,,readings ,,on ,,fascism ,,and ,,national ,,socialism ,selected by ,members of the ,department of ,philosophy1 ,university of ,colorado ,,alan ,,swallow ,denver ,,prefatory ,,note ,the ensuing readings are presented to encourage the student to clarify his thinking on social philosophy4 ,he will accordingly need to determine whether the readings contain a more or less coherent body of ideas which constitutes a social philosophy4 ,he will also need to raise the more far-reaching question whether the ideas are acceptable4 ,to arrive at any satisfactory answer to this latter question1 he will necessarily have to compare the ideas of fascism and their practical meanings with the alternatives1 real and ideal1 that are the substance of live philosophical issues4 ,,contents ,the ,doctrine of ,fascism by ,benito ,mussolini ,the ,political ,doctrine of ,fascism by ,alfredo ,rocco ,the ,philosophic ,basis of ,fascism by ,giovanni ,gentile ,national ,socialism by ,raymond ,e4 ,murphy1 ,francis ,b4 ,stevens1 ,howard ,trivers1 ,joseph ,m4 ,roland ,national-,socialism and ,medicine by ,dr4 ,f4 ,hamburger ,selected ,bibliography ,,the ,,doctrine ,,of ,,fascism ,by ,,benito ,,mussolini ,from the ,,encyclopedia ,,italiana4 ,vol4 ,,xiv ,the ,english translation of the ,fundamental ,ideas is by ,mr4 ,i4,s4 ,munro1 reprinted by his kind permission from ,fascism to ,world-,power 7,alexander ,maclehose1 ,london1 #aicc74 ,,fundamental ,,ideas4 #a4 ,philosophic ,conception4 ,like every concrete political conception1 ,fascism is thought and action4 ,it is action with an inherent doctrine which1 arising out of a given system of historic forces1 is inserted in it and works on it from within4 ,it has therefore a form co-related to the contingencies of time and place2 but it has at the same time an ideal content which elevates it into a formula of truth in the higher region of the history of thought4 ,there is no way of exercising a spiritual influence on the things of the world by means of a human will-power commanding the wills of others1 without first having a clear conception of the particular and transient reality on which the will-power must act1 and without also having a clear conception of the universal and permanent reality in which the particular and transient reality has its life and being4 ,to know men we must have a knowledge of man2 and to have a knowledge of man we must know the reality of things and their laws4 ,there can be no conception of a ,state which is not fundamentally a conception of ,life4 ,it is a philosophy or intuition1 a system of ideas which evolves itself into a system of logical contraction1 or which concentrates itself in a vision or in a faith1 but which is always1 at least virtually1 an organic conception of the world4 #b4 ,spiritualised ,conception4 ,fascism would therefore not be understood in many of its manifestations 7as1 for example1 in its organisations of the ,party1 its system of education1 its discipline7 were it not considered in the light of its general view of life4 ,a spiritualised view4 ,to ,fascism the world is not this material world which appears on the surface1 in which man is an individual separated from all other men1 standing by himself and subject to a natural law which instinctively impels him to lead a life of momentary and egoistic pleasure4 ,in ,fascism man is an individual who is the nation and the country4 ,he is this by a moral law which embraces and binds together individuals and generations in an established tradition and mission1 a moral law which suppresses the instinct to lead a life confined to a brief cycle of pleasure in order1 instead1 to replace it within the orbit of duty in a superior conception of life1 free from the limits of time and space a life in which the individual by self-abnegation and by the sacrifice of his particular interests1 even by death1 realises the entirely spiritual existence in which his value as a man consists4 #c4 ,positive ,conception of ,life as a ,struggle4 ,it is therefore a spiritual conception1 itself also a result of the general reaction of the ,century against the languid and materialistic positivism of the ,eighteenth ,century4 ,anti-positivist1 but positive3 neither sceptical nor agnostic1 neither pessimistic nor passively optimistic1 as are in general the doctrines 7all of them negative7 which place the centre of life outside of man1 who by his free will can and should create his own world for himself4 ,fascism wants a man to be active and to be absorbed in action with all his energies2 it wants him to have a manly consciousness of the difficulties that exist and to be ready to face them4 ,it conceives life as a struggle1 thinking that it is the duty of man to conquer that life which is really worthy of him3 creating in the first place within himself the 7physical1 moral1 intellectual7 instrument with which to build it4 ,as for the individual1 so for the nation1 so for mankind4 ,hence the high value of culture in all its forms 7art1 religion1 science7 and the supreme importance of education4 ,hence also the essential value of labour1 with which man conquers nature and creates the human world 7economic1 political1 moral1 intellectual74 #d4 ,ethical ,conception4 ,this positive conception of life is evidently an ethical conception4 ,and it comprises the whole reality as well as the human activity which domineers it4 ,no action is to be removed from the moral sense2 nothing is to be in the world that is divested of the importance which belongs to it in respect of moral aims4 ,life1 therefore1 as the ,fascist conceives it1 is serious1 austere1 religious2 entirely balanced in a world sustained by the moral and responsible forces of the spirit4 ,the ,fascist disdains the easy life4 #e4 ,religious ,conception4 ,fascism is a religious conception in which man is considered to be in the powerful grip of a superior law1 with an objective will which transcends the particular individual and elevates him into a fully conscious member of a spiritual society4 ,anyone who has stopped short at the mere consideration of opportunism in the religious policy of the ,fascist ,regime1 has failed to understand that ,fascism1 besides being a system of government1 is also a system of thought4 #f4 ,historical and ,realist ,conception4 ,fascism is an historical conception in which man could not be what he is without being a factor in the spiritual process to which he contributes1 either in the family sphere or in the social sphere1 in the nation or in history in general to which all nations contribute4 ,hence is derived the great importance of tradition in the records1 language1 customs and rules of human society4 ,man without a part in history is nothing4 ,for this reason ,fascism is opposed to all the abstractions of an individualistic character based upon materialism typical of the ,eighteenth ,century2 and it is opposed to all the ,jacobin innovations and utopias4 ,it does not believe in the possibility of happiness on earth as conceived by the literature of the economists of the ,seventeenth ,century2 it therefore spurns all the teleological conceptions of final causes through which1 at a given period of history1 a final systematisation of the human race would take place4 ,such theories only mean placing oneself outside real history and life1 which is a continual ebb and flow and process of realisations4 ,politically speaking1 ,fascism aims at being a realistic doctrine2 in its practice it aspired to solve only the problems which present themselves of their own accord in the process of history1 and which of themselves find or suggest their own solution4 ,to have the effect of action among men1 it is necessary to enter into the process of reality and to master the forces actually at work4 #g4 ,the ,individual and ,liberty4 ,anti-individualistic1 the ,fascist conception is for the ,state2 it is for the individual only in so far as he coincides with the ,state1 universal consciousness and will of man in his historic existence4 ,it is opposed to the classic ,liberalism which arose out of the need of reaction against absolutism1 and had accomplished its mission in history when the ,state itself had become transformed in the popular will and consciousness4 ,liberalism denied the ,state in the interests of the particular individual2 ,fascism reaffirms the ,state as the only true expression of the individual4 ,and if liberty is to be the attribute of the real man1 and not of the scarecrow invented by the individualistic ,liberalism1 then ,fascism is for liberty4 ,it is for the only kind of liberty that is serious--the liberty of the ,state and of the individual in the ,state4 ,because1 for the ,fascist1 all is comprised in the ,state and nothing spiritual or human exists--much less has any value--outside the ,state4 ,in this respect ,fascism is a totalising concept1 and the ,fascist ,state--the unification and synthesis of every value--interprets1 develops and potentiates the whole life of the people4 #h4 ,conception of a ,corporate ,state4 ,no individuals nor groups 7political parties1 associations1 labour unions1 classes7 outside the ,state4 ,for this reason ,fascism is opposed to ,socialism1 which clings rigidly to class war in the historic evolution and ignores the unity of the ,state which moulds the classes into a single1 moral and economic reality4 ,in the same way ,fascism is opposed to the unions of the labouring classes4 ,but within the orbit of the ,state with ordinative functions1 the real needs1 which give rise to the ,socialist movement and to the forming of labour unions1 are emphatically recognised by ,fascism and are given their full expression in the ,corporative ,system1 which conciliates every interest in the unity of the ,state4 #i4 ,democracy4 ,individuals form classes according to categories of interests4 ,they are associated according to differentiated economical activities which have a common interest3 but first and foremost they form the ,state4 ,the ,state is not merely either the numbers or the sum of individuals forming the majority of a people4 ,fascism for this reason is opposed to the democracy which identifies peoples with the greatest number of individuals and reduces them to a majority level4 ,but if people are conceived1 as they should be1 qualitatively and not quantitatively1 then ,fascism is democracy in its purest form4 ,the qualitative conception is the most coherent and truest form and is therefore the most moral1 because it sees a people realised in the consciousness and will of the few or even of one only2 an ideal which moves to its realisation in the consciousness and will of all4 ,by all is meant all who derive their justification as a nation1 ethnically speaking1 from their nature and history1 and who follow the same line of spiritual formation and development as one single will and consciousness--not as a race nor as a geographically determined region1 but as a progeny that is rather the outcome of a history which perpetuates itself2 a multitude unified by an idea embodied in the will to have power and to exist1 conscious of itself and of its personality4 #aj4 ,conception of the ,state4 ,this higher personality is truly the nation1 inasmuch as it is the ,state4 ,the nation does not beget the ,state1 according to the decrepit nationalistic concept which was used as a basis for the publicists of the national ,states in the ,nineteenth ,century4 ,on the contrary1 the nation is created by the ,state1 which gives the people1 conscious of their own moral unity1 the will1 and thereby an effective existence4 ,the right of a nation to its independence is derived not from a literary and ideal consciousness of its own existence1 much less from a de facto situation more or less inert and unconscious1 but from an active consciousness1 from an active political will disposed to demonstrate in its right2 that is to say1 a kind of ,state already in its pride 7in fieri74 ,the ,state1 in fact1 as a universal ethical will1 is the creator of right4 #aa4 ,dynamic ,reality4 ,the nation as a ,state is an ethical reality which exists and lives in measure as it develops4 ,a standstill is its death4 ,therefore the ,state is not only the authority which governs and which gives the forms of law and the worth of the spiritual life to the individual wills1 but it is also the power which gives effect to its will in foreign matters1 causing it to be recognised and respected by demonstrating through facts the universality of all the manifestations necessary for its development4 ,hence it is organization as well as expansion1 and it may be thereby considered1 at least virtually1 equal to the very nature of the human will1 which in its evolution recognises no barriers1 and which realises itself by proving its infinity4 #ab4 ,the ,rle of the ,state4 ,the ,fascist ,state1 the highest and the most powerful form of personality is a force1 but a spiritual one4 ,it reassumes all the forms of the moral and intellectual life of man4 ,it cannot1 therefore1 be limited to a simple function of order and of safeguarding1 as was contended by ,liberalism4 ,it is not a simple mechanism which limits the sphere of the presumed individual liberties4 ,it is an internal form and rule1 a discipline of the entire person3 it penetrates the will as well as the intelligence4 ,its principle1 a central inspiration of the living human personality in the civil community1 descends into the depths and settles in the heart of the man of action as well as the thinker1 of the artist as well as of the scientist2 the soul of our soul4 #ac4 ,discipline and ,authority4 ,fascism1 in short1 is not only a lawgiver and the founder of institutions1 but an educator and a promoter of the spiritual life4 ,it aims to rebuild not the forms of human life1 but its content1 the man1 the character1 the faith4 ,and for this end it exacts discipline and an authority which descend into and dominates the interior of the spirit without opposition4 ,its emblem1 therefore1 is the lictorian fasces1 symbol of unity1 of force and of justice4 ,,political ,,and ,,social ,,doctrine #a4 ,origins of the ,doctrine4 ,when1 in the now distant ,march of #aiai1 ,i summoned a meeting at ,milan1 through the columns of the ,popolo d',italia1 of those who had supported and endured the war and who had followed me since the constitution of the fasci or ,revolutionary ,action in ,january #aiae1 there was no specific doctrinal plan in my mind4 ,i had the experience of one only doctrine--that of ,socialism from #aijc-jd to the winter of #aiad about a decade--but ,i made it first in the ranks and later as a leader and it was never an experience in theory4 ,my doctrine1 even during that period1 was a doctrine of action4 ,a universally accepted doctrine of ,socialism had not existed since #aiae when the revisionist movement started in ,germany1 under the leadership of ,bernstein4 ,against this1 in the swing of tendencies1 a left revolutionary movement began to take shape1 but in ,italy it never went further than the field of phrases1 whereas in ,russian ,socialistic circles it became the prelude of ,bolscevism4 ,reformism1 revolutionarism1 centrism1 this is a terminology of which even the echoes are now spent--but in the great river of ,fascism are currents which flowed from ,sorel1 from ,peguy1 from ,lagardelle and the ,mouvement ,socialiste1 from ,italian syndicalists which were legion between #aijd and #aiad1 and sounded a new note in ,italian ,socialist circles 7weakened then by the betrayal of ,giolitti7 through ,olivetti's ,pagine ,libere1 ,orano's ,la ,lupa and ,enrico ,leone's ,divenire ,sociale4 ,after the ,war1 in #aiai1 ,socialism was already dead as a doctrine3 it existed only as a grudge4 ,in ,italy especially1 it had one only possibility of action3 reprisals against those who had wanted the ,war and must now pay its penalty4 ,the ,popolo d',italia carried as sub-title daily of ex-service men and producers1 and the word producers was already then the expression of a turn of mind4 ,fascism was not the nursling of a doctrine previously worked out at a desk2 it was born of the need for action and it was action4 ,it was not a party1 in fact during the first two years1 it was an anti-party and a movement4 ,the name ,i gave the organisation fixed its character4 ,yet whoever should read the now crumpled sheets with the minutes of the meeting at which the ,italian ,fasci di ,combattimento were constituted1 would fail to discover a doctrine1 but would find a series of ideas1 of anticipations1 of hints which1 liberated from the inevitable strangleholds of contingencies1 were destined after some years to develop into doctrinal conceptions4 ,through them ,fascism became a political doctrine to itself1 different1 by comparison1 to all others whether contemporary or of the past4 ,i said then1 ,if the bourgeoisie think we are ready to act as lightning-conductors1 they are mistaken4 ,we must go towards labour4 ,we wish to train the working classes to directive functions4 ,we wish to convince them that it is not easy to manage ,industry or ,trade3 we shall fight the technique and the spirit of the rearguard4 ,when the succession of the regime is open1 we must not lack the fighting spirit4 ,we must rush and if the present regime be overcome1 it is we who must fill its place4 ,the claim to succession belongs to us1 because it was we who forced the country into ,war and we who led her to victory4 ,the present political representation cannot suffice3 we must have a direct representation of all interest4 ,against this programme one might say it is a return to corporations4 ,but that does not matter4 ,therefore ,i should like this assembly to accept the claims put in by national syndicalism from an economic standpoint4444 ,is it not strange that the word corporations should have been uttered at the first meeting of ,piazza ,san ,sepolcro1 when one considers that1 in the course of the ,revolution1 it came to express one of the social and legislative creations at the very foundations of the regime8 #b4 ,development4 ,the years which preceded the ,march on ,rome were years in which the necessity of action did not permit complete doctrinal investigations or elaborations4 ,the battle was raging in the towns and villages4 ,there were discussions1 but what was more important and sacred--there was death4 ,men knew how to die4 ,the doctrine--all complete and formed1 with divisions into chapters1 paragraphs1 and accompanying elucubrations--might be missing2 but there was something more decided to replace it1 there was faith4 ,notwithstanding1 whoever remembers with the aid of books and speeches1 whoever could search through them and select1 would find that the fundamental principles were laid down whilst the battle raged4 ,it was really in those years that the ,fascist idea armed itself1 became refined and proceeded towards organisation3 the problems of the individual and of the ,state1 the problems of authority and of liberty1 the political and social problems1 especially national2 the fight against the liberal1 democratic1 socialistic and popular doctrines1 was carried out together with the punitive expeditions4 ,but as a system was lacking1 our adversaries in bad faith1 denied to ,fascism any capacity to produce a doctrine1 though that doctrine was growing tumultuously1 at first under the aspect of violent and dogmatic negation1 as happens to all newly-born ideas1 and later under the positive aspect of construction which was successively realised1 in the years #aibf-bg-bh through the laws and institutions of the regime4 ,fascism today stands clearly defined not only as a regime1 but also as a doctrine4 ,this word doctrine should be interpreted in the sense that ,fascism1 to-day1 when passing criticism on itself and others1 has its own point of view and its own point of reference1 and therefore also its own orientation when facing those problems which beset the world in the spirit and in the matter4 #c4 ,against ,pacifism3 ,war and ,life as a ,duty4 ,as far as the general future and development of humanity is concerned1 and apart from any mere consideration of current politics1 ,fascism above all does not believe either in the possibility or utility of universal peace4 ,it therefore rejects the pacifism which masks surrender and cowardice4 ,war alone brings all human energies to their highest tension and sets a seal of nobility on the peoples who have the virtue to face it4 ,all other tests are but substitutes which never make a man face himself in the alternative of life or death4 ,a doctrine which has its starting-point at the prejudicial postulate of peace is therefore extraneous to ,fascism4 ,in the same way all international creations 7which1 as history demonstrates1 can be blown to the winds when sentimental1 ideal and practical elements storm the heart of a people7 are also extraneous to the spirit of ,fascism--even if such international creations are accepted for whatever utility they may have in any determined political situation4 ,fascism also transports this anti-pacifist spirit into the life of individuals4 ,the proud squadrista motto me ne frego 7,i don't give a damn7 scrawled on the bandages of the wounded is an act of philosophy--not only stoic4 ,it is a summary of a doctrine not only political3 it is an education in strife and an acceptance of the risks which it carried3 it is a new style of ,italian life4 ,it is thus that the ,fascist loves and accepts life1 ignores and disdains suicide2 understands life as a duty1 a lifting up1 a conquest2 something to be filled in and sustained on a high plane2 a thing that has to be lived through for its own sake1 but above all for the sake of others near and far1 present and future4 #d4 ,the ,demographic ,policy and the ,neighbour4 ,the demographic policy of the regime is the result of these premises4 ,the ,fascist also loves his neighbour1 but neighbour is not for him a vague and undefinable word3 love for his neighbour does not prevent necessary educational severities4 ,fascism rejects professions of universal affection and1 though living in the community of civilised peoples1 it watches them and looks at them diffidently4 ,it follows them in their state of mind and in the transformation of their interests1 but it does not allow itself to be deceived by fallacious and mutable appearances4 #e4 ,against ,historical ,materialism and ,class-,struggle4 ,through this conception of life ,fascism becomes the emphatic negation of that doctrine which constituted the basis of the so-called scientific ,socialism or ,marxism3 the doctrine of historical materialism1 according to which the story of human civilisation is to be explained only by the conflict of interests between the various social groups and by the change of the means and instruments of production4 ,that the economic vicissitudes--discovery of prime or raw materials1 new methods of labour1 scientific inventions--have their particular importance1 is denied by none1 but that they suffice to explain human history1 excluding other factors from it1 is absurd3 ,fascism still believes in sanctity and in heroism1 that is to say in acts in which no economic motive1 immediate or remote1 operates4 ,fascism having denied historical materialism1 by which men are only puppets in history1 appearing and disappearing on the surface of the tides while in the depths the real directive forces act and labour1 it also denies the immutable and irreparable class warfare1 which is the natural filiation of such an economistic conception of history3 and it denies above all that class warfare is the preponderating agent of social transformation4 ,being defeated on these two capital points of its doctrine1 nothing remains of ,socialism save the sentimental aspiration--as old as humanity--to achieve a community of social life in which the sufferings and hardships of the humblest classes are alleviated4 ,but here ,fascism repudiates the concept of an economic happiness which is to be--at a given moment in the evolution of economy--socialistically and almost automatically realised by assuring to all the maximum of well-being4 ,fascism denies the possibilities of the materialistic concept of happiness--it leaves that to the economists of the first half of the ,seventeenth ,century2 that is1 it denies the equation well-being-happiness1 which reduces man to the state of the animals1 mindful of only one thing--that of being fed and fattened2 reduced1 in fact1 to a pure and simple vegetative existence4 #f4 ,against ,democratic ,ideologies4 ,after disposing of ,socialism1 ,fascism opens a breach on the whole complex of the democratic ideologies1 and repudiates them in their theoretic premises as well as in their practical application or instrumentation4 ,fascism denies that numbers1 by the mere fact of being numbers1 can direct human society2 it denies that these numbers can govern by means of periodical consultations2 it affirms also the fertilising1 beneficient and unassailable inequality of men1 who cannot be levelled through an extrinsic and mechanical process such as universal suffrage4 ,regimes can be called democratic which1 from time to time1 give the people the illusion of being sovereign1 whereas the real and effective sovereignty exists in other1 and very often secret and irresponsible forces4 ,democracy is a regime without a king1 but very often with many kings1 far more exclusive1 tyrannical and ruinous than a single king1 even if he be a tyrant4 ,this explains why ,fascism which1 for contingent reasons1 had assumed a republican tendency before #aibb1 renounced it previous to the ,march on ,rome1 with the conviction that the political constitution of a ,state is not nowadays a supreme question2 and that1 if the examples of past and present monarchies and past and present republics are studied1 the result is that neither monarchies nor republics are to be judged under the assumption of eternity1 but that they merely represent forms in which the extrinsic political evolution takes shape as well as the history1 the tradition and the psychology of a given country4 ,consequently1 ,fascism glides over the antithesis between monarchy and republic1 on which democraticism wasted time1 blaming the former for all social shortcomings and exalting the latter as a regime of perfection4 ,we have now seen that there are republics which may be profoundly absolutist and reactionary1 and monarchies which welcome the most venturesome social and political experiments4 #g4 ,untruths of ,democracy4 ,reason and science says ,renan 7who had certain pre-fascist enlightenments7 in one of his philosophical meditations1 are products of mankind1 but to seek reason directly for the people and through the people is a chimera4 ,it is not necessary for the existence of reason that everybody should know it4 ,in any case if this initiation were to be brought about it could not be through low-class democracy1 which seems to lead rather to the extinction of every difficult culture and of every great discipline4 ,the principle that society exists only for the welfare and liberty of individuals composing it1 does not seem to conform with the plans of nature3 plans in which the species only is taken into consideration and the individual appears sacrificed4 ,it is strongly to be feared that the last word of democracy thus understood 7,i hasten to add that it can also be differently understood7 would be a social state in which a degenerated mass would have no preoccupation other than that of enjoying the ignoble pleasures of the vulgar person4 ,thus ,renan4 ,in ,democracy ,fascism rejects the absurd conventional falsehood of political equality1 the habit of collective responsibility and the myth of indefinite progress and happiness4 ,but if there be a different understanding of ,democracy if1 in other words1 ,democracy can also signify to not push the people back as far as the margins of the ,state1 then ,fascism may well have been defined by the present writer as an organised1 centralised1 authoritarian ,democracy4 #h4 ,against ,liberal ,doctrines4 ,as regards the ,liberal doctrines1 the attitude of ,fascism is one of absolute opposition both in the political and in the economical field4 ,there is no need to exaggerate the importance of ,liberalism in the last century--simply for the sake of present-day polemics--and to transform one of the numerous doctrines unfolded in that last century into a religion of humanity for all times1 present and future4 ,liberalism did not flourish for more than a period of fifteen years4 ,it was born in #ahcj from the reaction to the ,holy ,alliance which attempted to set ,europe back to the period which preceeded '#hi and had its years of splendour in #ahdh1 when also ,pius ,,ix was a ,liberal4 ,its decadence began immediately afterwards4 ,if #ahdh was a year of light and poesy1 #ahdi was a year of weakness and tragedy4 ,the ,roman ,republic was killed by another ,republic1 the ,french ,republic4 ,in the same year ,marx issued his famous manifesto of ,communism4 ,in #ahea ,napoleon ,,iii made his anti-,liberal coup d'tat and reigned over ,france until #ahgj4 ,he was overthrown by a popular movement1 following one of the greatest defeats registered in history4 ,the victor was ,bismarck1 who always ignored the religion of liberty and its prophets4 ,it is symptomatic that a people of high civilisation like the ,germans completely ignored the religion of liberty throughout the whole ,nineteenth ,century--with but one parenthesis1 represented by that which was called the ridiculous parliament of ,frankfurt which lasted one season4 ,germany realised its national unity outside of ,liberalism1 against ,liberalism--a doctrine which seemed alien to the ,german spirit essentially monarchical1 since ,liberalism is the historical and logical ante-chamber of anarchy4 ,the three wars of #ahfd1 #ahff and #ahgj conducted by ,liberals like ,moltke and ,bismarck mark the three stages of ,german unity4 ,as for ,italian unity1 ,liberalism played a very inferior part in the make-up of ,mazzini and ,garibaldi1 who were not liberals4 ,without the intervention of the anti-,liberal ,napoleon we would not have had ,lombardy1 and without the help of the anti-,liberal ,bismarck at ,sadowa and ,sedan it is very likely that we would not have got ,venice in #ahff1 or that we would have entered ,rome in #ahgj4 ,during the period of #ahgj-aiae the preachers of the new ,credo themselves denounced the twilight of their religion2 it was beaten in the breach by decadence in literature4 ,it was beaten in the open by decadence in practice4 ,activism3 that is to say1 nationalism1 futurism4 ,fascism4 ,the ,liberal ,century after having accumulated an infinity of ,gordian knots1 sought to cut them in the hecatomb of the ,world ,war4 ,never did any religion impose such a terrible sacrifice4 ,have the gods of ,liberalism slaked their blood-thirst8 ,liberalism is now on the point of closing the doors of its deserted temples because nations feel that its agnosticism in the economic field and its indifference in political and moral matters1 causes1 as it has already caused1 the sure ruin of ,states4 ,that is why all the political experiences of the contemporary world are anti-,liberal1 and it is supremely silly to seek to classify them as things outside of history--as if history were a hunting ground reserved to ,liberalism and its professors2 as if ,liberalism were the last and incomparable word of civilisation4 #i4 ,fascism ,does ,not ,turn ,back4 ,the ,fascist negation of ,socialism1 of ,democracy1 of ,liberalism1 should not lead one to believe that ,fascism wishes to push the world back to where it was before #ahgi1 the date accepted as the opening year of the demo-,liberal century4 ,one cannot turn back4 ,the ,fascist doctrine has not chosen ,de ,maistre for its prophet4 ,monarchical absolutism is a thing of the past1 and so is the worship of church power4 ,feudal privileges and divisions into impenetrable castes with no connection between them1 are also have beens4 ,the conception of ,fascist authority has nothing in common with the ,police4 ,a party that totally rules a nation is a new chapter in history4 ,references and comparisons are not possible4 ,from the ruins of the socialist1 liberal and democratic doctrines1 ,fascism picks those elements that still have a living value2 keeps those that might be termed facts acquired by history1 and rejects the rest3 namely the conception of a doctrine good for all times and all people4 ,admitting that the ,nineteenth ,century was the ,century of ,socialism1 ,liberalism and ,democracy1 it is not said that the ,twentieth century must also be the century of ,socialism1 of ,liberalism1 of ,democracy4 ,political doctrines pass on1 but peoples remain4 ,one may now think that this will be the century of authority1 the century of the right wing the century of ,fascism4 ,if the ,nineteenth ,century was the century of the individual 7liberalism signifies individualism7 one may think that this will be the century of collectivism1 the century of the ,state4 ,it is perfectly logical that a new doctrine should utilise the vital elements of other doctrines4 ,no doctrine was ever born entirely new and shining1 never seen before4 ,no doctrine can boast of absolute originality4 ,each doctrine is bound historically to doctrines which went before1 to doctrines yet to come4 ,thus the scientific ,socialism