,,the ,,three ,,additions ,,to ,,daniel ,a ,study ,,by ,,william ,,heaford ,,daubney1 ,b4,d4 ,,jeremie ,,prizeman1 #ahgc ,,formerly ,,vicar ,,of ,,harlington1 ,,bedfordshire1 ,,and ,,rector ,,of ,,leasingham1 ,,lincolnshire2 ,,author ,,of ,,the ,,use ,,of ,,the ,,apocrypha ,,in ,,the ,,christian ,,church1 ,,etc4 4 --,hist4 ,sus4 v4 #fj4 ,,cambridge ,,deighton ,,bell ,,and ,,co4 ,,london ,g4 ,,bell ,,sons #aijf ,to my ,wife ,alice ,daubney ,,preface ,the three apocryphal portions of ,daniel considered in this book have often been hardly judged4 ,one of them had almost become a byword of contempt for fabulous inventiveness4 ,yet the writer hopes that he has succeeded in shewing that they are worthy of more serious attention than they have frequently received4 ,the prejudice long existing in this country against the ,apocrypha as a whole has told heavily against two at any rate of these booklets2 and he who attempts to investigate the nature and origin of the ,additions to ,daniel finds himself following a track which is anything but well beaten4 ,the number of commentaries or treatises in ,english dealing directly with these works is very small4 ,indeed1 considering the position accorded to them by the ,church1 it is surprisingly so4 ,and of those which exist1 some are not very valuable for accurate study4 ,hence1 in preparing a treatise of this kind1 materials have to be quarried and brought together from varied and distant sources2 and the work1 small as its result may be in size1 has proved a laborious one4 ,the conclusions arrived at on many points are but provisional2 for the writer thinks that the day has not yet come when the source and place of these ,additions to ,daniel can be surely and incontrovertibly fixed4 ,it is to be hoped that further evidence and longer study will eventually make these matters clearer than they are at present4 ,meanwhile1 careful and unprejudiced work upon the subject1 by whomsoever undertaken1 cannot but tend towards that goal2 and the author trusts that he may have contributed something which will help1 at least a little1 towards the solution of the difficult problem presented4 ,the ,song of the ,three and the ,histories of ,susanna and of ,bel and the ,dragon are most interesting memorials of the spirit of their time1 though that time may be difficult to fix precisely4 ,and when looked at from the religious point of view they are replete with valuable moral lessons for example of life and instruction of manners1 to borrow the terms which the ,sixth ,article of ,religion employs with regard to the ,apocryphal books4 ,an attempt has been made1 in a concluding chapter on each book1 to draw some of these lessons out1 so that they may be easily available for such homiletic and other purposes as are contemplated in that ,article4 ,the study of these three pieces supplementary to ,daniel has convinced the writer that they are of more value than has been generally supposed1 and are worthy of the attention of biblical scholars in a much higher degree than that which has usually been accorded to them4 ,if he has in any way helped in providing materials1 or in suggesting ideas1 which may fructify in abler hands1 he will be rewarded for the researches he has made4 ,it appears to him that there is much connected with these books which we are unable now fully to discover2 much about which it is unwise to dogmatize2 many questions which must be treated as open ones2 many problems which can at most only receive provisional solutions1 till further facts are elicited and further insight given4 ,the time is apparently still distant when the origin and true standing of these ,additions can be certainly assigned to them3 for1 at the present1 agreement amongst ,christians on these points shews but little sign of being arrived at4 ,yet we trust that the time will come when deeper knowledge will make it possible for disputed points to be settled4 ,the patience of the godly shall not be frustrate 7,ecclus4 xvi4 #ac74 ,in conclusion ,i must record my hearty thanks to ,dr4 ,sinker1 ,librarian of ,trinity ,college1 ,cambridge1 for the great assistance he has given me in correcting the proof-sheets1 as well as for his constant kindness in many other ways1 of which these words are but an insufficient acknowledgment4 ,w4,h4,d4 ,,st4 ,,margaret',s ,,gate1 ,,bury ,,st4 ,,edmunds4 ,st4 ,matthias' ,day1 #aijf4 ,,contents ,,preface ,,part ,i4 ,,introduction ,,part ,,ii4 ,,the ,,song ,,of ,,the ,,three ,,holy ,,children4 ,analysis #a4 ,title and ,position #b4 ,authorship #c4 ,date and ,place of ,writing #d4 ,for ,whom and with what ,object ,written #e4 ,integrity and ,state of the ,text #f4 ,language and ,style #g4 ,religious and ,social ,state #h4 ,theology #i4 ,chronology #aj4 ,canonicity #aa4 ,early ,christian ,literature and ,art #ab4 ,liturgical ,use #ac4 ,example of ,life and ,instruction of ,manners ,,part ,,iii4 ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,susanna4 ,analysis #a4 ,title and ,position #b4 ,date and ,place of ,writing #c4 ,authorship #d4 ,for ,whom and with what ,object ,written #e4 ,integrity and ,state of the ,text #f4 ,language and ,style #g4 ,religious and ,social ,state #h4 ,theology #i4 ,chronology #aj4 ,canonicity #aa4 ,early ,christian ,literature and ,art #ab4 ,example of ,life and ,instruction of ,manners ,,part ,,iv4 ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,bel ,,and ,,the ,,dragon4 ,analysis #a4 ,title and ,position #b4 ,authorship #c4 ,date and ,place of ,writing #d4 ,for ,whom and with what ,object ,written #e4 ,integrity and ,state of the ,text #f4 ,language and ,style #g4 ,religious and ,social ,state #h4 ,theology #i4 ,chronology #aj4 ,canonicity #aa4 ,early ,christian ,literature and ,art #ab4 ,example of ,life and ,instruction of ,manners ,,index ,,of ,,proper ,,names ,,index ,,of ,,scripture ,,texts ,the text of the ',additions' used throughout is that of ,dr4 ,swete's ,old ,testament in ,greek1 ,vol4 ,,iii4 ed4 #b1 ,cambridge1 #ahii4 ,,part ,i ,,introduction ,,introduction4 ,these ,additions differ from the other ,apocryphal books1 except the rest of ,esther1 in not claiming to be separate works1 but appearing as supplements to a canonical book4 ,the ,song of the ,three ,children takes its assumed place between vv4 #bc and #bd of ,dan4 iii42 the ,history of ,susanna in the language of the ,a4,v4 is set apart from the beginning of ,daniel2 and ,bel and the ,dragon is cut off from the end of the same book4 ,the first of these additions alone has an organic connection with the main narrative2 the other two are independent scenes from the life1 or what purports to be the life1 of ,daniel--episodes1 one in his earlier1 one in his later1 career4 ,in the ,song1 ,daniel personally does not appear at all2 in ,susanna and in ,bel he plays a conspicuous part2 in ,susanna appearing as a sort of 'deus ex machina' to set things right at the end2 and in ,bel he is an essential actor in the whole story4 ,it is hoped to shew1 amongst other things1 that the dissimilarity supposed to exist between these additions and the rest of ,daniel is by no means so great as has sometimes been imagined4 ,the opinion of one of the latest commentators on ,daniel 7,marti1 ,tbingen1 #aija1 p4 xx7 may be taken as a fair sample of this view4 ,he thinks these pieces by no means congruous with the canonical ,daniel3 ,den ,abstand dieser apokryphischen ,erzhlungen von dem in hebraram4 ,dan4 aufgenommen ,volkstradition kann niemand verkennen4 ,so far as these additions to the contents of ,daniel are concerned1 he would agree with the exaggerated statement of ,trommius as to all the ,apocrypha3 ad libros canonicos ,s4 ,scriptur proprie non pertinent nec cum ,grca eorum versione quicquam commune habent1 etc4 7,concord4 ,prf4 xi474 ,the sharp distinction drawn by ,j4,m4 ,fuller also between the style and thought of these additions1 and of the canonical ,daniel1 is far too strong3 as clearly marked as between the canonical and apocryphal gospels4 ,few will think the separation between them so wide as this 7,speaker's ,comm4 ,introd4 to ,dan4 p4 #bba;a74 ,moreover1 they are much less obviously incongruous1 less plainly meant for edifying improvements by a later hand1 than the ,additions to ,esther4 ,but beyond the connection1 more or less strong1 which these pieces have with the canonical book1 they have also a connection1 by means of certain similar features1 with one another4 ,all have this in common1 viz4 the celebration or record of some deliverance4 ,god's persecuted people are rescued from mortal danger4 ,in the first and third cases they suffer at the hands of idolaters2 in the second1 of ,jewish co-religionists4 ,in each case they provide us with a scene from ,israelitish life in a strange land4 ,they are tales of the ,babylonian ,captivity4 ,in each story the ministry of angels1 giving aid against visible foes1 takes a prominent place2 though in ,susanna these appearances are suppressed in ,theodotion's version1 an angel1 however1 being just mentioned in ,daniel's sentences of condemnation4 ,in each case too there is distinct progress under ,god's guiding hand2 things are left much better at the end than at the beginning4 ,there is a tone of confidence1 bred of sure conviction1 in one abundantly expressed1 in the others latent1 as to the ultimate triumph of right4 ,they agree in the certainty of ,god's defence1 and shew complete reliance on ,him4 ,the ,captivity had done a purifying work4 ,these stories of rescue from oppressors would be specially acceptable to the ,jews of the ,babylonian ,captivity2 more so probably than to the ,jews of the ,dispersion elsewhere4 ,howbeit they are records of zeal and trust which have moved many hearts in all ages and places4 ,in the last two ,daniel appears as a person of great knowledge and power1 successfully acting under the ,divine guidance4 ,in all three there is little which can properly be called strained or far-fetched4 ,almost everything is drawn naturally from what we may presume would be the condition of ,daniel's time4 ,both behind and through the details of the stories we can see the heart of one who praised ,god1 loved justice1 and hated idolatry2 who took delight in what was noble1 pure1 and truthful1 and waged a successful warfare with whatever he encountered of an opposite character4 ,each piece1 moreover1 has what may be thought to be its own allusion or reminiscence in the ,new ,testament4 ,and each of these parallels1 curiously enough1 seems eminently characteristic of the addition whence it may have been taken4 ,thus we find in the parallel of ,st4 ,matt1 xxvii4 #bd with ,susanna #df the assertion of innocency in respect of miscarriage of justice2 in that of ,heb4 xii4 #bc with the ,song #fd 7#hf71 the utterance of the spirits and souls of the righteous2 and in that of ,acts xvii4 #bc with ,bel and ,dragon #bg1 the mocker of idols4 ,one is from the beginning1 one from the midst1 one from the end of the ,greek ,daniel2 the first by ,st4 ,matthew reporting ,pilate2 the second by a writer not certainly identified2 the third by ,st4 ,luke reporting ,st4 ,paul4 ,these may be merely accidental resemblances1 but their occurrence in this way is curious1 and worthy of consideration4 ,as to the position of these pieces1 whether in or out of the canon1 it is probable1 speaking generally1 that those who used the ,hebrew ,bible1 or versions uninfluenced by the ,,lxx1 disregarded them as not being part of ,holy ,scripture2 and that those who used the ,,lxx1 or its versions1 accepted them1 either with or without hesitation4 ,under the chapters entitled ,early ,christian ,literature it will be seen that those were by no means wanting who appear to attribute in practical use canonical authority to each fragment2 and at least what ,otto ,sthelin says of ,clement of ,alexandria1 that he nicht geringer schtzte1 may be held true of nearly all the ,fathers who name them 7,clem4 ,alex1 und ,,lxx1 ,nrnberg1 #aija1 p4 #gd74 ,it is1 however1 surprising that this divergence of use1 in so important a matter as the extent of the canon1 did not give rise to a more general controversy4 ,what discussion there was on this question lay chiefly between a few scholarly individuals1 who treated the matter as of private and personal1 almost as much as of public1 interest4 ,even if it were admitted that these works were not in the ,hebrew canon1 the question is still not absolutely settled4 ,for it might be contended1 without at all asserting that the ,hebrew canon was erroneous or deficient in its time1 that these and other apocryphal works were reserved in the providence of ,god for the ,christian ,church to deal with as she thought fit4 ,nor is it clear that her powers as to them1 when deciding for canonicity or no1 were of necessity more restricted than her powers as to the ,n4,t4 books on the same question4 ,what ,tertullian says with regard to ',enoch' might be extended to other books1 ,scio scripturam ,enoch444 non recipi a quibusdam quia nec in armarium ,judaicum admittitur444 a vobis quidem nihil omnino rejiciendum est quod pertinent ad nos 7,de cult4 fm4 ,i4 #ac74 ,the title ',daniel1' it should be observed1 in lists of ,scripture books1 often covers these additions2 as for example in ,origen's list1 as preserved by ,eusebius1 ,h4,e4 vi4 #be4 ,for we know that ,origen 7,ep4 ad ,afric47 defended these additions1 and so almost certainly intended this title to include them4 ,so also with ,athanasius and ,cyril of ,jerusalem'7see ,sus4 ',canonicity1' p4 #afj74 ,probably it is on this account that ,loisy 7,o4,t4 ,canon1 ,paris1 #ahij1 p4 #ig7 says that ,athanasius received certainement les fragments de ,daniel1 sur la foi des ,septante1 comme le font ,origne et tous les ,pres grecs4 ,ecclesiastical practice1 as well as their distribution amongst the canonical books of both ,greek and ,latin ,bibles1 told1 as time went on1 more and more in favour of their inclusion4 ,but they were not officially recognized as on a level in all respects with ,holy ,scripture1 even by the ,roman ,church1 till the fourth session of the ,council of ,trent 7#aedf71 when they were all placed on an equality with1 in fact treated as portions of1 the book of ,daniel4 ,probably the phrase libros integros cum omnibus suis partibus was introduced into the decree with special reference to these additions and those to ,esther4 ,this decree1 making them sacred and canonical1 was carried1 according to ,loisy 7p4 #bja71 by #dd placets to #c non-placets and #e doubtful4#a ,dr4 ,streane1 however1 says 7,age of the ,maccabees1 #ahih1 p4 #ajb7 it was passed by a small majority4 ,even writers so late as ,nicholas de ,lyra 7#acdj7 and ,denys the ,carthusian 7#adga7 speak of these additions as true1 but not parts of ,holy ,scripture 7,loisy1 p4 #bbc1 quoting ,corn4 ,lap4 on ,dan4 xiii4 #c74 ,and they were of the ,roman obedience4 ,bleek 7,introd4 to ,o4,t4 ,,ii4 #ccf1 ,eng4 tr47 says that the seventh decree of the ,council of ,florence 7#adci71 making mention of apocryphal books as canonical1 which no one was acquainted with before the ,tridentine ,council1 is very probably not genuine4 ,denys the ,carthusian1 it will be observed1 was subsequent to the supposed ,florentine decree1 and seemingly ignorant of its existence4 ,the same writer states 7pp4 #ccf1 #cci7 that while ,karlstadt classed some of the ,apocrypha as hagiographa extra canonem1 he called these supplements to ,daniel1 with the ,prayer of ,manasses1 and others as plane apocryphos4 ,he also represents ,luther as prettily styling these pieces corn-flowers plucked up1 because not in the ,hebrew1 yet placed in a separate garden or bed1 because much that is good is found in them4 ,they are thus detached in his version1 as in ours1 from ,daniel1 and placed among the apocryphal books4 ,calvin1 however1 in his ,lectures on ,daniel entirely ignores these additions4 ,his ,english translator barely mentions them in his preface 7,edinb4 #aheb1 p4 xlix474 ,far more contemptuous than ,luther's estimate of these productions is that of ,professor 7now ,bishop7 ,ryle in the ,cambridge ,companion to the ,bible 7#ahid71 where he writes3 ,the character of these stories is trifling and childish4 ,but in reply to this and similar depreciatory opinions1 it may be pointed out that one does not look in these extra-,danielic stories for such a knowledge of the human heart as is displayed in the ,psalms1 nor for such knowledge of the ,godhead as is revealed in ,st4 ,john's ,gospel4 ,if we look for fully developed doctrine of this kind1 we shall no doubt be disappointed4 ,but we do find religious teaching after the tenor of the old covenant1 such as might be expected in compositions which are mainly narrative2 we meet with teaching which looks quite as clear as that1 say1 of the books of ,ruth1 ,chronicles1 or ,esther4 ,indeed1 those who have a mind to draw moral and spiritual instruction from these brief works will not find it difficult to do so1 or discover that the religious teaching is out of harmony with that which is acknowledged to exist in ,daniel 7see chaps1 on ,example of ,life and ,instruction of ,manners74 ,in point of fact1 an overgrowth of unreasonable objections has been too much encouraged2 and if these pieces may not in all respects secure a favourable vote1 it is desirable that they may receive at least an unprejudiced and equitable judgment4 ,the examples of patristic use given under the head of ,early ,christian ,literature will1 it is hoped1 sufficiently refute such statements as that of ,albert ,barnes 7,daniel1 ,lond4 #ahec1 pp4 #gi1 #hj73 ,it is seldom that these additions to ,daniel are quoted or alluded to at all by the early ,christian writers1 but when they are1 it is only that they may be condemned4 ,this may be taken as a specimen of a certain class of adverse opinion1 evidently formed without sufficient investigation of the subject4 ,in reality1 these pieces are referred to1 considering their brevity1 with surprising frequency2 that the references are not exclusively1 or even generally1 for purposes of condemnation1 hardly needs to be stated4 ,what effect these writings took on ,jewish readers there is little or nothing to shew4 ,with the rest of the ,,lxx1 they seem to have lost ground with ,jews as they gained it with ,christians4 ,the closing scene of ,bel and the ,dragon1 however1 is made use of in ,breshith ,rabba to illustrate ,joseph's abandonment in the pit 7,gen4 xxxvii47#b4 ,to ,christians indeed they have1 from a very early date1 constantly presented themselves as highly valuable for purposes of edification4 ,nor1 with the possible exception of ,susanna1 is it easy to see in what way they could have furthered1 in that aspect1 any undesirable end4 ,what will be the future of these pieces by which1 in the ,greek ,bible1 the contents of ,daniel were increased8 ,it is not easy to say4 ,much will surely depend on the eventual consensus of opinion as to the date of that book itself4 ,neither the ,roman nor ,greek ,churches shew any sign of modifying their entire1#c or very slightly qualified1 acceptance of these additions as integral parts of ,holy ,scripture4 ,on the other hand1 ,english-speaking ,protestant ,dissenters shew almost as little sign of rising to any religious appreciation of them4 ,between these extremes the ,church of ,england1 and perhaps the ,german and ,scandinavian ,lutherans1 hold1 as to these books1 an intermediate position1 which in this1 as in some other questions1 may not improbably prove to be the right one4 ,in any case the ,english ,church has always treated them with great respect1 a large part of one of them entering into her ,morning ,prayer1 and the other two having been appointed as first lessons in her calendar from #aedi to #ahgb1 except that ,bel and the ,dragon was removed from #afjd to #affb4 ,previous to this last date they were read1 not as independent books1 but as ,dan4 xiii4 and xiv4 ,a patient waiting for the