a future state of existence would be compatible with the activity of civil life1 and with the success of human affairs8 ,i can easily conceive that this impression may be overdone2 that it may so seize and fill the thoughts as to leave no place for the cares and offices of men's several stations1 no anxiety for worldly prosperity1 or even for a worldly provision1 and1 by consequence1 no sufficient stimulus to secular industry4 ,of the first ,christians we read1 that all that believed were together1 and had all things common2 and sold their possessions and goods1 and parted them to all men1 as every man had need2 and continuing daily with one accord in the temple1 and breaking bread from house to house1 did eat their meat with gladness and singleness of heart 7,acts ii4 #dd-df47 ,this was extremely natural1 and just what might be expected from miraculous evidence coming with full force upon the senses of mankind3 but ,i much doubt whether1 if this state of mind had been universal1 or long-continued1 the business of the world could have gone on4 ,the necessary art of social life would have been little cultivated4 ,the plough and the loom would have stood still4 ,agriculture1 manufactures1 trade1 and navigation1 would not1 ,i think1 have flourished1 if they could have been exercised at all4 ,men would have addicted themselves to contemplative and ascetic lives1 instead of lives of business and of useful industry4 ,we observe that ,st4 ,paul found it necessary frequently to recall his converts to the ordinary labours and domestic duties of their condition2 and to give them1 in his own example1 a lesson of contented application to their worldly employments4 ,by the manner in which the religion is now proposed1 a great portion of the human species is enabled and of these multitudes of every generation are induced1 to seek and effectuate their salvation through the medium of ,christianity1 without interruption of the prosperity or of the regular course of human affairs4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,the ,,supposed ,,effects ,,of ,,christianity4 ,that a religion which under every form in which it is taught holds forth the final reward of virtue and punishment of vice1 and proposes those distinctions of virtue and vice which the wisest and most cultivated part of mankind confess to be just1 should not be believed1 is very possible2 but that1 so far as it is believed1 it should not produce any good1 but rather a bad effect upon public happiness1 is a proposition which it requires very strong evidence to render credible4 ,yet many have been found to contend for this paradox1 and very confident appeals have been made to history and to observation for the truth of it4 ,in the conclusions1 however1 which these writers draw from what they call experience1 two sources1 ,i think1 of mistake may be perceived4 ,one is1 that they look for the influence of religion in the wrong place4 ,the other1 that they charge ,christianity with many consequences for which it is not responsible4 ,i4 ,the influence of religion is not to be sought for in the councils of princes1 in the debates or resolutions of popular assemblies1 in the conduct of governments towards their subjects1 of states and sovereigns towards one another2 of conquerors at the head of their armies1 or of parties intriguing for power at home 7topics which alone almost occupy the attention1 and fill the pages of history72 but must be perceived1 if perceived at all1 in the silent course of private and domestic life4 ,nay1 even there its influence may not be very obvious to observation4 ,if it check1 in some degree1 personal dissoluteness1 if it beget general probity in the transaction of business1 if it produce soft and humane manners in the mass of the community1 and occasional exertions of laborious or expensive benevolence in a individuals1 it is all the effect which can offer itself to external notice4 ,the kingdom of heaven is within us4 ,that which the substance of the religion1 its hopes and consolation1 its intermixture with the thoughts by day and by night1 the devotion of the heart1 the control of appetite1 the steady direction of will to the commands of ,god1 is necessarily invisible4 ,yet these depend the virtue and the happiness of millions4 ,this cause renders the representations of history1 with respect to religion1 defect and fallacious in a greater degree than they are upon any other subject4 ,religion operates most upon those of whom history knows the least2 upon fathers and mothers their families1 upon men-servants and maid-servants1 upon orderly tradesman1 the quiet villager1 the manufacturer at his loom1 the husbandman in his fields4 ,amongst such1 its collectively may be of inestimable value1 yet its effects1 in mean time1 little upon those who figure upon the stage of world4 ,they may know nothing of it2 they may believe nothing of it2 they may be actuated by motives more impetuous than those which religion is able to excite4 ,it cannot1 be thought strange that this influence should elude the grasp and touch of public history2 for what is public history but register of the successes and disappointments1 the vices1 the follies1 and the quarrels1 of those who engage in contentions power8 ,i will add1 that much of this influence may be felt in times of public distress1 and little of it in times of public wealth and security4 ,this also increases the uncertainty of any opinions that we