of ,marx is bound to the ,utopian ,socialism of ,fourier1 of ,owen1 of ,saint-,simon2 thus the ,liberalism of #ahjj is linked with the movement of #agjj4 ,thus ,democratic doctrines are bound to the ,encyclopaedists4 ,each doctrine tends to direct human activity towards a definite object2 but the activity of man reacts upon the doctrine1 transforms it and adapts it to new requirements1 or overcomes it4 ,doctrine therefore should be an act of life and not an academy of words4 ,in this lie the pragmatic veins of ,fascism1 its will to power1 its will to be1 its position with regard to violence and its value4 #aj4 ,the ,value and ,mission of the ,state4 ,the capital point of the ,fascist doctrine is the conception of the ,state1 its essence1 the work to be accomplished1 its final aims4 ,in the conception of ,fascism1 the ,state is an absolute before which individuals and groups are relative4 ,individuals and groups are conceivable inasmuch as they are in the ,state4 ,the ,liberal ,state does not direct the movement and the material and spiritual evolution of collectivity1 but limits itself to recording the results2 the ,fascist ,state has its conscious conviction1 a will of its own1 and for this reason it is called an ethical ,state4 ,in #aibi at the first quinquiennial assembly of the ,regime1 ,i said3 ,in ,fascism the ,state is not a night-watchman1 only occupied with the personal safety of the citizens1 nor is it an organisation with purely material aims1 such as that of assuring a certain well-being and a comparatively easy social cohabitation4 ,a board of directors would be quite sufficient to deal with this4 ,it is not a purely political creation1 either1 detached from the complex material realities of the life of individuals and of peoples4 ,the ,state as conceived and enacted by ,fascism1 is a spiritual and moral fact since it gives concrete form to the political1 juridical and economical organisation of the country4 ,furthermore this organisation as it rises and develops1 is a manifestation of the spirit4 ,the ,state is a safeguard of interior and exterior safety but it is also the keeper and the transmitter of the spirit of the people1 as it was elaborated throughout the ages1 in its language1 customs and beliefs4 ,the ,state is not only the present1 but it is also the past and above all the future4 ,the ,state1 inasmuch as it transcends the short limits of individual lives1 represents the immanent conscience of the nation4 ,the forms in which the ,state expresses itself are subject to changes1 but the necessity for the ,state remains4 ,it is the ,state which educates the citizens in civic virtues1 gives them a consciousness of their mission1 presses them towards unity2 the ,state harmonizes their interests through justice1 transmits to prosperity the attainments of thoughts1 in science1 in art1 in laws1 in the solidarity of mankind4 ,the ,state leads men from primitive tribal life to that highest expression of human power which is ,empire2 links up through the centuries the names of those who died to preserve its integrity or to obey its laws2 holds up the memory of the leaders who increased its territory1 and of the geniuses who cast the light of glory upon it1 as an example for future generations to follow4 ,when the conception of the ,state declines and disintegrating or centrifugal tendencies prevail1 whether of individuals or groups1 then the national society is about to set4 #aa4 ,the ,unity of the ,state and the ,contradictions of ,capitalism4 ,from #aibi onwards to the present day1 the universal1 political and economical evolution has still further strengthened the doctrinal positions4 ,the giant who rules is the ,state4 ,the one who can resolve the dramatic contradictions of capital is the ,state4 ,what is called the crisis cannot be resolved except by the ,state and in the ,state4 ,where are the ghosts of ,jules ,simon who1 at the dawn of ,liberalism1 proclaimed that the ,state must set to work to make itself useless and prepare its resignation8 ,of ,mac,culloch who1 in the second half of the past century1 proclaimed that the ,state must abstain from ruling8 ,what would the ,englishman ,bentham say today to the continual and inevitably-invoked intervention of the ,state in the sphere of economics1 while1 according to his theories1 industry should ask no more of the ,state than to be left in peace8 ,or the ,german ,humboldt according to whom an idle ,state was the best kind of ,state8 ,it is true that the second wave of ,liberal economists were less extreme than the first1 and ,adam ,smith himself opened the door--if only very cautiously--to let ,state intervention into the economic field4 ,if ,liberalism signifies the individual--then ,fascism signifies the ,state4 ,but the ,fascist ,state is unique of its kind and is an original creation4 ,it is not reactionary but revolutionary1 inasmuch as it anticipates the solution of certain universal problems such as those which are treated elsewhere3 #a7 in the political sphere1 by the subdivisions of parties1 in the preponderance of parliamentarism and in the irresponsibilities of assemblies2 #b7 in the economic sphere1 by the functions of trade unions which are becoming constantly more numerous and powerful1 whether in the labour or industrial fields1 in their conflicts and combinations1 and #c7 in the moral sphere by the necessity of order1 discipline1 obedience to those who are the moral dictators of the country4 ,fascism wants the ,state to be strong1 organic and at the same time supported on a wide popular basis4 ,as part of its task the ,fascist ,state has penetrated the economic field3 through the corporative1 social and educational institutions which it has created4 ,the presence of the ,state is felt in the remotest ramifications of the country4 ,and in the ,state also1 all the political1 economic and spiritual forces of the nation circulate1 mustered in their respective organisations4 ,a ,state which stands on the support of millions of individuals who recognise it1 who believe in it1 who are ready to serve it1 is not the tyrannical ,state of the mediaeval lord4 ,it has nothing in common with the absolutist ,states before or after '#hi4 ,the individual in the ,fascist ,state is not annulled but rather multiplied1 just as in a regiment a soldier is not diminished1 but multiplied by the number of his comrades4 ,the ,fascist ,state organises the nation1 but leaves a sufficient margin afterward to the individual2 it has limited the useless or harmful liberties and has preserved the essential ones4 ,the one to judge in this respect is not the individual but the ,state4 #ab4 ,the ,fascist ,state and ,religion4 ,the ,fascist ,state is not indifferent to the presence or the fact of religion in general nor to the presence of that particular established religion1 which is ,italian ,catholicism4 ,the ,state has no theology1 but it has morality4 ,in the ,fascist ,state religion is considered as one of the most profound manifestations of the spirit2 it is therefore not only respected1 but defended and protected4 ,the ,fascist ,state does not create its own ,god1 as ,robespierre wanted to do at a certain moment in the frenzies of the ,convention2 nor does it vainly endeavour to cancel the idea of ,god from the mind as ,bolschevism tries to do4 ,fascism respects the ,god of the ascetics1 of the saints and of the heroes4 ,it also respects ,god as he is conceived and prayed to in the ingenuous and primitive heart of the people4 #ac4 ,empire and ,discipline4 ,the ,fascist ,state is a will expressing power and empire4 ,the ,roman tradition here becomes an idea of force4 ,in the ,fascist doctrine1 empire is not only a territorial or a military1 or a commercial expression3 it is a moral and a spiritual one4 ,an empire can be thought of1 for instance1 as a nation which directly or indirectly guides other nations--without the need of conquering a single mile of territory4 ,for ,fascism1 the tendency to empire1 that is to say the expansion of nations1 is a manifestation of vitality1 its contrary 7the stay-at-home attitude7 is a sign of decadence4 ,peoples who rise1 or who suddenly flourish again1 are imperialistic2 peoples who die are peoples who abdicate4 ,fascism is a doctrine which most adequately represents the tendencies1 the state of mind of a people like the ,italian people1 which is rising again after many centuries of abandonment and of foreign servitude4 ,but empire requires discipline1 the coordination of forces1 duty and sacrifice4 ,this explains many phases of the practical action of the regime4 ,it explains the aims of many of the forces of the ,state and the necessary severity against those who would oppose themselves to this spontaneous and irresistible movement of the ,italy of the ,twentieth century by trying to appeal to the discredited ideologies of the ,nineteenth century1 which have been repudiated wherever great experiments of political and social transformation have been daringly undertaken4 ,never more than at the present moment have the nations felt such a thirst for an authority1 for a direction1 for order4 ,if every century has its own peculiar doctrine1 there are a thousand indications that ,fascism is that of the present century4 ,that it is a doctrine of life is shown by the fact that it has created a faith2 that the faith has taken possession of the mind is demonstrated by the fact that ,fascism has had its ,fallen and its martyrs4 ,fascism has now attained in the world an universality over all doctrines4 ,being realised1 it represents an epoch in the history of the human mind4 ,,the ,,political ,,doctrine ,,of ,,fascism#a ,,by ,,his ,,excellency ,,alfredo ,,rocco ,,premier ,,mussolini',s ,,endorsement ,,of ,,signor ,,rocco',s ,,speech ,the following message was sent by ,benito ,mussolini1 the ,premier of ,italy1 to ,signor ,rocco after he had delivered his speech at ,perugia4 ,dear ,rocco1 ,i have just read your magnificent address which ,i endorse throughout4 ,you have presented in a masterful way the doctrine of ,fascism4 ,for ,fascism has a doctrine1 or1 if you will1 a particular philosophy with regard to all the questions which beset the human mind today4 ,all ,italian ,fascists should read your discourse and derive from it both the clear formulation of the basic principles of our program as well as the reasons why ,fascism must be systematically1 firmly1 and rationally inflexible in its uncompromising attitude towards other parties4 ,thus and only thus can the word become flesh and the ideas be turned into deeds4 ,cordial greetings1 ,,mussolini4 ,fascism ,as ,action1 ,as ,feeling1 and ,as ,thought ,much has been said1 and is now being said for or against this complex political and social phenomenon which in the brief period of six years has taken complete hold of ,italian life and1 spreading beyond the borders of the ,kingdom1 has made itself felt in varying degrees of intensity throughout the world4 ,but people have been much more eager to extol or to deplore than to understand--which is natural enough in a period of tumultuous fervor and of political passion4 ,the time has not yet arrived for a dispassionate judgment4 ,for even ,i1 who noticed the very first manifestations of this great development1 saw its significance from the start and participated directly in its first doings1 carefully watching all its early uncertain and changing developments1 even ,i do not feel competent to pass definite judgment4 ,fascism is so large a part of myself that it would be both arbitrary and absurd for me to try to dissociate my personality from it1 to submit it to impartial scrutiny in order to evaluate it coldly and accurately4 ,what can be done1 however1 and it seldom is attempted1 is to make inquiry into the phenomenon which shall not merely consider its fragmentary and adventitious aspects1 but strive to get at its inner essence4 ,the undertaking may not be easy1 but it is necessary1 and no occasion for attempting it is more suitable than the present one afforded me by my friends of ,perugia4 ,suitable it is in time because1 at the inauguration of a course of lectures and lessons principally intended to illustrate that old and glorious trend of the life and history of ,italy which takes its name from the humble saint of ,assisi1 it seemed natural to connect it with the greatest achievement of modern ,italy1 different in so many ways from the ,franciscan movement1 but united with it by the mighty common current of ,italian ,history4 ,it is suitable as well in place because at ,perugia1 which witnessed the growth of our religious ideas1 of our political doctrines and of our legal science in the course of the most glorious centuries of our cultural history1 the mind is properly disposed and almost oriented towards an investigation of this nature4 ,first of all let us ask ourselves if there is a political doctrine of ,fascism2 if there is any ideal content in the ,fascist state4 ,for in order to link ,fascism1 both as concept and system1 with the history of ,italian thought and find therein a place for it1 we must first show that it is thought2 that it is a doctrine4 ,many persons are not quite convinced that it is either the one or the other2 and ,i am not referring solely to those men1 cultured or uncultured1 as the case may be and very numerous everywhere1 who can discern in this political innovation nothing except its local and personal aspects1 and who know ,fascism only as the particular manner of behavior of this or that well-known ,fascist1 of this or that group of a certain town2 who therefore like or dislike the movement on the basis of their likes and dislikes for the individuals who represent it4 ,nor do ,i refer to those intelligent1 and cultivated persons1 very intelligent indeed and very cultivated1 who because of their direct or indirect allegiance to the parties that have been dispossessed by the advent of ,fascism1 have a natural cause of resentment against it and are therefore unable to see1 in the blindness of hatred1 anything good in it4 ,i am referring rather to those--and there are many in our ranks too--who know ,fascism as action and feeling but not yet as thought1 who therefore have an intuition but no comprehension of it4 ,it is true that ,fascism is1 above all1 action and sentiment and that such it must continue to be4 ,were it otherwise1 it could not keep up that immense driving force1 that renovating power which it now possesses and would merely be the solitary meditation of a chosen few4 ,only because it is feeling and sentiment1 only because it is the unconscious reawakening of our profound racial instinct1 has it the force to stir the soul of the people1 and to set free an irresistible current of national will4 ,only because it is action1 and as such actualizes itself in a vast organization and in a huge movement1 has it the conditions for determining the historical course of contemporary ,italy4 ,but ,fascism is thought as well and it has a theory1 which is an essential part of this historical phenomenon1 and which is responsible in a great measure for the successes that have been achieved4 ,to the existence of this ideal content of ,fascism1 to the truth of this ,fascist logic we ascribe the fact that though we commit many errors of detail1 we very seldom go astray on fundamentals1 whereas all the parties of the opposition1 deprived as they are of an informing1 animating principle1 of a unique directing concept1 do very often wage their war faultlessly in minor tactics1 better trained as they are in parliamentary and journalistic manoeuvres1 but they constantly break down on the important issues4 ,fascism1 moreover1 considered as action1 is a typically ,italian phenomenon and acquires a universal validity because of the existence of this coherent and organic doctrine4 ,the originality of ,fascism is due in great part to the autonomy of its theoretical principles4 ,for even when1 in its external behavior and in its conclusions1 it seems identical with other political creeds1 in reality it possesses an inner originality due to the new spirit which animates it and to an entirely different theoretical approach4 ,common ,origins and ,common ,background of ,modern ,political ,doctrines3 ,from ,liberalism to ,socialism ,modern political thought remained1 until recently1 both in ,italy and outside of ,italy under the absolute control of those doctrines which1 proceeding from the ,protestant ,reformation and developed by the adepts of natural law in the ,,xvii and ,,xviii centuries1 were firmly grounded in the institutions and customs of the ,english1 of the ,american1 and of the ,french ,revolutions4 ,under different and sometimes clashing forms these doctrines have left a determining imprint upon all theories and actions both social and political1 of the ,,xix and ,,xx centuries down to the rise of ,fascism4 ,the common basis of all these doctrines1 which stretch from ,longuet1 from ,buchanan1 and from ,althusen down to ,karl ,marx1 to ,wilson and to ,lenin is a social and state concept which ,i shall call mechanical or atomistic4 ,society according to this concept is merely a sum total of individuals1 a plurality which breaks up into its single components4 ,therefore the ends of a society1 so considered1 are nothing more than the ends of the individuals which compose it and for whose sake it exists4 ,an atomistic view of this kind is also necessarily anti-historical1 inasmuch as it considers society in its spatial attributes and not in its temporal ones2 and because it reduces social life to the existence of a single generation4 ,society becomes thus a sum of determined individuals1 viz41 the generation living at a given moment4 ,this doctrine which ,i call atomistic and which appears to be anti-historical1 reveals from under a concealing cloak a strongly materialistic nature4 ,for in its endeavors to isolate the present from the past and the future1 it rejects the spiritual inheritance of ideas and sentiments which each generation receives from those preceding and hands down to the following generation thus destroying the unity and the spiritual life itself of human society4 ,this common basis shows the close logical connection existing between all political doctrines2 the substantial solidarity1 which unites all the political movements1 from ,liberalism to ,socialism1 that until recently have dominated ,europe4 ,for these political schools differ from one another in their methods1 but all agree as to the ends to be achieved4 ,all of them consider the welfare and happiness of individuals to be the goal of society1 itself considered as composed of individuals of the present generation4 ,all of them see in society and in its juridical organization1 the state1 the mere instrument and means whereby individuals can attain their ends4 ,they differ only in that the methods pursued for the attainment of these ends vary considerably one from the other4 ,thus the ,liberals insist that the best manner to secure the welfare of the citizens as individuals is to interfere as little as possible with the free development of their activities and that therefore the essential task of the state is merely to coordinate these several liberties in such a way as to guarantee their coexistence4 ,kant1 who was without doubt the most powerful and thorough philosopher of liberalism1 said1 man1 who is the end1 cannot be assumed to have the value of an instrument4 ,and again1 justice1 of which the state is the specific organ1 is the condition whereby the freedom of each is conditioned upon the freedom of others1 according to the general law of liberty4 ,having thus defined the task of the state1 ,liberalism confines itself to the demand of certain guarantees which are to keep the state from overstepping its functions as general coordinator of liberties and from sacrificing the freedom of individuals more than is absolutely necessary for the accomplishment of its purpose4 ,all the efforts are therefore directed to see to it that the ruler1 mandatory of all and entrusted with the realization1 through and by liberty1 of the harmonious happiness of everybody1 should never be clothed with undue power4 ,hence the creation of a system of checks and limitations designed to keep the rulers within bounds2 and among these1 first and foremost1 the principle of the division of powers1 contrived as a means for weakening the state in its relation to the individual1 by making it impossible for the state ever to appear1 in its dealings with citizens1 in the full plenitude of sovereign powers2 also the principle of the participation of citizens in the lawmaking power1 as a means for securing1 in behalf of the individual1 a direct check on this1 the strongest branch1 and an indirect check on the entire government of the state4 ,this system of checks and limitations1 which goes by the name of constitutional government resulted in a moderate and measured liberalism4 ,the checking power was exercised only by those citizens who were deemed worthy and capable1 with the result that a small lite was made to represent legally the entire body politic for whose benefit this rgime was instituted4 ,it was evident1 however1 that this moderate system1 being fundamentally illogical and in contradiction with the very principles from which it proceeded1 would soon become the object of serious criticism4 ,for if the object of society and of the state is the welfare of individuals1 severally considered1 how is it possible to admit that this welfare can be secured by the individuals themselves only through the possibilities of such a liberal rgime8 ,the inequalities brought about both by nature and by social organizations are so numerous and so serious1 that1 for the greater part1 individuals abandoned to themselves not only would fail to attain happiness1 but would also contribute to the perpetuation of their condition of misery and dejection4 ,the state therefore cannot limit itself to the merely negative function of the defense of liberty4 ,it must become active1 in behalf of everybody1 for the welfare of the people4 ,it must intervene1 when necessary1 in order to improve the material1 intellectual1 and moral conditions of the masses2 it must find work for the unemployed1 instruct and educate the people1 and care for health and hygiene4 ,for if the purpose of society and of the state is the welfare of individuals1 and if it is just that these individuals themselves control the attainment of their ends1 it becomes difficult to understand why ,liberalism should not go the whole distance1 why it should see fit to distinguish certain individuals from the rest of the mass1 and why the functions of the people should be restricted to the exercise of a mere check4 ,therefore the state1 if it exists for all1 must be governed by all1 and not by a small minority3 if the state is for the people1 sovereignty must reside in the people3 if all individuals have the right to govern the state1 liberty is no longer sufficient2 equality must be added3 and if sovereignty is vested in the people1 the people must wield all sovereignty and not merely a part of it4 ,the power to check and curb the government is not sufficient4 ,the people must be the government4 ,thus1 logically developed1 ,liberalism leads to ,democracy1 for ,democracy contains the promises of ,liberalism but oversteps its limitations in that it makes the action of the state positive1 proclaims the equality of all citizens through the dogma of popular sovereignty4 ,democracy therefore necessarily implies a republican form of government even though at times1 for reasons of expediency1 it temporarily adjusts itself to a monarchical rgime4 ,once started on this downward grade of logical deductions it was inevitable that this atomistic theory of state and society should pass on to a more advanced position4 ,great industrial developments and the existence of a huge mass of working men1 as yet badly treated and in a condition of semi-servitude1 possibly endurable in a rgime of domestic industry1 became intolerable after the industrial revolution4 ,hence a state of affairs which towards the middle of the last century appeared to be both cruel and threatening4 ,it was therefore natural that the following question be raised3 ,if the state is created for the welfare of its citizens1 severally considered1 how can it tolerate an economic system which divides the population into a small minority of exploiters1 the capitalists1 on one side1 and an immense multitude of exploited1 the working people1 on the other8 ,no6 ,the state must again intervene and give rise to a different and less iniquitous economic organization1 by abolishing private property1 by assuming direct control of all production1 and by organizing it in such a way that the products of labor be distributed solely among those who create them1 viz41 the working classes4 ,hence we find ,socialism1 with its new economic organization of society1 abolishing private ownership of capital and of the instruments and means of production1 socializing the product1 suppressing the extra profit of capital1 and turning over to the working class the entire output of the productive processes4 ,it is evident that ,socialism contains and surpasses ,democracy in the same way that ,democracy comprises and surpasses ,liberalism1 being a more advanced development of the same fundamental concept4 ,socialism in its turn generates the still more extreme doctrine of ,bolshevism which demands the violent suppression of the holders of capital1 the dictatorship of the proletariat1 as means for a fairer economic organization of society and for the rescue of the laboring classes from capitalistic exploitation4 ,thus ,liberalism1 ,democracy1 and ,socialism1 appear to be1 as they are in reality1 not only the offspring of one and the same theory of government1 but also logical derivations one of the other4 ,logically developed ,liberalism leads to ,democracy2 the logical development of ,democracy issues into ,socialism4 ,it is true that for many years1 and with some justification1 ,socialism was looked upon as antithetical to ,liberalism4 ,but the antithesis is purely relative and breaks down as we approach the common origin and foundation of the two doctrines1 for we find that the opposition is one of method1 not of purpose4 ,the end is the same for both1 viz41 the welfare of the individual members of society4 ,the difference lies in the fact that ,liberalism would be guided to its goal by liberty1 whereas ,socialism strives to attain it by the collective organization of production4 ,there is therefore no antithesis nor even a divergence as to the nature and scope of the state and the relation of individuals to society4 ,there is only a difference of evaluation of the means for bringing about these ends and establishing these relations1 which difference depends entirely on the different economic conditions which prevailed at the time when the various doctrines were formulated4 ,liberalism arose and began to thrive in the period of small industry2 ,socialism grew with the rise of industrialism and of world-wide capitalism4 ,the dissension therefore between these two points of view1 or the antithesis1 if we wish so to call it1 is limited to the economic field4 ,socialism is at odds with ,liberalism only on the question of the organization of production and of the division of wealth4 ,in religious1 intellectual1 and moral matters it is liberal1 as it is liberal and democratic in its politics4 ,even the anti-liberalism and anti-democracy of ,bolshevism are in themselves purely contingent4 ,for ,bolshevism is opposed to ,liberalism only in so far as the former is revolutionary1 not in its socialistic aspect4 ,for if the opposition of the ,bolsheviki to liberal and democratic doctrines were to continue1 as now seems more and more probable1 the result might be a complete break between ,bolshevism and ,socialism notwithstanding the fact that the ultimate aims of both are identical4 ,fascism as an ,integral ,doctrine of ,sociality ,antithetical to the ,atomism of ,liberal1 ,democratic1 and ,socialistic ,theories ,the true antithesis1 not to this or that manifestation of the liberal-democratic-socialistic conception of the state but to the concept itself1 is to be found in the doctrine of ,fascism4 ,for while the disagreement between ,liberalism and ,democracy1 and between ,liberalism and ,socialism lies in a difference of method1 as we have said1 the rift between ,socialism1 ,democracy1 and ,liberalism on one side and ,fascism on the other is caused by a difference in concept4 ,as a matter of fact1 ,fascism never raises the question of methods1 using in its political praxis now liberal ways1 now democratic means and at times even socialistic devices4 ,this indifference to method often exposes ,fascism to the charge of incoherence on the part of superficial observers1 who do not see that what counts with us is the end and that therefore even when we employ the same means we act with a radically different spiritual attitude and strive for entirely different results4 ,the ,fascist concept then of the nation1 of the scope of the state1 and of the relations obtaining between society and its individual components1 rejects entirely the doctrine which ,i said proceeded from the theories of natural law developed in the course of the ,,xvi1 ,,xvii1 and ,,xviii centuries and which form the basis of the liberal1 democratic1 and socialistic ideology4 ,i shall not try here to expound this doctrine but shall limit myself to a brief rsum of its fundamental concepts4 ,man--the political animal--according to the definition of ,aristotle1 lives and must live in society4 ,a human being outside the pale of society is an inconceivable thing--a non-man4 ,humankind in its entirety lives in social groups that are still1 today1 very numerous and diverse1 varying in importance and organization from the tribes of ,central ,africa to the great ,western ,empires4 ,these various societies are fractions of the human species each one of them endowed with a unified organization4 ,and as there is no unique organization of the human species1 there is not one but there are several human societies4 ,humanity therefore exists solely as a biological concept not as a social one4 ,each society on the other hand exists in the unity of both its biological and its social contents4 ,socially considered it is a fraction of the human species endowed with unity of organization for the attainment of the peculiar ends of the species4 ,this definition brings out all the elements of the social phenomenon and not merely those relating to the preservation and perpetuation of the species4 ,for man is not solely matter2 and the ends of the human species1 far from being the materialistic ones we have in common with other animals1 are1 rather1 and predominantly1 the spiritual finalities which are peculiar to man and which every form of society strives to attain as well as its stage of social development allows4 ,thus the organization of every social group is more or less pervaded by the spiritual influxes of3 unity of language1 of culture1 of religion1 of tradition1 of customs1 and in general of feeling and of volition1 which are as essential as the material elements3 unity of economic interests1 of living conditions1 and of territory4 ,the definition given above demonstrates another truth1 which has been ignored by the political doctrines that for the last four centuries have been the foundations of political systems1 viz41 that the social concept has a biological aspect1 because social groups are fractions of the human species1 each one possessing a peculiar organization1 a particular rank in the development of civilization with certain needs and appropriate ends1 in short1 a life which is really its own4 ,if social groups are then fractions of the human species1 they must possess the same fundamental traits of the human species1 which means that they must be considered as a succession of generations and not as a collection of individuals4 ,it is evident therefore that as the human species is not the total of the living human beings of the world1 so the various social groups which compose it are not the sum of the several individuals which at a given moment belong to it1 but rather the infinite series of the past1 present1 and future generations constituting it4 ,and as the ends of the human species are not those of the several individuals living at a certain moment1 being occasionally in direct opposition to them1 so the ends of the various social groups are not necessarily those of the individuals that belong to the groups but may even possibly be in conflict with such ends1 as one sees clearly whenever the preservation and the development of the species demand the sacrifice of the individual1 to wit1 in times of war4 ,fascism replaces therefore the old atomistic and mechanical state theory which was at the basis of the liberal and democratic doctrines with an organic and historic concept4 ,when ,i say organic ,i do not wish to convey the impression that ,i consider society as an organism after the manner of the so-called organic theories of the state2 but rather to indicate that the social groups as fractions of the species receive thereby a life and scope which transcend the scope and life of the individuals identifying themselves with the history and finalities of the uninterrupted