production of further evidence as to the origin and position of these additions can hardly be unrewarded4 ,meanwhile we may fitly agree with ,st4 ,gregory of ,nazianzus' lines1 which apply as well to these as to the other books of the ,apocrypha3 1 4 1 1 1 1 4 7,poems1 lib4 ,,ii41 ad ,seleucum1 #beb--bef2 ,migne1 ,patr4 ,gr4 xxxvii4 #aeic47 ,,part ,,ii ,,the ,,song ,,of ,,the ,,three ,,holy ,,children 7 7 ,,the ,,song ,,of ,,the ,,three ,,holy ,,children4 ,,analysis4 vv4 #a1 #b4 ,narrative in continuation of the canonical text1 describing the procedure of the three children in the furnace4 #c-bb4 ,azarias' confession 7#c-aj71 and prayer 7#aa-bb71 on behalf of them all4 #bc-bh4 ,narrative describing the fire1 the descent of the ,angel1 and the happy result4 #bi-fh4 ,the ,song of praise itself1 which may be subdivided thus3 ,god directly addressed in blessing 7#bi-cd72 after all ,god's works1 celestial objects are addressed1 including ,angels#d 7#ce-da72 objects of the lower heaven or atmosphere are called upon1 including those immediately concerned1 wind and dew being placed next to fire and heat 7#db-ea72 then the earth#e and its natural features1 and the animals inhabiting it1 are called upon 7#eb-ei72 then the human race1 as a whole and in various classes1 down to the three children themselves 7#fj-ff74 ,in conclusion ,god is extolled for ,his ever-enduring mercy in phrases culled from the ,psalter 7#fg1 #fh74 ,the tendency of the arrangement of the ,song proper is to descend from generals to particulars4 ,it has a refrain at the end of each verse1 slightly differing in those preliminary verses which are addressed to the ,lord ,himself1 and wanting in the last three4 ,the rendering of the refrain in the preliminary verses does not seem very happy in its ,english 7,a4,v4 and ,k4,v474 ,,title ,,and ,,position4 ,,title4 ,forming1 as it does1 an integral portion of the third chapter of the ,greek ,daniel1 the principal ,,mss4 give the ,song1 in that place1 no independent title4 ,it falls of course under the general title of the whole ,book1 ,daniel4 ,van ,ess in his ,,lxx 7,lips4 #ahce7 entitles it 1 but as he puts this heading in curved brackets it is possibly merely his own insertion4 ',b' is the codex which he is professing to follow in his text2 but that ,,ms4 is credited with no such title in ,dr4 ,swete's ,greek ,old ,testament2 nor do ,holmes and ,parsons shew any knowledge of it as existing in any of their ,,mss4 ,in the ,veronese ,graeco-,latin ,psalter it is headed 1 and in the ,turin ,psalter 1 which title it inserts again at v4 #eg1 strangely regarding that verse as the commencement of a fresh canticle with a new number1 4 ,churton 7,uncan4 and ,apocr4 ,script41 p4 #cia7 suggests that the former title may have been wrongly transferred from ,ecclus4 xliv4 at the head of which it stands4 ,he also calls it the title in the ,alexandrian ,psalter--the ,odes1 presumably that is1 at the end4 ,but the title to ,ecclus4 xliv4 is simply 1 so that the likelihood of the transfer1 deemed possible by ,churton1 having taken place is very small4 ,in the ,odes1 at the end of ,cod4 ,a1 two canticles are extracted from this piece2 the first 7,ode ,,ix47 entitled 1 the second 7,ode ,x47 1 each corresponding with the name given to it4 ,in the office of ,eastern ,lauds the two parts have separate titles1 being assigned to different days of the week 7,d4,c4,a4 art4 ,canticle74 ,in the ,syriac and ,arabic versions of ,daniel a separate title is given after v4 #bc of chap4 iii41 and in the latter after v4 #eb1 according to ,churton in his marginal notes4 ,he also says that the prayer of the companions of ,ananias is the ,syriac title4 ,the titles on the whole are fairly suited to their purpose2 but the use of the word children 77 in the common heading of the ,song contemplates the three as of the age indicated in ,daniel i4 rather than that in ,daniel iii4 ,,position4 ,obviously this is not meant for an independent work1 since it has no proper commencement of its own4 ,and they walked is clearly intended as a continuation of some foregoing history4 ,accordingly1 its position in the ,,lxx1 ,theodotion1 ,vulgate1 and other versions1 is immediately after the #bcrd verse of ,daniel iii41 thus forming a portion of that chapter4 ,this is clearly its natural and appropriate place4 ,it unites well both at the beginning and the end with the canonical text1 ,qui se trouve entrelasse 7sic7 dans le texte1 as ,d4 ,martin says in the heading of the book in his ,french version4 ,t4,h4 ,home1 however 7,introd4 #ahef1 ,,ii4 #icf71 mentions its abrupt nature as a reason for thinking that the translator did not invent it1 but made use of already existing materials4 ,but the abruptness is not so apparent to other eyes and ears4 ,indeed ,g4 ,jahn1 in his note on ,dan4 iii4 #bd 7,leipzig1 #aijd71 considers the gap between vv4 #bc and #bd in the ,massoretic text is filled up satisfactorily in the ,,lxx and ,theodotion only4 ,by means of this insertion1 and the inclusion of what in ,a4,v4 are the first four verses of chap4 iv41 this chapter is lengthened out in the ,greek and ,latin versions to exactly #ajj verses4 ,bishop ,gray's note 7,key to ,o4,t4 #agig1 p4 #fjh71 in which he says the ,song of the three holy children is not in the ,vat4 copy of the ,,lxx1 is certainly a mistake4 ,it is just possible1 however1 that he may have meant that the true ,,lxx version was absent from it4 ,so ,ball somewhat obscurely 7p4 #caj the ,alex4 ,,ms4 omits#f71 and ,bissell 7p4 #ddb71 though not very distinctly1 suggest a like idea as to its omission from ,dan4 iii4 in ,a1 and ,zckler in his commentary falls into the same mistake 7,munich1 #ahia1 p4 #bca74 ,it is not unlikely that these writers successively influenced each other4 ,e4 ,philippe's idea 7,vigouroux1 ,dict4 ,,ii4 #abfg;a71 that this piece was separated from the original book because elle retarde le rcit et est en dehors du but final seems unconvincing--as much so as ,dereser's 7quoted in ,bissell1 p4 #ddd71 from whom perhaps it was borrowed--that the ,sanhedrim at ,jerusalem shortened it for convenient use1 ,an equally unsatisfying reason is that of ,h4 ,deane in ,daniel1 his ,life and ,times1 p4 #gj 7pref4 #ahhh74 ,there is no doubt as to the antiquity of this addition1 but probably on account of the feelings of hatred the three children express with regard to their enemies1 it was not universally received by the ,church4 ,in the face of many stronger expressions in the ,o4,t4 received without hesitation1 this explanation seems untenable1 or at least insufficient4 ,and the same may be said of ,g4 ,jahn's theory that some mention of the singing of the three1 contained in the original1 was expunged by the ,massoretes as too wonderful and apocryphal4 ,much has been made of the omission of this and the other additions from the original ,syriac 7e4g4 ,westcott1 quoting ,polychronius1 ,smith's ,d4,b41 ed4 #b4 #gacf1 ,bissell1 #ddh71 but they are contained in the ,syriac text of ,origen's ,hexapla1 in the ,,ms4 in the ,ambrosian ,library at ,milan 7,kautzsch1 ,i4 #agb71 published in facsimile by ,ceriani4 ,bugati in his edition of ,daniel gives this ,syriac and the ,,lxx text in parallel columns4 ,in ,jephet ,ibn ,all's 7the ,karaite's7 ,arabic commentary on ,daniel1 translated by ,d4,s4 ,margoliouth 7,oxf4 #ahhi71 no notice is taken of the additions4 ,the commentary was probably written about ,a4,d4 #ajjj4 ,professor ,rothstein 7,kautzsch1 ,i4 #agc7 compares the situation of the prayer in ix4 #d sqq41 which he deems1 like this one1 to have been perhaps a later insertion into the book4 ,it is beyond question that if this psalm of prayer and praise is to find a place anywhere in the ,book of ,daniel1 no more suitable position can be found for it than that which it occupies so well in the ,greek4 ,if it is a digression from the course of the original narrative it is very happily placed1 since it accounts satisfactorily for the statement the king was astonied in v4 #bd 7#ia74 ,he was surprised at the voice of praise1 instead of the shrieks of pain which he had expected to produce by the execution of his decree4 ,,authorship4 ,in the ,greek of neither nor is there variation sufficient to prove that the writer differed from the one who translated the rest of the book4 ,rather do the indications point to the same hand having been at work throughout4 ,comely says of this and its companion pieces1 ,neque in trium pericoparum argumentis quidquam invenitur quo illas ,danielis auctori attribuere prohibeamur 7,compendium1 ,paris1 #ahhi1 p4 #dba74 ,this1 like other ,r4,c4 writings1 holds of course a brief for their canonicity4 ,the ,prayer1 on the surface1 claims to be by ,azarias2 the ,song by all the three4 ,the introductory and intermediate narrative verses are given as if from the same pen as the rest of ,daniel's history2 v4 #d 7#bg7 reminds us in its terms of ,daniel iv4 #cg 7#cd7 very strongly1 and1 in part1 of ix4 #ad4 ,in v4 #bd 7#dg7 the mention of #di 7#g x #g7 is paralleled by the symbolic use of the number #g in iv4 #be1 etc4 ,but even if1 as is likely1 they did not originate with the ostensible utterers1 still it is quite possible that the hand for the prayer1 the narrative1 and the ,song may not1 in the first instance1 have been identical4 ,probably1 however1 we are intended1 by the producer of the piece in its present shape1 to understand that the prayer and the ,song are recorded1 even if not originated1 by the author of the whole book4 ,if not genuine parts of ,daniel1 their parentage has not been assigned to any named author2 and the work must be treated as anonymous1 for no clue has been traced which points to a definite writer4 ,the putting forward in v4 #b 7#be7 of the second person of the trio1 not otherwise distinguished from his fellows1 is remarkable1 and not suggestive of a forgery4 ,there is nothing to shew why he led the prayer1 as no special characteristics are attached to ,abed-nego in our knowledge4 ,most likely a forger would have put the prayer into the mouth of ,shadrach 7,ananias71 who always stands first1 though the order of the last two is reversed in the one place in which the three are named in the uncanonical portion of the chapter4 ,ewald 7,hist4 of ,israel1 ,e4 ,tr4 ,lond4 #ahgd1 ,v4 #dhf7 thinks that ,azarias is introduced as the eldest1 or perhaps the teacher1 of the other two2 but this conjecture does not account for the varying orders of the names of the three in v4 #fe4 ,however thick a veil may rest over the author's name1 it may safely be regarded as certain that he was a ,jew1 and a ,jew who was well acquainted with the ,psalter4 ,but the opinion as to whether he was of ,babylonian1 ,palestinian1 or ,alexandrian extraction will depend in a great measure on the view taken as to the original language1 whether ,chaldee1 ,hebrew1 or ,greek4 ,professor ,rothstein 7p4 #agd7 admits the possibility of this addition having been made to ,daniel before its translation into ,greek4 ,but ,dean ,w4,r4,w4 ,stephens 7,helps to ,study of ,p4,b41 ,oxf4 n4 d41 prob4 #aija1 p4 #de7 may be taken as representing what has been the commonest view4 ,he thinks it probably composed by an ,alexandrine ,jew4 ,on the other hand1 ,dr4 ,streane's remark tells against this increase of contents having begun at ,alexandria4 ,the tendency to diffuseness1 characteristic of later ,judaism444 operated much more slightly among ,egyptian ,jews than with their brethren elsewhere 7quoted in ,dr4 ,swete's ,introd4 to ,greek ,o4,t41 p4 #bei74 ,the assertion has gone the round of the commentators that the ,song proper is a mere expansion of ,psalm cxlviii41 leaving us to infer that it is hardly a work of independent authorship4 ,perowne#g writes1 the earliest imitation of this psalm is the ,song of the ,three ,children4 ,and ,j4,h4 ,blunt1 in loc41 tells us that the hymn in its original shape was obviously an expanded form of the #adhth ,psalm4 ,so even ,gaster1 modelled evidently on ,ps4 cxlviii4#h2 while ,wheatley#i goes so far as to say that it is an exact paraphrase of that psalm1 and so like it in words and sense that whoever despiseth this reproacheth that part of the canonical writings4#aj ,but though the general idea for calling upon nature to glorify ,god is the same1 the author of ,benedicite is much more than a mere expander or imitator4 ,naturally many of the same objects are mentioned2 but while comparison with the ,,lxx version of the psalm shews some resemblance in word and thought1 it shews much more variation in style1 phraseology1 and treatment4 ,that the writer1 as a ,jew1 was acquainted with this psalm can scarcely be doubted2 that he consciously imitated it there is little to shew4 ,moreover1 the use of this psalm at ,lauds in the ,ambrosian1 the ,eastern1 and ,quignon's service-books1 together with the ,benedicite1 would hardly have occurred if the ,church had regarded the latter as a mere expansion of the former1 and not as a distinct production4 ,whoever the author may have been1 he was evidently strictly orthodox1 and quite in sympathy with his three heroes1 in whose mouths he placed this lively1 agreeable1 and most religious ,song4 ,he has added a much appreciated treasure1 at least among ,christians1 to the ecclesiastical hooks2 a most serviceable form of utterance for the ,church's praiseful voice4 ,but the nature of the piece does not afford much scope for display of the character or personality of the writer4 ,he effaces himself while extolling devotion to ,jehovah1 and1 if he be ,daniel1 while recording the faithfulness of the blessed friends of his youth4 ,what subject more likely to excite his enthusiastic sympathy8 ,honour to the martyrs who endured1 praise to the ,lord who delivered1 it was plainly a pleasure to him to give4 ,,date ,,and ,,place4 ,,date4 ,almost everything1 excepting its absence from the original1 points to the ,song having been from the beginning a part of the ,,lxx text of ,daniel4 ,its date therefore in this case would be the date of that text4 ,the way in which it is worked into the canonical ,daniel narrative suggests that1 if there be any variation as to date in the three additions1 this is seemingly the earliest4 ,that the ,,lxx translator invented this enlargement out of his own genius seems highly improbable2 nor1 were it not for its absence from the original ,daniel1 few would have doubted that he obtained the whole of his material from the same quarter4 ,in such case our 'apocryphon' would obviously ante-date the ,,lxx text4 ,it is not unlikely that the ,alexandrian translator worked up certain traditions 7,j4,m4 ,fuller1 ,s4,p4,c4,k4 ,comm42 see also ,bevan1 ,dan4 ,camb4 #ahib1 p4 #de71 or1 if ,gaster's discovery be what he thinks1 written narratives4 ,what sources1 however1 were used in preparing its ,,lxx ,greek form can only be conjectured1 and that on very slender data4 ,rothstein in ,kautzsch 7,i4 #agf7 deems it to have been imported into the text of ,daniel before the ,,lxx translation1 which he dates at latest in the first quarter of the last century ,b4,c4 ,how an interpolation of this kind came to be admitted into the original of ,daniel is a difficult matter to explain4 ,even on the supposition that the were less rigidly fixed than the ,law or even the ,prophets1 the insertion or omission of such a section as this seems a very bold step4 ,ewald 7,hist4 ,israel1 v4 #hf1 #hg1 ,eng4 ,tr47 thinks these additions to be fragments of an enlarged ,daniel based on the older book1 which was composed one or two centuries earlier4#aa ,some later writer must have compared this new book1 which was originally written in ,greek1 with the translation of the older book of ,daniel1 and transferred whatever he thought proper from the former into the latter4 ,the work1 thus compiled afresh1 has been preserved in ,greek shape1 while the intervening book1 whose former existence is proved by clearest traces1 is now lost4 ,it is only in this way1 ,ewald thinks1 that we can explain the origin and preservation of the portions which are not contained in the ,hebrew4 ,prof4 ,kautzsch 7,i4 #aba7 deems ,,iii4 ,maccabees1 in vi4 #f of which book there is a reference to v4 #bg 7#ej7 of the ,song1 to date from some time between the end of the second century ,b4,c4 and #gj ,a4,d4 at the latest4 ,within these limits he fixes upon the commencement of the ,christian era as the most likely time4 ,dr4 ,streane1 moreover 7,age of ,macc4 p4 #aeg71 thinks that while century ,i4 ,b4,c4 is very possible1 it cannot be of earlier date1 on account of the proof given by this verse of acquaintance with the ,song4 ,this reference1 therefore1 undoubted as it is1 does not greatly help us in solving the problem of date1 except as to its ad quem limit4 ,tob4 xii4 #f and xiii4 #aj 7the latter especially in the ,vulgate7 are very similar in phraseology to the refrain of the ,benedicite2 vv4 #bi1 #cj 7#eb7 too1 in both ,greek versions1 strongly suggest an acquaintance with ,tob4 viii4 #e1 since appears more likely to have been added to1 than omitted from1 the later document of the two4 ,this is on the assumption that ,tobit is1 as ,streane thinks 7p4 #adh71 pre-,maccabean1 or at any rate earlier than this ,song4 ,but as the words used are not very distinctive1 it is quite possible that they might have been independently prepared4 ,the mention of ,ananias1 ,azarias1 and ,misael in ,i4 ,macc4 ii4 #ei is not conclusive as to its writer's knowledge of the ,song1 but the order of the names1 which does not occur elsewhere1 makes a remembrance of v4 #hh not improbable4 ,i4 ,macc4 is dated by ,kautzsch 7,i4 #ca7 from #ajj to #ij ,b4,c42 ,streane 7p4 #adi7 allows slightly wider limits2 and ,westcott 7,smith's ,d4,b4 ,,ii4 #agc7 suggests #abj to #ajj4 ,as to another possible indication given by v4 #ff 7#hh71 see ',chronology1' p4 #fi4 ,of that scepticism which followed the refinements of rabbinism there is no trace1 either here1 or in ,susanna1 or in ,bel and the ,dragon4 ,the tone of them all is that of an earlier time1 free from any symptoms of this later decline4 ,but still the signs of date are not sufficiently decided to justify us in fixing upon a narrow period with any degree of certainty4 ,taking the piece as independent of the original ,daniel1 the second century ,b4,c4 might perhaps be named as far from improbable4 ,but a closer date than this it is hardly safe to fix4 ,,place4 ,if we assume an ,aramaic original1 ,babylonia most probably will be the place for its production2 ,palestine somewhat less probably4 ,but indications of place in the piece itself are very faint4 ,it is true1 however1 that the order nights and days is in conformity with the ,shemitic custom of fixing the beginning of the day at the preceding evening 7,mc,swiney1 ,psalms and ,canticles1 #aija1 p4 #fdd74 ,everyone must have noticed the frequency with which things watery and things cold are mentioned in the ,song4 ,the number of times they occur seems quite out of proportion with the scale on which it is conceived4 ,water1 showers1 dew1 cold1 frost1 snow1#ab sea1 rivers1 fountains1 all that move in the waters1 are apostrophised in succession4 ,the preponderance of these objects is very noticeable1 even to a cursory reader4 ,now both ,babylon and ,alexandria are alike situated in hot countries2 but of the two1 a resident in the former would be more likely to have had these things brought before his eyes than a resident in the latter4 ,lower ,egypt with its almost rainless climate1 and its one river1 does not seem the most likely locality to suggest a constant reference to such topics4 ,chalda1 on the other hand1 is better watered and is within the region of rain1 and at any rate in its northern parts1 of frost and snow4 ,dura1 according to ,keith ,johnston's map1 is close to the hills4 ,but the position of the plain of ,dura1 where the martyrdom took place1 has not been certainly identified4 ,j4,m4 ,fuller's note on v4 #db 7#fd71 ,rain and dew have that