draw from historical representations4 ,the influence of ,christianity is commensurate with no effects which history states4 ,we do not pretend that it has any such necessary and irresistible power over the affairs of nations as to surmount the force of other causes4 ,the ,christian religion also acts upon public usages and institutions1 by an operation which is only secondary and indirect4 ,christianity is not a code of civil law4 ,it can only reach public institutions through private character4 ,now its influence upon private character may be considerable1 yet many public usages and institutions repugnant to its principles may remain4 ,to get rid of these1 the reigning part of the community must act1 and act together4 ,but it may be long before the persons who compose this body be sufficiently touched with the ,christian character to join in the suppression of practices to which they and the public have been reconciled by causes which will reconcile the human mind to anything1 by habit and interest4 ,nevertheless1 the effects of ,christianity1 even in this view1 have been important4 ,it has mitigated the conduct of war1 and the treatment of captives4 ,it has softened the administration of despotic1 or of nominally despotic governments4 ,it has abolished polygamy4 ,it has restrained the licentiousness of divorces4 ,it has put an end to the exposure of children and the immolation of slaves4 ,it has suppressed the combats of gladiators199 and the impurities of religions rites4 ,it has banished1 if not unnatural vices1 at least the toleration of them4 ,it has greatly meliorated the condition of the laborious part1 that is to say1 of the mass of every community1 by procuring for them a day of weekly rest4 ,in all countries in which it is professed it has produced numerous establishments for the relief of sickness and poverty2 and in some1 a regular and general provision by law4 ,it has triumphed over the slavery established in the ,roman empire3 it is contending1 and ,i trust will one day prevail1 against the worse slavery of the ,west ,indies4 99 ,lipsius affirms 7,sat4 b4 i4 c4 #ab7 that the gladiatorial shows sometimes cost ,europe twenty or thirty thousand lives in a month2 and that not only the men1 but even the women of all ranks were passionately fond of these shows4 ,see ,bishop ,porteus1 ,sermon ,,xiii4 ,a ,christian writer1 7,bardesanes1 ap4 ,euseb4 ,praep4 ,evang4 vi4 #aj47 so early as in the second century1 has testified the resistance which ,christianity made to wicked and licentious practices though established by law and by public usage3--,neither in ,parthia do the ,christians1 though ,parthians1 use polygamy2 nor in ,persia1 though ,persians1 do they marry their own daughters2 nor among the ,bactri1 or ,galli1 do they violate the sanctity of marriage2 nor wherever they are1 do they suffer themselves to be overcome by ill-constituted laws and manners4 ,socrates did not destroy the idolatry of ,athens1 or produce the slighter revolution in the manners of his country4 ,but the argument to which ,i recur is1 that the benefit of religion1 being felt chiefly in the obscurity of private stations1 necessarily escapes the observation of history4 ,from the first general notification of ,christianity to the present day1 there have been in every age many millions1 whose names were never heard of1 made better by it1 not only in their conduct1 but in their disposition2 and happier1 not so much in their external circumstances1 as in that which is inter praecordia1 in that which alone deserves the name of happiness1 the tranquillity and consolation of their thoughts4 ,it has been since its commencement the author of happiness and virtue to millions and millions of the human race4 ,who is there that would not wish his son to be a ,christian8 ,christianity also1 in every country in which it is professed1 hath obtained a sensible1 although not a complete influence upon the public judgment of morals4 ,and this is very important4 ,for without the occasional correction which public opinion receives1 by referring to some fixed standard of morality1 no man can foretel into what extravagances it might wander4 ,assassination might become as honourable as duelling3 unnatural crimes be accounted as venal as fornication is wont to be accounted4 ,in this way it is possible that many may be kept in order by ,christianity who are not themselves ,christians4 ,they may be guided by the rectitude which it communicates to public opinion4 ,their consciences may suggest their duty truly1 and they may ascribe these suggestions to a moral sense1 or to the native capacity of the human intellect1 when in fact they are nothing more than the public opinion1 reflected from their own minds2 and opinion1 in a considerable degree1 modified by the lessons of ,christianity4 ,certain it is1 and this is a great deal to say1 that the generality1 even of the meanest and most vulgar and ignorant people1 have truer and worthier notions of ,god more just and right apprehensions concerning his attributes and perfections1 a deeper sense of the difference of good and evil1 a greater regard to moral obligations1 and to the plain and most necessary duties of life1 and a more firm and universal expectation of a future state of rewards and punishments1 than in any heathen country any considerable number of men were found to have had4 7,clarke1 ,ev4 ,nat4 ,rel4 p4 #bjh4 ed4 v47 ,after all1 the value of ,christianity