series of generations4 ,it is irrelevant in this connection to determine whether social groups1 considered as fractions of the species1 constitute organisms4 ,the important thing is to ascertain that this organic concept of the state gives to society a continuous life over and beyond the existence of the several individuals4 ,the relations therefore between state and citizens are completely reversed by the ,fascist doctrine4 ,instead of the liberal-democratic formula1 society for the individual1 we have1 individuals for society with this difference however3 that while the liberal doctrines eliminated society1 ,fascism does not submerge the individual in the social group4 ,it subordinates him1 but does not eliminate him2 the individual as a part of his generation ever remaining an element of society however transient and insignificant he may be4 ,moreover the development of individuals in each generation1 when coordinated and harmonized1 conditions the development and prosperity of the entire social unit4 ,at this juncture the antithesis between the two theories must appear complete and absolute4 ,liberalism1 ,democracy1 and ,socialism look upon social groups as aggregates of living individuals2 for ,fascism they are the recapitulating unity of the indefinite series of generations4 ,for ,liberalism1 society has no purposes other than those of the members living at a given moment4 ,for ,fascism1 society has historical and immanent ends of preservation1 expansion1 improvement1 quite distinct from those of the individuals which at a given moment compose it2 so distinct in fact that they may even be in opposition4 ,hence the necessity1 for which the older doctrines make little allowance1 of sacrifice1 even up to the total immolation of individuals1 in behalf of society2 hence the true explanation of war1 eternal law of mankind1 interpreted by the liberal-democratic doctrines as a degenerate absurdity or as a maddened monstrosity4 ,for ,liberalism1 society has no life distinct from the life of the individuals1 or as the phrase goes3 solvitur in singularitates4 ,for ,fascism1 the life of society overlaps the existence of individuals and projects itself into the succeeding generations through centuries and millennia4 ,individuals come into being1 grow1 and die1 followed by others1 unceasingly2 social unity remains always identical to itself4 ,for ,liberalism1 the individual is the end and society the means2 nor is it conceivable that the individual1 considered in the dignity of an ultimate finality1 be lowered to mere instrumentality4 ,for ,fascism1 society is the end1 individuals the means1 and its whole life consists in using individuals as instruments for its social ends4 ,the state therefore guards and protects the welfare and development of individuals not for their exclusive interest1 but because of the identity of the needs of individuals with those of society as a whole4 ,we can thus accept and explain institutions and practices1 which like the death penalty1 are condemned by ,liberalism in the name of the preeminence of individualism4 ,the fundamental problem of society in the old doctrines is the question of the rights of individuals4 ,it may be the right to freedom as the ,liberals would have it2 or the right to the government of the commonwealth as the ,democrats claim it1 or the right to economic justice as the ,socialists contend2 but in every case it is the right of individuals1 or groups of individuals 7classes74 ,fascism on the other hand faces squarely the problem of the right of the state and of the duty of individuals4 ,individual rights are only recognized in so far as they are implied in the rights of the state4 ,in this preeminence of duty we find the highest ethical value of ,fascism4 ,the ,problems of ,liberty1 of ,government1 and of ,social ,justice in the ,political ,doctrine of ,fascism ,this1 however1 does not mean that the problems raised by the other schools are ignored by ,fascism4 ,it means simply that it faces them and solves them differently1 as1 for example1 the problem of liberty4 ,there is a ,liberal theory of freedom1 and there is a ,fascist concept of liberty4 ,for we1 too1 maintain the necessity of safeguarding the conditions that make for the free development of the individual2 we1 too1 believe that the oppression of individual personality can find no place in the modern state4 ,we do not1 however1 accept a bill of rights which tends to make the individual superior to the state and to empower him to act in opposition to society4 ,our concept of liberty is that the individual must be allowed to develop his personality in behalf of the state1 for these ephemeral and infinitesimal elements of the complex and permanent life of society determine by their normal growth the development of the state4 ,but this individual growth must be normal4 ,a huge and disproportionate development of the individual of classes1 would prove as fatal to society as abnormal growths are to living organisms4 ,freedom therefore is due to the citizen and to classes on condition that they exercise it in the interest of society as a whole and within the limits set by social exigencies1 liberty being1 like any other individual right1 a concession of the state4 ,what ,i say concerning civil liberties applies to economic freedom as well4 ,fascism does not look upon the doctrine of economic liberty as an absolute dogma4 ,it does not refer economic problems to individual needs1 to individual interest1 to individual solutions4 ,on the contrary it considers the economic development1 and especially the production of wealth1 as an eminently social concern1 wealth being for society an essential element of power and prosperity4 ,but ,fascism maintains that in the ordinary run of events economic liberty serves the social purposes best2 that it is profitable to entrust to individual initiative the task of economic development both as to production and as to distribution2 that in the economic world individual ambition is the most effective means for obtaining the best social results with the least effort4 ,therefore1 on the question also of economic liberty the ,fascists differ fundamentally from the ,liberals2 the latter see in liberty a principle1 the the ,fascists accept it as a method4 ,by the ,liberals1 freedom is recognized in the interest of the citizens2 the ,fascists grant it in the interest of society4 ,in other terms1 ,fascists make of the individual an economic instrument for the advancement of society1 an instrument which they use so long as it functions and which they subordinate when no longer serviceable4 ,in this guise ,fascism solves the eternal problem of economic freedom and of state interference1 considering both as mere methods which may or may not be employed in accordance with the social needs of the moment4 ,what ,i have said concerning political and economic ,liberalism applies also to ,democracy4 ,the latter envisages fundamentally the problem of sovereignty2 ,fascism does also1 but in an entirely different manner4 ,democracy vests sovereignty in the people1 that is to say1 in the mass of human beings4 ,fascism discovers sovereignty to be inherent in society when it is juridically organized as a state4 ,democracy therefore turns over the government of the state to the multitude of living men that they may use it to further their own interests2 ,fascism insists that the government be entrusted to men capable of rising above their own private interests and of realizing the aspirations of the social collectivity1 considered in its unity and in its relation to the past and future4 ,fascism therefore not only rejects the dogma of popular sovereignty and substitutes for it that of state sovereignty1 but it also proclaims that the great mass of citizens is not a suitable advocate of social interests for the reason that the capacity to ignore individual private interests in favor of the higher demands of society and of history is a very rare gift and the privilege of the chosen few4 ,natural intelligence and cultural preparation are of great service in such tasks4 ,still more valuable perhaps is the intuitiveness of rare great minds1 their traditionalism and their inherited qualities4 ,this must not however be construed to mean that the masses are not to be allowed to exercise any influence on the life of the state4 ,on the contrary1 among peoples with a great history and with noble traditions1 even the lowest elements of society possess an instinctive discernment of what is necessary for the welfare of the race1 which in moments of great historical crises reveals itself to be almost infallible4 ,it is therefore as wise to afford to this instinct the means of declaring itself as it is judicious to entrust the normal control of the commonwealth to a selected lite4 ,as for ,socialism1 the ,fascist doctrine frankly recognizes that the problem raised by it as to the relations between capital and labor is a very serious one1 perhaps the central one of modern life4 ,what ,fascism does not countenance is the collectivistic solution proposed by the ,socialists4 ,the chief defect of the socialistic method has been clearly demonstrated by the experience of the last few years4 ,it does not take into account human nature1 it is therefore outside of reality1 in that it will not recognize that the most powerful spring of human activities lies in individual self-interest and that therefore the elimination from the economic field of this interest results in complete paralysis4 ,the suppression of private ownership of capital carries with it the suppression of capital itself1 for capital is formed by savings and no one will want to save1 but will rather consume all he makes if he knows he cannot keep and hand down to his heirs the results of his labors4 ,the dispersion of capital means the end of production since capital1 no matter who owns it1 is always an indispensable tool of production4 ,collective organization of production is followed therefore by the paralysis of production since1 by eliminating from the productive mechanism the incentive of individual interest1 the product becomes rarer and more costly4 ,socialism then1 as experience has shown1 leads to increase in consumption1 to the dispersion of capital and therefore to poverty4 ,of what avail is it1 then1 to build a social machine which will more justly distribute wealth if this very wealth is destroyed by the construction of this machine8 ,socialism committed an irreparable error when it made of private property a matter of justice while in truth it is a problem of social utility4 ,the recognition of individual property rights1 then1 is a part of the ,fascist doctrine not because of its individual bearing but because of its social utility4 ,we must reject1 therefore1 the socialistic solution but we cannot allow the problem raised by the ,socialists to remain unsolved1 not only because justice demands a solution but also because the persistence of this problem in liberal and democratic rgimes has been a menace to public order and to the authority of the state4 ,unlimited and unrestrained class self-defense1 evinced by strikes and lockouts1 by boycotts and sabotage1 leads inevitably to anarchy4 ,the ,fascist doctrine1 enacting justice among the classes in compliance with a fundamental necessity of modern life1 does away with class self-defense1 which1 like individual self-defense in the days of barbarism1 is a source of disorder and of civil war4 ,having reduced the problem of these terms1 only one solution is possible1 the realization of justice among the classes by and through the state4 ,centuries ago the state1 as the specific organ of justice1 abolished personal self-defense in individual controversies and substituted for it state justice4 ,the time has now come when class self-defense also must be replaced by state justice4 ,to facilitate the change ,fascism has created its own syndicalism4 ,the suppression of class self-defense does not mean the suppression of class defense which is an inalienable necessity of modern economic life4 ,class organization is a fact which cannot be ignored but it must be controlled1 disciplined1 and subordinated by the state4 ,the syndicate1 instead of being1 as formerly1 an organ of extra-legal defense1 must be turned into an organ of legal defense which will become judicial defense as soon as labor conflicts become a matter of judicial settlement4 ,fascism therefore has transformed the syndicate1 that old revolutionary instrument of syndicalistic socialists1 into an instrument of legal defense of the classes both within and without the law courts4 ,this solution may encounter obstacles in its development2 the obstacles of malevolence1 of suspicion of the untried1 of erroneous calculation1 etc41 but it is destined to triumph even though it must advance through progressive stages4 ,historical ,value of the ,doctrine of ,fascism ,i might carry this analysis farther but what ,i have already said is sufficient to show that the rise of a ,fascist ideology already gives evidence of an upheaval in the intellectual field as powerful as the change that was brought about in the ,,xvii and ,,xviii centuries by the rise and diffusion of those doctrines of ius naturale which go under the name of ,philosophy of the ,french ,revolution4 ,the philosophy of the ,french ,revolution formulated certain principles1 the authority of which1 unquestioned for a century and a half1 seemed so final that they were given the attribute of immortality4 ,the influence of these principles was so great that they determined the formation of a new culture1 of a new civilization4 ,likewise the fervor of the ideas that go to make up the ,fascist doctrine1 now in its inception but destined to spread rapidly1 will determine the course of a new culture and of a new conception of civil life4 ,the deliverance of the individual from the state carried out in the ,,xviii century will be followed in the ,,xx century by the rescue of the state from the individual4 ,the period of authority1 of social obligations1 of hierarchical subordination will succeed the period of individualism1 of state feebleness1 of insubordination4 ,this innovating trend is not and cannot be a return to the ,middle ,ages4 ,it is a common but an erroneous belief that the movement1 started by the ,reformation and heightened by the ,french ,revolution1 was directed against mediaeval ideas and institutions4 ,rather than as a negation1 this movement should be looked upon as the development and fulfillment of the doctrines and practices of the ,middle ,ages4 ,socially and politically considered the ,middle ,ages wrought disintegration and anarchy2 they were characterized by the gradual weakening and ultimate extinction of the state1 embodied in the ,roman ,empire1 driven first to the ,east1 then back to ,france1 thence to ,germany1 a shadow of its former self2 they were marked by the steady advance of the forces of usurpation1 destructive of the state and reciprocally obnoxious2 they bore the imprints of a triumphant particularism4 ,therefore the individualistic and anti-social movement of the ,,xvii and ,,xviii centuries was not directed against the ,middle ,ages1 but rather against the restoration of the state by great national monarchies4 ,if this movement destroyed mediaeval institutions that had survived the ,middle ,ages and had been grafted upon the new states1 it was in consequence of the struggle primarily waged against the state4 ,the spirit of the movement was decidedly mediaeval4 ,the novelty consisted in the social surroundings in which it operated and in its relation to new economic developments4 ,the individualism of the feudal lords1 the particularism of the cities and of the corporations had been replaced by the individualism and the particularism of the bourgeoisie and of the popular classes4 ,the ,fascist ideology cannot therefore look back to the ,middle ,ages1 of which it is a complete negation4 ,the ,middle ,ages spell disintegration2 ,fascism is nothing if not sociality4 ,it is if anything the beginning of the end of the ,middle ,ages prolonged four centuries beyond the end ordinarily set for them and revived by the social democratic anarchy of the past thirty years4 ,if ,fascism can be said to look back at all it is rather in the direction of ancient ,rome whose social and political traditions at the distance of fifteen centuries are being revived by ,fascist ,italy4 ,i am fully aware that the value of ,fascism1 as an intellectual movement1 baffles the minds of many of its followers and supporters and is denied outright by its enemies4 ,there is no malice in this denial1 as ,i see it1 but rather an incapacity to comprehend4 ,the liberal-democratic-socialistic ideology has so completely and for so long a time dominated ,italian culture that in the minds of the majority of people trained by it1 it has assumed the value of an absolute truth1 almost the authority of a natural law4 ,every faculty of self-criticism is suppressed in the minds and this suppression entails an incapacity for understanding that time alone can change4 ,it will be advisable therefore to rely mainly upon the new generations and in general upon persons whose culture is not already fixed4 ,this difficulty to comprehend on the part of those who have been thoroughly grounded by a different preparation in the political and social sciences explains in part why ,fascism has not been wholly successful with the intellectual classes and with mature minds1 and why on the other hand it has been very successful with young people1 with women1 in rural districts1 and among men of action unencumbered by a fixed and set social and political education4 ,fascism moreover1 as a cultural movement1 is just now taking its first steps4 ,as in the case with all great movements1 action regularly outstrips thought4 ,it was thus at the time of the ,protestant ,reformation and of the individualistic reaction of the ,,xvii and ,,xviii centuries4 ,the ,english revolution occurred when the doctrines of natural law were coming into being and the theoretical development of the liberal and democratic theories followed the ,french ,revolution4 ,at this point it will not be very difficult to assign a fitting place in history to this great trend of thought which is called ,fascism and which1 in spite of the initial difficulties1 already gives clear indication of the magnitude of its developments4 ,the liberal-democratic speculation both in its origin and in the manner of its development appears to be essentially a non-,italian formation4 ,its connection with the ,middle ,ages already shows it to be foreign to the ,latin mind1 the mediaeval disintegration being the result of the triumph of ,germanic individualism over the political mentality of the ,romans4 ,the barbarians1 boring from within and hacking from without1 pulled down the great political structure raised by ,latin genius and put nothing in its place4 ,anarchy lasted eight centuries during which time only one institution survived and that a ,roman one--the ,catholic ,church4 ,but1 as soon as the laborious process of reconstruction was started with the constitution of the great national states backed by the ,roman ,church the ,protestant ,reformation set in followed by the individualistic currents of the ,,xvii and ,,xviii centuries1 and the process of disintegration was started anew4 ,this anti-state tendency was the expression of the ,germanic spirit and it therefore became predominant among the ,germanic peoples and wherever ,germanism had left a deep imprint even if afterward superficially covered by a veneer of ,latin culture4 ,it is true that ,marsilius from ,padua is an ,italian writing for ,ludwig the ,bavarian1 but the other writers who in the ,,xiv century appear as forerunners of the liberal doctrines are not ,italians3 ,occam and ,wycliff are ,english2 ,oresme is ,french4 ,among the advocates of individualism in the ,,xvi century who prepared the way for the triumph of the doctrines of natural law in the subsequent centuries1 ,hotman and ,languet are ,french1 ,buchanan is ,scotch4 ,of the great authorities of natural law1 ,grotius and ,spinosa are ,dutch2 ,locke is ,english2 l',abb de ,st4 ,pierre1 ,montesquieu1 d',argenson1 ,voltaire1 ,rousseau1 ,diderot and the encyclopaedists are ,french2 ,althusius1 ,pufendorf1 ,kant1 ,fichte are ,german4 ,italy took no part in the rise and development of the doctrines of natural law4 ,only in the ,,xix century did she evince a tardy interest in these doctrines1 just as she tardily contributed to them at the dose of the ,,xviii century through the works of ,beccaria and ,filangeri4 ,while therefore in other countries such as ,france1 ,england1 ,germany1 and ,holland1 the general tradition in the social and political sciences worked in behalf of anti-state individualism1 and therefore of liberal and democratic doctrines1 ,italy1 on the other hand1 clung to the powerful legacy of its past in virtue of which she proclaims the rights of the state1 the preeminence of its authority1 and the superiority of its ends4 ,the very fact that the ,italian political doctrine in the ,middle ,ages linked itself with the great political writers of antiquity1 ,plato and ,aristotle1 who in a different manner but with an equal firmness advocated a strong state and the subordination of individuals to it1 is a sufficient index of the orientation of political philosophy in ,italy4 ,we all know how thorough and crushing the authority of ,aristotle was in the ,middle ,ages4 ,but for ,aristotle the spiritual cement of the state is virtue not absolute virtue but political virtue1 which is social devotion4 ,his state is made up solely of its citizens1 the citizens being either those who defend it with their arms or who govern it as magistrates4 ,all others who provide it with the materials and services it needs are not citizens4 ,they become such only in the corrupt forms of certain democracies4 ,society is therefore divided into two classes1 the free men or citizens who give their time to noble and virtuous occupations and who profess their subjection to the state1 and the laborers and slaves who work for the maintenance of the former4 ,no man in this scheme is his own master4 ,the slaves belong to the freemen1 and the freemen belong to the state4 ,it was therefore natural that ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas the greatest political writer of the ,middle ,ages should emphasize the necessity of unity in the political field1 the harm of plurality of rulers1 the dangers and damaging effects of demagogy4 ,the good of the state1 says ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas1 is unity4 ,and who can procure unity more fittingly than he who is himself one8 ,moreover the government must follow1 as far as possible1 the course of nature and in nature power is always one4 ,in the physical body only one organ is dominant--the heart2 in the spirit only one faculty has sway--reason4 ,bees have one sole ruler2 and the entire universe one sole sovereign--,god4 ,experience shows that the countries1 which are ruled by many1 perish because of discord while those that are ruled over by one enjoy peace1 justice1 and plenty4 ,the ,states which are not ruled by one are troubled by dissensions1 and toil unceasingly4 ,on the contrary the states which are ruled over by one king enjoy peace1 thrive in justice and are gladdened by affluence4#b ,the rule of the multitudes can not be sanctioned1 for where the crowd rules it oppresses the rich as would a tyrant4#c ,italy in the ,middle ,ages presented a curious phenomenon3 while in practice the authority of the state was being dissolved into a multiplicity of competing sovereignties1 the theory of state unity and authority was kept alive in the minds of thinkers by the memories of the ,roman ,imperial tradition4 ,it was this memory that supported for centuries the fiction of the universal ,roman ,empire when in reality it existed no longer4 ,dante's ,de ,monarchia deduced the theory of this empire conceived as the unity of a strong state4 ,quod potest fieri per unum melius est per unum fieri quam plura1 he says in the ,,xiv chapter of the first book1 and further on1 considering the citizen as an instrument for the attainment of the ends of the state1 he concludes that the individual must sacrifice himself for his country4 ,si pars debet se exponere pro salute totius1 cum homo siti pars quaedam civitatis 444 homo pro patria debet exponere se ipsum4 7lib4 ,,ii4 #h74 ,the ,roman tradition1 which was one of practice but not of theories--for ,rome constructed the most solid state known to history with extraordinary statesmanship but with hardly any political writings--influenced considerably the founder of modern political science1 ,nicolo ,machiavelli1 who was himself in truth not a creator of doctrines but a keen observer of human nature who derived from the study of history practical maxims of political import4 ,he freed the science of politics from the formalism of the scholastics and brought it close to concrete reality4 ,his writings1 an inexhaustible mine of practical remarks and precious observations1 reveal dominant in him the state idea1 no longer abstract but in the full historical concreteness of the national unity of ,italy4 ,machiavelli therefore is not only the greatest of modern political writers1 he is also the greatest of our countrymen in full possession of a national ,italian consciousness4 ,to liberate ,italy1 which was in his day enslaved1 torn and pillaged1 and to make her more powerful1 he would use any means1 for to his mind the holiness of the end justified them completely4 ,in this he was sharply rebuked by foreigners who were not as hostile to his means as they were fearful of the end which he propounded4 ,he advocated therefore the constitution of a strong ,italian state1 supported by the sacrifices and by the blood of the citizens1 not defended by mercenary troops2 well-ordered internally1 aggressive and bent on expansion4 ,weak republics1 he said1 have no determination and can never reach a decision4 7,disc4 ,i4 c4 #ch74 ,weak states were ever dubious in choosing their course1 and slow deliberations are always harmful4 7,disc4 ,i4 c4 #aj74 ,and again3 ,whoso undertakes to govern a multitude either in a rgime of liberty or in a monarchy1 without previously making sure of those who are hostile to the new order of things builds a short-lived state4 7,disc4 ,i4 c4 #af74 ,and further on the dictatorial authority helped and did not harm the ,roman republic 7,disc4 ,i4 c4 #cd71 and ,kings and republics lacking in national troops both for offense and defense should be ashamed of their existence4 7,disc4 ,i4 c4 #ba74 ,and again3 ,money not only does not protect you but rather it exposes you to plundering assaults4 ,nor can there be a more false opinion than that which says that money is the sinews of war4 ,not money but good soldiers win battles4 7,disc4 ,i4 ,,ii4 c4 #aj74 ,the country must be defended with ignominy or with glory and in either way it is nobly defended4 7,disc4 ,,iii4 c4 #da74 ,and with dash and boldness people often capture what they never would have obtained by ordinary means4 7,disc4 ,,iii4 c4 #dd74 ,machiavelli was not only a great political authority1 he taught the mastery of energy and will4 ,fascism learns from him not only its doctrines but its action as well4 ,different from ,machiavelli's1 in mental attitude1 in cultural preparation1 and in manner of presentation1 ,g4,b4 ,vico must yet be connected with the great ,florentine from whom in a certain way he seems to proceed4 ,in the heyday of natural law ,vico is decidedly opposed to ius naturale and in his attacks against its advocates1 ,grotius1 ,seldenus and ,pufendorf1 he systematically assails the abstract1 rationalistic1 and utilitarian principles of the ,,xviii century4 ,as ,montemayor justly says3#d ,while the 'natural jurists'1 basing justice and state on utility and interest and grounding human certitude on reason1 were striving to draft permanent codes and construct the perfect state1 ,vico strongly asserted the social nature of man1 the ethical character of the juridical consciousness and its growth through the history of humanity rather than in sacred history4 ,vico therefore maintains that doctrines must begin with those subjects which take up and explain the entire course of civilization4 ,experience and not ratiocination1 history and not reason must help human wisdom to understand the civil and political regimes which were the result not of reason or philosophy1 but rather of common sense1 or if you will of the social consciousness of man and farther on 7pages #cgc-cgd71 to ,vico we owe the conception of history in its fullest sense as magistra vitae1 the search after the humanity of history1 the principle which makes the truth progress with time1 the discovery of the political 'course' of nations4 ,it is ,vico who uttered the eulogy of the patrician 'heroic hearts' of the 'patres patriae' first founders of states1 magnanimous defenders of the commonwealth and wise counsellors of politics4 ,to ,vico we owe the criticism of democracies1 the affirmation of their brief existence1 of their rapid disintegration at the hands of factions and demagogues1 of their lapse first into anarchy1 then into monarchy1 when their degradation does not make them a prey of foreign oppressors4 ,vico conceived of civil liberty as subjection to law1 as just subordination1 of the private to the public interests1 to the sway of the state4 ,it was ,vico who sketched modern society as a world of nations each one guarding its own imperium1 fighting just and not inhuman wars4 ,in ,vico therefore we find the condemnation of pacifism1 the assertion that right is actualized by bodily force1 that without force1 right is of no avail1 and that therefore 'qui ab iniuriis se tueri non potest servus est4' ,it is not difficult to discern the analogies between these affirmations and the fundamental views and the spirit of ,fascism4 ,nor should we marvel at this similarity4 ,fascism1 a strictly ,italian phenomenon1 has its roots in the ,risorgimento and the ,risorgimento was influenced undoubtedly by ,vico4 ,it would be inexact to affirm that the philosophy of ,vico dominated the ,risorgimento4 ,too many elements of ,german1 ,french1 and ,english civilizations had been added to our culture during the first half of the ,,xix century to make this possible1 so much so that perhaps ,vico might have remained unknown to the makers of ,italian unity if another powerful mind from ,southern ,italy1 ,vincenzo ,cuoco1 had not taken it upon himself to expound the philosophy of ,vico in those very days in which the intellectual preparation of the ,risorgimento was being carried on4 ,an adequate account of ,cuoco's doctrines would carry me too far4 ,montemayor1 in the article quoted above1 gives them considerable attention4 ,he quotes among other things ,cuoco's arraignment of ,democracy3 ,italy has fared badly at the hand of ,democracy which has withered to their roots the three sacred plants of liberty1 unity1 and independence4 ,if we wish to see these trees flourish again let us protect them in the future from ,democracy4 ,the influence of ,cuoco1 an exile at ,milan1 exerted through his writings1 his newspaper articles1 and ,vichian propaganda1 on the ,italian patriots is universally recognized4 ,among the regular readers of his ,giornale ,italiano we find ,monti and ,foscolo4 ,clippings of his articles were treasured by ,mazzini and ,manzoni1 who often acted as his secretary1 called him his master in politics4#e ,the influence of the ,italian tradition summed up and handed down by ,cuoco was felt by ,mazzini whose interpretation of the function of the citizen as duty and mission is to be connected with ,vico's doctrine rather than with the philosophic and political doctrines of the ,french ,revolution4 ,training for social duty1 said ,mazzini1 is essentially and logically unitarian4 ,life for it is but a duty1 a mission4 ,the norm and definition of such mission can only be found in a collective term superior to all the individuals of the country--in the people1 in the nation4 ,if there is a collective mission1 a communion of duty 444 it can only be represented in the national unity4#f ,and farther on3 ,the declaration of rights1 which all constitutions insist in copying slavishly from the ,french1 express only those of the period 444 which considered the individual as the end and pointed out only one half of the problem and again1 assume the existence of one of those crises that threaten the life of the nation1 and demand the active sacrifice of all its sons 444 will you ask the citizens to face martyrdom in virtue of their rights8 ,you have taught men that society was solely constituted to guarantee their rights and now you ask them to sacrifice one and all1 to suffer and die for the safety of the 'nation8'#g ,in ,mazzini's conception of the citizen as instrument for the attainment of the nation's ends and therefore submissive to a higher mission1 to the duty of supreme sacrifice1 we see the anticipation of one of the fundamental points of the ,fascist doctrine4 ,unfortunately1 the autonomy of the political thought of ,italy1 vigorously established in the works of ,vico1 nobly reclaimed by ,vincenzo ,cuoco1 kept up during the struggles of the ,risorgimento in spite