prominence which naturally belongs to them in the parched ,east1 is far from sufficing to explain the oft recurring mention of these matters4 ,still less does ,bishop ,forbes' remark#ac that the element of water seems specially to have received the benediction of the ,lord1 serve to elucidate the cause of its preponderance here4 ,the slight anthropomorphism in v4 #ed1 where 'sitting' is implied in 1 expressed in 1 is more conformable to ,babylonian than ,alexandrian ideas2 but this may be a mere reminiscence of ,psalms lxxx4 #a1 xcix4 #a4 ,the mention of pitch or bitumen is inconclusive1 inasmuch as it is found in both ,babylonia and ,egypt2 but the mention of heavens and stars of heaven 7vv4 #ei1 #fc71 agrees very well with ,chaldean origin4 ,so far1 therefore1 as these considerations go1 they turn the scale1 to a small extent1 in favour of ,babylonia4 ,the only natural object which may be regarded as telling in the opposite direction is 7v4 #gi71 which might be thought to point to knowledge of the ,mediterranean ,sea 7see ,child ,chaplin1 ,benedicite1 #ahgi1 p4 #cbd74 ,the birthplace of the ,,lxx text is surely ,alexandria4 ,the character of this1 as of the other additions1 indicates1 according to ,westcott 7,d4,b4 ed4 #b1 ,i4 #agad;a7 and ,wordsworth 7on ,dan4 iii4 #bc71 the hand of an ,alexandrian writer4 ,it is well1 however1 to notice that this1 with its companion pieces1 has as few indications of ,greek philosophy and habits of thought as any part of the ,apocrypha2 and in common with most ,alexandrian writers it has little or nothing of purely ,egyptian character4 ,still1 ,dereser's idea that ,daniel may have written his book in ,greek at ,babylon with all the additions 7quoted by ,bissell1 p4 #ddd7 seems most unlikely1 and could hardly have been advanced except under the necessity of supporting the ,roman view of the book4 ,theodotion's version1 so far as concerns the locality where it originated1 shares the obscurity which hangs over much of ,theodotion's personal life4 ,ephesus may be suggested1 for ,irenus 7,,iii4 xxiii47 styles him 2 though ,epiphanius calls him 7,d4,c4,b4 art4 ,hexapla1 p4 #bb;a74 ,the latter author is1 for the most part1 the less accurate of the two4 ,in ,de ,mensuris1 etc41 ,,xvii4 he states that 's version was issued in the second ,commodus' reign1 #ahj--aib1 obviously too late4#ad ,the pre-,theodotionic version which is thought to have used may of course have been an ,alexandrian production2 but at present little is known of it4 ,that ,theodotion had some earlier rendering1 besides the ,,lxx as his basis1 the quotations in ,rev4 ix4 #bj1 etc41 and ,st4 ,matt4 xii4 #ah1 coinciding with his version1#ae render highly probable1 inasmuch as he wrote subsequently to any likely date for those books4 ,possibly he may have used ,aquila's version1 or that of some unknown translator4 ,professor ,gwynn's idea 7,d4,c4,b4 art4 ,theodotion1 #igg;a7 of two rival ,septuagintal ,daniels#af seems to have more inherent improbability than he is inclined to admit4 ,but where this ground text1 circulated apparently in ,palestine and ,asia ,minor1 was made1 who can say8 ,but if we take ,st4 ,john as the author of ,revelation1 his connection with ,ephesus1 and the probable publication of his work there1 give some little support to the theory of an ,ephesian origin of ,theodotion's translation4 ,it is strange that a version supposed to be made by one who was not an orthodox ,christian1 if ,christian at all1 should have been preferred1 as far as concerns ,daniel1 by the ,christian ,church for ordinary use4#ag ,jerome 7,prf4 in ,dan47 says1 as if he felt that some explanation was needed1 et hoc cur acciderit nescio1 though he proceeds to suggest some possible reasons why the version of one qui utique post adventum ,christi incredulus fuit should have been so much honoured4 ,the religious work of a ,jew1 who lived before ,christ1 and that of one who refused to acknowledge his advent after it had taken place1 stand obviously1 for ,christians1 on a different footing4 ,,for ,,whom ,,and ,,with ,,what ,,object ,,written4 ,,for ,,whom4 ,undoubtedly for ,jewish readers1 who were already interested in the story of ,shadrach1 ,meshach1 and ,abed-nego2 designed for those who had ,daniel's book in their hands1 who felt the ,three to be heroes rightly honoured4 ,of course1 if the words were really spoken by ,azarias1 they were for the honour of ,god and the benefit of himself and his companions in the fire2 and the ,song itself becomes a real thanksgiving1 on the spur of the moment1 for the literal fulfilment of such promises as ,isai4 xliii4 #b--;a form1 for their own personal use1 to express their immediate feelings4 ,verse #bd 77 might suggest the idea that the prayer 7and perhaps the ,song also7 were uttered in the interval between the issue and the execution of the king's order for burning alive2 but the words in v4 #be forbid this view4 7,as to a possible subsequent insertion of the prayer1 see ',integr4 and ,state of ,text1' p4 #db47 ,theodotion also precludes this idea by his insertion of in v4 #bd itself1 as well as in v4 #be4 ,the slight change in the case of the last two words lessens the likelihood of their having been transferred from v4 #be of one version to v4 #be of the other4 ,but it is quite possible that may have purposely omitted the clause in v4 #bd of 1 beginning 1 in order to shut out the idea of these devotions having taken place in the interval suggested above4 ,dean ,farrar even says that the ,song is not very apposite 7,expositor's ,bible1 ,daniel1 ,lond4 #ahie1 p4 #ahj71 though other minds find it remarkably so4 ,in writing on v4 #bg 7#ej7 he erroneously substitutes for 4 ,this is probably copied from ,ball's note in loc4 ,if the latter part of v4 #ff 7#hh7 was in the original ,song1 the reference to their own position is of course apposite enough4 ,even a writer of such a stamp as ,albert ,barnes 7,comm4 on ,dan4 iii4 #bc7 is obliged to confess that with some things that are improbable and absurd1 the ,song contains many things that are beautiful and that would be highly appropriate if a song had been uttered at all in the furnace4 ,but to a contrary effect ,j4 ,kennedy goes even further than ,dean ,farrar1 calling it an elaborate composition by some one whose imagination failed to realise what was fitting and natural to men in the position of the three ,hebrews in the fiery furnace 7,dan4 from a ,christian ,standpoint1 #ahih1 p4 #ee74 ,the passage vv4 #bf to #cd is provided in ,littledale's ,priest's ,p4,b4 7#ahgf1 p4 #ie7 as a suitable ,scripture reading for those in fever4 ,although there is a kind of appropriateness in the narrative of the fire being driven off1 many would regard this application of the extract as highly fanciful1 and not quite agreeable to the object with which the piece was written4 ,,object4 ,unless we assume the writer to be purely an imaginative novelist1 the preservation of serviceable traditions as profitable records of religion1 is clearly his principal aim4 ,this addition cannot reasonably be said in any way to distort or disagree with1 though it adds to1 the sacred narrative4 ,it is very well fitted into the main story2 and the non-appearance of ,daniel is quite in accord with his absence from the scene in chap4 iii4 ,an edifying purpose is most conspicuous1 and1 if we assume that it is really an interpolation of the original book1 we may well suppose with ,bishop ,gray1 that some writer desirous of imitating and embellishing the sacred text has left us this specimen of his work2 that the veneration of some ,hellenistic ,jew probably induced him to fabricate this ornamental addition to the history 7op4 cit4 pp4 #faj1 #faa74 ,one aim would be to satisfy the interest awakened by the wonderful experiences of the three1 which afforded a narrative ground-work for this extension2 falling in this respect1 as ,prof4 ,ryssel points out 7,kautzsch ,i4 #afg71 into the same category as the ,prayer of ,manasses and the additions to ,esther4 ,it may be said that resistance to idolatry1 securing divine deliverance1 is1 as in ,bel and the ,dragon1 the motif of the piece4 ,but this is not accomplished without great peril and anxiety to these martyrs in will1 who kept before them an uncompromising standard1 worthy of their noble lineage 7,dan4 i4 #c71 as well as of their true religion4 ,in some respects we are reminded of ,jonah's prayer1 which had a similar object1 viz41 to secure a deliverance from hopeless danger1 a deliverance as marvellous as that of the ,three4 ,the words by which it is introduced are similar 7 444 1 ,jon4 ii4 #b2 444 1 ,dan4 iii4 #be1 72 and the spirit of turning to ,god in dire straits is the same4 ,but ,jonah's prayer differs from ,azarias' in containing much mention of his immediate danger4 ,yet the absence of this from ,azarias' prayer hardly amounts to a probable indication of forgery2 indeed the possibility of so long an utterance implies some restraint of the consuming power of the furnace1 such as is described in v4 #bg of the ,chaldee4 ,a subsidiary purpose answered in the ,song proper is that of joining nature with ourselves1 by addressing it in a series of invitations to magnify ,him who is its ,god and ours alike1 thus interpreting the feelings which nature maybe supposed to entertain4 ,it is recognised that the irrational as well as the rational have their rightful spheres of action2 and a wholesome sympathy is manifested with those portions of nature--which we think are lower than ourselves4 ,with this may be compared ,adam and ,eve's morning hymn 7in ,milton's ,paradise ,lost1 ,book ,v41 #a4 #aec sq471 which is very similar in tone and in sequence of objects apostrophized4 ,the ,song so readily leads itself to use as a ,canticle that the idea inevitably arises of its having been composed with that purpose in view2 but proof that it was ever so used by the ,jews seems entirely wanting4 ,the statements made in some ,p4,b4 manuals that it was so used appear to have arisen from a misunderstanding of an ambiguous sentence of ,wheatley's 7see ',liturgical ,use1' p4 #hc74 ,still1 there may have been an arrire pense in the composer's mind of providing models of prayer and of praise for others1 in crisis of trial or deliverance1 to offer unto ,god4 ,it is pleasing to note in this respect1 that the thanksgiving is not stinted1 but is even longer than the prayer4 ,nowhere is the manifold wealth of ,god's revelation in nature more fully and comprehensively set forth in the most exalted spirit of praise2 so that1 if this were one of the composer's objects1 it is most abundantly answered4 ,,integrity ,,and ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,text4 ,it has been suggested by ,prof4 ,rothstein 7in ,kautzsch ,i4 #agd1 #age7 that the prayer of ,azarias1 the intermediate narrative1 and the ,song itself1 were not all written at the same time4 ,but this view is based purely on internal probability1 and derives little or no support from any of the ,,mss4 or versions1 unless the introduction of titles in the ,arabic after v4 #bh 7#ea71 and in some ,greek copies to the prayer of ,azarias1 be thought to give it countenance2 yet these may have crept in from their convenience for liturgical use1 and so be accounted for merely on practical grounds4 ,to base this separation1 however1 on a supposed disagreement between v4 #ae 7#ch7 and vv4 #ca 7#ec71 #fb 7#hd71 is certainly insufficient cause1 as ,ball points out 7#cjg;b71 for assigning ,prayer and ,song to different writers 7see ',chronology1' p4 #fg74 ,but the observation that the narrative passage between the ,prayer and the ,song fits in well after the canonical v4 #bcah seems a stronger basis for supposing that the prayer is a later introduction than the ,song4 ,rothstein points out 7p4 #aha1 note d7 that v4 #a 7#bd7 in has relation to the ,song1 but not to the ,prayer1 and originally1 as he imagines1 took the place of the present v4 #bh 7#ia7 of similar import4 ,corn4 a ,lap4 notes of v4 #a 7#bd7 est hysterologia4 ,this view is also mentioned with favour in ,charles' article on ,apocrypha in the #aijb vols4 of ,encycl4 ,brit4 7cf4 ',for whom written1' p4 #cf74 ,it is observable also that the statement of v4 #bf 7#dh7 is not a mere repetition of that in v4 #bb1 but refers to the scorching of the onlookers1 while v4 #bb speaks of those who executed the king's order4#ai ,the repetition of the same invocation at the commencement of the ,prayer and the ,song is noteworthy2 if the two are not contemporary1 it has probably been borrowed by the composer of the ,prayer4 ,but the difficulty 7often magnified7 of reconciling the statements of v4 #ae 7#ch7 with the ,jews' civil and ecclesiastical condition at the time of ,daniel iii4 wears quite a different aspect if the ,prayer is regarded as an interpolation of later date by another hand4 ,altogether this theory of the interpolation of the ,prayer is surrounded with a considerable air of probability4 ,five extra verses are interspersed in the ,syriac of the ,song1 calling upon the hosts of the ,lord1 ye that fear the ,lord1 cold and heat 7the winter and summer of our ,benedicite71 the herbs of the field1 and the creeping things of the earth 7,churton's translation74 ,of these frigus and aestus is in the ,vulgate1 taken from 4 ,the source of the others is unapparent1 though creeping things would very naturally follow beasts and cattle1 as in ,gen4 vii4 #ad4 ,the present ending of the ,song1 after the usual refrain in the middle of v4 #ff 7#hh7 is of a laboured nature with a decidedly dragging style4 ,it certainly has the appearance of being an afterthought1 added by some not very skilful composer1 who fancied the original termination to be too abrupt1 and thought he could attach an appropriate supplement4 ,but of this theory no external evidence is at present forthcoming4 agrees with the text much more closely in this than in the other additions4 ,most verses are the same1 word for word2 and many others have but the slightest variations4 ,he makes a few small omissions1 as in 7,greek7 vv4 #bd1 #dj1 #fg1 #fh2 but in general he follows exactly4 ,even vv4 #fg1 #fh1 are contained in ,a1 in both places1 in ,daniel and in the ,odes at the end2 also they are in the ,turin ,psalter1 though omitted in the ,veronese 7,swete's ,,lxx74 ,as they are found1 with a little difference in the text1 they may have fallen out of ,b and ,q accidentally4 ,the identical refrain at the end of each verse would naturally facilitate an error of this kind4 ,the principal ,,mss4 available for 's text are the same as those for the canonical part of ,daniel1 ,a1 ,b1 and ,q4 fails us here1 as in other passages1 except from vv4 #cg--eb1 in which its variations are unimportant4 ,taking ,b as the ground-work1 ,a's changes are not generally of serious moment1 excepting in the case of the two inserted verses1 #fg and #fh1 and the transposition of vv4 #gc and #gd4 ,otherwise they chiefly consist of small insertions or omissions which do not materially affect the sense 7vv #cf1 #ha72 varying forms from the same root such as for 7v4 #ed71 for 7v4 #ef74 ,the correctors of ,b in v4 #ch1 though unsupported by the chief codices1 certainly seem right in substituting for 4 ,q's variations not unfrequently agree with ,a's2 where they do not1 they are scarcely more important1 and often partake of a similar character4 ,in v4 #hh a synonym is substituted1 viz41 for 7#bnd74 ,in the few verses covered by 1 ,b is generally agreed with2 a change of case1 instead of 1 appearing in v4 #ej4 ,,language ,,and ,,style4 ,,language4 ,the probability of a ,semitic original lying in the background of this piece1 has always been considerable4 ,those who have maintained ,greek as the original language1 have generally spoken a little less confidently with regard to this than with regard to its two companion pieces4 ,so ,bissell writes 7p4 #ddc71 though a supporter of the ,greek 7p4 #dc71 undoubtedly more can be said in favour of such a theory of a ,semitic original than for a similar one in respect of the two remaining additions4 ,and since ,m4 ,gaster discovered in #ahid an ,aramaic text1 the grounds for deeming the ,greek to be the original1 though not set aside1 have been partially undermined4 ,schrer1 however1 in ,hauck's ,encycl4 7,i4 #fci71 appears to think that this is translated from 1 and not vice vers1 as ,gaster claims4 ,in his third ,german ed4 of ,h4,j4,p4 7,,iii4 #ccc7 he agrees with ,gaster in deeming to be 1 but considers the ,aramaic to be a rendering of 's ,greek1 taken into the tenth-century ,chronicle of ,jerahmeel4 ,it must be confessed that the existence of two ,greek versions increases the probability1 though it does not prove the existence1 of an original in another language4 ,it does not seem likely that would have revised the of the additions in the same way as the canonical part1 unless he had a similar basis to go upon in both cases4 ,if not1 why1 and on what authority1 did he alter the additions at all8 ,and this consideration applies to the other two1 even more than to the one we are dealing with1 inasmuch as the version of ,susanna and of ,bel and the ,dragon involved more numerous changes4 ,irenus' statement that ,theodotion 1 taken strictly1 would of course always imply an original to translate2 but ,irenus may only have been thinking of the particular passage from ,isaiah which he refers to 7,,iii4 xxiii474 ,many phrases may be instanced which point to a ,semitic original1 or at least fit in well with the theory of its existence4 ,towards counterbalancing this there is a much smaller number which may be thought to tell in the opposite direction4 ,but in the main1 as ,comely truly writes 7op4 cit4 p4 #dbj71 accedit hebraismorum frequentia quum in ,alexandrini tum in ,theodotionis versione4#bj ,it is to be observed1 however1 that the names of the ,three are ,grecized from their original ,hebrew nomenclature1#ba although their ,babylonian names are employed in ,dan4 iii41 and adopted by and in the canonical portions1 both before and after the apocryphal episode4 ,an apparent exception occurs in v4 #bc of 1 where clauses of that verse and of v4 #bb have been transposed and slightly altered4 ,here ,azarias occurs in the same form as in the apocryphal portion4 ,but this isolated use of the ,hebrew form of his name has probably been brought about by the insertion of our piece into the chapter1 the same form and phrase1 1 being found in v4 #di of both ,greek texts4 ,a like phrase occurs in ,ezek4 xxxviii4 #f1 and in ,acts xiii4 #ac4 ,the order of names1 too1 differs in this ,addition from their order elsewhere1 the two last changing places1 thus bringing ,azarias 7,abed-nego7 into the middle4 ,it is remarkable that he is twice1 vv4 #b 7#be7 and #h 7#di71 placed as if he were the leading member of the trio1 in the former verse as uttering the prayer1 in the latter as heading the party in the furnace2 and so also1 as pointed out above1 in v4 #bc of 4 ,this last fact1 however1 is counterbalanced in the same version by all three being named in v4 #bd as praying1 ,azarias not there figuring as the sole speaker4 ,these small indications certainly point to some ancient distinction between the uncanonical insertion1 as we have it1 and the body of the book4 ,e4 ,philippe 7in ,vigouroux' ,d4,b4 ,,ii4 p4 #abff7 argues for ,hebrew and not ,greek originals1 because of the existence of two ,greek versions1 neither of which1 he says1 appears to be a revision of the other1 containing hebraisms suggestive of a ,hebrew original4 ,but as regards the ,song of the ,three1 this statement1 that neither version is a revision of the other1 must be regarded as more than doubtful4 ,he also says that the ,chisian and ,syro-,hexaplar ,,mss4 contain critical signs of ,origen1 revealing a ,hebrew text1 and in #hg 7,chisianus7 at xiii4 #a-e1 1 1 indicate ,aquila1 ,symmachus1 and ,theodotion1 all translators from the ,hebrew4 ,this last point1 however1 may