is not to be appreciated by its temporal effects4 ,the object of revelation is to influence human conduct in this life2 but what is gained to happiness by that influence can only be estimated by taking in the whole of human existence4 ,then1 as hath already been observed1 there may be also great consequences of ,christianity which do not belong to it as a revelation4 ,the effects upon human salvation of the mission1 of the death1 of the present1 of the future agency of ,christ1 may be universal1 though the religion be not universally known4 ,secondly1 ,i assert that ,christianity is charged with many consequences for which it is not responsible4 ,i believe that religious motives have had no more to do in the formation of nine tenths of the intolerant and persecuting laws which in different countries have been established upon the subject of religion1 than they have had to do in ,england with the making of the game-laws4 ,these measures1 although they have the ,christian religion for their subject1 are resolvable into a principle which ,christianity certainly did not plant 7and which ,christianity could not universally condemn1 because it is not universally wrong71 which principle is no other than this1 that they who are in possession of power do what they can to keep it4 ,christianity is answerable for no part of the mischief which has been brought upon the world by persecution1 except that which has arisen from conscientious persecutors4 ,now these perhaps have never been either numerous or powerful4 ,nor is it to ,christianity that even their mistake can fairly be imputed4 ,they have been misled by an error not properly ,christian or religious1 but by an error in their moral philosophy4 ,they pursued the particular1 without adverting to the general consequence4 ,believing certain articles of faith1 or a certain mode of worship1 to be highly conducive1 or perhaps essential1 to salvation1 they thought themselves bound to bring all they could1 by every means1 into them1 and this they thought1 without considering what would be the effect of such a conclusion when adopted amongst mankind as a general rule of conduct4 ,had there been in the ,new ,testament1 what there are in the ,koran1 precepts authorising coercion in the propagation of the religion1 and the use of violence towards unbelievers1 the case would have been different4 ,this distinction could not have been taken1 nor this defence made4 ,i apologise for no species nor degree of persecution1 but ,i think that even the fact has been exaggerated4 ,the slave-trade destroys more in a year than the ,inquisition does in a hundred or perhaps hath done since its foundation4 ,if it be objected1 as ,i apprehend it will be1 that ,christianity is chargeable with every mischief of which it has been the occasion1 though not the motive2 ,i answer that1 if the malevolent passions be there1 the world will never want occasions4 ,the noxious element will always find a conductor4 ,any point will produce an explosion4 ,did the applauded intercommunity of the pagan theology preserve the peace of the ,roman world8 did it prevent oppressions1 proscriptions1 massacres1 devastation8 ,was it bigotry that carried ,alexander into the ,east1 or brought ,caesar into ,gaul8 ,are the nations of the world into which ,christianity hath not found its way1 or from which it hath been banished1 free from contentions8 ,are their contentions less ruinous and sanguinary8 ,is it owing to ,christianity1 or to the want of it1 that the regions of the ,east1 the countries inter quatuor maria1 peninsula of ,greece1 together with a great part of the ,mediterranean coast1 are at this day a desert8 or that the banks of the ,nile1 whose constantly renewed fertility is not to be impaired by neglect1 or destroyed by the ravages of war1 serve only for the scene of a ferocious anarchy1 or the supply of unceasing hostilities8 ,europe itself has known no religious wars for some centuries1 yet has hardly ever been without war4 ,are the calamities which at this day afflict it to be imputed to ,christianity8 ,hath ,poland fallen by a ,christian crusade8 ,hath the overthrow in ,france of civil order and security been effected by the votaries of our religion1 or by the foes8 ,amongst the awful lessons which the crimes and the miseries of that country afford to mankind this is one2 that in order to be a persecutor it is not necessary to be a bigot3 that in rage and cruelty1 in mischief and destruction1 fanaticism itself can be outdone by infidelity4 ,finally1 if war1 as it is now carried on between nations produce less misery and ruin than formerly1 we are indebted perhaps to ,christianity for the change more than to any other cause4 ,viewed therefore even in its relation to this subject1 it appears to have been of advantage to the world4 ,it hath humanised the conduct of wars2 it hath ceased to excite them4 ,the differences of opinion that have in all ages prevailed amongst ,christians fall very much within the alternative which has been stated4 ,if we possessed the disposition which ,christianity labours1 above all other qualities1 to inculcate1 these differences would do little harm4 ,if that disposition be wanting1 other causes1 even were these absent1 would continually rise up to call forth the malevolent passions into action4 ,differences of opinion1 when accompanied with mutual charity1 which ,christianity forbids them to violate1 are for the most part