of the many foreign influences of that period1 seemed to exhaust itself immediately after the unification4 ,italian political thought which had been original in times of servitude1 became enslaved in the days of freedom4 ,a powerful innovating movement1 issuing from the war and of which ,fascism is the purest expression1 was to restore ,italian thought in the sphere of political doctrine to its own traditions which are the traditions of ,rome4 ,this task of intellectual liberation1 now slowly being accomplished1 is no less important than the political deliverance brought about by the ,fascist ,revolution4 ,it is a great task which continues and integrates the ,risorgimento2 it is now bringing to an end1 after the cessation of our political servitude1 the intellectual dependence of ,italy4 ,thanks to it1 ,italy again speaks to the world and the world listens to ,italy4 ,it is a great task and a great deed and it demands great efforts4 ,to carry it through1 we must1 each one of us1 free ourselves of the dross of ideas and mental habits which two centuries of foreign intellectualistic tradition have heaped upon us2 we must not only take on a new culture but create for ourselves a new soul4 ,we must methodically and patiently contribute something towards the organic and complete elaboration of our doctrine1 at the same time supporting it both at home and abroad with untiring devotion4 ,we ask this effort of renovation and collaboration of all ,fascists1 as well as of all who feel themselves to be ,italians4 ,after the hour of sacrifice comes the hour of unyielding efforts4 ,to our work1 then1 fellow countrymen1 for the glory of ,italy6 99 99 99 99 99 ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #a3 ,translated from the ,italian4 ,footnote #b3 civitates quae non reguntur ab uno dissenionibus laborant et absque pace fluctuant4 ,e contrario civitates quae sub uno rege reguntur pace gaudent1 iustitia florent et affluentia rerum laetantur4 7,de reg4 princ4 ,i4 c4 #b74 ,footnote #c3 ideo manifustum est1 quod multitudo est sicut tyrannuus1 quare operationes multitudinis sunt iniustae4 ergo non expedit multitudinem dominari4 7,comm4 ,in ,polit4 ,l4 ,,iii4 lectio ,,viii74 ,footnote #d3 ,rivista internazionale di filosofia del diritto ,v4 #cea4 ,footnote #e3 ,montemayor4 ,riv4 ,int4 etc4 p4 #cgj4 ,footnote #f3 della unit italiana4 ,scritti1 ,vol4 ,,iii4 ,footnote #g3 ,i sistemi e la democrazia4 ,scritti1 ,vol4 ,,vii4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,the ,,philosophic ,,basis ,,of ,,fascism ,,by ,,giovanni ,,gentile ,for the ,italian nation the ,world ,war was the solution of a deep spiritual crisis4 ,they willed and fought it long before they felt and evaluated it4 ,but they willed1 fought1 felt and evaluated it in a certain spirit which ,italy's generals and statesmen exploited1 but which also worked on them1 conditioning their policies and their action4 ,the spirit in question was not altogether clear and self-consistent4 ,that it lacked unanimity was particularly apparent just before and again just after the war when feelings were not subject to war discipline4 ,it was as though the ,italian character were crossed by two different currents which divided it into two irreconcilable sections4 ,one need think only of the days of ,italian neutrality and of the debates that raged between ,interventionists and ,neutralists4 ,the ease with which the most inconsistent ideas were pressed into service by both parties showed that the issue was not between two opposing political opinions1 two conflicting concepts of history1 but actually between two different temperaments1 two different souls4 ,for one kind of person the important point was to fight the war1 either on the side of ,germany or against ,germany3 but in either event to fight the war1 without regard to specific advantages--to fight the war in order that at last the ,italian nation1 created rather by favoring conditions than by the will of its people to be a nation1 might receive its test in blood1 such a test as only war can bring by uniting all citizens in a single thought1 a single passion1 a single hope1 emphasizing to each individual that all have something in common1 something transcending private interests4 ,this was the very thing that frightened the other kind of person1 the prudent man1 the realist1 who had a clear view of the mortal risks a young1 inexperienced1 badly prepared nation would be running in such a war1 and who also saw--a most significant point--that1 all things considered1 a bargaining neutrality would surely win the country tangible rewards1 as great as victorious participation itself4 ,the point at issue was just that3 the ,italian ,neutralists stood for material advantages1 advantages tangible1 ponderable1 palpable2 the ,interventionists stood for moral advantages1 intangible1 impalpable1 imponderable--imponderable at least on the scales used by their antagonists4 ,on the eve of the war these two ,italian characters stood facing each other1 scowling and irreconcilable--the one on the aggressive1 asserting itself ever more forcefully through the various organs of public opinion2 the other on the defensive1 offering resistance through the ,parliament which in those days still seemed to be the basic repository of ,state sovereignty4 ,civil conflict seemed inevitable in ,italy1 and civil war was in fact averted only because the ,king took advantage of one of his prerogatives and declared war against the ,central ,powers4 ,this act of the ,king was the first decisive step toward the solution of the crisis4 ,,ii ,the crisis had ancient origins4 ,its roots sank deep into the inner spirit of the ,italian people4 ,what were the creative forces of the ,risorgimento8 ,the ,italian people1 to which some historians are now tending to attribute an important if not a decisive role in our struggle for national unity and independence1 was hardly on the scene at all4 ,the active agency was always an idea become a person--it was one or several determined wills which were fixed on determined goals4 ,there can be no question that the birth of modern ,italy was the work of the few4 ,and it could not be otherwise4 ,it is always the few who represent the self-consciousness and the will of an epoch and determine what its history shall be2 for it is they who see the forces at their disposal and through those forces actuate the one truly active and productive force--their own will4 ,that will we find in the song of the poets and the ideas of the political writers1 who know how to use a language harmonious with a universal sentiment or with a sentiment capable of becoming universal4 ,in the case of ,italy1 in all our bards1 philosophers and leaders1 from ,alfieri to ,foscolo1 from ,leopardi to ,manzoni1 from ,mazzini to ,gioberti1 we are able to pick up the threads of a new fabric1 which is a new kind of thought1 a new kind of soul1 a new kind of ,italy4 ,this new ,italy differed from the old ,italy in something that was very simple but yet was of the greatest importance3 this new ,italy took life seriously1 while the old one did not4 ,people in every age had dreamed of an ,italy and talked of an ,italy4 ,the notion of ,italy had been sung in all kinds of music1 propounded in all kinds of philosophy4 ,but it was always an ,italy that existed in the brain of some scholar whose learning was more or less divorced from reality4 ,now reality demands that convictions be taken seriously1 that ideas become actions4 ,accordingly it was necessary that this ,italy1 which was an affair of brains only1 become also an affair of hearts1 become1 that is1 something serious1 something alive4 ,this1 and no other1 was the meaning of ,mazzini's great slogan3 ,thought and ,action4 ,it was the essence of the great revolution which he preached and which he accomplished by instilling his doctrine into the hearts of others4 ,not many others--a small minority6 ,but they were numerous enough and powerful enough to raise the question where it could be answered--in ,italian public opinion 7taken in conjunction with the political situation prevailing in the rest of ,europe74 ,they were able to establish the doctrine that life is not a game1 but a mission2 that1 therefore1 the individual has a law and a purpose in obedience to which and in fulfillment of which he alone attains his true value2 that1 accordingly1 he must make sacrifices1 now of personal comfort1 now of private interest1 now of life itself4 ,no revolution ever possessed more markedly than did the ,italian ,risorgimento this characteristic of ideality1 of thought preceding action4 ,our revolt was not concerned with the material needs of life1 nor did it spring from elementary and widely diffused sentiments breaking out in popular uprisings and mass disturbances4 ,the movements of #ahdg and #ahdh were demonstrations1 as we would say today1 of intellectuals2 they were efforts toward a goal on the part of a minority of patriots who were standard bearers of an ideal and were driving governments and peoples toward its attainment4 ,idealism--understood as faith in the advent of an ideal reality1 as a manner of conceiving life not as fixed within the limits of existing fact1 but as incessant progress and transformation toward the level of a higher law which controls men with the very force of the idea--was the sum and substance of ,mazzini's teaching2 and it supplied the most conspicuous characteristic of our great ,italian revolution4 ,in this sense all the patriots who worked for the foundation of the new kingdom were ,mazzinians--,gioberti1 ,cavour1 ,victor ,emmanuel1 ,garibaldi4 ,to be sure1 our writers of the first rank1 such as ,manzoni and ,rosmini1 had no historical connection with ,mazzini2 but they had the same general tendency as ,mazzini4 ,working along diverging lines1 they all came together on the essential point3 that true life is not the life which is1 but also the life which ought to be4 ,it was a conviction essentially religious in character1 essentially anti-materialistic4 ,,iii ,this religious and idealistic manner of looking at life1 so characteristic of the ,risorgimento1 prevails even beyond the heroic age of the revolution and the establishment of the ,kingdom4 ,it survives down through ,ricasoli1 ,lanza1 ,sella and ,minghetti1 down1 that is1 to the occupation of ,rome and the systemization of our national finances4 ,the parliamentary overturn of #ahgf1 indeed1 marks not the end1 but rather an interruption1 on the road that ,italy had been following since the beginning of the century4 ,the outlook then changed1 and not by the capriciousness or weakness of men1 but by a necessity of history which it would be idiotic in our day to deplore4 ,at that time the fall of the ,right1 which had ruled continuously between #ahfa and #ahgf1 seemed to most people the real conquest of freedom4 ,to be sure the ,right cannot be accused of too great scruple in respecting the liberties guaranteed by our ,constitution2 but the real truth was that the ,right conceived liberty in a sense directly opposite to the notions of the ,left4 ,the ,left moved from the individual to the ,state3 the ,right moved from the ,state to the individual4 ,the men of the left thought of the people as merely the agglomerate of the citizens composing it4 ,they therefore made the individual the center and the point of departure of all the rights and prerogatives which a rgime of freedom was bound to respect4 ,the men of the ,right1 on the contrary1 were firmly set in the notion that no freedom can be conceived except within the ,state1 that freedom can have no important content apart from a solid rgime of law indisputably sovereign over the activities and the interests of individuals4 ,for the ,right there could be no individual freedom not reconcilable with the authority of the ,state4 ,in their eyes the general interest was always paramount over private interests4 ,the law1 therefore1 should have absolute efficacy and embrace the whole life of the people4 ,this conception of the ,right was evidently sound2 but it involved great dangers when applied without regard to the motives which provoked it4 ,unless we are careful1 too much law leads to stasis and therefore to the annihilation of the life which it is the ,state's function to regulate but which the ,state cannot suppress4 ,the ,state may easily become a form indifferent to its content--something extraneous to the substance it would regulate4 ,if the law comes upon the individual from without1 if the individual is not absorbed in the life of the ,state1 the individual feels the law and the ,state as limitations on his activity1 as chains which will eventually strangle him unless he can break them down4 ,this was just the feeling of the men of '#gf4 ,the country needed a breath of air4 ,its moral1 economic1 and social forces demanded the right to develop without interference from a law which took no account of them4 ,this was the historical reason for the overturn of that year2 and with the transference of power from ,right to ,left begins the period of growth and development in our nation3 economic growth in industry1 commerce1 railroads1 agriculture2 intellectual growth in science1 education4 ,the nation had received its form from above4 ,it had now to struggle to its new level1 giving to a ,state which already had its constitution1 its administrative and political organization1 its army and its finance1 a living content of forces springing from individual initiative prompted by interests which the ,risorgimento1 absorbed in its great ideals1 had either neglected or altogether disregarded4 ,the accomplishment of this constitutes the credit side of the balance sheet of ,king ,humbert ,i4 ,it was the error of ,king ,humbert's greatest minister1 ,francesco ,crispi1 not to have understood his age4 ,crispi strove vigorously to restore the authority and the prestige of the ,state as against an individualism gone rampant1 to reassert religious ideals as against triumphant materialism4 ,he fell1 therefore1 before the assaults of so-called democracy4 ,crispi was wrong4 ,that was not the moment for re-hoisting the time-honored banner of idealism4 ,at that time there could be no talk of wars1 of national dignity1 of competition with the ,great ,powers2 no talk of setting limits to personal liberties in the interests of the abstract entity called ,state4 ,the word ,god1 which ,crispi sometimes used1 was singularly out of place4 ,it was a question rather of bringing the popular classes to prosperity1 self-consciousness1 participation in political life4 ,campaigns against illiteracy1 all kinds of social legislation1 the elimination of the clergy from the public schools1 which must be secular and anti-clerical6 ,during this period ,freemasonry became solidly established in the bureaucracy1 the army1 the judiciary4 ,the central power of the ,state was weakened and made subservient to the fleeting variations of popular will as reflected in a suffrage absolved from all control from above4 ,the growth of big industry favored the rise of a socialism of ,marxian stamp as a new kind of moral and political education for our proletariat4 ,the conception of humanity was not indeed lost from view3 but such moral restraints as were placed on the free individual were all based on the feeling that each man must instinctively seek his own well-being and defend it4 ,this was the very conception which ,mazzini had fought in socialism1 though he rightly saw that it was not peculiar to socialism alone1 but belonged to any political theory1 whether liberal1 democratic1 or anti-socialistic1 which urges men toward the exaction of rights rather than to the fulfillment of duties4 ,from #ahgf till the ,great ,war1 accordingly1 we had an ,italy that was materialistic and anti-,mazzinian1 though an ,italy far superior to the ,italy of and before ,mazzini's time4 ,all our culture1 whether in the natural or the moral sciences1 in letters or in the arts1 was dominated by a crude positivism1 which conceived of the reality in which we live as something given1 something ready-made1 and which therefore limits and conditions human activity quite apart from so-called arbitrary and illusory demands of morality4 ,everybody wanted facts1 positive facts4 ,everybody laughed at metaphysical dreams1 at impalpable realities4 ,the truth was there before the eyes of men4 ,they had only to open their eyes to see it4 ,the ,beautiful itself could only be the mirror of the ,truth present before us in ,nature4 ,patriotism1 like all the other virtues based on a religious attitude of mind1 and which can be mentioned only when people have the courage to talk in earnest1 became a rhetorical theme on which it was rather bad taste to touch4 ,this period1 which anyone born during the last half of the past century can well remember1 might be called the demo-socialistic phase of the modern ,italian ,state4 ,it was the period which elaborated the characteristically democratic attitude of mind on a basis of personal freedom1 and which resulted in the establishment of socialism as the primary and controlling force in the ,state4 ,it was a period of growth and of prosperity during which the moral forces developed during the ,risorgimento were crowded into the background or off the stage4 ,,iv ,but toward the end of the ,nineteenth ,century and in the first years of the ,twentieth a vigorous spirit of reaction began to manifest itself in the young men of ,italy against the preceding generation's ideas in politics1 literature1 science and philosophy4 ,it was as though they were weary of the prosaic bourgeois life which they had inherited from their fathers and were eager to return to the lofty moral enthusiasms of their grandfathers4 ,rosmini and ,gioberti had been long forgotten4 ,they were now exhumed1 read1 discussed4 ,as for ,mazzini1 an edition of his writings was financed by the ,state itself4 ,vico1 the great ,vico1 a formidable preacher of idealistic philosophy and a great anti-,cartesian and anti-rationalist1 became the object of a new cult4 ,positivism began forthwith to be attacked by neo-idealism4 ,materialistic approaches to the study of literature and art were refuted and discredited4 ,within the ,church itself modernism came to rouse the ,italian clergy to the need of a deeper and more modern culture4 ,even socialism was brought under the philosophical probe and criticized like other doctrines for its weaknesses and errors2 and when1 in ,france1 ,george ,sorel went beyond the fallacies of the materialistic theories of the ,marxist social-democracy to his theory of syndicalism1 our young ,italian socialists turned to him4 ,in ,sorel's ideas they saw two things3 first1 the end of a hypocritical collaborationism which betrayed both proletariat and nation2 and second1 faith in a moral and ideal reality for which it was the individual's duty to sacrifice himself1 and to defend which1 even violence was justified4 ,the anti-parliamentarian spirit and the moral spirit of syndicalism brought ,italian socialists back within the ,mazzinian orbit4 ,of great importance1 too1 was nationalism1 a new movement then just coming to the fore4 ,our ,italian nationalism was less literary and more political in character than the similar movement in ,france1 because with us it was attached to the old historic ,right which had a long political tradition4 ,the new nationalism differed from the old ,right in the stress it laid on the idea of nation2 but it was at one with the ,right in regarding the ,state as the necessary premise to the individual rights and values4 ,it was the special achievement of nationalism to rekindle faith in the nation in ,italian hearts1 to arouse the country against parliamentary socialism1 and to lead an open attack on ,freemasonry1 before which the ,italian bourgeoisie was terrifiedly prostrating itself4 ,syndicalists1 nationalists1 idealists succeeded1 between them1 in bringing the great majority of ,italian youth back to the spirit of ,mazzini4 ,official1 legal1 parliamentary ,italy1 the ,italy that was anti-,mazzinian and anti-idealistic1 stood against all this1 finding its leader in a man of unfailing political intuition1 and master as well of the political mechanism of the country1 a man sceptical of all high-sounding words1 impatient of complicated concepts1 ironical1 cold1 hard-headed1 practical--what ,mazzini would have called a shrewd materialist4 ,in the persons1 indeed1 of ,mazzini and ,giolitti1 we may find a picture of the two aspects of pre-war ,italy1 of that irreconcilable duality which paralyzed the vitality of the country and which the ,great ,war was to solve4 ,v ,the effect of the war seemed at first to be quite in an opposite sense--to mark the beginning of a general dbcle of the ,italian ,state and of the moral forces that must underlie any ,state4 ,if entrance into the war had been a triumph of ideal ,italy over materialistic ,italy1 the advent of peace seemed to give ample justification to the ,neutralists who had represented the latter4 ,after the ,armistice our ,allies turned their backs upon us4 ,our victory assumed all the aspects of a defeat4 ,a defeatist psychology1 as they say1 took possession of the ,italian people and expressed itself in hatred of the war1 of those responsible for the war1 even of our army which had won our war4 ,an anarchical spirit of dissolution rose against all authority4 ,the ganglia of our economic life seemed struck with mortal disease4 ,labor ran riot in strike after strike4 ,the very bureaucracy seemed to align itself against the ,state4 ,the measure of our spiritual dispersion was the return to power of ,giolitti--the execrated ,neutralist--who for five years had been held up as the exponent of an ,italy which had died with the war4 ,but1 curiously enough1 it was under ,giolitti that things suddenly changed in aspect1 that against the ,giolittian ,state a new ,state arose4 ,our soldiers1 our genuine soldiers1 men who had willed our war and fought it in full consciousness of what they were doing1 had the good fortune to find as their leaders a man who could express in words things that were in all their hearts and who could make those words audible above the tumult4 ,mussolini had left ,italian socialism in #aiae in order to be a more faithful interpreter of the ,italian ,people 7the name he chose for his new paper74 ,he was one of those who saw the necessity of our war1 one of those mainly responsible for our entering the war4 ,already as a socialist he had fought ,freemasonry2 and1 drawing his inspiration from ,sorel's syndicalism1 he had assailed the parliamentary corruption of ,reformist ,socialism with the idealistic postulates of revolution and violence4 ,then1 later1 on leaving the party and in defending the cause of intervention1 he had come to oppose the illusory fancies of proletarian internationalism with an assertion of the infrangible integrity1 not only moral but economic as well1 of the national organism1 affirming therefore the sanctity of country for the working classes as for other classes4 ,mussolini was a ,mazzinian of that pure-blooded breed which ,mazzini seemed somehow always to find in the province of ,romagna4 ,first by instinct1 later by reflection1 ,mussolini had come to despise the futility of the socialists who kept preaching a revolution which they had neither the power nor the will to bring to pass even under the most favorable circumstances4 ,more keenly than anyone else he had come to feel the necessity of a ,state which would be a ,state1 of a law which would be respected as law1 of an authority capable of exacting obedience but at the same time able to give indisputable evidence of its worthiness so to act4 ,it seemed incredible to ,mussolini that a country capable of fighting and winning such a war as ,italy had fought and won should be thrown into disorder and held at the mercy of a handful of faithless politicians4 ,when ,mussolini founded his ,fasci in ,milan in ,march1 #aiai1 the movement toward dissolution and negation that featured the post-war period in ,italy had virtually ceased4 ,the ,fasci made their appeal to ,italians who1 in spite of the disappointments of the peace1 continued to believe in the war1 and who1 in order to validate the victory which was the proof of the war's value1 were bent on recovering for ,italy that control over her own destinies which could come only through a restoration of discipline and a reorganization of social and political forces4 ,from the first1 the ,fascist ,party was not one of believers but of action4 ,what it needed was not a platform of principles1 but an idea which would indicate a goal and a road by which the goal could be reached4 ,the four years between #aiai and #aibc inclusive were characterized by the development of the ,fascist revolution through the action of the squads4 ,the ,fascist squads were really the force of a ,state not yet born but on the way to being4 ,in its first period1 ,fascist squadrism transgressed the law of the old rgime because it was determined to suppress that rgime as incompatible with the national ,state to which ,fascism was aspiring4 ,the ,march on ,rome was not the beginning1 it was the end of that phase of the revolution2 because1 with ,mussolini's advent to power1 ,fascism entered the sphere of legality4 ,after ,october #bh1 #aibb1 ,fascism was no longer at war with the ,state2 it was the ,state1 looking about for the organization which would realize ,fascism as a concept of ,state4 ,fascism already had control of all the instruments necessary for the upbuilding of a new ,state4 ,the ,italy of ,giolitti had been superceded1 at least so far as militant politics were concerned4 ,between ,giolitti's ,italy and the new ,italy there flowed1 as an imaginative orator once said in the ,chamber1 a torrent of blood that would prevent any return to the past4 ,the century-old crisis had been solved4 ,the war at last had begun to bear fruit for ,italy4 ,,vi ,now to understand the distinctive essence of ,fascism1 nothing is more instructive than a comparison of it with the point of view of ,mazzini to which ,i have so often referred4 ,mazzini did have a political conception1 but his politic was a sort of integral politic1 which cannot be so sharply distinguished from morals1 religion1 and ideas of life as a whole1 as to be considered apart from these other fundamental interests of the human spirit4 ,if one tries to separate what is purely political from his religious beliefs1 his ethical consciousness and his metaphysical concepts1 it becomes impossible to understand the vast influence which his credo and his propaganda exerted4 ,unless we assume the unity of the whole man1 we arrive not at the clarification but at the destruction of those ideas of his which proved so powerful4 ,in the definition of ,fascism1 the first point to grasp is the comprehensive1 or as ,fascists say1 the totalitarian scope of its doctrine1 which concerns itself not only with political organization and political tendency1 but with the whole will and thought and feeling of the nation4 ,there is a second and equally important point4 ,fascism is not a philosophy4 ,much less is it a religion4 ,it is not even a political theory which may be stated in a series of formulae4 ,the significance of ,fascism is not to be grasped in the special theses which it from time to time assumes4 ,when on occasion it has announced a program1 a goal1 a concept to be realized in action1 ,fascism has not hesitated to abandon them when in practice these were found to be inadequate or inconsistent with the principle of ,fascism4 ,fascism has never been willing to compromise its future4 ,mussolini has boasted that he is a tempista1 that his real pride is in good timing4 ,he makes decisions and acts on them at the precise moment when all the conditions and considerations which make them feasible and opportune are properly matured4 ,this is a way of saying that ,fascism returns to the most rigorous meaning of ,mazzini's ,thought and ,action1 whereby the two terms are so perfectly coincident that no thought has value which is not already expressed in action4 ,the real views of the ,duce are those which he formulates and executes at one and the same time4 ,is ,fascism therefore anti-intellectual1 as has been so often charged8 ,it is eminently anti-intellectual1 eminently ,mazzinian1 that is1 if by intellectualism we mean the divorce of thought from action1 of knowledge from life1 of brain from heart1 of theory from practice4 ,fascism is hostile to all ,utopian systems which are destined never to face the test of reality4 ,it is hostile to all science and all philosophy which remain matters of mere fancy or intelligence4 ,it is not that ,fascism denies value to culture1 to the higher intellectual pursuits by which thought is invigorated as a source of action4 ,fascist anti-intellectualism holds in scorn a product peculiarly typical of the educated classes in ,italy3 the leterato--the man who plays with knowledge and with thought without any sense of responsibility for the practical world4 ,it is hostile not so much to culture as to bad culture1 the culture which does not educate1 which does not make men1 but rather creates pedants and aesthetes1 egotists in a word1 men morally and politically indifferent4 ,it has no use1 for instance1 for the man who is above the conflict when his country or its important interests are at stake4 ,by virtue of its repugnance for intellectualism1 ,fascism prefers not to waste time constructing abstract theories about itself4 ,but when we say that it is not a system or a doctrine we must not conclude that it is a blind praxis or a purely instinctive method4 ,if by system or philosophy we mean a living thought1 a principle of universal character daily revealing its inner fertility and significance1 then ,fascism is a perfect system1 with a solidly established foundation and with a rigorous logic in its development2 and all who feel the truth and the vitality of the principle work day by day for its development1 now doing1 now undoing1 now going forward1 now retracing their steps1 according as the things they do prove to be in harmony with the principle or to deviate from it4 ,and we come finally to a third point4 ,the ,fascist system is not a political system1 but it has its center of gravity in politics4 ,fascism came into being to meet serious problems of politics in post-war ,italy4 ,and it presents itself as a political method4 ,but in confronting and solving political problems it is carried by its very nature1 that is to say by its method1 to consider moral1 religious1 and philosophical questions and to unfold and demonstrate the comprehensive totalitarian character peculiar to it4 ,it is only after we have grasped the political character of the ,fascist principle that we are able adequately to appreciate the deeper concept of life which underlies that principle and from which the principle springs4 ,the political doctrine of ,fascism is not the whole of ,fascism4 ,it is rather its more prominent aspect and in general its most interesting one4 ,,vii ,the politic of ,fascism revolves wholly about the concept of the national ,state2 and accordingly it has points of contact with nationalist doctrines1 along with distinctions from the latter which it is important to bear in mind4 ,both ,fascism and nationalism regard the ,state as the foundation of all rights and the source of all values in the individuals composing it4 ,for the one as for the other the ,state is not a consequence--it is a principle4 ,but in the case of nationalism1 the relation which individualistic liberalism1 and for that matter socialism also1 assumed between individual and ,state is inverted4 ,since the ,state is a principle1 the individual becomes a consequence--he is something which finds an antecedent in the ,state3 the ,state limits him and determines his manner of existence1 restricting his freedom1 binding him to a piece of ground whereon he was born1 whereon he must live and will die4 ,in the case of ,fascism1 ,state and individual are one and the same things1 or rather1 they are inseparable terms of a necessary synthesis4 ,nationalism1 in fact1 founds the ,state on the concept of nation1 the nation being an entity which transcends the will and the life of the individual because it is conceived as objectively existing apart from the consciousness of individuals1 existing even if the individual does nothing to bring it into being4 ,for the nationalist1 the nation exists not by virtue of the citizen's will1 but as datum1 a fact1 of nature4 ,for ,fascism1 on the contrary1 the ,state is a wholly spiritual creation4 ,it is a national ,state1 because1 from the ,fascist point of view1 the nation itself is a creation of the mind and is not a material presupposition1 is not a datum of nature4 ,the nation1 says the ,fascist1 is never really made2 neither1 therefore1 can the ,state attain an absolute form1 since it is merely the nation in the latter's concrete1 political manifestation4 ,for the ,fascist1 the ,state is always in fieri4 ,it is in our hands1 wholly2 whence our very serious responsibility towards it4 ,but this ,state of the ,fascists which is created by the consciousness and the will of the citizen1 and is not a force descending on the citizen from above or from without1 cannot have toward the mass of the population the relationship which was