not stand as to the ,song of the ,three 7see note in ,kautzsch1 p4 #agf7 so far as ,aquila is concerned4 ,for ,origen1 in his letter to ,africanus1 seems to imply that ,aquila's rendering did not contain the ,song3 -- #b4 ,jerome's words in the ,vulgate1 after v4 #bc1 qu sequuntur in ,hebraeis voluminibus non reperi1 are very guarded1 not absolutely denying the existence of a ,hebrew text1 but merely asserting that he has not met with it4 ,cod4 ,amiatinus1 however1 has 'non repperiuntur1' an expression which asserts more comprehensively the absence of this passage in his time4 ,the following are some specific indications of language which appear to be of sufficient interest to be noted separately3 v4 #bg 1 4 rendered by in ,dan4 ix4 #ad 7in both versions7 and in ,neh4 ix4 #cc4 also occurs in ,bar4 ii4 #i1 in that part of ,baruch which is almost certainly a translation from the ,hebrew4 ,ball 7,speaker's ,comm47 gives a similar phrase from the ,iliad1 and ,bissell a still more apposite one from ,il4 ,,iv4 #bh1 to shew that it is not unknown in pure ,greek4 ,gaster's ,aramaic has simply not 4 v4 #cj 1 4 governs the genitive correctly1 but 1 coupled with it1 is made to govern the same noun4 ,exigencies of translation might easily cause this awkwardness1 but hardly original ,greek composition4 v4 #ca 4 ,so translated in ,,ii4 ,chron4 vi4 #af1 #ag at the beginning of the verse1 as here2 it occurs again in vv4 #cc and #da in both versions1 as also in ix4 #ae1 #ag4 ,it is not a very natural beginning of a ,greek sentence4 v4 #cb 1 4 ,why 1 a title which does not seem very applicable to the ,babylonians8 ,it may be merely a rendering of as in ,ezra iv4 #ab1 #ae4 ,the ,vulgate here has 'prvaricator4' ,in ,gaster's ,aramaic the verse is different4 ,but cf4 use of in ,eph4 ii4 #ab of those who had never belonged to ,israel4 v4 #cc 1 4 looks very like a translation of 1 an idiom used in ,,ii4 ,chron4 xxxv4 #c1 #ae in the sense of 'cannot1' followed by a verb in the infinitive4 ,cf4 ,heb4 ix4 #e4 v4 #cd 1 4 or as in ,,ii4 ,chron4 xii4 #ab1 ,ps4 xv4 #aa4 4 ,this curious expression may be the rendering of such a phrase as that in ,i4 ,kings xv4 #ai1 1 there translated by the same words2 also in ,jer4 xi4 #aj4 v4 #cf 1 4 1 as in viii4 #aj1 xii4 #c1 both 4 v4 #cg 1 4 4 ,did the translators read for 8 v4 #ch 1 4 4 ,cf4 ,lev4 ii4 #i1 #aa1 being similarly translated4 is also used in the same sense in ,i4 ,esd4 iv4 #eb4 ,deissmann has an interesting 'study' of this word in his ,bible ,studies 7,eng4 transl41 ,edinb4 #aija1 p4 #ace74 v4 #dj 1 4 444 444 4 is thought by ,ball to have arisen from some confusion between and 1 but this is dubious4 ,marshall 7,hastings' ,d4,b4 ,,iv4 #gee;b7 suggests in ,kal or ,piel4 v4 #dd 1 4 1 ,grotius 7in ,critici ,sacri7 says ,expressit ,hebrum quod est in ,ps4 lx4 #c 7#e7 et alibi4 ,the verb is so translated in ,exod4 ix4 #af4 v4 #di 1 4 ,the apparent ,grecism of occurs in the ,,lxx of ,ezek4 xxxviii4 #f and elsewhere4 1 ,ball suggests from ,ps4 xlix4 #ah4 ,gaster gives 4 ,gaster characterises as a senseless rendering of and it cooled down1 which word certainly gives an excellent sense4 v4 #ej 1 4 ,the well known crux of appears in the ,aramaic as which ,gaster translates as a wind that blows 7and causes7 the dew 7to descend74 v4 #ea 4 4 v4 #ed 4 1 cf4 ,dan4 iv4 #cf 7#cc7 1 4 is the ,aramaic in both places4 1 as in ,jer4 xiv4 #ba4 is used of ,god's throne in ,dan4 vii4 #i1 end4 v4 #ei 1 4 7not in ,gaster's ,aramaic74 vv4 #fd1 #fh 4 ,repetition of 1 and vv4 #fg1 #fi 1 of 1 suggests possible difficulty of a translator1 causing him to fall back on same word4 vv4 #fe1 #hf 1 4 ,the different senses of point to as the underlying original of both4 v4 #hg 1 4 2 ,luther renders elend und betrbt sind1 since these words1 if of literal and immediate application1 would indicate the depression of the ,babylonian exiles2 and so would tell in favour of a ,semitic original1 ,greek being unfamiliar to them4 v4 #hh 1 4 1 cf4 ,dan4 iii4 #ba1 #bi2 vii4 #aa 71 ,chald4 in first and third of these cases1 and also in ,gaster's ,aramaic of this piece74 v4 #hi 1 4 does not seem a very suitable word1 as they had not yet been into 4 ,it may be a translation of as in ,jer4 xlii4 #aa1 if from a ,hebrew original4 is given by ,gaster as the original of both 77 and 4 v4 #ij 1 4 1 used of proselytes of the gate in ,acts xvii4 #ag1 may have this meaning here also1 as coming last1 and in connection with 1 a possible reference to the gods of the nations4 ,gaster's ,aramaic has nothing answering to 4 ,grotius suggests ut ,job i4 ,i1 #h1 ii4 #c1 where is the word4 ,the writer deems the evidence of language to point on the whole to a ,semitic rather than to a ,greek base4 ,the difficulty of balancing the indications however of the original language is shewn by the names of important authorities which may be ranged on either side1 ,ball1 ,rothstein1 and ,swete regarding the ,semitic as probable2 ,westcott1 ,schrer1 and ,fritzsche holding a similar opinion as to the ,greek4 ,when a ,semitic original is pronounced for1 the further question arises1 was it ,hebrew or ,aramaic8 ,the grounds unfortunately appear too indecisive to warrant a distinct choice between these alternatives4 ,,style4 ,this is the only one of the three ,additions which takes a devotional and poetical form4 ,the ,song has perhaps exceeded the others in the great estimation accorded to it4 ,the frequent liturgical use made of it is both a sign and a cause of this4 ,the style of the ,greek is ,hellenistic1 and is not out of character with the versions of which it is a part2 nor in particular with the ,book of ,daniel with which it is incorporated4 ,it is spirited1 interesting1 and agreeable1 mainly ,hebraic in the character of its thought and cast of its language4 ,the ,prayer may possibly be accused of the needless repetition of similar sentiments2 especially in vv4 #d1 #e1 and #h as to ,god's truth and justice2 and in vv4 #f and #g as to ,israel's disobedience1 which are somewhat over-insisted upon4 ,but perhaps this may be attributed to earnest pleading4 ,it is instructive to compare and contrast ,daniel's ,prayer1 chap4 ix41 remembering that a different person would naturally have a different style2 a consideration which may also help to account for the change we are conscious of when we pass from the prayer of ,azarias to the ,song which purports to he the composition of the ,three4 ,the principle on which is inserted in some verses and omitted in others does not seem clear4 ,rhythmical considerations do not sufficiently account for it4 ,something other than style seems to have influenced its use2 but what that something may have been it is difficult to discern4 ,nor does the principle seem clearer in the ,aramaic than in the ,greek4 ,the poem has a simple yet majestic structure1 with a refrain apt to linger in the ear1 either in ,greek or ,english1 1 1 1 ,bless ye the ,lord1 praise ,him1 and magnify ,him for ever4 ,in ,gaster's ,aramaic the refrain is slightly varied1 being used where ,god is addressed1 where ,his creatures are exhorted4 ,dr4 ,gaster understands the former to mean for ever1 but the latter in the world4#bb ,this distinction1 if a just one1 is entirely obliterated in the versions4 ,in the ,vulgate however the refrain sounds less agreeably1 for superexaltate is a cumbrous word for frequent repetition4 ,it is one of those exaggerated compounds of which the translator of ,daniel seems to have been too fond1 such as superlaudabilis1 supergloriosus 7v4 #eb71 deambulo and discoperio 7,sus4 vv4 #h1 #cb74 ,this inconvenience was evidently felt in liturgical use1 as in the ,roman ,breviary and ,missal the repetition of superexaltate is avoided4 ,psalm cxxxvi4 affords a biblical instance of a refrain similarly repeated at the end of each verse2 and ,deut4 xxvii4 #ae-bf may be regarded as containing a liturgical repetition of another species4 ,the use of a symbolic multiple of #g in v4 #bd 7#dg7 accords well with a similar practice in ,daniel iii4 #ai1 ix4 #bd1 and x4 #b1ac4 ,the number #c itself 7v4 #bh7 may also be symbolic2 but this is merely continued from the canonical part of the story1 being quite of a piece with it4 ,no other numbers occur4 ,there is a remarkable resemblance between the natural objects mentioned in ,ecclus4 xliii4 and in the ,song4 ,especially v4 #bbbc of the former is like v4 #bg 7#ej7 of the latter in its leading idea4 ,the furnace1 1 is also named in v4 #d of the ,ecclus4 passage2 and the aim of glorifying ,god is most prominent in both4 ,but the resemblance in style to ,psalm cxlviii4 is not so great as has sometimes been imagined4 7,see what is said on this point under ',authorship1' p4 #bf47 ,on the whole1 the style of the work1 whether supplicatory1 narrative1 or poetic1 is well suited to the purpose for which it is designed2 and although the influence of previous writers is evident1 the manner of the author is not that of a mere imitator of their compositions4 ,he has a form of his own in which to present his subject4 ,,religious ,,and ,,social ,,state4 ,,religious4 ,so far as the ,jewish actors in the scene are concerned1 they exhibit a true religious spirit from the ,o4,t4 standpoint1 with an unshakeable firmness of conviction that ,jehovah alone should be worshipped4 ,the episode shews 7in common with the canonical part7 that the ,captivity had already produced a stubborn opposition to idolatrous temptations among the ,jews4 ,the tendency to follow after other gods1 and to depart from ,jehovah in this way1 had been outrooted from the habits of these exiles2 and their example now would be for all time an incentive to others to resist1 at any cost1 the pressing inducements to become idolaters4 ,it is difficult to find anything really inconsistent with the religious position1 so far as we know it1 of ,israel in ,babylon4 ,bissell1 however1 writes strongly to the contrary1 in company as he avers1 with almost all non-,romish scholars4 ,this opinion is based on little more than the supposed inappropriateness of the ,prayer and ,song to the occasion1 and on the discrepancy of v4 #ae 7#ch7 with the circumstances of the time1 and with other parts of the composition 7p4 #dde and on v4 #ae74 ,this discrepancy is dealt with under ',chronology4' ,bissell also quotes with approval the exaggerated comparison of ,eichhorn1 who deems the three like dervishes gifted in penitential exclamations1 which they interrupt by abuse of ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,a consistent religious ground is maintained throughout by the three2 there is for them no doing at ,rome as ,rome does in vital matters of religion4 ,and their condition is evidently compassionated by ,god1 their faithfulness approved1 amid the persecutions of a foreign land4 ,considerable talent and art in devotional composition are manifested in confession1 petition1 and praise--talent and art of which the ,christian ,church has widely availed herself from a very early period4 ,the tone of ,azarias' prayer is not discordant with ,daniel's description of his own prayer in ix4 #bj1 nor with the prayer itself immediately preceding that verse1 either in sentiment or phraseology4 ,they may well have come from the same editor1 whether the prime author of the whole book or not4 ,verse #af 7#ci7 apparently contains phrases culled from ,pss4 xxxiv4 #ah1 li4 #ag4 ,m4 ,parker on ,deut4 xxviii4 #ef 7,bibliotheca ,biblica1 ,oxf4 #agce7 thinks that the declaration of the three in v4 #i 7#cb7 corresponds with ,deut4 xxviii4 #di1 #ej1 being in fact a public acknowledgment that national impiety had brought upon them the distress in which they were at present involved4 ,if so1 it shews knowledge of the law on their part4 ,but the connection is one solely of idea1 and not of phraseology4 ,there is a strong connection in phraseology1 however1 between v4 #bg and ,deut4 xxxii4 #d in ,,lxx4 ,in any case the religious tone of the whole production is not inconsistent with what we might have expected4 ,,social4 ,the nature of this piece does not afford much scope for the display of the social condition of ,babylon and its inhabitants4 ,it is to be expected therefore that it will shew us far less of these matters than either ,susanna or ,bel and the ,dragon4 ,but so far as it gives any indications1 it is in accord with the canonical ,daniel1 and with what we know from other sources of the customs of the country4 ,evidently ,israel was in a state of subjection to the ,babylonian king1 who ordered idolatry to be practised by captives and natives alike4 ,it is shewn by v4 #i 7#cb7 sqq4 that the former smarted under his tyranny1 and appealed to ,god for redress1 like their forefathers in ,egyptian bondage4 ,the punishment of burning1 on which the whole story turns1 is quite ,babylonian4 ,jer4 xxix4 #bb is another instance1 so that there is no lack of vraisemblance in its introduction here4 7,see ,hastings' ,d4,b4 art4 ,crimes and ,punishments1 ,i4 #ebc1 for other instances74 ,it has been thought 7,smith's ,d4,b4 ed4 #b art4 ,furnace1 ,i4 #ajib;b7 that this furnace in ,daniel is alluded to by our ,lord in ,st4 ,matt4 xiii4 #db1 #ej2 but how opposite on this occasion are the consequences of being cast into it6 ,here prayer and praise from the righteous1 there weeping and gnashing from the wicked4 ,the allusion must be considered a very doubtful one4 ,the subservience of the king's servants#bd in performing their cruel work1 and the absence of a protesting voice or of a helping hand from any quarter1 is very characteristic of the results of ,eastern despotism4 ,all1 except the three martyrs1 were afraid of ,nebuchadnezzar1 whose murderous rage under contradiction is of a piece in both the ,chaldee and the ,greek portions of the chapter4 ,no one else on this occasion dared to disobey his decree1 and there is no sign of anyone venturing so much as to intercede for the ,jewish victims4 ,in such small glimpses as are given1 in this extension of chap4 iii41 of the social state of ,babylonia there is nothing clearly indicating that the interpolation 7if such it be7 is of an unhistoric or untrustworthy character1 nothing wholly irreconcilable with the rest of the book4 ,indeed the author 7,w4,t4 ,bullock7 of the note on ,daniel iii4 #bc in the ,s4,p4,c4,k4 ,commentary goes so far as to write of that noble canticle ,benedicite1 as an historical document4 ,this expression may require qualification1 but it is not beyond the bounds of possible fact4 ,,theology4 ,the theology appears to be of a perfectly orthodox character1 quite what might have been expected from the three children2 nor is it inconsistent with that contained in the rest of the book of ,daniel4 ,the exile had not now contaminated the ,jewish religion1 but had rather purged it of its corruptions1 and eradicated in particular the fatal tendency to serve other gods4 ,such sins are thoroughly confessed by ,azarias in a style not without resemblance to ,daniel's confession4 7,cf4 v4 #f 7#bi7 with ix4 #e in both versions2 also ,esther xiv4 #f1 #g47 ,the ,god of their fathers is ,he alone to whom prayers and praises are to be addressed4 ,he is regarded as the ,lord of all creation1 both as a whole and in its specific parts4 ,he is looked up to to make good the old promises 7#ac71 being full of mercy 7#ai71 as well as of power and glory 7#bj1 #bb1 #fh74 ,he is a king 7#cc71 just 7#d71 and gracious 7#fg71 with an ear open to the addresses of his people4 ,the righteousness of even ,his heavy judgements is acknowledged in the prayer2 and the hymn throughout shews that the gratitude of man is plainly deemed acceptable to ,him4 ,as to the question of praise being called for from inanimate things or irrational beings1 we must remember that though unfitted1 so far as we understand them1 for conscious praise1 their creation1 maintenance1 and usefulness give evidence of ,god's greatness and goodness4 ,as ,cornelius ,lapide notes on v4 #ce 7#eg7 ,inanimes creatur benedicunt ,deum creatorem suum1 non ore sed opere1 ait ,s4 ,hieronymus1 giving1 however1 no reference to the passage in ,jerome4 ,ps4 civ4 #d and ,heb4 i4 #g afford some helpful clues to the operations of ,nature in this connection4 ,man is treated by our author as the interpreter of ,nature1 with a right1 as made in the image of ,god1 to call upon it to glorify its ,maker4 ,he offers vocal praise on its hehalf as well as on his own2 though things without life praise ,god silently1 by fulfilling the parts for which ,he made them4 ,a somewhat similar idea of the elevating influence exerted by natural beings may be discerned in the second of the ,new sayings of ,jesus as restored by ,messrs4 ,grenfell and ,hunt 7,lond4 #aijd1 p4 #ae74 ,and ,addison fitly writes 7,spect4 ,no4 #cic71 ,the cheerfulness of heart which springs up in us from the survey of ,nature's works1 is an admirable preparation for gratitude 7cf4 ',early ,christian ,literature and ,art1' s4v4 ',hippolytus'74 ,azarias desires that the rescue of the party may redound to the knowledge among all men of the sole deity of ,jehovah 7#bb7--;a petition for the conversion of the ,gentiles4 ,the phrase in the last verse of the ,song1 1 might be taken as an admission of the existence of other gods over whom ,jehovah was supreme4 ,but clearly this is not so intended1 as may be proved from the use of the phrase in ,deut4 x4 #ag1 ,pss4 xlix4 ,i 7,,lxx71 cxxxvi4 #b4 ,yet it is not unlikely that ,nebuchadnezzar used the phrase in this acceptation in ii4 #dg4 ,the other occasion1 however1 on which it is used in ,daniel 7xi4 #cf71 allows it to be taken only in an orthodox sense2 nor is any other likely in the mouth of ,azarias1 who resisted to the utmost the command to sin by idolatry4 ,it is observable that ,azarias omits the clause in thy seed shall all nations of the earth be blessed 7,gen4 xxii4 #ah1 xxvi4 #d7 from his quotation of the patriarchal promise4 ,this might arise from dislike to the nations1 who had conquered ,israel2 but on the other hand1 the gist of it is contained in his concluding petition in v4 #bb4 ,the objection that ,ananias1 ,azarias1 and ,misael are invoked as saints 7which probably caused the omission in #aghi of v4 #ff 7#hh7 from the ,american ,p4,b47 is sufficiently answered by pointing out that the ,song is praise1 not prayer2 and that these three do not stand on a different footing in this respect from the other objects apostrophized4 ,moreover1 a highly poetical composition of this kind is not to be too literally interpreted4 ,as ,liddon remarks in his ,elements of ,religion 7,lond4 #ahib1 p4 #ahb71 ,the apostrophes of the ,psalms and ,benedicite are really acts of praise to ,god1 of which his creatures furnish the occasion2 and ,addison again 7,spect4 ,no4 #cbg71 ,invocations of this nature fill the mind with glorious ideas of ,god's works4 v4 #dc 7#fe7 is oddly applied by ,archdeacon ,frank1 ,serm4 ,,xlii4 to ,pentecost 7,oxf4 #ahdi1 ,,ii4 #bed74 ,belief is plainly shewn in an angelic ministry1 sent down to help ,god's suffering servants1 and endued with miraculous powers4 ,the angel comes1 too1 after their humble confession and prayer for rescue 7vv4 #dc--de71 and before their song of praise4 ,the very propriety however of this arrangement1 from a theological point of view1 induces ,rothstein to deem the prayer a subsequent introduction1 in order to supply the want of request for deliverance before praise for its accomplishment2 and he thinks that the opening in the narrative for the insertion of the prayer 7between vv4 #bc and #df7 was not1 in the 1 very deftly effected 7,kautzsch1 ,i4 #age1 #aha74 ,the natural and the supernatural1 without any incongruity1 are blended as being all under one control1 all subserving the same great ends1 as in the ,hebrew ,bible4 ,but there is no increase of the miraculous element beyond that in chapter iii41 in which this piece is inserted2 and at a later age increase would have been highly probable4 ,what essential