innocent1 and for some purposes useful4 ,they promote inquiry1 discussion1 and knowledge4 ,they help to keep up an attention to religious subjects1 and a concern about them1 which might be apt to die away in the calm and silence of universal agreement4 ,i do not know that it is in any degree true that the influence of religion is the greatest where there are the fewest dissenters4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,the ,,conclusion1 ,in religion1 as in every other subject of human reasoning1 much depends upon the order in which we dispose our inquiries4 ,a man who takes up a system of divinity with a previous opinion that either every part must be true or the whole false1 approaches the discussion with great disadvantage4 ,no other system1 which is founded upon moral evidence1 would bear to be treated in the same manner4 ,nevertheless1 in a certain degree1 we are all introduced to our religious studies under this prejudication4 ,and it cannot be avoided4 ,the weakness of the human judgment in the early part of youth1 yet its extreme susceptibility of impression1 renders it necessary to furnish it with some opinions1 and with some principles or other4 ,or indeed1 without much express care1 or much endeavour for this purpose1 the tendency of the mind of man to assimilate itself to the habits of thinking and speaking which prevail around him1 produces the same effect4 ,that indifferency and suspense1 that waiting and equilibrium of the judgment1 which some require in religious matters1 and which some would wish to be aimed at in the conduct of education1 are impossible to be preserved4 ,they are not given to the condition of human life4 ,it is a consequence of this institution that the doctrines of religion come to us before the proofs2 and come to us with that mixture of explications and inferences from which no public creed is1 or can be1 free4 ,and the effect which too frequently follows1 from ,christianity being presented to the understanding in this form1 is1 that when any articles1 which appear as parts of it1 contradict the apprehension of the persons to whom it is proposed1 men of rash and confident tempers hastily and indiscriminately reject the whole4 ,but is this to do justice1 either to themselves or to the religion8 ,the rational way of treating a subject of such acknowledged importance is1 to attend1 in the first place1 to the general and substantial truth of its principles1 and to that alone4 ,when we once feel a foundation2 when we once perceive a ground of credibility in its history2 we shall proceed with safety to inquire into the interpretation of its records1 and into the doctrines which have been deduced from them4 ,nor will it either endanger our faith1 or diminish or alter our motives for obedience1 if we should discover that these conclusions are formed with very different degrees of probability1 and possess very different degrees of importance4 ,this conduct of the understanding1 dictated by every rule of right reasoning1 will uphold personal ,christianity1 even in those countries in which it is established under forms the most liable to difficulty and objection4 ,it will also have the further effect of guarding us against the prejudices which are wont to arise in our minds to the disadvantage of religion1 from observing the numerous controversies which are carried on amongst its professors2 and likewise of inducing a spirit of lenity and moderation in our judgment1 as well as in our treatment of those who stand1 in such controversies1 upon sides opposite to ours4 ,what is clear in ,christianity we shall find to be sufficient1 and to be infinitely valuable2 what is dubious1 unnecessary to be decided1 or of very subordinate importance1 and what is most obscure1 will teach us to bear with the opinions which others may have formed upon the same subject4 ,we shall say to those who the most widely dissent from us1 what ,augustine said to the worst heretics of his age2 ,illi in vos saeviant1 qui nasciunt1 cum quo labore verum inveniatur1 et quam difficile caveantur errores2---qui nesciunt1 cure quanta difficultate sanetur oculus interioris hominis2--qui nesciunt1 quibus suspiriis et gemitibus fiat ut ex quantulacumque parte possit intelligi ,deus44 7,aug4 contra4 ,ep4 ,fund4 ,cap4 ii4 n4 #b1c47 ,a judgment1 moreover1 which is once pretty well satisfied of the general truth of the religion will not only thus discriminate in its doctrines1 but will possess sufficient strength to overcome the reluctance of the imagination to admit articles of faith which are attended with difficulty of apprehension1 if such articles of faith appear to be truly parts of the revelation4 ,it was to be expected beforehand1 that what related to the economy and to the persons of the invisible world1 which revelation profess to do1 and which1 if true1 it actually does1 should contain some points remote from our analogies1 and from the comprehension of a mind which hath acquired all its ideas from sense and from experience4 ,it hath been my care in the preceding work to preserve the separation between evidences and doctrines as inviolable as ,i could2 to remove from the primary question all considerations which have been unnecessarily joined with it2 and to offer a defence to ,christianity which every ,christian might read without seeing the tenets in which he had been brought up attacked or decried3 and it always afforded a satisfaction to my mind to observe