presumed by nationalism4 ,nationalism identified ,state with ,nation1 and made of the nation an entity prexisting1 which needed not to be created but merely to be recognized or known4 ,the nationalists1 therefore1 required a ruling class of an intellectual character1 which was conscious of the nation and could understand1 appreciate and exalt it4 ,the authority of the ,state1 furthermore1 was not a product but a presupposition4 ,it could not depend on the people--rather the people depended on the ,state and on the ,state's authority as the source of the life which they lived and apart from which they could not live4 ,the nationalistic ,state was1 therefore1 an aristocratic ,state1 enforcing itself upon the masses through the power conferred upon it by its origins4 ,the ,fascist ,state1 on the contrary1 is a people's state1 and1 as such1 the democratic ,state par excellence4 ,the relationship between ,state and citizen 7not this or that citizen1 but all citizens7 is accordingly so intimate that the ,state exists only as1 and in so far as1 the citizen causes it to exist4 ,its formation therefore is the formation of a consciousness of it in individuals1 in the masses4 ,hence the need of the ,party1 and of all the instruments of propaganda and education which ,fascism uses to make the thought and will of the ,duce the thought and will of the masses4 ,hence the enormous task which ,fascism sets itself in trying to bring the whole mass of the people1 beginning with the little children1 inside the fold of the ,party4 ,on the popular character of the ,fascist ,state likewise depends its greatest social and constitutional reform--the foundation of the ,corporations of ,syndicates4 ,in this reform ,fascism took over from syndicalism the notion of the moral and educational function of the syndicate4 ,but the ,corporations of ,syndicates were necessary in order to reduce the syndicates to ,state discipline and make them an expression of the ,state's organism from within4 ,the ,corporation of ,syndicates are a device through which the ,fascist ,state goes looking for the individual in order to create itself through the individual's will4 ,but the individual it seeks is not the abstract political individual whom the old liberalism took for granted4 ,he is the only individual who can ever be found1 the individual who exists as a specialized productive force1 and who1 by the fact of his specialization1 is brought to unite with other individuals of his same category and comes to belong with them to the one great economic unit which is none other than the nation4 ,this great reform is already well under way4 ,toward it nationalism1 syndicalism1 and even liberalism itself1 were already tending in the past4 ,for even liberalism was beginning to criticize the older forms of political representation1 seeking some system of organic representation which would correspond to the structural reality of the ,state4 ,the ,fascist conception of liberty merits passing notice4 ,the ,duce of ,fascism once chose to discuss the theme of ,force or consent82 and he concluded that the two terms are inseparable1 that the one implies the other and cannot exist apart from the other2 that1 in other words1 the authority of the ,state and the freedom of the citizen constitute a continuous circle wherein authority presupposes liberty and liberty authority4 ,for freedom can exist only within the ,state1 and the ,state means authority4 ,but the ,state is not an entity hovering in the air over the heads of its citizens4 ,it is one with the personality of the citizen4 ,fascism1 indeed1 envisages the contrast not as between liberty and authority1 but as between a true1 a concrete liberty which exists1 and an abstract1 illusory liberty which cannot exist4 ,liberalism broke the circle above referred to1 setting the individual against the ,state and liberty against authority4 ,what the liberal desired was liberty as against the ,state1 a liberty which was a limitation of the ,state2 though the liberal had to resign himself1 as the lesser of the evils1 to a ,state which was a limitation on liberty4 ,the absurdities inherent in the liberal concept of freedom were apparent to liberals themselves early in the ,nineteenth ,century4 ,it is no merit of ,fascism to have again indicated them4 ,fascism has its own solution of the paradox of liberty and authority4 ,the authority of the ,state is absolute4 ,it does not compromise1 it does not bargain1 it does not surrender any portion of its field to other moral or religious principles which may interfere with the individual conscience4 ,but on the other hand1 the ,state becomes a reality only in the consciousness of its individuals4 ,and the ,fascist corporative ,state supplies a representative system more sincere and more in touch with realities than any other previously devised and is therefore freer than the old liberal ,state4 ,,national ,,socialism ,,basic ,,principles1 ,,their ,,application ,,by ,,the ,,nazi ,,party',s ,,foreign ,,organization1 ,,and ,,the ,,use ,,of ,,germans ,,abroad ,,for ,,nazi ,,aims ,prepared in the ,special ,unit ,of the ,division of ,european ,affairs ,by ,,raymond ,e4 ,,murphy ,,francis ,b4 ,,stevens ,,howard ,,trivers ,,joseph ,m4 ,,roland ,,elements ,,of ,,nazi ,,ideology ,the line of thought which we have traced from ,herder to the immediate forerunners of the ,nazi movement embodies an antidemocratic tradition which ,national ,socialism has utilized1 reduced to simple but relentless terms1 and exploited in what is known as the ,national ,socialist ,weltanschauung for the greater aggrandizement of ,nazi ,germany4 ,the complete agreement between the ,nazi ideology and the previously described political concepts of the past is revealed in the forthcoming exposition of the main tenets of ,naziism4 ,the ,volk ,ernst ,rudolf ,huber1 in his basic work ,verfassungsrecht des grossdeutschen ,reiches 7,constitutional ,law of the ,greater ,german ,reich7 7document #a1 post p4 #aee71 published in #aici1 states3 ,the new constitution of the ,german ,reich 444 is not a constitution in the formal sense such as was typical of the nineteenth century4 ,the new ,reich has no written constitutional declaration1 but its constitution exists in the unwritten basic political order of the ,reich4 ,one recognizes it in the spiritual powers which fill our people1 in the real authority in which our political life is grounded1 and in the basic laws regarding the structure of the state which have been proclaimed so far4 ,the advantage of such an unwritten constitution over the formal constitution is that the basic principles do not become rigid but remain in a constant1 living movement4 ,not dead institutions but living principles determine the nature of the new constitutional order4#h ,in developing his thesis ,huber points out that the ,national ,socialist state rests on three basic concepts1 the ,volk or people1 the ,fhrer1 and the movement or party4 ,with reference to the first element1 the ,volk1 he argues that the democracies develop their concept of the people from the wrong approach3 ,they start with the concept of the state and its functions and consider the people as being made up of all the elements which fall within the borders or under the jurisdiction of the state4 ,national ,socialism1 on the other hand1 starts with the concept of the people1 which forms a political unity1 and builds the state upon this foundation4 ,there is no people without an objective unity1 but there is also none without a common consciousness of unity4 ,a people is determined by a number of different factors3 by racial derivation and by the character of its land1 by language and other forms of life1 by religion and history1 but also by the common consciousness of its solidarity and by its common will to unity4 ,for the concrete concept of a people1 as represented by the various peoples of the earth1 it is of decisive significance which of these various factors they regard as determinants for the nature of the people4 ,the new ,german ,reich proceeds from the concept of the political people1 determined by the natural characteristics and by the historical idea of a closed community4 ,the political people is formed through the uniformity of its natural characteristics4 ,race is the natural basis of the people 444 ,as a political people the natural community becomes conscious of its solidarity and strives to form itself1 to develop itself1 to defend itself1 to realize itself4 ,nationalism is essentially this striving of a people which has become conscious of itself toward self-direction and self-realization1 toward a deepening and renewing of its natural qualities4 ,this consciousness of self1 springing from the consciousness of a historical idea1 awakens in a people its will to historical formation3 the will to action4 ,the political people is no passive1 sluggish mass1 no mere object for the efforts of the state at government or protective welfare work 444 ,the great misconception of the democracies is that they can see the active participation of the people only in the form of plebiscites according to the principle of majority4 ,in a democracy the people does not act as a unit but as a complex of unrelated individuals who form themselves into parties 444 ,the new ,reich is based on the principle that real action of a self-determining people is only possible according to the principle of leadership and following4#i ,according to ,huber1 geographical considerations play a large part in the shaping of a people3 ,the people stands in a double relation1 to its lands2 it settles and develops the land1 but the land also stamps and determines the people 444 ,that a certain territory belongs to a certain people is not justified by state authority alone but it is also determined objectively by its historical1 political position4 ,territory is not merely a field for the exercise of state control but it determines the nature of a people and thereby the historical purpose of the state's activity4 ,england's island position1 ,italy's ,mediterranean position1 and ,germany's central position between east and west are such historical conditions1 which unchangeably form the character of the people4#aj ,but the new ,germany is based upon a unity and entirety of the people#aa which does not stop at geographical boundaries3 ,the ,german people forms a closed community which recognizes no national borders4 ,it is evident that a people has not exhausted its possibilities simply in the formation of a national state but that it represents an independent community which reaches beyond such limits4#ab ,the ,state justifies itself only so far as is helps the people to develop itself more fully4 ,in the words of ,hitler1 quoted by ,huber from ,mein ,kampf1 ,it is a basic principle1 therefore1 that the state represents not an end but a means4 ,it is a condition for advanced human culture1 but not the cause of it 444 ,its purpose is in the maintenance and advancement of a community of human beings with common physical and spiritual characteristics4#ac ,huber continues3 ,in the theory of the folk-,reich vlkisches ,reich1 people and state are conceived as an inseparable unity4 ,the people is the prerequisite for the entire political order2 the state does not form the people but the people moulds the state out of itself as the form in which it achieves historical permanence4444#ad ,the ,state is a function of the people1 but it is not therefore a subordinate1 secondary machine which can be used or laid aside at will4 ,it is the form in which the people attains to historical reality4 ,it is the bearer of the historical continuity of the people1 which remains the same in the center of its being in spite of all changes1 revolutions1 and transformations4#ae ,a similar interpretation of the role of the ,volk is expounded by ,gottfried ,neesse in his ,die ,nationalsozialistische ,deutsche ,arbeiterpartei--,versuch einer ,rechtsdeutung 7,the ,national ,socialist ,german ,workers ,party--,an ,attempt at ,legal ,interpretation71 published in #aice4 ,from the ,national ,socialist viewpoint1 according to ,neesse1 the state is regarded not as an organism superior to the people but as an organization of the people3 ,in contrast to an organism1 an organization has no inherent legality2 it is dependent upon human will and has no definite mission of its own4 ,it is a form in which a living mass shapes itself into unity1 but it has no life of its own4#af ,the people is the living organism which uses the organization of the state as the form in which it can best fulfil its mission4 ,the law which is inherent in the people must be realized through the state4 ,but the central and basic concept of ,national ,socialist political theory is the concept of the people3 ,in contrast to the state1 the people form a true organism--a being which leads its own life and follows its own laws1 which possesses powers peculiar to itself1 and which develops its own nature independent of all state forms4444 ,this living unity of the people has its cells in its individual members1 and just as in every body there are certain cells to perform certain tasks1 this is likewise the case in the body of the people4 ,the individual is bound to his people not only physically but mentally and spiritually and he is influenced by these ties in all his manifestations4#ag ,the elements which go to make up a people are beyond human comprehension1 but the most important of them is a uniformity of blood1 resulting in a similarity of nature which manifests itself in a common language and a feeling of community and is further moulded by land and by history4#ah ,the unity of the people is increased by its common destiny and its consciousness of a common mission4#ai ,liberalism gave rise to the concept of a society-people 7,gesellschaftsvolk7 which consisted of a sum of individuals1 each of whom was supposed to have an inherent significance and to play his own independent part in the political life of the nation4 ,national ,socialism1 on the other hand1 has developed1 the concept of the community-people 7,gemeinschaftsvolk7 which functions as a uniform whole4#bj ,the people1 however1 is never politically active as a whole1 but only through those who embody its will4 ,the true will of a people can never be determined by a majority vote4 ,it can only display itself in men and in movements1 and history will decide whether these men or movements could rightly claim to be the representatives of the people's will4#ba ,every identification of the state with the people is false from a legal and untenable from a political standpoint 444 ,the state is the law-forming organization and the law serves the inner order of the community2 the people is the politically active organism and politics serve the outward maintenance of the community 444 ,but law receives its character from the people and politics must reckon with the state as the first and most important factor4#bb ,the nation is the product of this interplay and balance between the state and the people4 ,the original and vital force of the people1 through the organization of the state1 realizes itself fully in the unified communal life of the nation3 ,the nation is the complete agreement between organism and organization1 the perfect formation of a naturally grown being4 444 ,nationalism is nothing more than the outwardly directed striving to maintain this inner unity of people and state1 and socialism is the inwardly directed striving for the same end4#bc ,dr4 ,herbert ,scurla1 ,government ,councilor and ,reich's ,minister for ,science1 ,education1 and ,folk ,culture1 in a pamphlet entitled ,die ,grundgedanken des ,nationalsozialismus und das ,ausland 7,basic ,principles of ,national ,socialism ,with ,special ,reference to ,foreign ,countries71 also emphasizes the importance of the ,volk in the ,national ,socialist state4 ,dr4 ,scurla points out that ,national ,socialism does not view the nation in the domocratic sense of a community to which the individual may voluntarily adhere4 ,the central field of force of the ,national ,socialist consciousness is rather the folk1 and this folk is in no case mere individual aggregation1 i4e41 collectivity as sum of the individuals1 but as a unity with a peculiar two-sidedness1 at the same time essential totality 7,m4,h4 ,boehm74 ,the folk is both a living creature and a spiritual configuration1 in which the individuals are included through common racial conditioning1 in blood and spirit4 ,it is that force which works on the individual directly from within or from the side like a common degree of temperature 7,kjelln7 and which collects into the folk whatever according to blood and spirit belongs to it4 ,this folk1 point of departure and goal at the same time1 is1 in the ,national ,socialist world-view1 not only the field of force for political order1 but as well the central factor of the entire world-picture4 ,neither individuals1 as the epoch of enlightenment envisaged1 nor states1 as in the system of the dynastic and national state absolutism1 nor classes1 as conceived by ,marxism1 are the ultimate realities of the political order1 but the peoples1 who stand over against one another with the unqualifiable right to a separate existence as natural entities1 each with its own essential nature and form4 #bd ,dr4 ,scurla claims that ,national ,socialism and ,fascism are the strivings of the ,german and ,italian people for final national unification along essentially different national lines natural to each of them4 ,what took place in ,germany1 he asserts1 was a political revolution of a total nature4#be ,under revolution1 he states1 we understand rather the penetration of the collective folk-mind gesamtvlkischen ,bewusstseins into all regions of ,german life4#bf ,and1 he concludes3 ,national ,socialism is no invented system of rules for the political game1 but the world-view of the ,german people1 which experiences itself as a national and social community1 and concedes neither to the state nor the class nor the individual any privileges which endanger the security of the community's right to live4#bg ,some of the most striking expressions of the race concept are found in ,die ,erziehung im dritten ,reich 7,education in the ,third ,reich71 by ,friedrich ,alfred ,beck1 which was published in #aicf4 ,it is worthy of note that the tendency which may be observed in ,huber 7document ,i1 post p4 #aee7 and ,neesse to associate the ideas of ,volk and race is very marked with ,beck4 ,all life1 whether natural or spiritual1 all historical progress1 all state forms1 and all cultivation by education are in the last analysis based upon the racial make-up of the people in question4#bh ,race finds its expression in human life through the phenomenon of the people3 ,race and people belong together4 ,national ,socialism has restored the concept of the people from its modern shallowness and sees in the people something different from and appreciably greater than a chance social community of men1 a grouping of men who have the same external interests4 ,by people we understand an entire living body which is racially uniform and which is held together by common history1 common fate1 a common mission1 and common tasks4 ,through such an interpretation the people takes on a significance which is only attributed to it in times of great historical importance and which makes it the center1 the content1 and the goal of all human work4 ,only that race still possesses vital energy which can still bring its unity to expression in the totality of the people4 ,the people is the space in which race can develop its strength4 ,race is the vital law of arrangement which gives the people its distinctive form4 ,in the course of time the people undergoes historical transformations1 but race prevents the loss of the people's own nature in the course of these transformations4 ,without the people the race has no life2 without race the people has no permanence 444 ,education1 from the standpoint of race and people1 is the creation of a form of life in which the racial unity will be preserved through the totality of the people4#bi ,beck describes the politically spiritual ,national ,socialist personality which ,national ,socialist education seeks to develop1 in the following terms3 ,socialism is the direction of personal life through dependence on the community1 consciousness of the community1 feeling for the community1 and action in the community2 nationalism is the elevation of individual life to a unique 7microcosmic7 expression of the community in the unity of the personality4#cj ,national ,socialist education must stress the heroic life and teach ,german youth the importance of fulfilling their duty to the ,volk4 ,heroism is that force and that conviction which consecrates its whole life to the service of an idea1 a faith1 a task1 or a duty even when it knows that the destruction of its own life is certain 444 ,german life1 according to the laws of its ideology1 is heroic life 444 ,all ,german life1 every person belonging to the community of ,germans must bear heroic character within himself4 ,heroic life fulfils itself in the daily work of the miner1 the farmer1 the clerk1 the statesman1 and the serving self-sacrifice of the mother4 ,wherever a life is devoted with an all-embracing faith and with its full powers to the service of some value1 there is true heroism 444 ,education to the heroic life is education to the fulfilment of duty 444 ,one must have experienced it repeatedly that the inner fruition of a work in one's own life has nothing to do with material or economic considerations1 that man keeps all of his faculties alive through his obligation to his work and his devotion to his duty1 and that he uses them in the service of an idea without any regard for practical considerations1 before one recognizes the difference between this world of heroic self-sacrifice and the liberalistic world of barter4 ,because the younger generation has been brought up in this heroic spirit it is no longer understood by the representatives of the former era who judge the values of life according to material advantage 444 ,german life is heroic life4 ,germany is not a mere community of existence and of interests whose only function is to insure the material and cultural needs of its members1 but it also represents an elemental obligation on the part of the members4 ,the eternal ,germany cannot be drawn in on the map2 it does not consist of the constitution or the laws of the state4 ,this ,germany is the community of those who are solemnly bound together and who experience and realize these eternal national values4 ,this ,germany is our eternal mission1 our most sacred law 444 ,the developing personality must be submerged in the living reality of the people and the nation from earliest youth on1 must take an active and a suffering part in it4 ,furthermore the heroic life demands a recognition and experiencing of the highest value of life which man must serve with all his powers4 ,this value can perhaps be recognized and presented theoretically in the schools but it can only be directly comprehended and personally experienced in the community of the people4 ,therefore all education must preserve this direct connection with the community of the people and school education must derive from it the form and substance of its instruction4#ca ,this nationalism1 which is based upon the laws of life1 has nothing in common with the weak and presumptuous patriotism of the liberalistic world2 it is not a gift or a favor1 not a possession or a privilege1 but it is the form of national life which we have won in hard battle and which suits our ,nordic-,german racial and spiritual heritage4 ,in the nationalistic personality the powers and values which have been established in the socialistic personality will be purposefully exerted for the perfection of the temporal and eternal idea of life4#cb ,the ,national ,socialist idea of totality1 therefore1 and its manifestation in life of the national community form the principal substance of education in the ,third ,reich3 ,this idea of totality must be radically distinguished from the liberalistic conception of the mass4 ,according to the liberalistic interpretation the whole consists of a summation of its parts4 ,according to the ,national ,socialist organic conception the whole comes before the parts2 it does not arise from the parts but it is already contained in the parts themselves2 all parts are microcosmic forms of the whole4 ,this organic conception of the whole is the deepest natural justification of the basic political character of all organic life4#cc ,education1 ,beck continues1 must present this total unity as it is manifested in the racial character of the people4 ,race is the most essential factor in the natural and spiritual unity of a people1 and it is also the main factor which separates one people from another4 ,the racial character of the people must determine the substance of education2 this substance must be derived primarily from the life of the people4 ,even in the specialized field of political science1 ,nazi education is concerned not with the structure of the state but with the role of the individual in the life of the people3 ,national ,socialist political science concerns itself not with education to citizenship but with preparation for membership in the ,german people4444 ,not the structure of the state but the strength of a people determines the value and the strength of an individual life4 ,the state must be an organization which corresponds to the laws of the people's life and assists in their realization4#cd ,such indeed is the supreme goal of all ,national ,socialist education3 to make each individual an expression of the eternal ,german3 ,whoever wishes fully to realize himself1 whoever wishes to experience and embody the eternal ,german ideal within himself must lift his eyes from everyday life and must listen to the beat of his blood and his conscience 444 ,he must be capable of that superhuman greatness which is ready to cast aside all temporal bonds in the battle for ,german eternity 444 ,national ,socialist education raises the eternal ,german character into the light of our consciousness 444 ,national ,socialism is the eternal law of our ,german life2 the development of the eternal ,german is the transcendental task of ,national ,socialist education4#ce ,racial ,supremacy ,the theory of the racial supremacy of the ,nordic1 i4e41 the ,german1 which was developed by ,wagner and ,stewart ,chamberlain reaches its culmination in the writings of ,alfred ,rosenberg1 the high priest of ,nazi racial theory and herald of the ,herrenvolk 7master race74 ,rosenberg developed his ideas in the obscure phraseology of ,der ,mythus des #bj4 ,jahrhunderts 7,the ,myth of the ,twentieth ,century7 7document #c1 post p4 #agd74 ,the 'meaning of world history'1 he wrote1 has radiated out from the north over the whole world1 borne by a blue-eyed blond race which in several great waves determined the spiritual face of the world 444 ,these wander-periods were the legendary migration of the ,atlantides across north ,africa1 the migration of the ,aryans into ,india and ,persia2 the migration of the ,dorians1 ,macedonians1 ,latins2 the migration of the ,germanic tribes2 the colonization of the world by the ,germanic ,occident4#cf ,he discusses at length ,indian1 ,persian1 ,greek1 ,roman1 and ,european cultures2 in each case1 he concludes1 the culture is created by the ruling ,nordic element and declines through the racial decay of the ,nordics resulting from their intermixture with inferior races4 ,it has long been accepted1 ,rosenberg claims1 that all the states of the west and their creative values have been generated by ,germans2 and it follows that if the ,germanic blood were to vanish away completely in ,europe all western culture would also fall to ruin4 ,rosenberg acclaims the new faith of the blood which is to replace the non-,german religion of ,christianity4 ,a new faith is arising today3 the myth of the blood1 the faith to defend with the blood the divine essence of man4 ,the faith1 embodied in clearest knowledge1 that the ,nordic blood represents that mysterium which has replaced and overcome the old sacraments4#cg ,rosenberg accepts the classic ,german view of the ,volk1 which he relates closely to the concept of race4 ,the state is nowadays no longer an independent idol1 before which everything must bow down2 the state is not even an end but is only a means for the preservation of the folk 444 ,forms of the state change1 and laws of the state pass away2 the folk remains4 ,from this alone follows that the nation is the first and last1 that to which everything else has to be subordinated4#ch ,the new thought puts folk and race higher than the state and its forms4 ,it declares protection of the folk more important than protection of a religious denomination1 a class1 the monarchy1 or the republic2 it sees in treason against the folk a greater crime than high treason against the state4#ci ,the essence of ,rosenberg's racial ideas was incorporated in point #d of the program of the ,nazi ,party1 which reads as follows3 ,none but members of the nation ,volk may be citizens of the ,state4 ,none but those of ,german blood1 whatever their creed1 may be members of the nation4 ,no ,jew1 therefore1 may be a member of the nation4#dj ,after the ,nazis came to power1 this concept was made the basis of the ,german citizenship law of ,september #ae1 #aice4 ,commenting upon point #d of the ,nazi program in his pamphlet1 ,nature1 ,principles1 and ,aims of the ,,nsdap1 ,rosenberg wrote3 ,an indispensable differentiation must be made sometime in the ,german ,volk consciousness3 ,the right of nationality should not represent something which is received in the cradle as a gift1 but should be regarded as a good which must be earned4 ,although every ,german is a subject of the state1 the rights of nationality should only be received when at the age of twenty or twenty-two he has completed his education or his military service or has finished the labor service which he owes to the state and after having given evidence of honorable conduct4 ,the right to nationality1 which must be earned1 must become an opportunity for every ,german to strive for complete humanity and achievement in the service of the ,volk4 ,this consciousness1 which must always be kept alive1 will cause him to regard this earned good quite differently from the way it was regarded in the past and today more than ever4 ,the prevailing concept of state nationality completely ignores the idea of race4 ,according to it whoever has a ,german passport is a ,german1 whoever has ,czech documents is a ,czech1 although he may have not a single drop of ,czech blood in his veins 444 ,national ,socialism also sees in the nature of the structure and leadership of the state an outflowing of a definite character in the ,volk4 ,if one permits a wholly foreign race--subject to other impulses--to participate therein1 the purity of the organic expression is falsified and the existence of the ,volk is crippled4444 ,this whole concept of the state parliamentary democracy is replaced by ,national ,socialism with a basically different concept4 ,national ,socialism recognizes that1 although the individual racial strains in ,german-speaking territory differ1 they nevertheless belong to closely related races1 and that many mixtures among the members of these different branches have produced new and vital strains1 among them the complex but still ,german man1 but that a mixture with the ,jewish enemy race1 which in its whole spiritual and physical structure is basically different and antagonistic and has strong resemblances to the peoples of the ,near ,east1 can only result in bastardization4#da ,true to the tradition of ,german imperialism1 ,rosenberg does not confine his ideas of racial supremacy to the ,germans in the ,reich alone4 ,he even extends them to the ,united ,states1 where he envisages the day when the awakening ,german element will realize its destiny in this country4 ,in ,der ,mythus des #bj4 ,jahrhunderts1 for example1 he writes1 ,after throwing off the worn-out idea upon which it was founded 444 i4e41 after the destruction of the idea represented by ,new ,york1 the ,united ,states of ,north ,america has the great task 444 of setting out with youthful energy to put into force the new racial-state idea which a few awakened ,americans have already foreseen4#db ,this idea was developed at length by the ,german geopolitician1 ,colin ,ross4 ,in his book ,unser ,amerika 7,our ,america7 7document #d1 post p4 #agh71 published in #aicf1 ,ross develops the thesis that the ,german element in the ,united ,states has contributed all that is best in ,american life and civilization and urges it to become conscious of its racial heritage and to prepare for the day when it may take over complete control of the country4 ,reference was made in the preceding section to ,beck's ,education in the ,third ,reich4 ,on the subject of racial supremacy ,beck points out that certain new branches of learning have been introduced into the ,national ,socialist schools and certain old ones have been given a new emphasis4 ,the most important of these are the science of race and the cultivation of race 7,rassenkunde und ,rassenpflege71 which teach the pupil to