difference is there to be found between the miracles of the ,chaldee and of the ,greek ,daniel8 ,surely none4 ,a typical resemblance was discerned by ,st4 ,antony of ,padua 7,moral ,concordances1 ed4 ,neale1 p4 #abc71 between v4 #bf 7#dd7 and the ,annunciation1 but this will be regarded by many minds as a very fanciful theological discovery1 and one surely not in the purview of the composer of the passage4 ,,chronology4 ,there is but little in the way of chronological indication in this addition2 considerably less than in the other two1 and what there is1 is indirectly brought in4 ,a time after the ,captivity is evidently pointed to in vv4 #bf1 #cb1 #cg1 #ch4 ,jerusalem was lying under a heavy visitation1 the people delivered over to the enemy1 almost denationalized1 and deprived of the sacrificial worship to which they had been accustomed4 ,yet this position of affairs is spoken of as if it were not one of very long standing4 7,cf4 the use of in vv4 #ca1 #cc1 #db1 though in the last of these instances its use may not perhaps be temporal47 ,it has been objected1 quite unnecessarily1 that v4 #ch is inconsistent with v4 #ec1 the one implying the destruction of the temple1 the other recognizing its existence2 v4 #hd1 too1 may be taken as supposing priests to be still capable of performing their offices4 ,it is even possible that the corrections of ,cod4 ,a in v4 #ch may have had behind them some idea of softening a discrepancy4 ,this supposed lack of consistency has been taken as an indication of double authorship of the ,prayer and the ,song2 and of course1 if the ,prayer were a later interpolation than the ,song1 even the appearance of contemporary inconsistency is avoided4 ,but if we were to decline this hypothesis1 and take ,prayer and ,song as from the same pen1 there is still no real difficulty2 for v4 #ch is thinking of the earthly temple1 v4 #ec of the heavenly4 ,grotius 7,critici ,sacri71 apparently accepting the statements of v4 #ch as correct1 writes3 ,harum rerum penuria animos venture ,evangelio prparabit4 ,another chronological difficulty1 that of no prophet1#be in the same verse 7#ch7 has even been offered as a 'proof' of non-canonicity 7,cloquet1 ,articles1 p4 #aac74 ,so ,t4,h4 ,horne in ,vol4 ,,iv4 of his ,introduction1 quoted by ,a4 ,barnes on ,daniel 7,i4 #ha71 says that v4 #ae 7#ch7 contains a direct falsehood2 and in ,vol4 ,,ii4 #icg of his ,introduction 7ed4 #aheb71 he asserts that the author slipped in the part he assumed4 ,more just is his observation that ,theodotion does not appear to have marked the discrepancy4 ,ball1 too1 joins in the condemnation1 by expressing an opinion that the writer had lost his cue 7,introd4 to ,song1 p4 #cjh72 and ,reuss1 ,hier verrt sich der ,verfasser 7,o4,t41 ,brunswick1 #ahid1 ,,vii4 #aff74 ,it has been suggested 7,j4,h4 ,blunt in loc47 that ,ezekiel1 who was both priest and prophet1 had just finished his utterances1 while ,daniel1 if he had commenced his1 would1 out of modesty1 not reckon himself4 ,the same commentator also attempts1 still less successfully1 to overcome the difficulty of no prince4 ,probably1 however1 this merely means that no monarch was actually reigning1 and that ,jewish rulers were themselves ruled and their authority superseded1 not that no member of the royal house or of the ruling classes was in existence4 ,and this seems to fit in better with an early period of the ,captivity than with a later age1 when ,simon ,maccabeus is said to have had the title on his coins3 and ,mattathias is called in ,i ,macc4 ii4 #ag4 ,gesenius says in his ,thesaurus under on the authority of ,f4,p4 ,bayer 7de numis hebraeosamaritanis1 p4 #aga1 append1 p4 xv471 that ,simon's coins had the inscription #bf2 but it is now doubted whether the coins formerly attributed to ,simon are really of his time4 7,cf4 ,bp4 ,wordsworth of ,lincoln on ,i ,macc4 xv4 #f47 ,zckler's idea 7,comm4 in loc47 that must be understood here as equivalent to priest is unsupported and needless4 is never so translated by ,,lxx4 ,cornelius ,lap4 7,paris1 #ahgd71 deals with the difficulty of no prophet in a different way4 ,he writes1 ,quia ,dan4 potius somniorum regiorum erat interpres1 quam propheta populi2 ,ezech4 autem propheta aberat agebatque in ,chobar aliisque ,chaldaeae locis1 eratque is unus et captivus4 ,itaque 'non est1' i4e4 vix nullus erat4 ,of princeps et dux he says nothing2 but ,peronne adds a note to say that ,daniel was thinking of ,judaea only4 ,it is not unlikely that ,hos4 iii4 #d was in the mind of the writer of the ,song1 as being fulfilled in his days4 ,if1 however1 we assume a date for the whole piece considerably later than that of the canonical book1 it is quite conceivable that the author may have made a backward transference of the circumstances of his own time to that of the earlier exile4 ,for this is a species of error all traces of which even expert forgers find it difficult to remove4 ,it is generally assumed1 and probably rightly1 that v4 #hh is intended as a contemporary utterance of the ,three calling upon themselves2 nevertheless it is quite intelligible as the expression of a later writer summoning them1 with the rest of creation1 to praise their ,maker4 ,and1 assuming this verse to be contemporary with the rest1 this latter idea would of course mark the hymn as not really issuing from the mouths of the ,three4 ,everything said and done in this piece takes place within one day1 the day on which ,nebuchadnezzar's subjects were ordered to worship the golden image4 ,there is therefore much less scope than in ,bel and the ,dragon1 or even ,susanna1 for those who seek to discover chronological difficulties1 because devotional compositions afford fewer openings than narrative matter for the raising of such questions4 ,,canonicity4 ,like ,susanna1 and ,bel and the ,dragon1 the ,song of the ,three ,children formed1 so far as we know1 part of the original ,,lxx text of ,daniel1 having a connection with it closer even than theirs4 ,for while they take their places at the beginning or the end1 this one is incorporated into the narrative of chapter iii4 as one connected whole4 ,prof4 ,robertson ,smith does indeed write 7,o4,t4 in ,jewish ,church1 #ahie1 p4 #aed71 these are perhaps later additions to the ,greek version2 but this is only conjecture1 and as such he puts it forward4 ,until the correspondence of ,origen with ,africanus1 the canonicity of these pieces does not seem to have been called in question by ,christians who used ,greek or ,latin ,bibles2 nor do ,greek-speaking ,jews appear to have disputed the matter seriously4 ,commonly quoted by ,greek and ,latin ,fathers as parts of ,daniel1 says ,westcott 7,smith's ,d4,b41 ed4 #b1 ,i4 #gac;b74 ,so ,schrer 7,,ii4 ,,iii4 #ahe71 ,julius ,africanus alone among the older ,fathers disputes the canonicity of these fragments4 ,see also ,bissell's admission on p4 #ddh of his ,apocrypha4 ,but ,jerome seriously called their canonicity in question 7,prf4 in ,dan471 although he included them in his translation1 with a notice that they were not found in the ,hebrew4 ,polychronius1 ,theodore of ,mopsuestia's brother1 refused to comment on this piece because it was not part of the original ,daniel1 nor in the ,syriac1 4 ,in this latter respect it keeps company with the ,catholic ,epistles in the earliest stage of the ,syriac ,n4,t4 7,carr1 ,st4 ,james1 p4 ,,xlvii74 ,but it gained a place in the ,peshitto 7,d4,c4,b4 arts4 ,polychronius ,polycarpus ,chorepisc474 ,buhl 7,kanon und ,text des ,a4,t41 #ahia1 p4 #eb7 says that the ,nestorians recognise die apokryphischen ,zustze zum ,daniel als kanonisch2 and the ,malabar ,christians regard this1 with its two companions1 as part and parcel of the book of ,daniel4 7,letter to the writer from ,f4 ,givargese1 ,principal of ,mar ,dionysius' ,seminary1 ,kottayam1 #aijb47 ,they formed part of the ,sahidic1 and probably other ,egyptian versions of ,daniel1 which may be as early as century ,,ii42 as also of the ,ethiopic and1 seemingly1 of the ,old ,latin 7,swete1 ,introd4 #if1 #ajg1 #aaj74 ,it seems very difficult to prove that the ,alexandrian ,jews who used the ,,lxx did not regard this piece as canonically valid2 though how they reconciled their canon with the ,palestinian one is not clear4 ,their frequent communication with ,palestinian ,jews must have brought any considerable discrepancy to the notice of both sides4 ,f4,c4 ,movers 7,loci quidam ,hist4 can4 ,v4,t41 ,breslau1 #ahdb1 pp4 #bj1 #bb7 solves the difficulty by imagining that this and the other ,apocrypha were similarly regarded both in ,palestine and ,alexandria1 vix credibile est alios libros a ,palestinensibus inter profanos repositos ab ,alexandrinis codici sacro adscitos esse4 ,acts ii4 #aj proves the presence of ,egyptian ,jews at ,jerusalem for ,pentecost1 and vi4 #i that they had a synagogue there4 ,this close connection must have brought their religious practices to one another's knowledge1 and any differences1 considered seriously important1 could hardly have failed to raise disputes4 ,now ,bleek 7,introd4 to ,o4,t41 ,,ii4 #cjc1 ,engl4 transl1 ,lond4 #ahfi71 says the additions to ,esther and ,daniel were certainly looked upon by the ,hellenistic ,jews in just the same light as the portions of the books which are in the ,hebrew4 ,and this seems to have been done almost without question1 difficulty1 or protest1 although ,alexandrian ideas must have been1 brought under the notice of the religious authorities in ,jerusalem4 7,cf4 ,meyer's note on ,acts vi4 #i1 and ,jos4 cond4 ,ap4 ,i4 #g1 as to regular intercourse between ,palestinian and ,alexandrian ,jews47 ,professor1 now ,bishop1 ,ryle 7,can4 of ,script1 p4 #aeg7 thinks that the amplification of ,daniel1 as of ,esther1 may have been tolerated because ,daniel was not then deemed canonical4 ,but we must remember that additional sections1 though smaller in extent1 appear in other books of the ,,lxx1 of whose canonicity there appears to have been no question1 e4g4 ,job xlii4 #ag1 ,prov4 xxiv4 #bb1 ,i4 ,kings xvi4 #bh1 this last being taken from chap1 xxii41 though still left there4 ,it has also been suggested by ,prof4 ,swete 7,introd4 p4 #bag7 that the were probably attached to the canon by a looser bond at ,alexandria than in ,palestine4 ,however this may be1 certain it is that this addition was frequently quoted or referred to by early ,christian writers as if part of ,dan4 iii41 without qualification or sign of misgiving1 as may be seen in the quotations given in the chapter on ',early ,christian ,literature1' p4 #gf sqq4 ,loisy's contention is a noticeable one 7,a4,t4 p4 #bcf71 ,presque tous les auteurs catholiques1 anciens et modernes1 qui ont emis des reserves touchant l'autorit des deutero-canoniques1 ont regards ces livres comme inspirs4 ,ils ne les croyaient pas bons pour tablir le dogme2 mais cela est parfaitement compatible avec l'inspiration1 attendu qu'un livre peut-tre inspir sans tre dogmatique1 et que s'il n'est pas dogmatique par son contenu il ne saurait regler le dogme4 ,but this contention savours somewhat of clever special pleading in order to evade the force of opposing evidence4 ,loisy1 however1 for a ,roman ,catholic1 is a wonderfully frank and fair writer on these matters4 ,the explanation of the early mixture of non-canonical books with canonical1 by reason of their having been kept as separate papyrus rolls in the same chest 7,swete's ,introd4 p4 #bbe71 seems not an unlikely one in the case of independent works such as ,judith or ,wisdom4 ,but it appears to lose its force in the case of additions such as these1 or those to the book of ,esther4 ,for the ,song of the ,three1 ,susanna1 and ,bel and the ,dragon are hardly likely to have had separate rolls assigned to them2 least of all this first piece1 which fits into the middle of the accepted narrative1 and is scarcely intelligible without it4 ,something more therefore is wanting to explain the inclusion of those portions in the ,greek ,bible4 ,bengel's explanation 7,gnomon on ,matt4 xxiv4 #ae71 that the apocryphal books in ,latin ,bibles were mixed with the canonical pro argumenti affinitate1 though distinguished at first by marks 7afterwards omitted7 in the index1 however likely so far as it goes1 fails to account for their admission on so slender a plea into ,biblical ,,mss4 at all4 ,if the additions are to be regarded with ,streane 7,age of the ,macc4 p4 #afa7 as specimens of fiction1 this one1 more strongly than the other two1 shews the pre-existence of the canonical ,daniel2 but it is very hard to understand how 'fiction' of this kind could be introduced into the ,bible with no general protest1 and ultimately come to be treated as of ,divine authority2 and this position is defended1 even in these critical days1 by the greater number of ,christians in the world4 ,when the ,council of ,trent made the canon of ,scripture co-extensive with the ,vulgate1 this1 with the other additions1 was of course included in the decree4 ,but in the ,roman ,church up to the present day attempts have not been wanting to minimize the force of this decision1 which1 if it removes some difficulties1 certainly introduces others4 ,outside the ,roman ,church the position of these books1 in common with the rest of the ,apocrypha1 remains1 as always1 more or less insecure4 ,a4 ,scholz1 in condemning the principle that ,christians are tied to the ,o4,t4 canon1 rather amusingly supposes3 ,wenn ,jemand sich bei den ,juden jetzt als ,prophet geltend machen und ein ,buch schreiben wrdem so msste es nach diesem ,grundsatz von den ,protestanten als kanonisch wohl anerkannt werden 7,esther und ,susanna1 ,wrzburg1 #ahib1 p4 #adj74 ,but such argument is mere polemic1 which cannot be seriously taken into account in establishing the position of this or the other additions4 ,something is needed much deeper and more convincing in character4 ,,early ,,christian ,,literature ,,and ,,art ,,literature4 ,in the ,n4,t4 possible references may be found in ,st4 ,matt4 xi4 #bi 7 7 from v4 #fe 7#hg72 ,,ii4 ,tim4 i4 #ah 7 7 from v4 #ae 7#ch72 in ,numb4 xi4 #ae only does the phrase elsewhere occur1 but in another tense2 ,heb4 xii4 #bc 7 7 from v4 #fd 7#hf74 ,our 'apocryphon' is often referred to or quoted by early ,fathers to a remarkable extent1 considering the brevity of the piece and its merely episodic character in the main narrative4 ,the following are specimens3 ,,justin ,,martyr 7#afg871 ,apol4 ,i4 #df1 4 ,the names of the ,three occur in this form and order in v4 #hh of the ,song only4 ,,clem4 ,,alex4 7#bbj7 in his ,eclog prophetic1 ,i1 quotes several verses with 4 ,,hippolytus 7#bcj7 recognizes the ,song of the ,three in his comment on ,daniel1 in loc41 as well as in the ,fragment preserved in the ,catena ,patrum in ,psalmos et ,cantica 7,ante-,nic4 ,christian ,lib4 p4 #dhd74 ,in the former place he comments on the words 1 and says that the ,three in reference to v4 #ej2 in the latter1 on the verse ,o ,ananias1 ,azarias1 etc41 he notes that everything is called to praise1 4 ,,tertullian 7#bdj7 de ,orat4 #ae1 says that they prayed1 in fornace ,babylonii regis orantes4 ,in #bi he quotes vv4 #bf1 #bg4 ,,origen 7#bed7 ,comm4 in ,ep4 ad ,rom4 ,i4 c4 #aj1 ,,ii4 c4 #i1 ,,vii4 c4 #a2 ,comm4 in ,matt4 ,,xiii4 c4 #b 7naming the ,,lxx72 and in de ,oratione ,,xiii4 ,,xiv4 ,,cyprian 7#beh7 ,de lapsis #ca and ,de dom4 orat4 #h1 quotes this piece1 in the latter case agreeing with rather than 4 ,pseudo-,cypr4 7some of whose writings ,professor ,swete1 ,patristic ,study1 #aijb1 p4 #fg1 deems to be contemporary with ,cyprian or nearly so7 in ,oratio ,,ii4 #b says misisti angelum tuum cum roribus tuis1 agreeing with 4 ,,eusebius 7#cdb71 in his first ,fragm4 on ,daniel1 comments on iii4 #di1 771 and quotes ,psalm xxviii4 #g as illustrative4 7,in ,constantine's ,to the ,convention of ,saints1 given in the translation of ,eusebius 7,camb4 #afhc71 much mention is made of ,daniel in ,babylon1 but there is no clear indication of knowledge of the additions47 ,,athanasius 7#cgc7 quoted the ,song in ,ep4 ,pasch4 x4 #c2 and in ,agst4 ,avians ,,ii4 #ga he employs the ,song to arraign the ,arian irreligion 7,newman's translation74 ,,ephrem ,,syrus 7#cgh74 ,his commentary on ,daniel does not embrace the additions1 but in his ,morning ,hymn1 rendered by ,h4 ,burgess 7,lond4 #ahec71 we have ,sprinkle me with ,thy dew1 like the young men in the furnace4 ,,cyril ,,of ,,jerusalem 7#chf7 quotes both the ,prayer of ,azarias 7v4 #bi7 and the ,song 7v4 #ed7 in ,catech4 ,,ii4 #ah and ,,ix4 #c respectively1 without hesitation 7ed4 ,reischl1 ,munich1 #ahdh74 ,,ambrose 7#cig7 in ,luc4 ,,vii ,cantaverunt ,hebri cum vestigia eorum tactu flamm rorantis humescerent4 ,,hieronymus ,,gr,,cus ,,theologus 7cent4 ,,iv87 de ,trin4 treats the hymn1 flames and dew in the furnace1 1 as an emblem of the ,three in ,one4 ,,sulpicius ,,severus 7#djj87 ,hist4 sacr4 ,,ii4 #e shews knowledge of this ,song by writing of the ,three as deambulantes in camino psalmum ,deo dicere cernerentur4 ,,chrysostom 7#djg7 ,de incomprehensibili ,dei natura ,v4 #g1 444 1 444 ,in ,isaiam ,,vi4 4 ,hom4 ,,iv4 ad pop4 ,antioch4 7de statuis7 4 ,also ,de incarnatione ,,vi4 ,,rufinus 7#daj7 adv4 ,hieron4 lib4 ,,ii4 upbraids ,jerome for not reckoning the piece canonical4 ,,jerome 7#dbj74 ,in the ,comes or ,lectionary1 the ,song is made use of1 but probably the ,comes is not really ,jerome's4 7,see art4 ,lectionary1 ,d4,c4,a4 #ifb;a47 ,,theodoert 7#deg7 in ,letter ,,cxlvi4 quotes v4 #fc amongst a string of canonical texts2 and also deals with the whole in his ,commentary on ,daniel1 as consolidated with chap4 iii4 ,,sedulius 7#dfj874 ,in his poem ,de tribus pueris there is nothing which goes beyond the canonical record2 but1 strangely enough1 in his ,miraculorum recapitulatio proedictorum there are the lines 4444 flagrante camino ,servavit sub rore pios4 ,and equally in the prose version rore sydereo puerorum membra proluit in camino4 ,this shews a recognition of v4 #ej 7de la ,bigne1 ,bibliotheca ,patrum1 ed4 #d1 #afbd1 pp4 #ffj1 #ffa1 #iad74 ,,verecundus 7#eeb7 wrote a comment on some of the ecclesiastical canticles including the prayers of ,azarias and ,manasses 7printed in ,spicilegium1 ,solesmense1 ,vol4 ,,iv474 ,it is manifest1 therefore1 that ,early ,christian writers regarded the ,song as of much value and importance2 were well acquainted with it1 and often quoted it in much the same manner as the canonical books4 ,occasionally1 however1 a knowledge of it is not shewn where we should have expected it2 and in some cases we know that those who quoted it denied1 or doubted1 its canonicity4 ,,art4 ,this ,greek insertion in the book of ,daniel has1 on the whole1 offered less scope for the exercise of artistic talent than the history of ,susanna or even than that of ,bel and the ,dragon4 ,the nature of its contents1 which consists in the main of a prayer and a song1 reasonably accounts for this paucity of illustration4 ,it does not lend itself so readily as its two companions to pictorial treatment4 ,nevertheless a certain number of examples are not wanting4 ,loisy in his ,canon of the ,o4,t4 7#ahij1 p4 #ie7 remarks1 ,ds avant le ,,ivsupe_/sup sicle1 on ornait les catacombes de peintures dont les sujets avaient t fournis par ,tobie et les fragments de ,daniel4 ,in a fresco from the cemetery of ,st4 ,hermes1 the ,three ,children are represented1 each over a separate stoke-hole 7or what looks like one71 with hands elevated as if in prayer or praise1 most likely in reference to v4 #a 7#bd71 7see ,d4,c4,a4 art4 ,fresco1 p4 #gjj;a74 ,another picture of figures somewhat different1 yet with outstretched hands1 is given from ,bottari in the same ,dictionary under art4 ,furnace4 ,there are sculptured representations of the ,three on the high crosses at ,moone ,abbey1 and at ,kells 7,m4 ,stokes1 ,early ,christian ,art in ,ireland1 ,lond4 #ahhg1 ,,ii4 #bb74 ,in the ,utrecht ,psalter1 over the ,song are depicted1 as well as in other places1 the sun and