that this was practicable2 that few or none of our many controversies with one another affect or relate to the proofs of our religion2 that the rent never descends to the foundation4 ,the truth of ,christianity depends upon its leading facts1 and upon them alone4 ,now of these we have evidence which ought to satisfy us1 at least until it appear that mankind have ever been deceived by the same4 ,we have some uncontested and incontestable points1 to which the history of the human species hath nothing similar to offer4 ,a ,jewish peasant changed the religion of the world1 and that without force1 without power1 without support2 without one natural source or circumstance of attraction1 influence1 or success4 ,such a thing hath not happened in any other instance4 ,the companions of this ,person1 after he himself had been put to death for his attempt1 asserted his supernatural character1 founded upon his supernatural operations3 and1 in testimony of the truth of their assertions1 i4e4 in consequence of their own belief of that truth1 and in order to communicate the knowledge of it to others1 voluntarily entered upon lives of toil and hardship1 and1 with a full experience of their danger1 committed themselves to the last extremities of persecution4 ,this hath not a parallel4 ,more particularly1 a very few days after this ,person had been publicly executed1 and in the very city in which he was buried1 these his companions declared with one voice that his body was restored to life3 that they had seen him1 handled him1 ate with him1 conversed with him2 and1 in pursuance of their persuasion of the truth of what they told1 preached his religion1 with this strange fact as the foundation of it1 in the face of those who had killed him1 who were armed with the power of the country1 and necessarily and naturally disposed to treat his followers as they had treated himself2 and having done this upon the spot where the event took place1 carried the intelligence of it abroad1 in despite of difficulties and opposition1 and where the nature of their errand gave them nothing to expect but derision1 insult1 and outrage4--,this is without example4 ,these three facts1 ,i think1 are certain1 and would have been nearly so1 if the ,gospels had never been written4 ,the ,christian story1 as to these points1 hath never varied4 ,no other hath been set up against it4 ,every letter1 every discourse1 every controversy1 amongst the followers of the religion2 every book written by them from the age of its commencement to the present time1 in every part of the world in which it hath been professed1 and with every sect into which it hath been divided 7and we have letters and discourses written by contemporaries1 by witnesses of the transaction1 by persons themselves bearing a share in it1 and other writings following that again regular succession71 concur in representing these facts in this manner4 ,a religion which now possesses the greatest part of the civilised world unquestionably sprang up at ,jerusalem at this time4 ,some account must be given of its origin2 some cause assigned for its rise4 ,all the accounts of this origin1 all the explications of this cause1 whether taken from the writings of the early followers of the religion 7in which1 and in which perhaps alone1 it could he expected that they should he distinctly unfolded71 or from occasional notices in other writings of that or the adjoining age1 either expressly allege the facts above stated as the means by which the religion was set up1 or advert to its commencement in a manner which agrees with the supposition of these facts being true1 and which testifies their operation and effects4 ,these prepositions alone lay a foundation for our faith2 for they prove the existence of a transaction which cannot even1 in its most general parts1 be accounted for upon any reasonable supposition1 except that of the truth of the mission4 ,but the particulars1 the detail of the miracles or miraculous pretences 7for such there necessarily must have been7 upon which this unexampled transaction rested1 and for which these men acted and suffered as they did act and suffer1 it is undoubtedly of great importance to us to know4 ,we have this detail from the fountain-head1 from the persons themselves2 in accounts written by eye-witnesses of the scene1 by contemporaries and companions of those who were so2 not in one book but four1 each containing enough for the verification of the religion1 all agreeing in the fundamental parts of the history4 ,we have the authenticity of these books established by more and stronger proofs than belong to almost any other ancient book whatever1 and by proofs which widely distinguish them from any others claiming a similar authority to theirs4 ,if there were any good reason for doubt concerning the names to which these books are ascribed 7which there is not1 for they were never ascribed to any other1 and we have evidence not long after their publication of their bearing the names which they now bear72 their antiquity1 of which there is no question1 their reputation and authority amongst the early disciples of the religion1 of which there is as little1 form a valid proof that they must1 in the main at least1 have agreed with what the first teachers of the religion delivered4 ,when we open these ancient volumes1 we discover in them marks of truth1 whether we consider each in itself1 or collate them with one another4 ,the writers