recognize and develop those racial powers which alone make possible the fullest self-realization in the national community4 ,an awakening of a true racial consciousness in the people should lead to a qualitative and quantitative racial refinement of the ,german people by inducing a procreative process of selection which would reduce the strains of foreign blood in the national body4 ,german racial consciousness must have pride in the ,nordic race as its first condition4 ,it must be a feeling of the highest personal pride to belong to the ,nordic race and to have the possibility and the obligation to work within the ,german community for the advancement of the ,nordic race4#dc ,beck points out that pupils must be made to realize that the downfall of the ,nordic race would mean the collapse of the national tradition1 the disintegration of the living community and the destruction of the individual4#dd ,under the influence of war developments1 which have given the ,nazis a chance to apply their racial theories in occupied territories1 their spokesmen have become increasingly open with regard to the political implications of the folk concept4 ,in an article on ,the ,structure and ,order of the ,reich1 published late in #aida1 ,ernst ,rudolf ,huber wrote1 this folk principle has found its full confirmation for the first time in the events of this war1 in which the unity of the folk has been realized to an extent undreamed of through the return to the homeland of territories which had been torn from it and the resettlement of ,german folk-groups4 ,thus the awakening of ,germandom to become a political folk has had a twofold result3 the unity of the folk-community has risen superior to differences of birth or wealth1 of class1 rank1 or denomination2 and the unity of ,germandom above all state boundaries has been consciously experienced in the ,european living-space ,siedlungsraum4#de ,the ,fhrer ,principle ,the second pillar of the ,nazi state is the ,fhrer1 the infallible leader1 to whom his followers owe absolute obedience4 ,the ,fhrer principle envisages government of the state by a hierarchy of leaders1 each of whom owes unconditional allegiance to his immediate superior and at the same time is the absolute leader in his own particular sphere of jurisdiction4 ,one of the best expositions of the ,nazi concept of the ,fhrer principle is given by ,huber in his ,constitutional ,law of the ,greater ,german ,reich 7document #a1 post p4 #aee73 ,the ,fhrer-,reich of the ,german people is founded on the recognition that the true will of the people cannot be disclosed through parliamentary votes and plebiscites but that the will of the people in its pure and uncorrupted form can only be expressed through the ,fhrer4 ,thus a distinction must be drawn between the supposed will of the people in a parliamentary democracy1 which merely reflects the conflict of the various social interests1 and the true will of the people in the ,fhrer-state1 in which the collective will of the real political unit is manifested 444 ,the ,fhrer is the bearer of the people's will2 he is independent of all groups1 associations1 and interests1 but he is bound by laws which are inherent in the nature of his people4 ,in this twofold condition3 independence of all factional interests but unconditional dependence on the people1 is reflected the true nature of the ,fhrer principle4 ,thus the ,fhrer has nothing in common with the functionary1 the agent1 or the exponent who exercises a mandate delegated to him and who is bound to the will of those who appoint him4 ,the ,fhrer is no representative of a particular group whose wishes he must carry out4 ,he is no organ of the state in the sense of a mere executive agent4 ,he is rather himself the bearer of the collective will of the people4 ,in his will the will of the people is realized4 ,he transforms the mere feelings of the people into a conscious will 444 ,thus it is possible for him1 in the name of the true will of the people which he serves1 to go against the subjective opinions and convictions of single individuals within the people if these are not in accord with the objective destiny of the people 444 ,he shapes the collective will of the people within himself and he embodies the political unity and entirety of the people in opposition to individual interests 444 ,but the ,fhrer1 even as the bearer of the people's will1 is not arbitrary and free of all responsibility4 ,his will is not the subjective1 individual will of a single man1 but the collective national will is embodied within him in all its objective1 historical greatness 444 ,such a collective will is not a fiction1 as is the collective will of the democracies1 but it is a political reality which finds its expression in the ,fhrer4 ,the people's collective will has its foundation in the political idea which is given to a people4 ,it is present in the people1 but the ,fhrer raises it to consciousness and discloses it 444 ,in the ,fhrer are manifested also the natural laws inherent in the people3 ,it is he who makes them into a code governing all national activity4 ,in disclosing these natural laws he sets up the great ends which are to be attained and draws up the plans for the utilization of all national powers in the achievement of the common goals4 ,through his planning and directing he gives the national life its true purpose and value4 ,this directing and planning activity is especially manifested in the lawgiving power which lies in the ,fhrer's hand4 ,the great change in significance which the law has undergone is characterized therein that it no longer sets up the limits of social life1 as in liberalistic times1 but that it drafts the plans and the aims of the nation's actions 444 ,the ,fhrer principle rests upon unlimited authority but not upon mere outward force4 ,it has often been said1 but it must constantly be repeated1 that the ,fhrer principle has nothing in common with arbitrary bureaucracy and represents no system of brutal force1 but that it can only be maintained by mutual loyalty which must find its expression in a free relation4 ,the ,fhrer-order depends upon the responsibility of the following1 just as it counts on the responsibility and loyalty of the ,fhrer to his mission and to his following 444 ,there is no greater responsibility than that upon which the ,fhrer principle is grounded4#df ,the nature of the plebiscites which are held from time to time in a ,national ,socialist state1 ,huber points out1 cannot be understood from a democratic standpoint4 ,their purpose is not to give the people an opportunity to decide some issue but rather to express their unity behind a decision which the ,fhrer1 in his capacity as the bearer of the people's will1 has already made3 ,that the will of the people is embodied in the ,fhrer does not exclude the possibility that the ,fhrer can summon all members of the people to a plebiscite on a certain question4 ,in this asking of the people the ,fhrer does not1 of course1 surrender his decisive power to the voters4 ,the purpose of the plebiscite is not to let the people act in the ,fhrer's place or to replace the ,fhrer's decision with the result of the plebiscite4 ,its purpose is rather to give the whole people an opportunity to demonstrate and proclaim its support of an aim announced by the ,fhrer4 ,it is intended to solidify the unity and agreement between the objective people's will embodied in the ,fhrer and the living1 subjective conviction of the people as it exists in the individual members 444 ,this approval of the ,fhrer's decision is even more clear and effective if the plebiscite is concerned with an aim which has already been realized rather than with a mere intention4#dg ,huber states that the ,reichstag elections in the ,third ,reich have the same character as the plebiscites4 ,the list of delegates is made up by the ,fhrer and its approval by the people represents an expression of renewed and continued faith in him4 ,the ,reichstag no longer has any governing or lawgiving powers but acts merely as a sounding board for the ,fhrer3 ,it would be impossible for a law to be introduced and acted upon in the ,reichstag which had not originated with the ,fhrer or1 at least1 received his approval4 ,the procedure is similar to that of the plebiscite3 ,the lawgiving power does not rest in the ,reichstag2 it merely proclaims through its decision its agreement with the will of the ,fhrer1 who is the lawgiver of the ,german people4#dh ,huber also shows how the position of the ,fhrer developed from the ,nazi ,party movement3 ,the office of the ,fhrer developed out of the ,national ,socialist movement4 ,it was originally not a state office2 this fact can never be disregarded if one is to understand the present legal and political position of the ,fhrer4 ,the office of the ,fhrer first took root in the structure of the ,reich when the ,fhrer took over the powers of the ,chancelor1 and then when he assumed the position of the ,chief of ,state4 ,but his primary significance is always as leader of the movement2 he has absorbed within himself the two highest offices of the political leadership of the ,reich and has created thereby the new office of ,fhrer of the people and the ,reich4 ,that is not a superficial grouping together of various offices1 functions1 and powers 444 ,it is not a union of offices but a unity of office4 ,the ,fhrer does not unite the old offices of ,chancelor and ,president side by side within himself1 but he fills a new1 unified office4#di ,the ,fhrer unites in himself all the sovereign authority of the ,reich2 all public authority in the state as well as in the movement is derived from the authority of the ,fhrer4 ,we must speak not of the state's authority but of the ,fhrer's authority if we wish to designate the character of the political authority within the ,reich correctly4 ,the state does not hold political authority as an impersonal unit but receives it from the ,fhrer as the executor of the national will4 ,the authority of the ,fhrer is complete and all-embracing2 it unites in itself all the means of political direction2 it extends into all fields of national life2 it embraces the entire people1 which is bound to the ,fhrer in loyalty and obedience4 ,the authority of the ,fhrer is not limited by checks and controls1 by special autonomous bodies or individual rights1 but it is free and independent1 all-inclusive and unlimited4 ,it is not1 however1 self-seeking or arbitrary and its ties are within itself4 ,it is derived from the people2 that is1 it is entrusted to the ,fhrer by the people4 ,it exists for the people and has its justification in the people2 it is free of all outward ties because it is in its innermost nature firmly bound up with the fate1 the welfare1 the mission1 and the honor of the people4#ej ,neesse1 in his ,the ,national ,socialist ,german ,workers ,party--,an ,attempt at ,legal ,interpretation1 emphasizes the importance of complete control by the party leadership over all branches of the government4 ,he says there must be no division of power in the ,nazi state to interfere with the leader's freedom of action4 ,thus the ,fhrer becomes the administrative head1 the lawgiver1 and the highest authority of justice in one person4 ,this does not mean that he stands above the law4 ,the ,fhrer may be outwardly independent1 but inwardly he obeys the same laws as those he leads4#ea ,the leadership 7,fhrung7 in the ,nazi state is not to be compared with the government or administration in a democracy3 ,fhrung is not1 like government1 the highest organ of the state1 which has grown out of the order of the state1 but it receives its legitimation1 its call1 and its mission from the people 444#eb ,the people cannot as a rule announce its will by means of majority votes but only through its embodiment in one man1 or in a few men4 ,the principle of the identity of the ruler and those who are ruled1 of the government and those who are governed has been very forcibly represented as the principle of democracy4 ,but this identity 444 becomes mechanistic and superficial if one seeks to establish it in the theory that the people are at once the governors and the governed 444 ,a true organic identity is only possible when the great mass of the people recognizes its embodiment in one man and feels itself to be one nature with him 444 ,most of the people will never exercise their governing powers but only wish to be governed justly and well 444 ,national ,socialist ,fhrung sees no value in trying to please a majority of the people1 but its every action is dictated by service to the welfare of the people1 even though a majority would not approve it4 ,the mission of the ,fhrung is received from the people1 but the fulfilment of this mission and the exercise of power are free and must be free1 for however surely and forcefully a healthy people may be able to make decisions in the larger issues of its destiny1 its decisions in all smaller matters are confused and uncertain4 ,for this reason1 ,fhrung must be free in the performance of its task 444 ,the ,fhrer does not stand for himself alone and can be understood not of himself1 but only from the idea of a work to be accomplished 444 ,both the ,fhrer and his following are subject to the idea which they serve2 both are of the same substance1 the same spirit1 and the same blood4 ,the despot knows only subjects whom he uses or1 at best1 for whom he cares4 ,but the first consideration of the ,fhrer is not his own advantage nor even1 at bottom1 the welfare of the people1 but only service to the mission1 the idea1 and the purpose to which ,fhrer and following alike are consecrated4#ec ,the supreme position of ,adolf ,hitler as ,fhrer of the ,reich1 which ,huber and ,neesse emphasize in the preceding quotations1 is also stressed in the statements of high ,nazi officials4 ,for example1 ,dr4 ,frick1 the ,german ,minister of the ,interior1 in an article entitled ,germany as a ,unitary ,state1 which is included in a book called ,germany ,speaks1 published in ,london in #aich1 states3 ,the unity of the party and the state finds its highest realization in the person of the ,leader and ,chancelor who 444 combines the offices of ,president and ,chancelor4 ,he is the leader of the ,national ,socialist ,party1 the political head of the state and the supreme commander of the defense forces4#ed ,it is interesting to note that1 notwithstanding the generally recognized view as expressed in the preceding citations that the authority of the ,fhrer is supreme1 ,hitler found it necessary in ,april #aidb to ask the ,reichstag to confirm his power to be able at any time1 if necessary1 to urge any ,german to fulfil his obligations by all means which appear to the ,fhrer appropriate in the interests of the successful prosecution of the war4#ee 7,the text of the resolution adopted by the ,reichstag is included as document #e1 post p4 #ahc47 ,great emphasis is placed by the ,nazi leaders on the infallibility of the ,fhrer and the duty of obedience of the ,german people4 ,in a speech on ,june #ab1 #aice1 for instance1 ,robert ,ley1 director of the party organization1 said1 ,germany must obey like a well-trained soldier3 the ,fhrer1 ,adolf ,hitler1 is always right4 ,developing the same idea1 ,ley wrote in an article in the ,angriff on ,april #i1 #aidb 7document #f1 post p4 #ahd73 ,right is what serves my people2 wrong is what damages it4 ,i am born a ,german and have1 therefore1 only one holy mission3 work for my people and take care of it4 ,and with reference to the position of ,hitler1 ,ley wrote3 ,the ,national ,socialist ,party is ,hitler1 and ,hitler is the party4 ,the ,national ,socialists believe in ,hitler1 who embodies their will4 ,therefore our conscience is clearly and exactly defined4 ,only what ,adolf ,hitler1 our ,fhrer1 commands1 allows1 or does not allow is our conscience4 ,we have no understanding for him who hides behind an anonymous conscience1 behind ,god1 whom everybody conceives according to his own wishes4 ,these ideas of the ,fhrer's infallibility and the duty of obedience are so fundamental in fact that they are incorporated as the first two commandments for party members4 ,these are set forth in the ,organisationsbuch der ,,nsdap 7,nazi ,party ,organization ,book7 for #aidj1 page #g 7document #g1 post p4 #ahf74 ,the first commandment is ,the ,fhrer is always right6 and the second is ,never go against discipline6 ,in view of the importance attached to the ,fhrer principle by the ,nazis1 it is only natural that youth should be intensively indoctrinated with this idea4 ,neesse points out that one of the most important tasks of the party is the formation of a select group or elite which will form the leaders of the future3 ,a party such as the ,,nsdap1 which is responsible to history for the future of the ,german ,reich1 cannot content itself with the hope for future leaders but must create a strain of strong and true personalities which should offer the constantly renewed possibility of replacing leaders whenever it is necessary4#ef ,beck1 in his work ,education in the ,third ,reich1 also insists that a respect for the ,fhrer principle be inculcated in youth3 ,the educational value of the ,hitler ,youth is to be found in this community spirit which cannot be taught but can only be experienced 444 ,but this cultivation of the community spirit through the experience of the community must1 in order to avoid any conception of individual equality which is inconsistent with the ,german view of life1 be based upon inward and outward recognition of the ,fhrer principle 444 ,in the ,hitler ,youth1 the young ,german should learn by experience that there are no theoretical equal rights of the individual but only a natural and unconditional subordination to leadership4#eg ,german writers often pretend that the ,fhrer principle does not necessarily result in the establishment of a dictatorship but that it permits the embodiment of the will of the people in its leaders and the realization of the popular will much more efficiently than is possible in democratic states4 ,such an argument1 for example1 is presented by ,dr4 ,paul ,ritterbusch in ,demokratie und ,diktatur 7,democracy and ,dictatorship71 published in #aici4 ,professor ,ritterbusch claims that ,communism leads to a dictatorial system but that the ,nazi movement is much closer to the ideals of true democracy4 ,the real nature of ,national ,socialism1 however1 cannot be understood from the standpoint of the pluralistic-party state4 ,it does not represent a dictatorship of one party and a suppression of all others but rather an expression of the will and the character of the whole national community in and through one great party which has resolved all internal discords and oppositions within itself4 ,the ,fhrer of this great movement is at once the leader and the expression of the national will4 ,freed from the enervating effects of internal strife1 the movement under the guiding hand of the ,fhrer can bring the whole of the national community to its fullest expression and highest development4 ,the highest authority1 however1 ,hitler himself1 has left no doubt as to the nature of ,nazi ,party leaders4 ,in a speech delivered at the ,sportpalast in ,berlin on ,april #h1 #aicc1 he said3 ,when our opponents say3 ,it is easy for you3 you are a dictator--,we answer them1 ,no1 gentlemen1 you are wrong2 there is no single dictator1 but ten thousand1 each in his own place4 ,and even the highest authority in the hierarchy has itself only one wish1 never to transgress against the supreme authority to which it1 too1 is responsible4 ,we have in our movement developed this loyalty in following the leader1 this blind obedience of which all the others know nothing and which gave to us the power to surmount everything4#eh ,as has been indicated above1 the ,fhrer principle applies not only to the ,fhrer of the ,reich1 ,adolf ,hitler1 but to all the subordinate leaders of the party and the government apparatus4 ,with respect to this aspect of the ,fhrer principle1 ,huber 7document #a1 post p4 #aee71 says3 ,the ranks of the public services are regarded as forces organized on the living principle of leadership and following3 ,the authority of command exercised in the labor service1 the military service1 and the civil service is ,fhrer-authority 444 ,it has been said of the military and civil services that true leadership is not represented in their organization on the principles of command and obedience4 ,in reality there can be no political leadership which does not have recourse to command and force as the means for the accomplishment of its ends4 ,command and force do not1 of course1 constitute the true nature of leadership1 but as a means they are indispensable elements of every fully developed ,fhrer-order4#ei ,the ,fhrer principle is officially recognized by the party1 and the party interpretation thereof is set forth in the ,party ,organization ,book 7document #g and charts #a and #a-;,a1 post pp4 #ahf1 #dhh1 #dhi74 ,there are also included herein1 as charts #b and #b-;,a and #c and #c-;,a 7post pp4 #dij1 #dia1 #dib1 #dic71 photostatic copies and translations of two charts from ,der nationalsozialistische ,staat 7,the ,national ,socialist ,state7 by ,dr4 ,walther ,gehl1 published in #aice4 ,these charts clearly show the concentration of authority in the ,fhrer and the subordinate relation of the minor leaders in both the state and the party4 ,the ,party3 ,leadership by an ,elite ,class #a4 ,functions of the ,party ,the third pillar of the ,nazi state1 the link between ,volk and ,fhrer1 is the ,nazi ,party4 ,according to ,nazi ideology1 all authority within the nation is derived ultimately from the people1 but it is the party through which the people expresses itself4 ,in ,rechtseinrichtungen und ,rechtsaufgaben der ,bewegung 7,legal ,organization and ,legal ,functions of the ,movement7 7document #h1 post p4 #bjd71 published in #aici1 ,otto ,gauweiler states3 ,the will of the ,german people finds its expression in the party as the political organization of the people4 ,it represents the political conception1 the political conscience1 and the political will4 ,it is the expression and the organ of the people's creative will to life4 ,it comprises a select part of the ,german people for only the best ,germans should be party members 444 ,the inner organization of the party must therefore bring the national life which is concentrated within itself to manifestation and development in all the fields of national endeavor in which the party is represented4#fj ,gauweiler defines the relationship of the party to the state in the following terms3 ,the party stands above and beside the state as the wielder of an authority derived from the people with its own sovereign powers and its own sphere of sovereignty 444 ,the legal position of the party is therefore that of a completely sovereign authority whose legal supremacy and self-sufficiency rest upon the original independent political authority which the ,fhrer and the movement have attained as a result of their historical achievements4#fa ,neesse states that ,it will be the task of ,national ,socialism to lead back the ,german people to an organic structure which proceeds from a recognition of the differences in the characters and possibilities of human beings without permitting this recognition to lead to a cleavage of the people into two camps4#fb ,this task is the responsibility of the party4 ,although it has become the only political party in ,germany1 the party does not desire to identify itself with the state4 ,it does not wish to dominate the state or to serve it4 ,it works beside it and cooperates with it4 ,in this respect1 ,nazi ,germany is distinguished from the other one-party states of ,europe3 ,in the one-party state of ,russia1 the party rules over the state2 in the one-party state of ,italy1 the party serves the state2 but in the one-party state of ,germany1 the party neither serves the state nor rules over it directly but works and struggles together with it for the community of the people4#fc ,neesse contends that the party derives its legal basis from the law inherent in the living organism of the ,german ,volk3 ,the inner law of the ,,nsdap is none other than the inner law of the ,german people4 ,the party arises from the people2 it has formed an organization which crystallizes about itself the feelings of the people1 which seemed buried1 and the strength of the people1 which seemed lost4#fd ,neesse states that the party has two great tasks--to insure the continuity of national leadership and to preserve the unity of the ,volk3 ,the first main task of the party1 which is in keeping with its organic nature1 is to protect the ,national ,socialist idea and to constantly renew it by drawing from the depths of the ,german soul1 to keep it pure and clear1 and to pass it on thus to coming generations3 this is predominantly a matter of education of the people4 ,the second great task1 which is in keeping with its organizational nature1 is to form the people and the state into the unity of the nation and to create for the ,german national community forms which are ever new and suited to its vital development3 this is predominantly a matter of state formation4 ,these two tasks1 one of which deals with substance and the other with function1 belong together4 ,it is as impossible to separate them as it is to split up the party into organism and organization1 form and content4#fe ,huber 7document #a1 post p4 #aee7 describes the tasks of the party in similar terms4 ,he states that the party is charged with the education of the people to a political people through the awakening of the political consciousness of each individual2 the inculcation of a uniform political philosophy1 that is1 the teaching of ,nazi principles2 the selection of leaders1 including the choice and training of especially promising boys to be the ,fhrers of the future2 and the shaping of the political will of the people in accordance with the ,fhrer's aims4#ff ,the educational tasks of the party are stressed by ,beck1 who develops the idea that the ,volk can be divided into three main groups1 a supporting1 a leading1 and a creative class4#fg ,it is the duty of the leading class1 that is1 the party1 from which the creative class of leaders is drawn1 to provide for the education of the supporting class4 ,every member of the body of the people must belong to the politically supporting class1 that is1 each one who bears within himself the basic racial1 spiritual1 and mental values of the people 444 ,here no sort of leading or creative activity is demanded but only a recognition of the leading and creative will 444 ,only those are called to leadership in political life who have recognized the community-bound law of all human life in purest clarity and in the all-embracing extent of its validity and who will place all the powers of their personal lives with the help of a politically moral character in the service of the formation of community life 444 ,from the politically leading class arise the politically creative personalities4 ,these are the mysterious elemental forces which are beyond all explanation by human reason and which through their action and by means of the living idea within them give to the community of the people an expression which is fresh1 young1 and eternal4 ,here is the fulfilment of the highest and purest political humanity 444 ,the education of the socialist personality is essentially the forming of the politically supporting class within the ,german people and the encouragement of those political tendencies which make a man a political leader4 ,to educate to political creativeness is just as impossible as to educate to genius4 ,education can only furnish the spiritual atmosphere1 can only prepare the spiritual living-space for the politically creative personality by forming a uniform political consciousness in the socialistic personality1 and in the development of politically creative personalities it can at the most give special attention to those values of character and spirit which are of decisive importance for the development of this personality4#fh ,goebbels in ,the ,nature and ,form of ,national ,socialism 7document #b1 post p4 #agj7 emphasizes the responsibility of the party for the leadership of the state3 ,the party must always continue to represent the hierarchy of ,national ,socialist leadership4 ,this minority must always insist upon its prerogative to control the state4 ,it must keep the way open for the ,german youth which wishes to take its place in this hierarchy4 ,in reality the hierarchy has fewer rights than duties6 ,it is responsible for the leadership of the state and it solemnly relieves the people of this responsibility4 ,it has the duty to control the state in the best interests and to the general welfare of the nation4#fi ,dr4 ,frick1 ,german ,minister of the ,interior1 in his chapter in ,germany ,speaks indicates the exclusive position of the party in the ,third ,reich3 ,national ,socialist ,germany1 however1 is not merely a unitary state3 it is also a unitary nation and its governance is based on the principle of leadership 444 ,in ,national ,socialist ,germany1 leadership is in the hands of an organized community1 the ,national ,socialist ,party2 and as the latter represents the will of the nation1 the policy adopted by it in harmony with the vital interests of the nation is at the same time the policy adopted by the country 444 ,the ,national ,socialist ,party is the only political party in ,germany and therefore the true representative of the people 444#gj ,to ,dr4 ,ley1 the party is identical with the ,fhrer4 ,as he wrote in the ,angriff on ,april #i1 #aidb 7document #f1 post p4 #ahd71 ,the ,national ,socialist ,party is ,hitler1 and ,hitler is the party4 ,the role of the party in legislation1 in political matters1 and in the appointment of ,government officials is indicated by the ,fhrer's decree of ,may #bi1 #aida1ga as amplified by the order of ,january #af1 #aidb1 concerning its execution4#gb 7,document #i1 post p4 #bab74 ,this order provides that all legislative proposals and proposed laws and decrees1 as well as any proposed changes therein1 must pass through and receive the approval of the ,party ,chancelry4 #b4 ,party ,membership ,details concerning the qualifications and duties of party members are contained in the ,party ,organization ,book for #aidj 7document #g1 post p4 #ahf74 ,membership is finally confirmed by the issuance of a membership card or a membership book4 ,anyone who becomes a party member does not merely join an organization but he becomes a soldier in the ,german freedom movement and that means much more than just paying his dues and attending the members' meetings4 ,he obligates himself to subordinate his own ego and to place everything he has in the service of the people's cause4 ,only he who is capable of doing this should become a party member4 ,a selection must be made in accordance with this idea4 ,readiness to fight1 readiness to sacrifice1 and strength of character are the requirements for a good ,national ,socialist4 ,small blemishes1 such as a false step which someone has made in his youth1 should be overlooked2 the contribution in the struggle for ,germany should alone be decisive4 ,the healthy will naturally prevail over the bad if the will to health finds sufficient support in leadership and achievement4 ,admission to the party should not be controlled by the old bourgeois point of view4 ,the party must always represent the elite of the people4#gc ,german blood is one of the prerequisites for party membership4 ,the ,party ,organization ,book for #aidj 7document #g1 post p4 #ahf7 also states1 ,only those racial comrades who possess ,german citizenship are eligible for admission4#gd ,party members shall not exceed ten per cent of the ,german population of the region4 ,the ideal proportion of the number of party members to the number of racial comrades is set at ten per cent4 ,this proportion is to apply also to the individual ,province ,gau4#ge #c4 ,pledges and ,symbols of ,allegiance ,party members take an oath of loyalty to the ,fhrer in the following terms3 ,i pledge allegiance to my ,fhrer1 ,adolf ,hitler4 ,i promise at all times to respect and obey him and the leaders whom he appoints over me4#gf 7a7 ,the ,hitler ,salute ,a pledge of allegiance to the ,fhrer is also implied in the ,nazi salute1 which is usually accompanied by the greeting1 ,heil ,hitler4 ,the phrase mit deutschen ,gruss1 which is commonly used as a closing salutation in letters1 is another form of the ,hitler greeting4 ,knaurs ,konversations-,lexikon 7,knaur's ,conversational ,dictionary71 published in ,berlin in #aicd1 contains the following definition3 ,german greeting1 ,hitler greeting3 by raising the right arm2 used by the old ,germans with the spear as a greeting of arms ,waffengruss4 ,communal greeting of the ,national ,socialists2 introduced into general use in #aicc4 ,that this greeting was used by the ,nazis as early as #aibc is demonstrated by a photograph which appeared in ,das ,buch der ,,nsdap1 ,werden1 ,kampf and ,ziel der ,,nsdap 7,the ,book of the ,,nsdap1 ,growth1 ,struggle1 and ,goal of the ,,nsdap7 by ,walter ,m4 ,espe 7,berlin1 #aicd71 illustration #cd 7document #aj1 post p4 #bad74 ,in the same book 7page #bc in the supplement