the moon1 very appropriately 7,d4,c4,a4 art4 ,sun71 and in other illuminated ,psalters1 pictures of the ,three in the furnace are not uncommon4 ,thus ,brit4 ,mus4 ,,ms4 ,additional #aahcf has an illumination of the furnace scene4 ,the under side of the wooden roof of ,trinity ,college ,chapel1 ,cambridge1 was painted about #ahgj with the series of natural objects mentioned in the ,song proper1 and with the words appertaining to each4 ,a few extracts from ,benedicite are on scrolls in a modern window on the south side of the chancel of ,st4 ,james' ,church1 ,bury ,st4 ,edmunds4 ,it is a little surprising that the series of objects named in this ,song has not been more frequently chosen for decorative purposes on roofs1 walls1 or windows of ecclesiastical buildings1 where a long series would be appropriate4 ,perhaps the length of the series1 and the difficulty of making any but an arbitrary selection1 has something to do with the rarity of its appearance4 ,a set of not very satisfactory wood-engravings by ,mac,whirter and others1 one illustration to each verse1 was published in a small book under the title of the ,song of the ,three ,children illustrated 7,london1 #ahhg7 ,the verse ,o ye wells1 etc41 is said to be a frequent motto for the floral well-dressings at ,tissington1 in ,derbyshire1 and elsewhere1 on ,ascension ,day2 and a more appropriate one could hardly be found4 ,but in general the ,song of the ,three ,children has not1 for the reason given above1 and doubtless others besides1 proved a popular subject in art4 ,,liturgical ,,use4 ,,general4 ,there is1 strange to say1 no record of the ,song's employment in this way amongst the ,jews4 ,statements sometimes made to the contrary in works on the ,p4,b41 e4g4 by ,w4,g4 ,humphry1 ,f4 ,procter1 ,e4 ,daniel1 and ,j4,m4 ,fuller 7,s4,p4,c4,k4 ,comm4 ,introd4 to the ,song71 in the later ,jewish ,church1 all appear to have originated in a misunderstanding of an ambiguous sentence in ,wheatley's ,rational ,illustration 7#ahge1 p4 #adc74 ,he says that it was an ancient hymn in the ,jewish ,church4 ,but this does not necessarily imply that it formed any part of ,jewish services4 ,nor did ,wheatley probably intend to assert that it did4 ,in point of fact no evidence of such use is forthcoming1 though it certainly would not have been surprising if the ,song had been so used1 at least among the ,hellenistic ,jews4 ,for as ,rothstein says in ,kautzsch's ,apocrypha1 like ,ps4 cxxxvi4 it is offenbar antiphonisch aufzufassen and litaneiartig4 ,notwithstanding the previous neglect1 as it would seem1 of this ,song in ,jewish worship1 its use by ,christians dates from an early period4 ,so ,bp4 ,gray 7,o4,t41 p4 #faa7 says1 ,it was sung in the service of the primitive ,church2 and ,ball1 the instinct of the ,church1 which early adopted the ,benedicite for liturgical use1 was right 7p4 #cjg74 ,yet after it had come into high esteem with ,christians its chances of ,jewish acceptance would of course be largely diminished4 ,,early4 ,the liturgical use however was generally confined to the ,song proper1 commencing with v4 #bi1 and not always extending to the whole even of that4 ,in the ,greek ,church it is divided into two odes1 said at ,lauds on two different days1 vv4 #c--cd 7,a4,v4 verses7 forming one1 and the remainder of the ,song the other 7art4 ,canticle ,d4,g4,a474 ,in the ,ambrosian rite the first part only of the ,song is used as an invitatory before the ,matin ,psalms1 under the title1 somewhat confusing to us1 of ,benedictus 7,d4,g4,a4 art4 ,benedictus74#bg ,for some reason not easy to assign1 the ,song1 whether divided or entire1 has always been treated as a morning canticle1 although there is nothing in its words to suggest any time of day as specially appropriate4 ,rufinus1 according to ,dr4 ,salmon 7,speaker's ,comm4 ,introduction to ,apocr4 ,x,x,v,i,ib71 speaks of the ,song as sung on ,festivals in the ,church of ,god4 ,no reference is given to the passage quoted4 ,but in ,rufinus' ,apol4 in ,hieron4 ,,ii4 #ce we find the words1 ,omnis ,ecclesia per orbem terrarum444 quicunque ,hymnum trium puerorum in ,ecclesia ,domini cecinerunt1 etc4 ,whether this be the passage ,dr4 ,salmon intends or not1 it is at any rate sufficient to prove that the canticle was in use in and before ,rufinus' time1 who is believed to have died in the year #daj4 ,bishop ,barry 7,teacher's ,p4,b47 notes that it was used at ,lauds 7 7 in the ,east as well as in the ,west3 and so ,mr4 ,hotham in his art4 ,canticle in ,d4,c4,a4 ,in his art4 ,psalmody1 however1 no mention is made of its ,eastern use2 but in the ,western ,church in the ,gregorian and its derived rites1 including the ,roman and cognate ,breviaries1 he says1 ,benedictiones sive canticum trium puerorum comes in ,sunday ,lauds1 and likewise in the ,benedictine ,psalter4 ,in the ,ambrosian ,psalter1 while the first part ,benedictus es is said daily at ,matins as stated above1 the usual ,benedicite is said at ,lauds on ,sundays4 ,in the ,mozarabic ,psalter an abridgment of both parts is said at ,lauds1 but not in feriis4 ,benedictus es also comes on weekdays at ,prime4 ,in the ,mozarabic ,missal ,benedicite occurs in the service for the first ,sunday in ,lent4 ,in the use arranged by ,csarius of ,aries 7#edb7 for the ,gallican ,church ,benedicite was sung at ,sunday ,lauds4 ,duchesne says 7,christian ,worship1 ,eng4 tr4 ,s4,p4,c4,k4 #aijc1 p4 #aie71 ,in the ,gallican ,mass between the ,apostolic and the ,evangelic lections the ,hymn of the ,three ,children was sung4 ,it was known also by the name of the ,benediction 7,benedicite7 because in it the word ',benedicite' is continually repeated4 ,in a note he adds1 ,the ,luxeuil ,lectionary1 however1 prescribes for the ,nativity1 ,daniel cum ,benedictione1 i4e41 the ,hymn of the ,three ,children before the ,apostolic ,lection4 ,it is true that in the ,mass of ,clausum ,paschale it places it after this lection4 ,the fourth council of ,toledo in #fcc1 condemns the omission of the ,song at ,mass1 threatens with excommunication those who in ,spain or ,gaul 7or ,gallicia1 margin7 persist in leaving it out1 and styles it ,hymnum quoque trium puerorum in quo universa coeli terrque creatura dominum collaudat et quem ecclesia catholica per totum orbem diffusa celebrat 7,mansi1 ,concil41 ,florence1 #agfd1 ,x4 #fbc74 ,in the ,roman ,missal at the end of the ,canon1 the last ,rubric is ,discedens ab ,altari1 pro gratiarum actione dicit ,antiphonam ,trium ,puerorum cum reliquis1 ut habetur in principio ,missalis2 where is given as an antiphon before it these words1 ,trium puerorum cantemus hymnum quem cantabant sancti in camino ignis1 benedicentes ,dominum4 ,possibly there is a reference to this ,eucharistic use in ,bishop ,wordsworth's ,michaelmas ,hymn1 ,no4 ,,cii4 in his ,holy ,year1 #ahfd4 ,angelic voices we shall hear ,joined in our jubilee1 ,in this thy ,church and echoing ,our ,benedicite4 ,angelic faces we shall see ,angelic songs o'erspread ,above thy holy ,altar1 ,lord1 ,and ,thou1 the ,living ,bread4 ,in the ,saram ,breviary 7and in ,cardinal ,quignon's7 ,benedicite is a canticle at ,lauds on ,sundays only4 ,it is to be said without ,glory2 dicatur sine ,gloria ,patri per totum annum quandocunque dicitur 7,procter1 p4 #ahh72 but a doxology is provided in the ,roman ,breviary1 ,benedicamus ,patrem et ,filium cum ,sancto ,spiritu1 etc41 and ',amen' is directed not to be said at the end4 ,this doxology is said to have been added by ,pope ,damasus ,i41 who also transposed v4 #ef to stand as the finale of the ,song 7see ,james ,m',swiney1 ,psalms and ,canticles1 ,lond4 #aija1 p4 #fdc74 ,this ,r4,c4 writer calls the use of the canticle on ,sundays a thanksgiving for the resurrection of the ,crucified1 the earnest of the glories wherewith nature is to be invested at ,his second coming4 ,but this sounds like an ex post facto reason for its appropriateness4 ,benedicite appears1 at any rate sometimes1 to have been said subsequently to ,te ,deum after the election of an ,abbot 7see ,jocelin of ,brakelond's ,chronicle1 ,sir ,e4 ,clarke's ed41 #aijc1 p4 #ch74 ,it also appears in the ,cantica after the ,psalter1 between ,te ,deum and ,benedictus1 in the ,scottish ,breviarium ,bothanum1 which is thought to be of about #aeth century 7,lond4 #aijj74 ,thus it is evident that the use of this hymn became general at an early period1 and so continued1 having never receded in ,christian esteem as a valued factor in public worship4 ,besides the use of the ,song1 or part of it1 as a canticle1 verses or small portions often occur in liturgies2 e4g41 vv4 #bh--cj are borrowed in an before the offertory prayers in the ,liturgy of ,st4 ,james2 at the censing of the ,gospel in that of ,st4 ,mark2 in a ,byzantine ,liturgy of the ninth century in the second prayer of the faithful2 in that of ,st4 ,chrysostom immediately before the lections in the ,mass of the ,catechumens2 and v4 #ai in the in that of the ,coptic ,jacobites 7,brightman's ,liturgies1 ,i4 ,oxf4 #ahif74 ,in the ,leonine ,sacramentary1 in a ,preface1 ,mense ,junio1 ,,iiii4 #a4 #ac1 ad ,fontem1 the last words of the ,song appear to be cited plena sunt omnia saccula misericordia tua 7,dr4 ,feltoe's ed41 ,camb4 #ahif1 p4 #ca74 ,the verse ,benedicite omnes angeli occurs in a ,communio for ,michaelmas in the ,rosslyn ,missal2 ,benedictus es ,domine patrum nostrorum occurs in the ,mass of the ,holy ,trinity in the ,westminster ,missal as a gradale1 also in a ,mass pro sponsis1 and other places 7,hen4 ,bradshaw ,soc41 ,lond4 #ahii1 p4 #gj1 #ahig1 p4 #abci74 v4 #cd 7#ef7 occurs in the ,sarum ,compline after the ,creed1 as also in the ,roman4 ,in the ,greek ,euchologion a great part of the ,song is embodied1 with other ,scripture odes1 in what is styled the ,canon at ,great ,matins in the ,all ,night ,vigil 7,euchology1 translated by ,g4,v4 ,shann1 ,kidderminster1 #ahia1 p4 #cd74 ,,later ,,english ,,use4 ,burbidge 7,liturgies and ,offices of the ,church1 #ahhe1 p4 #bfh71 gives a number of instances of the use of ,benedicite in foreign service books1 and says1 ,in other churches ,benedicite has been held in higher esteem than amongst ourselves4 ,esteem for it has never been entirely lacking1 however1 as its prominence in the ,p4,b4 shews4 ,in a ,prymer of circ4 #adjj1 as given by ,maskell 7,mon4 rit4 #ahhb1 ,vol4 ,,iii4 p4 #ba71 ,benedicite occurs in ,matins1 beginning ,alle werkis of the ,lord1 bless ye to the ,lord3 herie ye and overhize ye him in all time4 ,on the same page1 note #di1 he gives a quotation from ,gemma animae1 ,,ii4 #ec1 canticum trium puerorum est festivius et ideo in omnibus festis dicitur4 ,also in his ,append1 to ,prymer1 p4 #bdc1 another version is given1 from ,bodl4 ,douce ,,ms4 #bge1 fol4 #i;b3 ,alle werkes of the ,lord1 bless ye the ,lord3 praise and overheie ye him in to the worldes4 ,there was an authorized translation into ,welsh early in the #adth century1 according to ,h4 ,zimmer 7,urtext und ,uebersetz1 ,leipzig1 #ahig1 p4 #agb71 together with ,magnificat1 ,benedictus1 and several ,psalms1 evidently for liturgical purposes4 ,in the ,p4,b4 of #aedi the use of the ,benedicite as a substitute for the ,te ,deum was confined to ,lent all the which time its recital was obligatory4 ,it has been suggested by ,w4,g4 ,wyon 7,letter to ,guardian1 ,may #ad1 #aijb7 that medival devotion read into it an allegoric meaning of deliverance from temptations and dangers of this naughty world1 and this made the ,song suitable for ,lent4 ,he also suggests that the ',oratio' of the ,roman ,missal in the ',gratiarum actio' after ,mass1 which contains it1 shews us its suitability for penitential seasons indirectly1 ,deus qui tribus1 etc4 ,no doubt hope of deliverance from fierce spiritual perils may be in ,lent a proper frame of mind2 but this attempt to prove the ,benedicites special appropriateness to that season is more ingenious than satisfying4 ,it is strained and far-fetched4 ,compare what is said above 7p4 #hh71 where ,m',swiney is cited as shewing in similar style its special appropriateness to ,sunday4 ,the tone of the canticle is unmistakeably joyful1 and the #aedi rubric disappeared in #aeeb1 leaving ,benedicite as a simple alternative to the ,te ,deum1 at any time according to the taste of the officiant4 ,and so it still remains1 though often preferred to the ,te ,dewm during ,lent4 ,septuagesima and ,trinity ,,xxi4 are1 on account of their first lessons1 fitting ,sundays for its use2 nor is it by any means unsuitable for a harvest festival4 ,an entirely different kind of reason for its ,lenten suitability is provided by ,h4,p4 ,cornish 7,notes on ,p4,b41 ,evans1 ,redditch1 n4d41 p4 #ag74 ,lent1 he says1 is the time when all nature begins to wake from its ,lenten sleep3 hence its appropriateness in spring4 ,it is questionable1 however1 whether medival liturgical authorities paid much attention to the natural seasons of the year2 and the variety of 'reasons' proves the difficulty of discovering a really conclusive one4 ,the idea that the ,benedicite is consonant with ,lenten feelings is singularly out of accord with the opinion expressed as to its character as being 'festivius' in the ,gemma animae1 given above1 p4 #ij4 ,indeed it can hardly be disputed that its tone is joyful4 ,but though its special aptness for a fasting-time is not easy to make out clearly1 few unprejudiced people will dissent from the opinion of ,freeman as to its scope when he writes1 that though wanting in the grand structure of the ,te ,deum1 in point of range it is in no way inferior 7,divine ,service1 ,lond4 #ahee1 ,i4 #cef74 ,in the scheme for the revision of the ,prayer-,book in ,william ,,iii4's reign it was actually arranged to expunge ,benedicite1 and to substitute ,ps4 cxlviii4 ,it would have been extruded in good company however1 as ,magnificat and ,nunc ,dimittis were to be replaced by psalms in a similar way4 ,happily the deplorable proposals of #afhi came to nothing4 ,but strange to say1 previously to this1 in the ,laudian ,scottish ,prayer-,book1 ,psalm xxiii4 had been substituted for ,benedicite4 ,in ,england1 however1 in #affb1 the ,church1 taught by the persecution of the ,commonwealth1 declined to appoint some psalm or scripture hymn instead of the apocryphal ,benedicite1 as demanded by the ,puritans at the ,savoy ,conference 7,procter1 ,p4,b41 #ahgb1 p4 #aai74 ,at a rather earlier period1 ,dean ,boys of ,canterbury1 in his quaint ,prayer-,book ,notes 7#afae87 says3 ,i finde this hymne less martyred than the rest1 and therefore dismisse it1 as ,christ did the woman 7,john viii471 ',where be thine accusers8 ,hath no man condemned thee8 ,no more doe ,i2 goe thy way4' ,at least three ,english metrical renderings of ,benedicite exist1 one of the #ahth and two of the #aith century1 by ,j4 ,merrick1 ,j4,s4 ,blackie1 and ,richard ,wilton respectively4 ,the first of these writers1 who expands freely1 concludes with a stanza designed to put the ,song unmistakeably into the mouths of the ,three3 ,let us1 who now impassive stand1 ,plac'd by the ,tyrant's stern ,command ,amid the fiery ,blaze1 7,while thus we triumph in the ,flame7 ,rise1 and our ,maker's ,love proclaim ,in hymns of endless praise4 ,the objection that in using this hymn we pray to angels and heavens1 to ice and snow1 etc41 shews how hard it is to find reasonable cause of complaint against its use4 7,see p4 #fb74 ,the whole canticle was however actually omitted in the ,p4,b4 printed at ,oxford in #agif1 an edition notorious for the liberties taken with the book in many ways 7,a4,j4 ,stephens' ,p4,b41 ,lond4 #ahdi74bh ,the last verse1 ,o ,ananias1 etc41 which was omitted in the ,united ,states' ,p4,b4 is1 as well as the above1 dealt with under ',theology1' p4 #fd4 ,in an ,altar ,service ,manual1 ed4 #ahcg1 which was very popular in the middle of the #aith century1 by ,s4 ,isaacson1 certain extracts from the ,benedicite1 with presumably original additions1 are formed into what is called the canticle in an ,evening ,liturgy for use after ,holy ,communion4 ,the five added verses1 in rather unrhythmical ,english1 are modelled in imitation of the ,song1 e4g4 ,o ye who have partaken of the ,holy ,communion1 bless ye the ,lord3 praise ,him and magnify ,him for ever4 ,the ,song of the ,three ,children is1 with other canticles1 frequently found in appendices to both ,greek and ,latin ,psalters4 ,and on this account it is included sometimes in commentaries on the ,psalter1 as in that of de ,muis 7#fdd71 ,louvain1 #aggj1 beginning with v4 #ea1 tunc hi tres quasi ex uno ore laudabant1 etc4 ,it stands in this book between ,hezekiah's and ,jonah's prayers4 ,in the medival ,psalters1 ,benedicite may constantly be found1 though its place in the series of canticles varies considerably4 ,many of the ,,lxx ,,mss4 too contain these canticles1 or some of them1 repeated from their regular places in the text1 such as ,alexandrinus and the ,veronese and ,turin ,psalters2 of these the first has vv4 #bf to #de and #eb to #eh1 as two separate canticles between the ,prayer of ,manasses and ,magnificat2 the second1 vv4 #eb to #ij after ,magnificat as its last canticle2 and the third has vv4 #bf to #de1 #eb to #ef1 and #eg to #ij as three separate canticles between the ,p4 of ,m4 and ,benedictus4 ,in each case1 it will be observed1 the narrative portion is naturally excluded4 ,in the first and third of these ,,mss41 ,a4 and ,t41 it may here be noted that there is a non-biblical ,morning ,hymn1 1 a kind of ,eastern ,gloria in excelsis1 which contains an apparent extract from vv4 #bi1 #cj 7#eb71 or v4 #c 7#bf7 of our ,apocryphon1 in line #cd of the hymn4 ,very nearly the same words occur in ,tobias' song 7,tob4 viii4 #e71 which curiously enough 7in common with the song of ,deborah71 is not included in these canticles4 ,doubtless it was not in ecclesiastical use2 but the reason why the ,christian ,church abstained from availing herself of it for choral purposes is not evident2 any more than why the ,jewish ,church abstained from the use of ,benedicite4 ,although the employment of ,benedicite in the services of the ,church is interesting1 as shewing the value set upon1 and the use made of1 this canticle1 it reflects little or no light on its origin1 or indeed on any of the heads under which it has been previously discussed4 ,,example ,,of ,,life ,,and ,,instruction ,,of ,,manners4 ,the conduct of ,azarias and its results shew us the value of ,prayer made by those under persecution4 ,he led the way1 and his comrades joined him4 ,azarias is not so taken up with the wrongs of himself and his fellows as to forget the wrongs which his own nation had done2 therefore his prayer commences with a humble ,confession4 ,then he relies on the great promises of the past 7vv4 #ab1 #ac74 ,it may be thought that ,humility is also shewn in the ,song by the ,three putting their own names in the last place of the series4 ,but another cause may have contributed to the choice of this order2 for1 so far as animal life is concerned1 the ,song follows the order of ,gen4 i41 bringing in human beings last1 not as being least important1 but as forming the crown of creation4 ,although ,nebuchadnezzar is severely spoken of in v4 #i1 ,a4,v4 7and in iv4 #bg of the canonical book 'sins and iniquities' are attributed to ,nebuchadnezzar71 there is great ,self-restraint shewn in wishing for retribution 7vv4 #bj1 #ba72 and indeed it is asked that he and his servitors may be brought to the knowledge of ,god 7v4 #bb74 ,the pleasure of ,thanksgiving and ,praise on delivery are exemplified by the ,three in the production of the ,song itself4 ,as soon as ever their prayer was answered1 before they emerged from the furnace1 they united their voices in thanking ,god with a glow of fervid faith1 recognizing in ,him the universal ,lord and ,benefactor4 ,they sang in harmonious accord their song of praise at once 7v4 #bh74 ,though staunchly refusing to worship in a wrong way1 they were very ready to do so in a right1 