certainly knew something of what they were writing about1 for they manifest an acquaintance with local circumstances1 with the history and usages of the times1 which could belong only to an inhabitant of that country1 living in that age4 ,in every narrative we perceive simplicity and undesignedness2 the air and the language of reality4 ,when we compare the different narratives together1 we find them so varying as to repel all suspicion of confederacy2 so agreeing under this variety as to show that the accounts had one real transaction for their common foundation2 often attributing different actions and discourses to the ,person whose history1 or rather memoirs of whose history1 they profess to relate1 yet actions and discourses so similar as very much to bespeak the same character3 which is a coincidence that1 in such writers as they were1 could only be the consequence of their writing from fact1 and not from imagination4 ,these four narratives are confined to the history of the ,founder of the religion1 and end with his ministry4 ,since1 however1 it is certain that the affair went on1 we cannot help being anxious to know how it proceeded4 ,this intelligence hath come down to us in a work purporting to be written by a person1 himself connected with the business during the first stages of its progress1 taking up the story where the former histories had left it1 carrying on the narrative1 oftentimes with great particularity1 and throughout with the appearance of good sense199 information and candour2 stating all along the origin1 and the only probable origin1 of effects which unquestionably were produced1 together with the natural consequences of situations which unquestionably did exist2 and confirmed1 in the substance at least of the account1 by the strongest possible accession of testimony which a history can receive1 original letters1 written by the person who is the principal subject of the history1 written upon the business to which the history relates1 and during the period1 or soon after the period1 which the history comprises4 ,no man can say that this all together is not a body of strong historical evidence4 99 ,see ,peter's speech upon curing the cripple 7,acts iii4 #ah71 the council of the apostles 7xv471 ,paul's discourse at ,athens 7xvii4 #bb71 before ,agrippa 7xxvi474 ,i notice these passages1 both as fraught with good sense and as free from the smallest tincture of enthusiasm4 ,when we reflect that some of those from whom the books proceeded are related to have themselves wrought miracles1 to have been the subject of miracles1 or of supernatural assistance in propagating the religion1 we may perhaps be led to think that more credit1 or a different kind of credit1 is due to these accounts1 than what can be claimed by merely human testimony4 ,but this is an argument which cannot be addressed to sceptics or unbelievers4 ,a man must be a ,christian before he can receive it4 ,the inspiration of the historical ,scriptures1 the nature1 degree1 and extent of that inspiration1 are questions undoubtedly of serious discussion2 but they are questions amongst ,christians themselves1 and not between them and others4 ,the doctrine itself is by no means necessary to the belief of ,christianity1 which must1 in the first instance at least1 depend upon the ordinary maxim of historical credibility4 7,see ,powell's ,discourse1 disc4 xv4 ,p4 #bde47 ,in viewing the detail of miracles recorded in these books1 we find every supposition negatived by which they can be resolved into fraud or delusion4 ,they were not secret1 nor momentary1 nor tentative1 nor ambiguous2 nor performed under the sanction of authority1 with the spectators on their side1 or in affirmance of tenets and practices already established4 ,we find also the evidence alleged for them1 and which evidence was by great numbers received1 different from that upon which other miraculous accounts rest4 ,it was contemporary1 it was published upon the spot1 it continued2 it involved interests and questions of the greatest magnitude2 it contradicted the most fixed persuasions and prejudices of the persons to whom it was addressed2 it required from those who accepted it1 not a simple1 indolent assent1 but a change1 from thenceforward1 of principles and conduct1 a submission to consequences the most serious and the most deterring1 to loss and danger1 to insult1 outrage1 and persecution4 ,how such a story should be false1 or1 if false1 how under such circumstances it should make its way1 ,i think impossible to be explained2 yet such the ,christian story was1 such were the circumstances under which it came forth1 and in opposition to such difficulties did it prevail4 ,an event so connected with the religion1 and with the fortunes1 of the ,jewish people1 as one of their race1 one born amongst them1 establishing his authority and his law throughout a great portion of the civilised world1 it was perhaps to be expected should be noticed in the prophetic writings of that nation2 especially when this ,person1 together with his own mission1 caused also to be acknowledged the ,divine original of their institution1 and by those who before had altogether rejected it4 ,accordingly1 we perceive in these writings various intimations concurring in the person and history of ,jesus1 in a manner and in a degree in which passages taken from these books could not be made to concur in any person arbitrarily assumed1 or in any person except