entitled ,die ,,nsdap7 the following distinction is made between the usual ,nazi greeting and the ,storm ,troopers' salute3 ,while the ,german greeting consists merely in raising the right hand in any desired manner and represents rather a general comradely greeting1 the ,,sa salute is executed1 in accordance with the specifications of the ,,sa service regulations1 by placing the left hand on the belt and raising the extended right arm4 ,the ,,sa salute is to be given to all higher ranking leaders of the ,,sa and the ,,ss and of the veterans' organization which has been incorporated into the ,,sa1 as well as to the ,army and the national and security police forces4 ,the comradely ,german greeting is to be exchanged between all equally ranking members of the ,,sa and the ,,ss and members of a corresponding rank in the ,army1 the police1 the veterans' organization1 the ,german air-sport league1 the ,hitler ,youth1 the railway guards1 and the whole membership of the party so far as they are distinguishable by regulation uniforms4 7b7 ,the ,swastika ,early in its history the ,nazi ,party adopted the swastika banner as its official emblem4#gg ,it was designed by ,hitler himself1 who wrote in ,mein ,kampf3 ,i myself after countless attempts had laid down a final form3 a flag with a background of red cloth1 having a white circle1 and1 in its center1 a black swastika4444 ,as ,national ,socialists we see our program in our flag4 ,in the red we see the social idea of the movement1 in the white the nationalistic idea1 and in the swastika the fight for the victory of ,aryan man and at the same time for the victory of the idea of creative work1 which in itself always was and always will be anti-,semitic4#gh ,the swastika banner came into general use after ,january #cj1 #aicc as a symbol of allegiance to the ,hitler regime1 but not until two years later was it made the ,german national flag by the ,reich flag law of ,september #ae1 #aice4gi ,another law1 decreed on ,april #g1 #aicg1hj specified that3 ,the insignia which the ,,nsdap1 its formations1 and associated organizations use for their officers1 their structure1 their organization1 and their symbols may not be used by other associations either alone or with embellishments4 ,it is interesting to note that party regulations forbid members to use passport photographs in which they appear in party uniform or wearing party insignia and that party members are forbidden to discuss foreign policy with foreigners unless they are officially designated by the ,fhrer to do so4 ,the pertinent regulations read3 ,pass ,photos on ,identification ,cards ,members of the ,,nsdap must not use pass photos which show the holder of any identification card in a uniform of the party or of any of its formations4 ,it is also forbidden to use as pass photos pictures which show the person wearing a party button4 99 99 99 99 99 ,conversations ,with ,foreigners ,it is forbidden to all party members to engage in discussions of foreign policy with foreigners4 ,only such persons as have been designated by the ,fhrer are entitled to do so4#ha ,the ,totalitarian ,state ,the ,weimar ,constitution1 although never formally abrogated by the ,nazis1 was rendered totally ineffectual by two basic laws1 promulgated within two months after the seizure of power by the party4 ,the first of these was the ,decree of the ,reich's ,president for the ,protection of the ,people and ,state 7document #aa-;,i1 post p4 #bae71 issued ,february #bh1 #aicc1 the day after the ,reichstag was burned down4 ,it suspended until further notice#hb articles of the ,weimar ,constitution guaranteeing essential democratic rights of the individual4 ,thus1 according to article ,i of this decree1 restrictions on personal liberty1 on the right of free expression of opinion1 including freedom of the press1 on the right of assembly and the right of association1 and violations of the privacy of postal1 telegraphic1 and telephonic communications1 and warrants for house-searches1 orders for confiscations as well as restrictions on property1 are also permissible beyond the legal limits otherwise prescribed4#hc ,the abrogation by the ,nazis of these fundamental rights of democracy has never been repealed or amended4 ,in fact1 this decree represents the presupposition and confirmation of the police sway established throughout ,germany by the ,nazis4#hd ,the second basic law1 known as the ,enabling ,act1 the ,law ,to ,remove the ,distress of ,people and ,state1 of ,march #bd1 #aicc 7document #aa-;,,ii1 post p4 #bag71 swept away parliamentary government entirely4 ,by abrogating the pertinent articles of the ,weimar ,constitution1 it enabled the ,nazi ,cabinet under ,hitler's chancelorship to appropriate money and legislate without any responsibility to the ,reichstag or any obligation to respect the ,constitution4 ,the dissolution of democracy in ,germany was sealed by the unification of the authoritarian ,nazi ,party with the ,german state4 ,soon after the party came to power in #aicc1 steps were taken to effect and secure this unity4 ,the process is described by ,huber 7document #a1 post p4 #aee7 as follows3 ,on ,july #ad1 #aicc was issued the law against the formation of new parties which raised the ,,nsdap to the only political party in ,germany document #aa-;,,iii 444 ,the overthrow of the old party-state was accompanied by the construction of the new movement-state ,bewegungsstaat4 ,out of a political fighting organization the ,,nsdap grew to a community capable of carrying the state and the nation4 ,this process was accomplished step by step in the first months after the ,national ,socialist seizure of power4 ,the assumption of the office of ,chancelor by the ,fhrer of the movement formed the basis for this development4 ,various party leaders were appointed as ,reichsminister2 the governors of the provinces were national leaders or ,gauleiter of the party1 such as ,general von ,epp2 the ,prussian government officials are as a rule ,gauleiter of the party2 the ,prussian police chiefs are mostly high-ranking ,,sa leaders4 ,by this system of a union of the personnel of the party and state offices the unity of party and state was achieved4#he ,the culmination of this development was reached in the ,law ,to ,safeguard the ,unity of ,party and ,state1 of ,december #a1 #aicc 7document #aa-;,,iv1 post p4 #bba71 which proclaimed the ,,nsdap the bearer of the ,german state-idea and indissolubly joined to the state4 ,in order to guarantee the complete cooperation of the party and ,,sa with the public officials1 the ,fhrer's ,deputy and the ,chief of ,staff of the ,,sa were made members of the ,cabinet4 ,with regard to the relation between the party and the state1 ,neesse writes3 ,the ,,nsdap is not a structure which stands under direct state control1 to which single tasks of public administration are entrusted by the state1 but it holds and maintains is claim to totality as the bearer of the ,german state-idea in all fields relating to the community--regardless of how various single functions are divided between the organization of the party and the organization of the state4#hf ,to maintain cooperation between the party and state organizations1 the highest state offices are given to the men holding the corresponding party offices4 ,gauweiler 7document #h1 post p4 #bjd7 attributes to the party supreme leadership in all phases of national life4 ,thus the state becomes merely an administrative machine which the party has set up in accordance with and for the accomplishment of its aims3 ,as the responsible bearer and shaper of the destiny of the whole ,german nation the party has created an entirely new state1 for that which sought to foist itself upon her as a state was simply the product of a deep human confusion4 ,the state of the past and its political ideal had never satisfied the longing of the ,german people4 ,the ,national ,socialist movement already carried its state within itself at the time of its early struggles4 ,it was able to place the completely formed body of its own state at the disposal of the state which it had taken over4#hg ,the official party interpretation of the relation between party and state1 as set forth in the ,party ,organization ,book for #aidj1 appears in the ,appendix as document #g 7post p4 #ahf74 ,goebbels in his lecture on ,the ,nature and ,form of ,national ,socialism 7document #b1 post p4 #agj7 stressed the importance of ,gleichschaltung or the penetration of ,nazi ideology into all fields of national life4 ,this to his mind must be the result of the ,national ,socialist revolution4 ,the same aims1 ideals1 and standards must be applied to economics and to politics1 to cultural and social development1 to education and religion1 and to foreign and domestic relations4 ,the result of this concept of the totalitarian state has been the compulsory regimentation of all phases of ,german life to conform to the pattern established by the party4 ,the totalitarian state does not recognize personal liberties for the individual4 ,the legal position of the individual citizen in the ,third ,reich is clearly set forth by ,huber 7document #a1 post p4 #aee73 ,not until the nationalistic political philosophy had become dominant could the liberalistic idea of basic rights be really overcome4 ,the concept of personal liberties of the individual as opposed to the authority of the state had to disappear2 it is not to be reconciled with the principle of the nationalistic ,reich4 ,there are no personal liberties of the individual which fall outside of the realm of the state and which must be respected by the state4 ,the member of the people1 organically connected with the whole community1 has replaced the isolated individual2 he is included in the totality of the political people and is drawn into the collective action4 ,there can no longer be any question of a private sphere1 free of state influence1 which is sacred and untouchable before the political unity4 ,the constitution of the nationalistic ,reich is therefore not based upon a system of inborn and inalienable rights of the individual4#hh ,in place of these rights the constitution of the ,third ,reich guarantees to the individual his place in the community of the people3 ,the legal position of the individual member of the people forms an entirely new concept which is indispensable for the construction of a nationalistic order4 ,the legal position of the individual is always related to the community and conditioned by duty4 ,it is developed not for the sake of the individual but for the community1 which can only be filled with life1 power1 and purpose when a suitable field of action is insured for the individual member4 ,without a concrete determination of the individual's legal position there can be no real community4 ,this legal position represents the organic fixation of the individual in the living order4 ,rights and obligations arise from the application of this legal position to specific individual relationships 444 ,but all rights must be regarded as duty-bound rights4 ,their exercise is always dependent upon the fulfilment by the individual of those duties to which all rights are subordinate 444#hi ,the concept of private property in the totalitarian state is also at variance with the democratic concept of private property4 ,in the ,third ,reich the holder of property is considered merely as a manager responsible to the ,volk for the use of the property in the common interest4 ,huber sets forth the ,nazi view in the following words3 ,private property as conceived under the liberalistic economic order was a reversal of the true concept of property4 ,this private property represented the right of the individual to manage and to speculate with inherited or acquired property as he pleased1 without regard for the general interests 444 ,german socialism had to overcome this private1 that is1 unrestrained and irresponsible view of property4 ,all property is common property4 ,the owner is bound by the people and the ,reich to the responsible management of his goods4 ,his legal position is only justified when he satisfies this responsibility to the community4#ij ,pursuant to this view of the nature of ownership1 property may be confiscated whenever the state decides that public management would be in the interests of the community1 or if the owner is found guilty of irresponsible management1 in which case no compensation is paid him4 ,reference has been made to the appointment of party members to important state offices4 ,gauweiler 7document #h1 post p4 #bjd7 points out that the party insured the infusion of the entire structure of the state with its ideology through the civil-service law 7,beamtengesetz7 of ,january #bf1 #aicg1ia which provides that a person appointed to a civil-service position must be filled with ,national ,socialist views1 since only thus can he be an executor of the will of the state which is carried by the ,,nsdap4 ,it demands of him that he be ready at all times to exert himself unreservedly in behalf of the ,national ,socialist state and that he be aware of the fact that the ,,nsdap1 as the mouthpiece of the people's will1 is the vital force behind the concept of the ,german state4#ib ,the infiltration of party members into the civil service has now proceeded to such a point that early in #aidb ,pfundtner1 the ,secretary of ,state in the ,german ,ministry of the ,interior1 could write in the periodical ,akademie fr deutsches ,recht3 ,the ,german civil servant must furthermore be a ,national ,socialist to the marrow of his bones and must be a member of the party or of one of its formations4 ,the state will primarily see to it that the ,young ,guard of the movement is directed toward a civil-service career and also that the civil servant takes an active part in the party so that the political idea and service of the state become closely welded4#ic 99 99 99 99 99 ,,footnotes ,,to ,,first ,,section ,footnote #h3 ,huber1 ,verfassungsrecht des grossdeutschen ,reiches 7,hamburg1 #aici71 pp4 #ed-ee4 ,footnote #i3 ,ibid41 pp4 #aec-aee4 ,footnote #aj3 ,ibid41 pp4 #aef-aeg4 ,footnote #aa3 ,ibid41 p4 #aeg4 ,footnote #ab3 ,ibid41 p4 #aeh4 ,footnote #ac3 ,ibid41 p4 #afc4 ,footnote #ad3 ,ibid41 p4 #afd4 ,footnote #ae3 ,ibid41 pp4 #afe-aff4 ,footnote #af3 ,neesse1 ,die ,nationalsozialistische ,deutsche ,arbeiterpartei--,versuch einer ,rechtsdeutung 7,stuttgart1 #aice71 p4 #dd4 ,footnote #ag3 ,ibid41 p4 #ea4 ,footnote #ah3 ,ibid41 p4 #ed4 ,footnote #ai3 ,ibid41 p4 #eh4 ,footnote #bj3 ,ibid41 pp4 #ed-ef4 ,footnote #ba3 ,ibid41 p4 #ei4 ,footnote #bb3 ,ibid41 pp4 #fj-fa4 ,footnote #bc3 ,ibid41 pp4 #fe-ff4 ,footnote #bd3 ,scurla1 ,die ,grundgedanken des ,nationalsozialismus und das ,ausland 7,berlin1 #aich71 pp4 #aj-aa4 ,footnote #be3 ,ibid41 p4 #i4 ,footnote #bf3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #bg3 ,ibid41 p4 #ac4 ,footnote #bh3 ,beck1 ,die ,erziehung im dritten ,reich 7,dortmund and ,breslau1 #aicf71 p4 #bj4 ,footnote #bi3 ,ibid41 pp4 #bj-ba4 ,footnote #cj3 ,ibid41 p4 #ce4 ,footnote #ca3 ,ibid41 pp4 #eb-ee4 ,footnote #cb3 ,ibid41 p4 #df4 ,footnote #cc3 ,ibid41 p4 #eg4 ,footnote #cd3 ,ibid41 p4 #aah4 ,footnote #ce3 ,ibid41 p4 #adj4 ,footnote #cf3 ,rosenberg1 ,der ,mythus des #bj4 ,jahrhunderts 7,munich1 #aice71 p4 #bh 7#ast ed4 #aicj74 ,footnote #cg3 ,ibid41 p4 #aad4 ,footnote #ch3 ,ibid41 p4 #dgi4 ,footnote #ci3 ,ibid41 p4 #edb4 ,footnote #dj3 ,gottfried ,feder1 ,the ,programme of the ,party of ,hitler 7translated by ,e4,t4,s4 ,dugdale3 ,munich1 #aicb71 p4 #ah4 ,footnote #da3 ,rosenberg1 ,wesen1 ,grundstze und ,ziele der ,,nsdap 7,munich1 #aicc71 pp4 #af-ah 7#ast ed4 #aibb74 ,footnote #db3 ,rosenberg1 ,der ,mythus des #bj4 ,jahrhunderts1 p4 #fgc4 ,footnote #dc3 ,beck1 op4 cit41 p4 #aaj4 ,footnote #dd3 ,ibid41 p4 #aaj4 ,footnote #de3 ,huber1 ,aufbau und ,gefge des ,reiches1 published in the book ,idee und ,ordnung des ,reiches 7ed4 by ,huber3 ,hamburg1 ,hanseatische ,verlagsanstalt1 #aida71 p4 #ab4 ,footnote #df3 ,huber1 ,verfassungsrecht des grossdeutschen ,reiches 7,hamburg1 #aici71 pp4 #aid-aih4 ,footnote #dg3 ,ibid41 pp4 #aii-bjj4 ,footnote #dh3 ,ibid41 pp4 #bjg-bjh4 ,footnote #di3 ,ibid41 pp4 #bac-bad4 ,footnote #ej3 ,ibid41 p4 #bcj4 ,footnote #ea3 ,neesse1 op4 cit41 p4 #adf4 ,footnote #eb3 ,ibid41 p4 #adc4 ,footnote #ec3 ,ibid41 pp4 #add-adg4 ,footnote #ed3 ,germany ,speaks 7containing articles by twenty-one leading members of the ,nazi ,party and the ,german ,government3 ,london1 #aich71 p4 #ca4 ,footnote #ee3 ,reichsgesetzblatt 7#aidb71 p4 #bdg4 7,all citations to the ,reichsgesetzblatt refer to part ,i thereof47 ,footnote #ef3 ,neesse1 op4 cit41 p4 #aej4 ,footnote #eg3 ,beck1 op4 cit41 p4 #aca4 ,footnote #eh3 ,my ,new ,order1 p4 #aei4 ,footnote #ei3 ,huber1 ,verfassungsrecht des grossdeutschen ,reiches 7,hamburg1 #aici71 p4 #daj4 ,footnote #fj3 ,gauweiler1 ,rechtseinrichtungen und ,rechtsaufgaben der ,bewegung 7,munich1 #aici71 p4 #b4 ,footnote #fa3 ,ibid41 p4 #i4 ,footnote #fb3 ,neesse1 op4 cit11 p4 #ga4 ,footnote #fc3 ,ibid41 p4 #aai4 ,footnote #fd3 ,ibid41 p4 #abf4 ,footnote #fe3 ,ibid41 pp4 #aci-adj4 ,footnote #ff3 ,huber1 ,verfassungsrecht des grossdeutschen ,reiches 7,hamburg1 #aici71 pp4 #bic-bif4 ,footnote #fg3 ,beck1 op4 cit41 p4 #cg4 ,footnote #fh3 ,ibid41 pp4 #cg-ch4 ,footnote #fi3 ,goebbels1 op4 cit41 p4 #ai4 ,footnote #gj3 ,germany ,speaks1 pp4 #cj-ca4 ,footnote #ga3 ,reichsgesetzblatt 7#aida71 p4 #bie4 ,footnote #gb3 ,ibid41 7#aidb71 p4 #ce4 ,footnote #gc3 ,organisationsbuch der ,,nsdap 7ed4 by the ,national ,organizational ,director of the ,,nsdap3 ,munich1 #aidj71 p4 #e4 ,footnote #gd3 ,ibid41 p4 #f;b4 ,footnote #ge3 ,ibid41 p4 #f;d4 ,footnote #gf3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #gg3 ,the ,german pocket reference book for current events 7,taschen-,brockhaus zum ,zeitgeschehen3 ,leipzig1 #aidb7 states that the swastika banner was designed by ,hitler for the ,,nsdap in #aiai4 ,footnote #gh3 ,adolf ,hitler1 ,mein ,kampf 7,munich1 ,verlag ,frank ,eher1 ,g4m4b4,h41 #aicc copyright #aibe71 pp4 #eef-eeg4 ,footnote #gi3 ,reichsgesetzblatt 7#aice71 p4 #aade4 ,footnote #hj3 ,ibid4 7#aicg71 p4 #ddb4 ,footnote #ha3 ,organisationsbuch der ,,nsdap 7,munich1 #aidj71 p4 #h4 ,footnote #hb3 ,reichsgesetzblatt 7#aicc71 p4 #hc4 ,footnote #hc3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #hd3 ,in his book ,die deutsche ,polizei 7,the ,german ,police7 7,darmstadt1 ,l4,c4 ,wittich ,verlag1 #aida71 p4 #bd1 the prominent ,nazi police official1 ,dr4 ,werner ,best1 wrote that this law is to be regarded not as a 'police law'--that is1 as the regulation of police functions and activities--but as the expression of the new conception of the state as it has been transformed by the ,national ,socialist revolution1 from which the new 'police' concept is derived4 ,also1 this law was for the police the confirmation that the work already begun was in agreement with the law giving will of the ,supreme ,leadership of the ,reich4 ,footnote #he3 ,huber1 ,verfassungsrecht des grossdeutschen ,reiches 7,hamburg1 #aici7 p4 #bhh4 ,footnote #hf3 ,neesse1 op4 cit41 p4 #aca4 ,footnote #hg3 ,gauweiler1 op4 cit41 p4 #c4 ,footnote #hh3 ,huber1 ,verfassungsrecht des grossdeutschen ,reiches 7,hamburg1 #aici71 p4 #cfa4 ,footnote #hi3 ,ibid41 pp4 #cfe-cff4 ,footnote #ij3 ,ibid41 pp4 #cgb-cgc4 ,footnote #ia3 ,reichsgesetzblatt 7#aicg71 pp4 #ci-gj4 ,footnote #ib3 ,gauweiler1 op4 cit41 p4 #aef4 ,footnote #ic3 ,reported in a bulletin of the official ,german news agency1 ,,dnb1 ,apr4 #ad1 #aidb4 ,,nazi ,,aims ,,and ,,methods ,political ,aims ,the political aims of ,national ,socialism have been written so clearly in history in the past #aj years that it does not appear necessary to discuss them at length here4 ,the detailed program of the ,nazi ,party consists of the #be points which were adopted on ,february #bd1 #aibj at a party mass meeting in ,munich4 7,the #be-point program appears in the ,appendix as document #ab1 post p4 #bbb47 ,the points of particular interest in this study are the first four1 which are set forth below3 #a4 ,we demand the union of all ,germans to form a ,great ,germany on the basis of the right of the self-determination enjoyed by nations4 #b4 ,we demand equality of rights for the ,german ,people in its dealings with other nations1 and abolition of the ,peace ,treaties of ,versailles and ,st4 ,germain4 #c4 ,we demand land and territory 7colonies7 for the nourishment of our people and for settling our superfluous population4 #d4 ,none but members of the nation may be citizens of the ,state4 ,none but those of ,german blood1 whatever their creed1 may be members of the nation4 ,no ,jew1 therefore1 may be a member of the nation4#id #a4 ,internal ,objectives ,a statement of the internal objectives of ,national ,socialism is made by ,gauweiler in his ,legal ,organization and ,legal ,functions of the ,movement 7document #h1 post p4 #bjd74 ,the laws of the ,reich must seek to establish and promote the five basic values recognized by ,nazi ideology3 #a4 ,race3 ,the legal protection of the race1 which has created a new concept of nationality ,volkszugehrigkeit1 is consciously put in first place1 for the most significant historical principle which has been established by the victory of ,national ,socialism is that of the necessity for keeping race and blood pure4 ,all human mistakes and errors can be corrected except one3 the error regarding the importance of maintaining the basic values of a nation4 ,the purpose of this legal protection of the basic value of race must be the prevention for all time of a further mixture of ,german blood with foreign blood1 as well as the prevention of continued procreation of racially unworthy and undesirable members of the people4 #b4 ,soil ,boden3 ,the living-space and the basis for the food supply of the ,german people are its territory and soil4 ,the farmer is the first and deepest representative of the people since he nourishes the people from the fertility of the earth and he maintains the nation through the fertility of his own family4 ,here ,national ,socialism had to accomplish two great legal ends3 the reestablishment and the protection of the farmer class and the securing of its land for the farmer family4 #c4 ,work3 ,the nation's work as a basic national value is grounded on the leading concept of work of the hands and of the head within and for the community of the people and the elevation of work to the only criterion for the value of an individual within the community4 ,in place of the idea of class warfare1 ,national ,socialism had to establish the national community legally2 in place of the defamation of work and its degradation to an object of barter1 ,national ,socialism had to raise it to an ethical duty and the right to work had to become the most clearly defined personal right of the individual4 ,the concept of the honor of work had to be established as the basic concept of the national honor4 #d4 ,the ,reich3 ,with the securing of the three basic values of race1 soil1 and work arises the ,national ,socialist ,reich4 ,the infusion of foreign cultural and legal influences in ,germany was a consequence of the weakening of the central authority of the ,german ,reich since the ,middle ,ages4 ,the creation and insuring of a strong central authority in contrast to the disorganized1 federalistic system of the ,weimar ,republic became one of the principal lines of ,national ,socialist legal policy4 ,in consequence of the ,national ,socialist revolution1 the ,reich took on the legal form of a totalitarian state and received a supreme and completely authoritative lawgiver in the person of the ,fhrer4 ,the principle of a division of power could no longer maintain itself3 ,the formulation1 the interpretation1 and the execution of the law are all performed by the ,fhrer himself or under his authority4 #e4 ,honor3 ,the fifth great value of the nation is its honor4 ,the honor of the people1 the ,reich1 the party1 the ,fhrer1 and the individual citizen are all regarded as goods to be protected by law4 ,the basis of national honor is loyalty4 ,national ,socialist criminal law is therefore essentially organized as a system of punishment for breaches of faith4 ,every crime and offense against the community is a breach of faith which must result in loss of honor4#ie #b4 ,foreign ,policy ,the close connection between the internal political program of the ,national ,socialist movement1 as expressed in the foregoing paragraphs1 and its foreign policy was indicated by ,hitler when he wrote in ,mein ,kampf 7document #ac-;,i1 post p4 #bbf73 ,as ,national ,socialists we can further set forth the following principle with regard to the nature of the foreign policy of a folk-state3 ,it is the task of the foreign policy of a folk-state to secure the existence on this planet of the race which is encompassed by the state and at the same time to establish a healthy1 viable1 natural relation between the number and growth of the folk on the one hand and the size and quality of its soil and territory on the other hand4#if ,and in the same work he states3 ,yes1 we can only learn from the past that we must undertake the setting of aims for our political activity in two directions3 ,soil and territory as the goal of our foreign policy1 and a new1 philosophically firm and uniform foundation as the goal of our domestic political activity4#ig ,the political objectives of ,national ,socialism1 then1 by definition of ,hitler himself1 are the internal unification of the ,german people and external expansion4 ,while the ,nazis have never concealed the first of these objectives1 the second was the subject for a great deal of dissimulation up to the outbreak of the present war4 ,typical of the false front which the ,nazis presented to the outside world with reference to their foreign policy objectives are the statements made by ,dr4 ,scurla in ,basic ,principles of ,national ,socialism ,with ,special ,reference to ,foreign ,countries4 ,dr4 ,scurla quotes ,hitler's speech of ,may #ag1 #aicc in which he said1 ,we see the ,european nations around us as given facts4 ,french1 ,poles1 etc41 are our neighbor peoples1 and we know that no conceivable historic occurrence could change this reality1#ih and comments3 ,this folk principle1 which has grown out of the ,national ,socialist ideology1 implies the recognition of the independence and the equal rights of each people4 ,we do not see how anyone can discern in this a pan-,germanic and imperialistic threat against our neighbors4 ,this principle does not admit the difference between great powers and minor states1 between majority peoples and minorities4 ,it means at the same time a clear rejection of any imperialism which aims at the subjugation of foreign peoples or the denationalization of alien populations4 ,it demands the unqualified acknowledgment of the right to live of every folk1 and of every folk-group1 which is forced to live as a foreign group in another state4 ,the western ,european national state together with its parliamentary democracy was not able to do justice to the natural and living entities1 the peoples1 in their struggle for existence4#ii ,farther on in the same work ,scurla states3 ,out of its fundamental ideologic view1 however1 ,germany rejects every form of imperialism1 even that of peaceful penetration4 ,it is unable to concede to any people the authority to develop ideas and ways of living1 to which then another people has to subordinate itself1 even if some other order is suited to its essential nature 444 ,it does not at all1 however1 consider the ,german order obligatory for other peoples4 ,national ,socialism1 as has been said a hundred times1 is exclusively the sum total of the ,german world-view4#ajj ,similar assurances by ,nazi leaders were frequently made in order to induce a sense of security in neighboring countries4 ,hitler1 for example1 in a proclamation opening the party congress at ,nuremberg on ,september #aa1 #aice said3 ,national ,socialism has no aggressive intentions against any ,european nation4 ,on the contrary1 we are convinced that the nations of ,europe must continue their characteristic national existence1 as created by tradition1 history and economy2 if not1 ,europe as a whole will be destroyed4#aja ,but such assurances1 which were intended exclusively for foreign consumption1 were refuted by the basic policy laid down in ,mein ,kampf1 which has been persistently pursued throughout the #aj years of the ,nazi regime and has been realized to the extent that ,germany now dominates and is in control of most of the ,european continent4 ,in ,mein ,kampf 7document #ac-;,i1 post p4 #bbf7 ,hitler wrote3 ,our task1 the mission of the ,national ,socialist movement1 however1 is to lead our folk to such political insight that it will see its future goal fulfilled not in the intoxicating impression of a new ,alexandrian campaign but rather in the industrious work of the ,german plow1 which waits only to be given land by the sword4#ajb ,hitler suggests a future foreign policy for ,germany which would assure ,lebensraum and domination of the ,european continent4 ,in ,mein ,kampf he states3 ,but the political testament of the ,german nation for its outwardly directed activity should and must always have the following import3 ,never tolerate the establishment of two continental powers in ,europe4 ,see an attack against ,germany in every attempt to organize a second military power on the ,german borders1 even if it is only in the form of the establishment of a state which is a potential military power1 and see therein not only the right but also the duty to prevent the formation of such a state with all means1 even to the use of force1 or if it has already been established1 to destroy it again4 ,see to it that the strength of our folk has its foundations not in colonies but in the soil of the ,european homeland4 ,never regard the foundations of the ,reich as secure1 if it is not able to give every off-shoot of our folk its own bit of soil and territory for centuries to come4 ,never forget that the most sacred right in the world is the right to the soil which a man wishes to till himself1 and the most sacred sacrifice is the blood which he spills for this soil4#ajc ,it is impossible to adduce from the writings of ,hitler1 or other ,nazi leaders direct statements indicating that they aspire to the domination of the entire world4 ,such expressions1 however1 may be inferred not only from the direction of ,german foreign policy and the effusions of the geopoliticians but also from the following statement made by ,hitler in ,mein ,kampf 7document #ac-;,i1 post p4 #bbf73 444 ,if the ,german folk1 in its historical development1 had possessed that herdlike unity which other peoples have enjoyed1 the ,german ,reich would today be mistress of the globe4 ,world history would have taken another course1 and no one can tell whether in this way that might not have been attained which so many deluded pacifists are hoping today to wheedle by moaning and whining3 a peace supported not by the palm branches of tearful pacifistic female mourners but founded by the victorious sword of a master race ,herrenvolk which places the world in the service of a higher culture4#ajd ,like ,hitler1 ,rosenberg envisaged the extension of ,nazi power far beyond the borders of ,germany4 ,in his ,nature1 ,principles1 and ,aims of the ,,nsdap he stated1 ,but ,national ,socialism also believes that1 far beyond ,germany's borders1 its principles and its ideology 444 will lead the way in the unavoidable struggles for power in the other countries of ,europe and ,america4#aje ,propaganda #a4 ,professed ,peaceful ,intentions as a ,cloak for ,imperialistic ,designs ,the falsity of ,nazi propaganda has been demonstrated repeatedly during the past decade4 ,that its keynote was set by ,hitler himself becomes evident upon an examination of his statements on foreign policy over a period of years4 ,not only has his policy been marked by a series of shifts and turns1 so that the policy of one year was frequently canceled by the policy of the next1 but a comparison of his words with his subsequent deeds makes it evident that he deliberately sought to lull other countries into a feeling of security until he was ready to move against them4 ,on ,may #ag1 #aicc he asserted3 ,no fresh ,european war is capable of putting something better in the place of unsatisfactory conditions which exist to-day 444 ,the outbreak of such madness without end would lead to the collapse of existing social order in ,europe 444 ,the ,german ,government are convinced that to-day there can be only one great task1 and that is to assure the peace of the world 444 ,the ,german ,government wish to settle all difficult questions with other ,governments by peaceful methods4 ,they know that any military action in ,europe1 even if completely successful1 would1 in view of the sacrifice1 bear no relation to the profit to be obtained 444 ,germany will tread no other path than that laid down by the ,treaties4 ,the ,german ,government will discuss all political and economic questions only within the framework of1 and through1 the ,treaties4 ,the ,german people have no thought of invading any country4#ajf 7,document #ad1 post pp4 #bhb-bcc47 ,and on ,march #g1 #aicf he stated3 ,after three years ,i believe that ,i can regard the struggle for ,german equality as concluded to-day4 ,i