and lost no time in proving it1 publicly and before all creation4 ,as de ,muis 7#afdd7 says in his ,comm4 in ,psalmos 7,louvain1 #aggj1 ,,ii4 #gje71 ,ut calamitatibus tanquam igne probatur2 fidelis animus non modo non deficiat sed etiam animata inanimaque omnia ad ,dei laudes provocet4 ,eager to honour ,god1 they join in unreserved devotion4 ,their ,reliance upon ,god is obviously great4 ,to ,him they turn in their martyrdom with prayer and praise2 to ,him they address themselves with the heart and voice of sure conviction4 ,he is their unfailing resource4 ,a ,love of ,nature1 as created by the same hand as ourselves1 is very apparent in this canticle2 there is a thorough fellow-feeling with natural objects1 as derived from1 and responding to1 the same ,almighty source4 ,this love of nature appears in ,holy ,scripture most strongly1 as here1 in the poetical books1 and hardly anywhere does it take a deeper tone than in this canticle4 ,,part ,,iii ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,susanna 7 7 ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,susanna4 ,,analysis4 77 vv4 #a--d4 ,susanna--her husband1 family1 and house4 #e1f4 ,two newly-appointed ,elders resort thither for official purposes4 #g--ad4 ,how they yielded to the 'lust of the eye1' and laid their plot4 #ae--ba4 ,how they attempted to carry it out4 #bb--bf4 ,susanna's soliloquy and cry4 #bg--da4 ,the ,elders' false accusation in private and in public1 resulting in her condemnation to death4 #db--dd4 ,her prayer4 #de--di4 ,the inspiration of ,daniel to clear her4 #ej--ei4 ,he re-opens the case1 and proves the ,elders to be false4 #fj--fb4 ,the death-penalty is transferred to them1 and ,susanna is delivered1 #fc1 #fd4 ,whose family thank ,god2 while ,daniel's reputation is established4 ,n4,b4--,it is not clear why the 'heading' or 'contents' in the ,a4,v4 begins with v4 #af4 ,cf4 the heading of ,bel and the ,dragon for a similar ignoring of the early verses1 as also that of ,i4 ,macc4 i4 ,,title ,,and ,,position4 ,,title4 ,this is in general simply 1 as in the true ,,lxx4 ,in ,cod4 ,a 77 it is designated at the end '1 our chap4 i4 being '1 and so on4 ,it is therefore included in the number of the visions4#bi also occurs in the title of ,holmes and ,parsons' cursive #bce4 ,in the ,syriac of ,heraclius 7,w of ,ball1 pp4 #cbc;a1 #ccj;a7 it is entitled ,the ,book of the child ,daniel1 or ,the ,book of little ,daniel 7,churton1 #chif74 ,this last title also seems applied to ,bel and the ,dragon in a ,nestorian list mentioned by ,churton 7on the same page71 and in ,ebed ,jesu's list of ,hippolytus' works 7,d4,g4,b4 art4 ,hippolytus1 p4 #ajd;a71 ,when applied to ,bel and the ,dragon1 however1 'little' must refer to the size of the book1 and not1 as is usually understood when it heads ,susanna1 to ,daniel's youthful age4 ,to this ,bar ,hebrus 7#abhf71 in his ,scholia on ,susanna1 expressly attributes it 7ed4 ,a4 ,heppner1 ,berlin1 #ahhh1 p4 #ah74 ,he also remarks that neither ,syriac version is equal to the ,greek4 ,the ,judgments of ,daniel1 1 is a good title given by ,arnald1 by ,churton 7p4 #cij71 and by ,westcott 7,smith's ,d4,b4 art4 ,additions to ,daniel1 ed4 #a1 #ciff1 ed4 #b1 #gac;b71 none of whom specify any source or authority for it1 ,arnald alone giving the ,greek4 ,it may be traced back1 however1 through ,sabatier to ,flaminius ,nobilius1 who writes1 ,in multis vetustis libris inscribitur ,daniel1 in quibusdam ,susanna1 in aliquo 1 ,judicium ,daniel 7,append1 to ,bp4 ,walton's ,polyglott1 ,lond4 #afeg1 p4 #aia74 ,he gives no information as to what this 'certain' copy at the end of his descending climax might be in which he had found this title2 nor does it quite agree with the plural form in which ,arnald gives it1 presumably with regard to the double sentence passed by ,daniel4 ,holmes and ,parsons give no such reading1 and no one now seems able to identify the 'liber' intended by ,flaminius4 ,delitzsch 7di ,hab4 ,vita1 etc41 ,lips4 #ahdb1 p4 #ben7 says that ,unus ,cod4 qui ex coenobiis montis ,athos advectus est gives the title 4 ,as this piece describes one episode only in ,susanna's life1 the ,history of ,susanna in both ,a4,v4 and ,r4,v4 is not a good title4 ',history' and 'story1' however1 were not so clearly differentiated in ,english formerly as they are now4 ,possibly this title was taken from ,jerome1 who speaks of ,susann historiam twice in his ,preface to ,daniel4 ,it is given also in ,syr4 ,w4 ,in ,article ,,vi41 and in the ,names and ,order of the ,books in ,a4,v41 it takes the form1 ,story of ,susanna4 ,the name is so eminently fitted to the subject of the story as to suggest its intentional choice2 and1 so far1 would tell in favour of the allegoric1 and against the historic1 nature of the piece#cj4 ,or even supposing the piece to be historic1 the name may have been assumed in order to avoid identification of the heroine4 ,the word occurs in its masculine form1 1 in ,i4 ,chron4 ii4 #ca1 #cd1 #ce2 and in its feminine form in ,,ii4 ,chron4 iv4 #e1 ,cant4 ii4 #a1 #b 7here in a phrase most readily lending itself as a motto for the tale71 and ,hos4 xiv4 #e4 ,the place ,shushan1 too1 is thought to have been named from the abundance of lilies which grew there4 ,this name1 derived from the plant world1 is paralleled by that of ,habakkuk in the companion story of ,bel and the ,dragon1 according to ,marti on ,hab4 i4 #a 7,hand-,commentar1 ,tbingen1 #aijd74 ,,position4 ,in ,cod4 ,chisianus1 and in the ,vulgate1 ,susanna forms chap4 xiii4 of ,daniel4 ,so also in the ,syro-,hexaplar version 7,ball1 p4 #ccj;b74 ,cajetanus ,bugati 7,syriac ,daniel1 ,milan1 #aghh1 p4 #afc71 endeavours to explain this 7against ,michaelis7 by supposing ,susanna to have been removed from its original place at the beginning of the book4 ,in ,codd4 ,a1 ,b1 ,q1 ,susanna stands at the beginning1 before our chap4 i4 of ,daniel4 ,this is its position also in the ,old ,latin1 and in the ,arabic versions 7,ball1 p4 #ccj;b74 ,rothstein in ,kautzsch 7p4 #agb7 thinks that this was not its original place1 but the one in which ,theodotion fixed it1 or perhaps that which found favour when ,theodotion's translation was substituted for ,,lxx4 ,and this position appears to be contemplated by the ,a4,v4 and ,r4,v4 titles1 set apart from the beginning of1 etc4 ,driver1 however1 thinks 7,comm4 on ,dan41 p4 xviii47 that the chap4 xiii4 position 7before ,bel and the ,dragon7 was perhaps its original place4 ,the fact that it contains an anecdote of ,daniel's youth might readily have led to its subsequent transference to the beginning of the book4 ,st4 ,hippolytus1 a writer subsequent to ,theodotion1 evidently regards it as the commencement of the book 7,schrer1 ,h4,j4,p4 ii4 iii41 #ahe74 ,flaminius ,nobilius in his ,notae1 as given in the ,appendix to ,bryan ,walton's ,polyglott1 writes1 ,hc ,susannas historia in omnibus vetustis libris est principium ,danielis1 quemadmodum etiam apud ,s4 ,athan4 in ,synopsi4 ,this ,synopsis is now considered to be of post-,athanasian date2 and the position which its writer gives to ,susanna in #da does not look quite consistent with that he gives afterwards in #gd 7see ',canonicity1' p4 #aeg74 ,although in the ,vulgate this moveable fragment forms ,daniel xiii41 ,jerome1 notwithstanding1 in his ,preface names these additions in the order1 ,susanna1 ,the ,three1 ,bel and the ,dragon2 yet in the immediately following capitula ,danihelis1 it stands as in the text after chap4 xii4 ,this clearly points to some uncertainty as to its proper place4 ,the statements made by ,e4,l4 ,curtis at the end of art4 ,daniel in ,hastings' ,b4,d41 that this and ,bel and the ,dragon are separate books in the ,,lxx1 have question marks justly affixed to them4 ,in the ,jacobite ,syriac1 ,susanna is joined with ,judith1 ,ruth1 and ,esther1 as a ,female ,book 7,urtext und ,uebersetz4 p4 #bcj74 ,gwynn says 7,d4,c4,b4 art4 ,thecla1 ,,iv4 #hie;b71 that in ,syriac ,o4,t4's these are usually placed together and classed as the four books of the ',book of ,women4' ,yet another position is suggested by ,j4 ,frst 7quoted in ,bissell1 p4 #ddd71 who thinks its proper place is after ,dan4 i4 #bj4 ,this is a very plausible conjecture1 but evidence to support it is at present wanting4 ,a slight confirmation of it however is afforded by the ,byzantine ,guide to ,painting 7see ',art1' p4 #aga72 and by the position given by ,sulpicius ,severus to his epitome of the story 7see ',christian ,literature1' p4 #afg74 ,e4 ,philippe 7,vigouroux1 ,dict4 ,,ii4 #abfg;a7 attempts to account for its removal from1 or want of position in1 the ,massoretic ,daniel1 parce qu'elle est infamante pour les juges d',israel1 obviously adopting ,origen's reason 7see ',canonicity1' p4 #aeg7 which is not a very satisfactory one4 ,all things considered1 the position of ,susanna in the ,a4,v4 as a detached piece1 along with ,bel and the ,dragon1 is as suitable as any which have been suggested4 ,for its original place cannot now1 from the information in our hands1 be determined with absolute certainty4 ,,date ,,and ,,place ,,of ,,writing4 ,,date4 ,susanna is deemed by ,j4,m4 ,fuller 7,speaker's ,comm41 ,introd4 to ,dan41 #bba;a7 to be probably the oldest of the three additions4 ,this opinion is however by no means universally accepted4 ,if a ,semitic original really existed1 it no doubt preceded the ,greek texts4 ,r4,c4 opinion 7e4g4 ,dereser1 quoted by ,bissell1 p4 #ddd71 as that of all who regard the booklet as canonical1 treats it as part of ,daniel1 and therefore whatever date is assigned to that book is made to apply to this also4 ,professor ,a4,a4 ,bevan 7,comm4 on ,dan41 ,camb4 #ahib1 p4 #de7 thinks that this piece and ,bel and the ,dragon appear to have been circulated independently before they were incorporated with the book of ,daniel4 ,c4,j4 ,ball ascribes the origin of the piece to the struggles between the ,pharisees and the ,sadducees1 ,b4,c4 #id-hi 7p4 #ccj;a74 ,but to attribute it thus to the outcome of these quarrels1 brings the original down to a later date than is at all probable1 in view of its incorporation with the ,,lxx4#ca ,nor does the bitterness of those disputes seem stamped with sufficient strength upon the document itself to compel us to see in them its period of origin4 ,j4,t4 ,marshall 7,hastings' ,d4,b4 ,,iv41 #fca-b7 conjectures that the latter part of the story arose out of ,simon ben ,shetach's efforts1 about #ajj ,b4,c41 to get the law as to witnesses in criminal cases altered4 ,this view is perhaps a trifle more probable than ,ball's4 ,as to the true ,,lxx text1 ,bissell 7p4 #ddd7 rather inclines to deem it to have been from the first a part of the ,,lxx4 ,so ,pusey1 quoted by ,churton 7p4 #chi71 says that it is admitted to have been contemporary with the ,,lxx version2 and ,w4 ,selwyn 7,d4,b4 ,,iii41 p4 #abaj;a7 thinks that this1 with the other additions1 was early incorporated with the ,,lxx4 ,rothstein in ,kautzsch1 very hesitatingly and with much caution1 suggests 7,i41 p4 #agh7 the second century before ,christ4 ,on the other hand1 ,a4 ,kamphausen 7,encyclop4 ,bibl4 ,i4 #ajac7 writes1 ,when ,daniel first began to be translated by the ,egyptian ,jews into ,greek1 the legends of ,susanna and ,bel and the ,dragon1 which may very well have had an independent circulation1 had certainly not as yet been taken up into it4444 ,we cannot tell at what date it was that these apocryphal additions 7which are contained in all ,,mss4 that have reached us71 were taken up into the ,greek and ,syriac ,daniel4 ,how he knows so certainly that they were not in it at the period named1 he does not explain2 and before this positive statement can be unreservedly accepted strong proof is wanted4 ,as to ,theodotion's version1 there is no reason to suppose that the portion consisting of ,susanna differs in date from the rest of the book4 ,it may probably be assigned to the latter half of the second century ,a4,d4 ,behrmann1 in ,nowack's ,hand ,kommentar1 p4 xxx4 says1 um #aej4 ,most writers on this subject1 such as ,westcott1 ,streane1 and ,marshall1 as well as some of those previously mentioned1 markedly avoid any approach to definite dates as to the original1 or as to the ,,lxx ,greek4 ,and justly so2 for the evidence in our hands does not1 unfortunately1 admit of anything closer than a period being safely fixed4 ,the materials we have are not sufficiently precise for closer approximation with any decree of security4 ,rothstein 7,kautzsch1 ,i41 p4 #agh7 very wisely says1 ,natrlich lasst sich mit irgend welcher ,sicherheit ber diese ,frage nichts ausmachen4 ,with this1 until further evidence be forthcoming1 it is well to agree4 ,,place4 ,of ,original4 ,as to the place of origin nearly every writer on ,susanna is silent except ,scholz1 who 7p4 #adg7 favours a non-,alexandrian birthplace1 giving a preference to the land of the ,captivity4 ,and if we assume1 as he does1 a ,semitic original1 ,babylonia is no doubt its probable birthplace1 or1 failing that1 ,palestine4 ,it might appear1 if the trees named could be botanically identified with a reasonable degree of certainty1 that a valuable sign would thus be given of the place of origin4 ,but inasmuch as ,joacim's park or garden would be a likely place for the cultivation of exotics1 perhaps no safe theory could be built upon the identification of the trees1 unless they were shewn to be such as would not live in the climate of the country suggested4 ,there is no trace of ,alexandrian philosophy or speculation1 nor of commercial interests1 some of which generally betray themselves in writings of ,alexandrian origin4 ,and the same may be said of the ,song of the ,three1 and ,bel and the ,dragon4 ,but in such short pieces it is not wise to build much on the absence of these traces4 ,of ,,lxx ,greek4 ,that this was made at ,alexandria admits of little doubt4 ,from the similarity of style1 too1 it would appear that the translator 7or editor7 was identical with the translator of the canonical ,daniel4 ,this is the opinion of ,rothstein 7in ,kautzsch1 ,i4 #agh74 ,schrer 7,h4,j4,p4 ,,ii4 ,,iii471 who denies the existence of a ,semitic original1 classes this 7with the other additions7 not in his ',palestinian-,jewish1' but in his ',graeco-,jewish' section4 ,the mention of ,sidon in v4 #ef 7where has ,canaan7 may perhaps suggest a writer in the original1 whatever language he may have used1 who was connected with the north of ,palestine4 ,but it is quite as probable that the writer 7or translator7 had some idea of ,gen4 x4 #ae in his mind1 ,canaan begat ,sidon his firstborn4 ,after him1 according to ,josephus 7,ant4 ,i4 ,,vi4 #b71 the city was named3 1 4 ,it is worth noticing that in ,st4 ,matt4 xi4 #ba our ,lord speaks of the city more favourably4 ,of ,theodotion's ,greek4 ,of the 'provenance' of the ,greek version bearing ,theodotion's name very little is known4 ,but ,ephesus may be suggested as not altogether improbable with regard to what little we know of ,theodotion's life4 ,if we take the ,revelation of ,st4 ,john1 too1 as having been written at ,ephesus1 this will accord well with the use made of ,theodotion's version of ,daniel in that book4 ,or if ,theodotion made use1 in whole or in part1 of some previous version1 as seems certain1 this fact would not at all militate against ,st4 ,john at ,ephesus having also made use of the same earlier version4 ,and it is quite possible that this version may have been of ,alexandrian origin1 although worked up by ,theodotion elsewhere4 ,whatever the place of origin may have been1 it is very remarkable that a version by one who was either a ,jew or a heretic ,christian should have been preferred to the ,,lxx of ,daniel and the ,additions so as practically to supersede it4 ,prof4 ,j4,j4 ,blunt describes ,theodotion as one who attempts to wrest the ,hebrew from the cause of the ,gospel 7,christian ,church1 p4 #abi74 ,this was indicated by ,irenus1 ,,iii4 xxiii4 #a4 ,if1 however1 the previous version used by him was due to a pre-,christian ,jew1 this may have smoothed the way for its acceptance among ,christians4 ,for ,jews ,b4,c4 and ,jews ,a4,d4 were regarded by the ,church1 as was natural1 in very different lights1 and their writings likewise4 ,,authorship4 ,like some other of the apocryphal books1 this is a traditional story of great popularity4 ,it is not necessary to suppose that its author's name has been lost from the title1 as it may always have been anonymous4 ,the nature of its contents would not be unlikely to give offence to the ,sanhedrin1 and therefore a motive for anonymity is not far to seek4 ,bishop ,gray 7,introd4 to ,o4,t4 p4 #fac7 seems1 as he often does1 to hit the mark1 as nearly as we can tell1 when he deems it to be by some ,jew who invented the history1 or collected its particulars from traditionary relations in praise of ,daniel4 ,this observation is little more than paraphrased by ,j4,h4 ,blunt1 when he writes 7in loc47 probably inserted into ,,lxx from some ancient ,jewish authority4 ,the variations of text certainly suggest an oral tradition1 perhaps even more strongly than in ,bel and the ,dragon4 ,bissell says that ,susanna contains nothing which might not have come from the pen of a ,hellenist 7p4 #dde72 and ,westcott sees in this and other additions the hand of an ,alexandrian writer 7,smith's ,d4,b4 ed4 #b ,i4 #gad;a71 but thinks it not unlikely that he worked up earlier traditions4 ,certainly v4 #bb seems to shew that the author of the ,greek of was evidently acquainted with the ,,lxx of ,,ii4 ,sam4 xxiv4 #ad4 ,wer die ,susanna 7in ,walton's ,polygl4 #d7 nach ,theodot4 frei bersetzt hat1 says ,nestle1 wissen wir nicht 7,urtext und bersetz4 #bcf74 ,it is noteworthy that ,josephus shews no acquaintance with this or the other additions1 though he makes some use of other uncanonical legends of ,daniel 7,jud4 ,ant4 ,x41 #aj1 #a2 #aa1 #f and #g74 ,schrer in ,hauck's ,encylop4 7,i4 #fci71 thinks ,susanna and ,bel and the ,dragon may well originally have had independent existences4 ,if so1 this might help to explain ,josephus' disregard of them4 ,it is a reasonable inference from v4 #eg1 that the author was a ,jew in the strictest sense1 and not from one of the ten tribes4 ,yet it should not escape notice that in v4 #dh ,israel is apparently used for the entire people1 including all the tribes4#cb ,the invidious contrast between the ,israelitish and ,jewish women is omitted in what ,dr4 ,salmon calls1 the second ,syriac recension of ,susanna1 termed erroneously at one time the ,harklensian 7,speaker's ,comm41 p4 xlvi474 ,the contrast in v4 #ef between ,israel and ,canaan is made into a stinging reproach1 but is hardly to be understood literally as to the ,elder's family descent4 ,j4 ,kennedy in ,daniel from a ,christian standpoint 7p4 #ee71 says of this and the other ,additions that there is no means of determining when1 where1 or by whom written4 ,he adds 7p4 #ef71 those who conceived and wrote the additions were both intellectually and spiritually incapable of appreciating the book of ,daniel and its contents1 and he concludes that they belong to different ages and to entirely different conditions of thought4 ,this estimate is a much too severe one1 and very different from the opinion formed by some other equally qualified judges4 ,the fear lest a favourable opinion of the quality of these pieces should lend any countenance to the ,tridentine decree as to the ,apocrypha1 or seem to weaken the ,protestant position with regard to them1 appears to have operated1 consciously or unconsciously1 in shaping the views on this subject expressed by such writers4 ,probably acting under similar sentiments ,ludovicus ,cappellus1 #afeh 7quoted by ,ball1 #cbe;a71 calls the author a trifler 7nugator71 and styles his production fabula ineptissima4 ,jerome1 in the ,prologue to his ,commentary on ,daniel1 says that ,eusebius and ,apollinarius replied to ,porphyry's objection to these additions that ,susann ,belisque ac ,draconis fabulas