him who has been the author of great changes in the affairs and opinions of mankind4 ,of some of these predictions the weight depends a good deal upon the concurrence4 ,others possess great separate strength3 one in particular does this in an eminent degree4 ,it is an entire description1 manifestly directed to one character and to one scene of things2 it is extant in a writing1 or collection of writings1 declaredly prophetic2 and it applies to ,christ's character1 and to the circumstances of his life and death1 with considerable precision1 and in a way which no diversity of interpretation hath1 in my opinion1 been able to confound4 ,that the advent of ,christ1 and the consequences of it1 should not have been more distinctly revealed in the ,jewish sacred books1 is ,i think in some measure accounted for by the consideration1 that for the ,jews to have foreseen the fall of their institution1 and that it was to merge at length into a more perfect and comprehensive dispensation1 would have cooled too much1 and relaxed1 their zeal for it1 and their adherence to it1 upon which zeal and adherence the preservation in the world of any remains1 for many ages1 of religious truth might in a great measure depend4 ,of what a revelation discloses to mankind1 one1 and only one1 question can properly be asked--,was it of importance to mankind to know1 or to be better assured of8 ,in this question1 when we turn our thoughts to the great ,christian doctrine of the resurrection of the dead1 and of a future judgment1 no doubt can possibly be entertained4 ,he who gives me riches or honours1 does nothing2 he who even gives me health1 does little1 in comparison with that which lays before me just grounds for expecting a restoration to life1 and a day of account and retribution2 which thing ,christianity hath done for millions4 ,other articles of the ,christian faith1 although of infinite importance when placed beside any other topic of human inquiry1 are only the adjuncts and circumstances of this4 ,they are1 however1 such as appear worthy of the original to which we ascribe them4 ,the morality of the religion1 whether taken from the precepts or the example of its ,founder1 or from the lessons of its primitive teachers1 derived1 as it should seem1 from what had been inculcated by their ,master1 is1 in all its parts1 wise and pure2 neither adapted to vulgar prejudices1 nor flattering popular notions1 nor excusing established practices1 but calculated1 in the matter of its instruction1 truly to promote human happiness2 and in the form in which it was conveyed1 to produce impression and effect3 a morality which1 let it have proceeded from any person whatever1 would have been satisfactory evidence of his good sense and integrity1 of the soundness of his understanding and the probity of his designs3 a morality1 in every view of it1 much more perfect than could have been expected from the natural circumstances and character of the person who delivered it2 a morality1 in a word1 which is1 and hath been1 most beneficial to mankind4 ,upon the greatest1 therefore1 of all possible occasions1 and for a purpose of inestimable value1 it pleased the ,deity to vouchsafe a miraculous attestation4 ,having done this for the institution1 when this alone could fix its authority1 or give to it a beginning1 he committed its future progress to the natural means of human communication1 and to the influence of those causes by which human conduct and human affairs are governed4 ,the seed1 being sown1 was left to vegetate2 the leaven1 being inserted1 was left to ferment2 and both according to the laws of nature3 laws1 nevertheless1 disposed and controlled by that ,providence which conducts the affairs of the universe1 though by an influence inscrutable1 and generally undistinguishable by us4 ,and in this1 ,christianity is analogous to most other provisions for happiness4 ,the provision is made2 and2 being made1 is left to act according to laws which1 forming a part of a more general system1 regulate this particular subject in common with many others4 ,let the constant recurrence to our observation of contrivance1 design1 and wisdom1 in the works of nature1 once fix upon our minds the belief of a ,god1 and after that all is easy4 ,in the counsels of a being possessed of the power and disposition which the ,creator of the universe must possess1 it is not improbable that there should be a future state2 it is not improbable that we should be acquainted with it4 ,a future state rectifies everything2 because1 if moral agents be made1 in the last event1 happy or miserable1 according to their conduct in the station and under the circumstances in which they are placed1 it seems not very material by the operation of what causes1 according to what rules1 or even1 if you please to call it so1 by what chance or caprice these stations are assigned1 or these circumstances determined4 ,this hypothesis1 therefore1 solves all that objection to the divine care and goodness which the promiscuous distribution of good and evil 7,i do not mean in the doubtful advantages of riches and grandeur1 but in the unquestionably important distinctions of health and sickness1 strength and infirmity1 bodily ease and pain1 mental alacrity and depression7 is apt on so many occasions to create4 ,this one truth changes the nature of things2 gives order to confusion2 makes the moral world of a piece with the natural4 ,nevertheless1 a higher degree of