believe1 moreover1 that thereby the first and foremost reason for our withdrawal from ,european collective collaboration has ceased to exist4 ,we have no territorial demands to make in ,europe4#ajg 7,document #ad1 post p4 #bcg47 ,moreover1 he did not shrink from giving specific assurances of ,germany's peaceful intentions toward his subsequent victims3 ,there are ,germans and ,poles in ,europe1 and they ought to live together in agreement4 ,the ,poles cannot think1 of ,europe without the ,germans and the ,germans cannot think of ,europe without the ,poles4 7,oct4 #bd1 #aicc7 ,germans and ,poles must reconcile themselves as to the fact of each others' existence4 ,it has seemed to me necessary to demonstrate by an example that it is possible for two nations to talk over their differences without giving the task to a third or a fourth 444 ,the assertion that the ,german ,reich plans to coerce the ,austrian ,state is absurd and cannot be substantiated or proved 444 ,the assertion of the ,austrian ,government that from the side of the ,reich an attack would be undertaken or planned ,i must emphatically reject 444 ,the ,german ,reich is always ready to hold out a hand for a real understanding1 with full respect for the free will of ,austrian ,germans 444 7,jan4 #ac1 #aicd7 ,the lie goes forth again that ,germany to-morrow or the day after will fall upon ,austria or ,czecho-,slovakia4 ,i ask myself always3 ,who can these elements be who will have no peace1 who incite continually1 who must so distrust1 and want no understanding8 ,who are they8 ,i know they are not the millions who1 if these inciters had their way1 would have to take up arms4 7,may #a1 #aicf7 ,germany and ,poland are two nations1 and these nations will live1 and neither of them will be able to do away with the other4 ,i recognized all of this1 and we all must recognize that a people of #cc1jjj1jjj will always strive for an outlet to the sea 444 ,we have assured all our immediate neighbors of the integrity of their territory as far as ,germany is concerned4 ,that is no hollow phrase2 it is our sacred will 444 7,sept4 #bf1 #aich7ajh 7,document #ad1 post pp4 #bcc1 #bcd1 #bch1 #bdj-bda47 ,yugoslavia is a ,state that has increasingly attracted the attention of our people since the war4 ,the high regard that the ,german soldiers then felt for this brave people has since been deepened and developed into genuine friendship4 ,our economic relations with this country are undergoing constant development and expansion1 just as is the case with the friendly countries of ,bulgaria1 ,greece1 ,rumania1 ,turkey1 ,switzerland1 ,belgium1 ,holland1 ,denmark1 ,norway1 ,sweden1 ,finland1 and the ,baltic ,states4 7,jan4 #cj1 #aici7aji ,in ,hitler's ,reichstag speech of ,april #bh1 #aici1 in which he replied to ,president ,roosevelt's telegraphic message inviting him and ,mussolini to pledge themselves not to attack #ca countries mentioned by name1 he stated3 444 ,all states bordering on ,germany have received much more binding assurances1 and above all suggestions1 than ,mr4 ,roosevelt asked from me in his curious telegram 444 ,the ,german ,government is nevertheless prepared to give each of the ,states named an assurance of the kind desired by ,mr4 ,roosevelt on the condition of absolute reciprocity1 provided that the ,state wishes it and itself addresses to ,germany a request for such an assurance together with appropriate proposals4#aaj ,and on ,september #a1 #aici1 with reference to the recently concluded pact between ,germany and ,russia1 he said3 ,you know that ,russia and ,germany are governed by two different doctrines4 ,there was only one question that had to be cleared up4 ,germany has no intention of exporting its doctrine4 ,given the fact that ,soviet ,russia has no intention of exporting its doctrine to ,germany1 ,i no longer see any reason why we should still oppose one another4 ,on both sides we are clear on that4 ,any struggle between our people would only be of advantage to others4 ,we have1 therefore1 resolved to conclude a pact which rules out forever any use of violence between us4#aaa ,additional assurances of this nature are quoted in a series of extracts from ,hitler's speeches1 dating from ,february #aj1 #aicc to ,september #a1 #aici1 which was printed in the ,london ,times of ,september #bf1 #aici 7document #ad1 post p4 #bcb74 #b4 ,internal ,propaganda ,within ,germany the notorious propaganda machine of ,dr4 ,goebbels1 together with a systematic terrorization of oppositionist elements1 has been the principle support of the rise and triumph of the ,nazi movement4 ,in his ,legal ,organization and ,legal ,functions of the ,movement 7document #h1 post p4 #bjd71 ,gauweiler gives an idea of the permeation of all phases of national life with a propaganda designed to make ,nazi legal principles acceptable to the masses4 ,he makes it clear that all of the ,nazi propaganda machinery is in the service of this program2 political lecturers1 the press1 the radio1 and the films all play a part in helping the people to understand and appreciate the new legal code4 ,the schools and ,hitler ,youth groups provide instruction for all young people in the fundamentals of ,national ,socialist law1 and pupils in those schools which train the carefully selected future leaders are given an especially strong dose of ,nazi legal theory and practice4 ,in order to appeal to the broadest audience1 ,nazi propaganda has always sought to present all questions in the simplest possible terms4 ,goebbels himself1 in his ,nature and ,form of ,national ,socialism 7document #b1 post p4 #agj71 wrote as follows3 ,national ,socialism has simplified the thinking of the ,german people and led it back to its original primitive formulas4 ,it has presented the complicated processes of political and economic life in their simplest terms4 ,this was done with the well-considered intention of leading the broad masses of the people once again to take part in political life4 ,in order to find understanding among the masses1 we consciously practiced a popular volksgebundene propaganda4 ,we have taken complexes of facts which were formerly accessible only to a few specialists and experts1 carried them to the streets1 and hammered them into the brain of the little man4 ,all things were presented so simply that even the most primitive mind could grasp them4 ,we refused to work with unclear or insubstantial concepts but we gave all things a clearly defined sense4 ,here lay the secret of our success4#aab ,the character and quality of ,nazi propaganda was fully presaged in ,mein ,kampf4 ,here ,hitler paid a striking tribute to the power of lies1 commenting on-- the very correct principle that the size of the lie always involves a certain factor of credibility1 since the great mass of a people will be more spoiled in the innermost depths of its heart1 rather than consciously and deliberately bad4 ,consequently1 in view of the primitive simplicity of its mind it is more readily captivated by a big lie than by a small one1 since it itself often uses small lies but would be1 nevertheless1 too ashamed to make use of big lies4 ,such an untruth will not even occur to it1 and it will not even believe that others are capable of the enormous insolence of the most vile distortions4 ,why1 even when enlightened1 it will still vacillate and be in doubt about the matter and will nevertheless accept as true at least some cause or other4 ,consequently1 even from the most impudent lie something will always stick 444#aac ,a number of other passages display ,hitler's low opinion of the intellectual capacities and critical faculties of the masses3 ,all propaganda has to appeal to the people and its intellectual level has to be set in accordance with the receptive capacities of the most-limited persons among those to whom it intends to address itself4 ,the larger the mass of men to be reached1 the lower its purely intellectual level will have to be set4#aad ,the receptive capacity of the great masses is very restricted1 its understanding small4 ,on the other hand1 however1 its forgetfulness is great4 ,on account of these facts all effective propaganda must restrict itself to very few points and impress these by slogans1 until even the last person is able to bring to mind what is meant by such a word4#aae ,the task of propaganda is1 for instance1 not to evaluate diverse rights but to emphasize exclusively the single right of that which it is representing4 ,it does not have to investigate objectively the truth1 so far as this is favorable to the others1 in order then to present it to the masses in strict honesty1 but rather to serve its own side ceaselessly4#aaf ,if one's own propaganda even once accords just the shimmer of right to the other side1 then the basis is therewith laid for doubt regarding one's own cause4 ,the masses are not able to distinguish where the error of the other side ends and the error of one's own side begins4#aag ,but all talent in presentation of propaganda will lead to no success if a fundamental principle is not always strictly followed4 ,propaganda has to restrict itself to a few matters and to repeat these eternally4 ,persistence is here1 as with so many other things in the world1 the first and most important presupposition for success4#aah ,in view of their slowness of mind1 they the masses require always1 however1 a certain period before they are ready even to take cognizance of a matter1 and only after a thousandfold repetition of the most simple concept will they finally retain it4#aai ,in all cases in which there is a question of the fulfilment of apparently impossible demands or tasks1 the entire attention of a people must be concentrated only on this one question1 in such a way as if being or non-being actually depends on its solution 444 444,the great mass of the people can never see the entire way before them1 without tiring and doubting the task4#abj ,in general the art of all truly great popular leaders at all times consists primarily in not scattering the attention of a people but rather in concentrating it always on one single opponent4 ,the more unified this use of the fighting will of a people1 the greater will be the magnetic attractive force of a movement and the more powerful the force of its push4 ,it is a part of the genius of a great leader to make even quite different opponents appear as if they belonged only to one category1 because the recognition of different enemies leads weak and unsure persons only too readily to begin doubting their own cause4 ,when the vacillating masses see themselves fighting against too many enemies1 objectivity at once sets in and raises the question whether really all the others are wrong and only one's own people or one's own movement is right4#aba 7,document #ac-;,,ii1 post pp4 #bbi-bca47 ,it has been the aim of ,nazi propaganda1 then1 to unite the masses of the people in hatred of certain enemies1 designated by such conveniently broad and simple terms as ,jews1 democrats1 plutocrats1 bolshevists1 or ,anglo-,saxons1 which so far as possible were to be identified with one another in the public mind4 ,the ,germans were represented to themselves1 on the other hand1 as a racial folk of industrious workers4 ,it then became possible to plunge the people into a war on a wave of emotional hatred against those nations which were pictured as combining to keep ,germany from attaining her rightful place in the sun4 ,the important role which propaganda would have to play in the coming war was fully recognized by ,ewald ,banse1 an ardent ,nazi military theorist of the geopolitical school and professor of military science at ,brunswick ,military ,college4 ,in his book ,raum und ,volk im ,weltkrieg 7,space and ,people in the ,world ,war7 which appeared in #aicb 7an ,english translation by ,alan ,harris was published under the title ,germany ,prepares for ,war 7,new ,york1 ,harcourt1 ,brace and ,co41 #aicd771 he stated3 ,preparation for future wars must not stop at the creation1 equipment and training of an efficient army1 but must go on to train the minds of the whole people for the war and must employ all the resources of science to master the conditions governing the war itself and the possibility of endurance4 ,in #aiad we had a first-class army1 but our scientific mobilization was bad1 and the mobilization of men's minds a thing undreamed of4 ,the unveiling of war memorials1 parades of war veterans1 flag-waggings1 fiery speeches and guard-mounting are not of themselves enough to prepare a nation's mind for the dangers that threaten4 ,conviction is always more lasting than enthusiasm4 444 ,such teaching is necessary at a time and in a world in which countries are no longer represented by monarchs or a small aristocracy or by a specialist army1 but in which the whole nation1 from the commander-in-chief to the man in the ranks1 from the loftiest thought to the simplest wish1 from corn to coal1 from the treasury vaults to the last trouser-button1 must be permeated through and through with the idea of national defense1 if it is to preserve its national identity and political independence4 ,the science of national defense is not the same as military science2 it does not teach generals how to win battles or company commanders how to train recruits4 ,its lessons are addressed first and foremost to the whole people4 ,it seeks to train the popular mind to heroism and war and to implant in it an understanding of the nature and prerequisite conditions of modern warfare4 ,it teaches us about countries and peoples1 especially our own country and its neighbors1 their territories and economic capacity1 their communications and their mentality--all for the purpose of creating the best possible conditions for waging future wars in defense of the national existence4#abb ,infiltration ,tactics ,the ,nazis1 while entirely without scruple in the pursuit of their objectives1 endeavor whenever possible to give their actions the cloak of legality4 ,this procedure was followed in ,germany to enable them to gain control of the ,government of the ,reich and in their foreign policy up to ,september #a1 #aici4 ,it has been a cardinal principle of the ,nazis to avoid the use of force whenever their objectives may be attained in another manner and they have assiduously studied their enemies in an effort to discover the weak points in their structure which will enable the ,nazis to accomplish their downfall4 ,the preceding pages have demonstrated that the ,nazis have contributed practically nothing that is original to ,german political thought4 ,by the use of unscrupulous1 deceitful1 and uninhibited tactics1 however1 they have been able to realize many of the objectives which had previously existed only in theory4 ,the ,weimar ,constitution provided the ,nazis with a convenient basis for the establishment of the totalitarian state4 ,they made no effort to conceal their intention of taking advantage of the weaknesses of the ,weimar ,republic in order to attain power4 ,on ,april #cj1 #aibh ,dr4 ,goebbels wrote in his paper ,der ,angriff3 ,we enter ,parliament in order to supply ourselves1 in the arsenal of democracy1 with its own weapons4 ,we become members of the ,reichstag in order to paralyze the ,weimar sentiment with its own assistance4 ,if democracy is so stupid as to give us free tickets and salaries for this bear's work1 that is its affair 444#abc ,and later in the same article3 ,we do not come as friends1 nor even as neutrals4 ,we come as enemies4 ,as the wolf bursts into the flock1 so we come4#abd ,hitler expressed the same idea on ,september #a1 #aicc1 when1 looking back upon the struggle for political power in ,germany1 he wrote3 ,this watchword of democratic freedom led only to insecurity1 indiscipline1 and at length to the downfall and destruction of all authority4 ,our opponents' objection that we1 too1 once made use of these rights1 will not hold water2 for we made use of an unreasonable right1 which was part and parcel of an unreasonable system1 in order to overthrow the unreason of this system4#abe ,discussing the rise to power of the ,nazis1 ,huber 7document #a1 post p4 #aee7 wrote in #aici3 ,the parliamentary battle of the ,,nsdap had the single purpose of destroying the parliamentary system from within through its own methods4 ,it was necessary above all to make formal use of the possibilities of the party-state system but to refuse real cooperation and thereby to render the parliamentary system1 which is by nature dependent upon the responsible cooperation of the opposition1 incapable of action4#abf ,as its parliamentary strength increased1 the party was able to achieve these aims3 ,it was in a position to make the formation of any positive majority in the ,reichstag impossible4444 ,thus the ,,nsdap was able through its strong position to make the ,reichstag powerless as a lawgiving and government-forming body4#abg ,the same principle was followed by ,germany in weakening and undermining the governments of countries which it had chosen for its victims4 ,while it was ,hitler's policy to concentrate on only one objective at a time1 ,german agents were busy throughout the world in ferreting out the natural political1 social1 and economic cleavages in various countries and in broadening them in order to create internal confusion and uncertainty4 ,foreign political leaders of ,fascist or authoritarian persuasion were encouraged and often liberally subsidized from ,nazi funds4 ,control was covertly obtained over influential newspapers and periodicals and their editorial policies shaped in such a way as to further ,nazi ends4 ,in the countries ,germany sought to overpower1 all the highly developed organs of ,nazi propaganda were utilized to confuse and divide public opinion1 to discredit national leaders and institutions1 and to induce an unjustified feeling of confidence in the false assertions of ,nazi leaders disclaiming any aggressive intentions4 ,one of the most important features introduced by the ,nazis into ,german foreign policy was the appreciation of the value of ,germans living abroad and their organization as implements of the ,reich for the attainment of objectives in the field of foreign policy4 ,this idea was applied by the ,nazis to all the large colonies of ,germans which are scattered throughout the world4 ,the potential usefulness of these colonies was early recognized by the men in ,hitler's immediate entourage1 several of whom were so-called ,auslandsdeutsche who had spent many years of their life abroad and were familiar with foreign conditions and with the position and influence of ,german groups in foreign countries4 ,of particular importance in this group were ,rudolf ,hess1 the ,fhrer's ,deputy1 who was primarily responsible for elaborating the policy which utilized the services of ,germans abroad1 and ,ernst ,wilhelm ,bohle1 the leader of the ,foreign ,organization1 who was responsible for winning over these ,germans to ,naziism and for their organization in groups which would serve the purposes of the ,third ,reich4 ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #id3 ,feder1 op4 cit41 p4 #ah4 ,footnote #ie3 ,gauweiler1 op4 cit41 pp4 #adi-aea4 ,footnote #if3 ,mein ,kampf1 pp4 #gbg-gbh4 ,footnote #ig3 ,ibid41 pp4 #gce-gcf4 ,footnote #ih3 ,scurla1 op4 cit41 p4 #ba4 ,footnote #ii3 ,ibid41 pp4 #ba-bb4 ,footnote #ajj3 ,ibid41 p4 #bc4 ,footnote #aja3 ,der ,parteitag der ,freiheit 7official record of the #aice party congress at ,nuremberg3 ,munich1 #aice71 p4 #bg4 ,footnote #ajb3 ,mein ,kampf1 p4 #gdc4 ,footnote #ajc3 ,ibid41 pp4 #ged-gee4 ,footnote #ajd3 ,ibid41 pp4 #dcg-dch4 ,footnote #aje3 ,rosenberg1 ,wesen1 ,grundstze und ,ziele der ,,nsdap1 p4 #dh4 ,footnote #ajf3 ,london ,times1 ,sept4 #bf1 #aici1 p4 #i4 ,footnote #ajg3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #ajh3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #aji3 ,my ,new ,order1 p4 #eib4 ,footnote #aaj3 ,ibid41 pp4 #ffi-fga4 ,footnote #aaa3 ,ibid41 p4 #fhg4 ,footnote #aab3 ,goebbels1 op4 cit41 p4 #f4 ,footnote #aac3 ,mein ,kampf1 p4 #beb4 ,footnote #aad3 ,ibid41 p4 #aig4 ,footnote #aae3 ,ibid41 p4 #aih4 ,footnote #aaf3 ,ibid41 p4 #bjj4 ,footnote #aag3 ,ibid41 pp4 #bjj-bja4 ,footnote #aah3 ,ibid41 p4 #bjb4 ,footnote #aai3 ,ibid41 p4 #bjc4 ,footnote #abj3 ,ibid41 p4 #bgc4 ,footnote #aba3 ,ibid41 p4 #abi4 ,footnote #abb3 ,banse1 ,germany ,prepares for ,war 7,new ,york1 #aicd71 pp4 #cdh-cdi4 ,footnote #abc3 ,goebbels1 ,der ,angriff3 ,aufstze aus der ,kampfzeit 7,munich1 #aicf71 p4 #ga4 ,footnote #abd3 ,ibid41 p4 #gc4 ,footnote #abe3 ,my ,new ,order1 pp4 #aie-aif4 ,footnote #abf3 ,huber1 ,verfassungsrecht des grossdeutschen ,reiches 7,hamburg1 #aici71 p4 #ca4 ,footnote #abg3 ,ibid41 p4 #cb4 ,,national-,,socialism ,,and ,,medicine ,address by ,dr4 ,f4 ,hamburger to ,german ,medical ,profession4 ,translated 7in part7 from ,wiener ,klinische ,wochenschrift1 #aici1 ,no4 #f4 ,medical men must beware of pride1 a pride which is certainly wide-spread and which leads to the disparagement of the practical doctor and medical layman1 and then further to the disparagement of the craft of nature healers4 ,the practical doctor and the nature healer on the one hand tend towards an understandable disparagement of medical science and analysis and1 on the other hand1 tend towards superficiality4 ,the superficiality of the opponents of science is1 however1 as unhappy an affair as the pride of the so-called scientists1 but the one group should not demean the other4 ,this would lead to successful cooperation to the advantage of the sick and health of the community4 ,academic medicine and nature healers generally have one thing in common1 that they underestimate the significance of automatism and suggestion4 ,in this regard there is an absence in both camps of the necessary criticism and clarity4 ,successes are noted with specific methods without any confirmation as to whether or not suggestion and faith alone have not produced the improvement in the patient4 ,national-,socialism is the true instrument for the achievement of the health of our people4 ,national-,socialism is concerned with the great significance of inherited traits and with the insight into the working of spiritual forces upon the body1 with the study of the power of custom and1 along with this1 of the significance of education and nurture4 7,hamburger here complains about the luxurious arrangement for dealing with the mentally ill in contradistinction to the neglect of ,folk-health4 ,this he attributes to the era of liberalism with its stress upon the single individual4 ,he here also attacks the ,socialism of ,social ,democracy and its conception of a ,community of ,equal ,men4 ,this is a false ,socialism47 ,so we scientists and doctors simply and soberly affirm the principle of strength of faith and the nationalist socialist principle of ,positive ,christianity which does not prevent us from the inspired consideration of natural and divinely willed phenomena4 ,we doctors must never forget the fact that the soul rules the body4 ,soul forces are the most important4 ,the spirit builds the body4 ,strength springs from joy4 ,efficiency is achieved despite care1 fear1 and uncertainty--,we speak here of thymogenetic automatism or the automatism of harmony 7thymogenetische automatismus oder stimmungsautomatismus74 ,the autonomous nervous system achieves1 under the influence of joy1 the expansion of the blood vessels in skin and muscle4444 ,the muscular activity incited by joy means the use of calories and stimulation of appetite4 ,muscular contraction pulls and draws at the bones1 ligaments are tensed1 breathing deepend1 appetite increased 444 ,a child influenced by the daily exercise of joy develops physically strong and powerful4 444 ,the ,soul care 7,seele ,sorge7 of the practical doctor is his most significant daily task alongside of prescriptions and manipulative dexterity4 ,soul-care in the medical sense is a concern for the wishes1 hopes and fears of the patient1 the considered participation in his fate4 ,such a relationship leads to the all-important and generally recognized trust in the doctor4 ,this faith1 in all cases1 leads to the improvement1 often even to the elimination of symptoms1 of the disease4 ,here we have clearly before us the great significance of thymogenetic automatism4 ,academic physicians should not dismiss this because we do not know its biochemical aspects4 7,we must beware of regarding something as unacceptable because it is not measurable in exact terms1 he warns47 ,we see its practical results1 and1 therefore1 thymogenetic automatism must stand in the first rank as of overwhelming significance4 ,thus1 also1 the principle1 strength through joy 7,kraft durch ,freude7 stands firmly as an inescapable natural law4 ,we see the practical country doctor spreading courage and confidence4 ,for years too few doctors have seen clearly that gymnastic tourism and sport do more for health than all doctors taken together4 ,and now we face the fact that a single man1 a non-medical man 7,hitler7 through his great qualities1 has opened up new avenues of health for the eighty million folk of ,germany4 ,in the majority of cases things so happen that the doctor must act before making a diagnosis1 since only the mis-educated patients1 the one-sided intellectual patient1 wishes in the very first place to know the diagnosis4 ,but the unspoilt and properly ordered type of person wishes only to be relieved of his pain4 ,for him the diagnosis is an interesting side issue but not the principle thing4 ,we can thus also understand why we always meet the desire for a diagnosis placed first by the over-intellectualized ,jewish patient4 ,but that is not the case with most ,aryan patients4 ,they1 from the first1 come to meet the doctor with more trust4 ,they do not entertain as many after-thoughts4 ,and ,i cannot help but remark that after-thoughts are hardly conducive to right results4 7,after a discussion of the sterilization of the unfit and of inheritable diseases he turns to the subject of child bearing47 ,it has been estimated that every couple should have four children if the nation's population is to be maintained4 ,but we meet already the facile and complacent expression of young married people1 ,now we have our four children and so have fulfilled our obligations--,what superficiality6 ,today we must demand a much higher moral attitude from the wife than previously4 ,earlier it was taken for granted that a woman would bear a child every one or two years4 ,but today in this time of manifold amenities of life1 at a time when women is not denied access to these joys it is understandable that she is eager to participate in them4 ,add to this that the knowledge of birth control is general today4 ,despite all this women must be encouraged to give birth during twenty years of married life to eight or ten and even more children1 and to renounce the above-mentioned joys of life4 ,she must decide as a mother of children to lead a life full of sacrifices1 devotion1 and unselfishness4 ,it is only when these ethical demands are fulfilled by a large number of worthy wives of good stock that the future of the ,german nation will be assured4 ,doctors are leaders of the ,folk more than they know 444 ,they are now quite officially fuehrer of the people1 called to the leadership of its health4 ,to fulfill this task they must be free of the profit motive4 ,they must be quite free from that attitude of spirit which is rightly designated as ,jewish1 the concern for business and self-provision4 ,,selected ,,bibliography ,arendt1 ,hannah--,the ,origins of ,totalitarianism1 ,n4,y41 #aiea4 ,pt4 ,,iii is especially directed to a discussion of the principles and consequences of fascism4 ,the author gives an effective account of what total domination signifies in a reign of terror4 ,detailed bibliography4 ,bodrero1 ,emilio--,fascism in ,dictatorship on ,its ,trial1 ed4 by ,otto ,forst de ,battaglia1 ,london1 #aicj4 ,a brief1 but significant1 statement by a former ,rector of the ,university of ,padua and a ,secretary of ,state to ,mussolini4 ,borgese1 ,g4,a4--,goliath1 ,the ,march of ,fascism1 ,n4,y41 #aich4 ,well written from the point of view of an ,italian humanist4 ,brady1 ,robert ,a4--,the ,spirit and ,structure of ,german ,fascism1 ,london1 #aicg4 ,an extremely thorough and documented discussion of the economy of ,national ,socialist ,germany1 its institutions and its business practices4 ,see also3 ,brady's ,business as a ,system of ,power2 chapters on ,germany1 ,italy and ,japan4 ,n4,y41 #aidc4 ,childs1 ,h4,l4 and ,dodd1 ,w4,e4--,the ,nazi ,primer1 ,n4,y41 #aich4 ,a translation of the ,official ,handbook for ,schooling the ,hitler ,youth4 ,in simple form including illustrations1 it is an excellent indication of the guiding principles of the ,german educational system4 ,dennis1 ,lawrence--,the ,coming ,american ,fascism1 ,n4,y41 #aicf4 ,the ,dynamics of ,war and ,revolution1 ,n4,y41 #aidj4 ,two books by the only fascist theorist in ,america4 ,fraenkel1 ,ernest--,the ,dual ,state3 ,a ,contribution to the ,theory of ,dictatorship1 ,n4,y41 #aida4 ,by distinguishing between the ,prerogative ,state and the ,normative ,state1 the author gives an effective account of the attempt of the ,nazis to acknowledge an indispensable1 if minimal1 legal order1 which was1 comparatively speaking1 independent of the extra-legal realm of violence4 ,hartshorne1 ,e4,y4--,the ,german ,universities and ,national ,socialism1 ,cambridge1 #aicg4 ,a carefully documented account of what happened in the various branches and departments of ,german universities under the ,nazis4 ,hitler1 ,adolph--,my ,battle1 ,n4,y41 #aici4 ,hitler's own vitriolic account of his attempt to rise to power4 ,lasswell1 ,harold ,d4--,the ,garrison ,state1 ,american ,journal of ,sociology1 ,chicago1 ,vol4 ,,xlvi1 #aidj-da1 pp4 #dee-dfh4 ,a brief but incisive discussion of the structure of fascism4 ,lilge1 ,frederic--,the ,abuse of ,learning3 ,the ,failure of the ,german ,university1 ,n4,y41 #aidh4 ,a philosophical history of higher education in ,germany1 concluding with its fascist evolution4 ,matteotti1 ,giacomo--,the ,fascist ,exposed3 ,a ,year of ,fascist ,domination1 ,london1 #aibd4 ,a factual account by a liberal1 who1 until murdered1 was a member of the ,italian ,senate4 ,minio-,paluello1 ,l4--,education in ,fascist ,italy1 ,n4,y41 #aidf4 ,a detailed discussion of fascist education1 including an historical introduction to pre-fascist education4 ,neumann1 ,franz--,behemoth3 ,the ,structure and ,practice of ,national ,socialism1 ,n4,y41 #aidb4 ,probably the most comprehensive and definitive statement in ,english of the functioning of ,national ,socialism4 ,it concentrates especially on the political and economic aspects of ,nazism4 ,pinthus1 ,kurt--,culture ,under ,nazi ,germany1 ,the ,american ,scholar1 ,vol4 ,,ix1 ,n4,y41 #aidj1 pp4 #dhc-dih4 ,a valuable treatment of the inner character of the arts and letters and of what happened to their publics under the ,nazis4 ,sabine1 ,g4,h4--,a ,history of ,political ,theory1 ,n4,y41 #aiej4 ,a brief chapter on ,fascism gives an excellent balanced account of its fundamentals4 ,salvemini1 ,gaetano--,the ,fascist ,dictatorship in ,italy1 ,n4,y41 #aibg4 ,under the ,axe of ,fascism1 ,n4,y41 #aicf4 ,an eminent ,italian historian writes vividly and perceptively on ,italian ,fascism4 ,schneider1 ,herbert ,w4--,making the ,fascist ,state1 ,n4,y41 #aibh4 ,an early1 but well considered1 account of the rise of ,italian fascism4 ,silone1 ,ignazio--,fontamara1 ,verona1 #aiea4 ,the best novel on ,italian fascism4 ,spender1 ,stephen--,european ,witness1 ,n4,y41 #aidf4 ,note especially the analysis of ,goebbel's novel1 ,michael4 ,trevor-,roper1 ,h4,r4--,the ,last ,days of ,hitler1 ,n4,y41 #aidf4 ,an intimate portrayal of ,hitler and his entourage from the time of the beginning of the collapse of the ,nazi armies4 ,especially good on the rift between the politicians and the military4 ,,readings ,,on ,,fascism ,,and ,,national ,,socialism ,the catastrophe and holocaust brought about by the two powerful movements of fascism and national socialism will mark human life always4 ,now1 as we feel our hatred for them1 we find it difficult to understand how they could have been so powerful1 how they could have appealed so strongly to millions of people of a modern age4 ,and the documents whereby we could understand these philosophies have been lost--except as they are now gathered here in one convenient volume4 ,to understand our own times1 it is necessary to understand these movements4 ,and to understand them1 we must read the basic philosophical and political documents which show the force of the ideas which moved a world to the brink of disaster4 ,,the ,,first ,,swallow ,,paperbooks3 #a4 ,a ,,field ,,of ,,broken ,,stones by ,lowell ,naeve4 ,a profound book written in a prison4 #a4fe4 #b4 ,,the ,,wife ,,of ,,martin ,,guerre by ,janet ,lewis4 ,one of the fine short novels of all time4 #a4be4 #c4 ,,readings ,,on ,,fascism ,,and ,,national ,,socialism4 ,a grouping together of authoritative readings4 #a4ce4 #d4 ,,the ,,teacher ,,of ,,english by ,james ,e4 ,warren1 ,jr4 ,the ,materials and ,opportunities of the teacher4 #a4ce4 #e4 ,,morning ,,red by ,frederick ,manfred4 ,the most ambitious novel by a powerful writer4 #a4ie4 ,,alan ,,swallow #bfgi ,so4 ,york ,st41 ,denver #aj1 ,colo4 ,cover design by ,lowell ,naeve