assurance than that to which it is possible to advance this1 or any argument drawn from the light of nature1 was necessary1 especially to overcome the shock which the imagination and the senses received from the effects and the appearances of death1 and the obstruction which thence arises to the expectation of either a continued or a future existence4 ,this difficulty1 although of a nature no doubt to act very forcibly1 will be found1 ,i think1 upon reflection to reside more in our habits of apprehension than in the subject3 and that the giving way to it1 when we have any reasonable grounds or the contrary1 is rather an indulging of the imagination than anything else4 ,abstractedly considered1 that is1 considered without relation to the difference which habit1 and merely habit1 produces in our faculties and modes of apprehension1 ,i do not see anything more in the resurrection of a dead man than in the conception of a child2 except it be this1 that the one comes into his world with a system of prior consciousness about him1 which the other does not3 and no person will say that he knows enough of either subject to perceive that this circumstance makes such a difference in the two cases that the one should be easy1 and the other impossible2 the one natural1 the other not so4 ,to the first man the succession of the species would be as incomprehensible as the resurrection of the dead is to us4 ,thought is different from motion1 perception from impact3 the individuality of a mind is hardly consistent with the divisibility of an extended substance2 or its volition1 that is1 its power of originating motion1 with the inertness which cleaves to every portion of matter which our observation or our experiments can reach4 ,these distinctions lead us to an immaterial principle3 at least1 they do this3 they so negative the mechanical properties of matter1 in the constitution of a sentient1 still more of a rational1 being1 that no argument drawn from the properties can be of any great weight in opposition to other reasons1 when the question respects the changes of which such3 a nature is capable1 or the manner in which these changes am effected4 ,whatever thought be1 or whatever it depend upon the regular experience of sleep makes one thing concerning it certain1 that it can be completely suspended1 and completely restored4 ,if any one find it too great a strain upon his thoughts to admit the notion of a substance strictly immaterial1 that is1 from which extension and solidity are excluded1 he can find no difficulty in allowing1 that a particle as small as a particle of light1 minuter than all conceivable dimensions1 may just as easily be the depositary1 the organ1 and the vehicle of consciousness as the congeries of animal substance which forms a human body1 or the human brain2 that1 being so1 it may transfer a proper identity to whatever shall hereafter be united to it2 may be safe amidst the destruction of its integuments2 may connect the natural with the spiritual1 the corruptible with the glorified body4 ,if it be said that the mode and means of all this is imperceptible by our senses1 it is only what is true of the most important agencies and operations4 ,the great powers of nature are all invisible4 ,gravitation1 electricity1 magnetism1 though constantly present1 and constantly exerting their influence2 though within us1 near us1 and about us2 though diffused throughout all space1 overspreading the surface1 or penetrating the contexture1 of all bodies with which we are acquainted1 depend upon substances and actions which are totally concealed from our senses4 ,the ,supreme ,intelligence is so himself4 ,but whether these or any other attempts to satisfy the imagination bear any resemblance to the truth2 or whether the imagination1 which1 as ,i have said before1 is the mere slave of habit1 can be satisfied or not2 when a future state1 and the revelation of a future state is not only perfectly consistent with the attributes of the ,being who governs the universe2 but when it is more2 when it alone removes the appearance of contrariety which attends the operations of his will towards creatures capable of comparative merit and demerit1 of reward and punishment2 when a strong body of historical evidence1 confirmed by many internal tokens of truth and authenticity1 gives us just reason to believe that such a revelation hath actually been made2 we ought to set our minds at rest with the assurance1 that in the resources of ,creative ,wisdom expedients cannot be wanted to carry into effect what the ,deity hath purposed3 that either a new and mighty influence will descend upon the human world to resuscitate extinguished consciousness2 or that1 amidst the other wonderful contrivances with which the universe abounds1 and by some of which we see animal life1 in many instances1 assuming improved forms of existence1 acquiring new organs1 new perceptions1 and new sources of enjoyment1 provision is also made1 though by methods secret to us 7as all the great processes of nature are71 for conducting the objects of ,god's moral government1 through the necessary changes of their frame1 to those final distinctions of happiness and misery which he hath declared to be reserved for obedience and transgression1 for virtue and vice1 for the use and the neglect1 the right and the wrong employment of the faculties and opportunities with which he hath been pleased1 severally1 to intrust and to try us4