non contineri in ,hebraico1 sed partem esse prophet ,abacuc filii ,jesu de tribu ,levi2 and apparently acquiesces in this statement4 ,as there appears to be no other authority for attributing ,susanna to ,habakkuk1 it is a question whether the ,,lxx title to ,bel and the ,dragon was not applied to ,susanna also per incuriam4 ,a4 ,scholz escapes the difficulty of ,habakkuk both here and in ,bel and the ,dragon by regarding it as a merely symbolic title1 which he renders by ,kmpfe on very slender grounds 7,esther und ,susanna1 ,wrzburg1 #ahib1 p4 #ach2 and ,judith und ,bel und der ,drache1 #ahif1 p4 #bjd74 ,it must not be forgotten1 however1 that the authorship of ,daniel is of course suggested by most of those who defend the canonicity of the book4 ,origen in his ,epistle to ,africanus maintains the solidarity of the piece with the book of ,daniel4 ,and it should be remembered1 as a point of some strength1 that ,julius ,africanus' correspondence with ,origen at the beginning of century ,,iii41 is the first record we have of any dispute as to its genuineness4 ,professor ,rothstein1 in ,kautzsch 7i4 #agb7 gives very decidedly a contrary opinion1 stating that ,susanna and ,bel and the ,dragon1 haben mit dem ,danielbuche nur insofern zu thun1 als in ihnen ,daniel eine ,rolle spielt4 ,but it is hard to offer conclusive proof that ,susanna and ,bel and the ,dragon differ greatly in character from the independent historical scenes of which the first six chapters of ,daniel consist2 each1 in nearly all respects1 being intelligible when standing alone4 ,it is hard also to shew that their incorporation1 and constant acceptance1 with the ,,lxx was a deplorable mistake4 ,and this difficulty is enhanced when we see that1 so far as is known1 all the ,greek and ,latin speaking ,christians before ,julius ,africanus1 and most of them after1 fell unquestionably into what1 if ,rothstein and those who think with him are right1 must be deemed a grave error4 ,but even if it could be proved that these pieces were by the author of ,daniel1 the recent questions as to who that writer may have been1 still further complicate the at present insoluble problem of the authorship of ,susanna4 ,,for ,,whom ,,and ,,with ,,what ,,object ,,written4 ,,for ,,whom4 ,that this story was originally prepared for the use of ,jews there can be no doubt4 ,probably it was designed for readers and admirers of ,daniel1 who would be glad of this example of the prophet's insight4 ,certainly it was for those who loved to dwell on the interventions of ,god for ,his people1 and especially on a recent manifestation of ,his particular care for oppressed individuals4 ,possibly also the case of those may have been regarded who were dissatisfied with the current methods of administering justice and conducting trials4 ,j4,w4 ,etheridge 7,jerusalem and ,tiberias1 #ahef1 p4 #aji7 deems it to be an example of ,haggadah in common with its two companion pieces1 histories coloured with fable1 as he styles them--a sort of legendary appendix to carry on the interest of readers of the canonical text4 ,but since the ,christian era this writing has been employed by ,christians far more than by ,jews4 ,perhaps its ready acceptance by the former may have diminished the chance of popularity amongst the ,israelites of later times4 ,they would look upon it with more suspicion1 though it was clearly connected with the literature of their race4 ,and obviously this enlarged acceptance among ,christians was beyond the aim of the tale's author4 ,,with ,,what ,,object ,,written4 ,the holding up an example of purity1 maintained under circumstances of great distress1 is the leading object which ,christians have seen in this piece4 ,it is probable1 however1 that other aims as well as this entered into the mind of the writer4 ,a dissatisfaction with the method of conducting trials such as ,susanna's is clearly manifested4 ,a ,pharisaic1 or at least an anti-,sadducean1 tendency has been observed1 particularly in the latter part of the story4 ,then the utility of investigating small particulars is demonstrated1 and the necessity of a rigorous punishment of false witnesses1 points on which the ,pharisees insisted1 according to ,ball 7#cbi;b1 #ccj;a71 who quotes ,simon ben ,shetach as saying from the ,mishnah 7,pirke ,avoth1 ,i4 #i7 4 ,bissell 7p4 #ddg7 also thinks that to reform the method of conducting legal processes was an object of the author4 ,and certainly the story does teach the need for a close investigation of testimony4 ,the author shews up the unscrupulousness and injustice practised even in the leading circles of the ,jewish community2 and in so doing he manifests throughout a good knowledge of the workings of the human heart4 ,marshall 7in ,hastings' ,d4,b47 assumes that we have here an ethical mythus 7#fca;b74#cc ,but to imagine that the story had no other origin than this is1 to say the least1 unproved1 and1 as many think1 unproveable4 ,another object may have been to extol ,daniel and his judicial acumen4 ,there is a resemblance in this respect to the tone of several chapters of the ,book of ,daniel1 e4g41 ii4 and iv4 ,his penetration and his prophetic gifts as a young man are set forth4 ,indeed the last two verses of the version almost make the praise of youthful piety the moral of the book4 ,but this1 edifying as it may be1 is scarcely to be taken as the chief object of the composition2 and substitutes another conclusion as to the gratitude of ,susanna's family and the growth of ,daniel's reputation4 ,still1 apart from the question of historic value1 many worthy objects may have lain within the purview of the composer2 and to shew that righteous youths are better than unrighteous elders may very well have been one of these4 ,to prove that even men of riper years are not unerring in judgment may well also1 as ,g4 ,jahn 7quoted by ,ball in ,speaker's ,comm4 #cbe;a7 points out1 have been a subsidiary aim4 ,the kind of judicial acumen displayed strikes one1 too1 as being very similar to that of the young ,solomon in his judgment on the two women 7,i4 ,kings iii472 but the story here is not an imitation of that4 ,it is a wholly distinct instance of the same class1 a most popular one for narration in ,eastern countries4 ,another object in writing this history 7and certainly the most useful object from a ,christian point of view7 is to give an example of the maintenance of purity and right1 even at the risk of losing both life and reputation4 ,it may be questioned1 however1 whether the idea of depressing the estimation of elders1 or of raising that of ,susanna and of ,daniel1 was uppermost in the writer's mind4 ,almost equal prominence is given to each of these ideas4 ,the latter1 perhaps1 would throw over the piece a somewhat less attractive character than the former4 ,but there is that in the cast of the composition which suggests that its object may have been quite as much to raise disgust at the elders' crime as to raise admiration at ,susanna's purity2 in fact that the whiteness of her character was designed as a foil to make more prominent the blackness of her oppressors4 ,on this account ,jer4 xxix4 #bc might perhaps be taken as a verse which gave his cue to the writer4 ,but these are points on which opinions will inevitably vary according to the impression made on different minds by a matter so nearly balanced4 ,this1 the only one of our three booklets in which women appear1 presents them in a very favourable light4 ,beyond the imputation suggested against those of ,israel at the beginning of v4 #eg1 it contains nothing but what is creditable to the female sex4 ,the present ,archbishop of ,armagh's poem1 ,the ,voyage to ,babylon1 thus prettily depicts ,susanna's purity3 4444 garden bed of balm1 ,in one whereof old ,chelcias' daughter ,went to walk down beside the water1 ,the lily both in heart and name1 ,whose white leaf hath no blot of shame4 ,abp4 ,,alexander',s ,poems 7,lond4 #aijj74 ,,integrity ,,and ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,text4 ,in we appear to have the story presented to us without material interpolation2 but there are omissions of some not very important matters contained in the ,,lxx text4 ,a4 ,scholz accounts for variations by supposing changes in the ,hebrew original between the times of the two translations4 ,of he says1 ist nichts als ,uebersetzer2 er setzt de suo kein wort bei 7p4 #adb7--;an exaggerated statement4 ,the true ,,lxx version was long supposed to be lost2 but a cursive ,,ms4 of it 7#ith or #ajth century7 was found in ,cardinal ,chigi's library at ,some1 and was first printed in #aggb4 ,from its owner's name it has received the title of ,cod4 ,chisianus1 and is now numbered #hg4 ,it is almost certain that must have had the text before him1 since the coincidences of diction1 though not so continuous as in the ,song of the ,three1 are still far too numerous to be accidental4 ,bissell 7p4 #ddc7 says of all the three pieces1 simply recast the version of ,,lxx4 ,this dictum1 however true of the ,three1 must not be quite literally taken of ,susanna1 as he does introduce some fresh matter1 particularly at the opening and the close4 ,prof4 ,rothstein in ,kautzsch 7pp4 #agf-g7 thinks that the two ,greek versions are two independent forms of the same story1 based on some common narrative material2 but when the obvious idea presents itself that this last was an ,hebraic original1 he speaks with much guardedness 7p4 #agh71 lest he should commit himself to this view4 's recension is rather more polished in language1 less elaborate in some of its details4#cd ,fritzsche1 quoted in ,kautzsch 7pp4 #agf-g71 says that he worked over the ,,lxx text1 expanded the narrative1 rounded it off1 and gave it a greater air of probability4 ,westcott's opinion to a similar effect1 however 7,smith's ,d4,b4 ed4 #b ,i4 #gad;a71 is called in question by ,professor ,salmon 7,speaker's ,comm4 ,,xlvi4a71 who thinks that there is quite as much to be said for the opposite views1 and this opinion is reasonable4 ,in the ,,lxx text there is surely something wanting at the true beginning at v4 #e1 which1 as it stands1 is awkwardly abrupt4 ,both ,bissell 7and ,brll1 quoted by him1 p4 #deg7 approve of the idea that the beginning was suppressed because of its containing damaging reflections on the elders4 ,then the present opening 7vv4 #a--e7 was borrowed from 1 and is marked in both ,cod4 ,chis4 and ,syro-,hex4 as not part of the original work1 but a foreign exordium4 ,rothstein 7p4 #ahd1 note7 thinks that in place of the present borrowed commencement there stood a short introductory remark on the two judging elders4 ,though lacking proof1 this conjecture is well within the bounds of possibility4 ,yet in the ,syro-,hexaplar text the first five verses are obelised1 indicating1 according to ,bugati 7p4 #afc71 that they are omitted in 1 but present in 4 ,there are in the ,,lxx extra clauses1 which are not in 1 scattered throughout the book2 three verses between #ad and #ae1 one at the end1 and considerable enlargements of vv4 #de1 #eb2 also curious substitutions1 such as that in v4 #ci1 where in the ,,lxx the imaginary young man escaped because he was disguised2 in ,theodotion1 because he was stronger than the ,elders4 ,these alternative reasons are of course not of necessity incompatible4 ,the ,syriac ,w 7,harklensian7 contains many further particulars inserted here and there1 such as the ,elders' names 7,amid and ,abid7#ce1 v4 #e1 ,daniel's age of twelve years1 and some words in praise of him1 v4 #fd4 ,but most of these added clauses may not unfairly be regarded as 'paddings1' put in by way of embellishment4 ,those in v4 #da 7ninth hour71 v4 #de 7twelve years of age71 v4 #fd 7increase in favour7 have a ,christian look1 the last two being suggestive of a knowledge of ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel 7cf4 ',style1' p4 #adj74 ,also the continuation of v4 #dc in ,lagarde's second ,syriac version has rather a ,christian air1 appear for me and send a ,redeemer from before thee1 etc4 7,hastings' ,d4,b4 art4 ,sus4 p4 #fca;b74 ,an attempt has been made to account for the numerous1 but not generally very important1 variations in different texts and versions by supposing the story to have been a favourite oral narrative1 long continuing in a fluid state4 ,this is far from improbable4 ,the ,vulgate1 which follows closely1 appends the first verse of ,bel and the ,dragon as the conclusion of this story4 ,if this was done in order to avoid chronological difficulty there1 it was at the expense of introducing it here1 and that1 to all appearance1 very meaninglessly4 ,the chief uncial ,,ms4 authorities for 's text are ,a1,b1,q1 and from v4 #ea onward1 4 ,a often agrees with ,q1 as in vv4 #ai1 #bd1 and elsewhere1 in substituting 7's word7 for 2 in vv4 #aj1 #aa1 etc41 in substituting for 2 and in v4 #df1 for 4 ,in the canonical part of ,daniel the substitution of for mostly holds good also so far as ,a is concerned 7ii4 #i1 #af74cf ,in v4 #cf1 ,a has a transposition of a clause1 and in v4 #ci another of its changes of prepositions in composition1 not easily accounted for4 ,q 7alone7 has such changes in vv4 #d1 #cb1 #ch4 ,the above are all changes from ,b4 often agrees with ,a and ,q1 or both1 but has nothing of importance independently4 ,the genitive 7instead of 7 occurs occasionally in all the above ,,mss4 7vv4 #bg1 #bh1 #fb2 also in ,,lxx1 v4 #cj74 cf4 in ,st4 ,john xi4 ,i4 ,two cursive ,,mss4 7#bcd ,moscow1 ,s4 ,synod2 #bce ,rome1 ,vat47 consist of ,susanna only2 but whether they are perfect1 or only fragments1 is not clear4 ,holmes and ,parsons give no particulars4 ,on the whole1 the text of either version is fairly trustworthy1 the average of variations being not at all above that in the canonical ,daniel4 ,,language ,,and ,,style4 ,,language4 ,as with the ,three1 so here1 the question at once arises1 ,is the ,greek of the ,,lxx more probably the original language or a translation8 ,the acceptance of a ,semitic original seems on the whole to be more in the ascendant than formerly2 but still1 the greater part of those who have expressed an opinion on the subject incline to ,greek as the language chosen by the author4 ,the ,hebraic style is somewhat less strongly marked than in the other two fragments1 nor has an ,aramaic text of this one yet been discovered4 ,still1 the ,greek can be rendered into ,hebrew rather more easily than most ,hellenistic ,greek4 ,the ,greek of the rest of ,esther differs much more in style and tone from that of the canonical book to which it is attached than does the ,greek of ,susanna from that of the canonical ,daniel2 and1 so far as this fact goes1 it points to a closer linguistic connection in this case than in the other 7see ,streane1 ,age of ,macc4 p4 #afj2 ,bissell1 p4 #bjc74 ,delitzsch 7op4 cit4 pp4 #ca1 #aja7 says that particul qudam citantur a ,nachmanide 7entitled 7 as well as of ,wisdom4 ,the citations of the latter book are discredited by ,farrar 7,speaker's ,comm4 p4 #daa7 however1 and probably those of the former are in a similar position4 ,the early place of verbs in the sentences is here also1 as in the other pieces1 to some extent noticeable as conforming to the theory of a ,semitic original4 ,if the etymology of the name is supposed to be drawn from his 'judgments' in this story1 such an original is probably involved in the supposition 7cf4 ',title1' p4 #ajd74 ,the ,hexaplaric marks mentioned by ,bugati 7op4 cit4 #aef71 as occurring at the beginning of ,cod4 ,chisianus 71 1 71 are strongly suggestive of translation 7cf4 ,song1 ',language1' p4 #di74 ,the controversy which was started by ,africanus with ,origen 7and resumed by ,porphyry#cg with ,eusebius of ,csarea1 and by ,rufinus with ,jerome7 as to the famous play upon the names of the trees 7vv4 #ed--fj7 is still unsettled4 ,some see in the paronomasi conclusive proof of the originality of the ,greek2 others still contend with ,origen that they are no certain evidence as to determination of language4 ,but few will think the analogous case which he 7,origen7 gives from ,gen4 ii4 #bc a very convincing one 7,d4,c4,b4 art4 ,heb4 ,learning1 p4 #heh;b74 ,still we must remember that the ,hebrew language was fond of paronomasi1 and that ,daniel employs the figure in the canonical book 7v4 #be--bh74 ,in other ,o4,t4 instances of its use it is1 however1 difficult to to see that the ,,lxx made any attempt to reproduce the word-play1 e4g4 ,isai4 v4 #g1 ,mic4 i4 #aj2 nor does either ,greek version in ,dan4 v4 #be--bh4ch ,but and in ,i4 ,esd4 iv4 #fb looks like a word-play in what may not be original ,greek2 though a ,semitic original of that section of ,i4 ,esd4 7iii4 #a to v4 #f7 is by no means proved4 ,it has been shewn1 however1 in the case before us1 how an adequate play might be produced in ,aramaic1 as also in ,english 7,hastings' ,d4,b4 art4 ,sus474 ,a4 ,scholz1 too1 in his ,commentary attempts this1 with only moderate success1 in ,hebrew#ci2 and ,delitzsch 7op4 cit4 #ajb7 gives some ,aramaic possibilities of it from ,plessner4 ,as the precise punishments named were not carried out1 this passage in the original1 whatever it may have been1 was clearly constructed with a view to introduce their names4 ,it is interesting to compare and contrast the account of the ,woman taken in ,adultery 7,st4 ,john viii47 with that of ,susanna1 the one truly1 the other falsely1 accused4 ,there are1 as might be expected1 some verbal parallels1 but not sufficient to prove that the ,n4,t4 writer was influenced by the ,history of ,susanna1 nor to give us material assistance in deciding its original language 7cf4 ,,iii4 ',language1' p4 #di74 ,notwithstanding the general inclination towards ,greek1 this must at present be left in doubt1 and a verdict of 'non liquet' given4 ,in the following observations on specific points in the language1 instances telling in both directions have been included3 v4 #c 1 4 ,the use of after 1 instead of a double accusative1 suggests a translation of followed by a or 1 with either of which it is sometimes constructed4 v4 #e 1 4 ,if ,aramaic be the original language1 may well represent 1 as in ,,iv4 #ad1 ,v4 #bc and elsewhere4 v4 #f 1 4 ,scholz deems and to be based on a confusion between and 4 vv4 #g1 #ae1 #ai1 #bh 4 is suggestive of 4 vv4 #h1 #ad1 #ef 1 4 ,the use of in a bad sense1 and of in a perfectly innocent one in v4 #ae 1 seems careless1 and may point to translation from an original1 where different roots were used1 e4g4 114 ,cf4 ,,lxx of ,deut4 v4 #ba 7#ah7 for a rendering of two different ,hebrew roots by the same word1 1 though in that case they are both employed in a bad sense4 v4 #ae 4 looks like 1 as in ,gen4 xxxi4 #e and ,,ii4 ,kings xiii4 #e4 ,wrtlich hebrisch1 as ,reuss notes in loc4 ,if ,aramaic were the original1 it might be 4 v4 #ag 4 1 exprimere voluit ,heb4 1 but 7,esth4 ii4 #c1 #i1 #ab7 seems quite as likely as this suggestion of ,grotius4 ,both roots are ,aramaic as well as ,hebrew4 vv4 #aa1 #cj1 #ci1 #fc 4 ,an instance similar to that given above 7vv4 #h1 #ad1 #ef7 is the use of in a bad sense in vv4 #aa1 #ci1 and innocently in vv4 #cj1 #fc4 v4 #ai 4 either in ,aramaic or ,hebrew1 as in ii4 #i1 while 1 as in ,esth4 vii4 #h4 v4 #bb 4 occurs also in ,david's choice1 ,,ii4 ,sam4 xxiv4 #ad 7closer than ,i4 ,chron4 xxi4 #ac74 ,the certainty of its being a translation in the one place increases the probability of its being so in the other1 suggesting a common original1 unless we suppose a ,greek author borrowing a ,septuagintal phrase4 v4 #bc 1 4 ,on the other hand1 the participial clause in this verse in both versions seems un-,hebraic in form2 as also the phrase in v4 #db 1 which is not very like a translation from the ,hebrew4 ,there is a certain resemblance to ,dan4 ii4 #bh1 #bi 71 71 1 however2 but the latter contemplates ,god as revealing mysteries to others1 the former as knowing secrets ,himself4 v4 #bf 4 ,scholz' idea that 7as in ,lev4 xxvi4 #ba1 etc47 would suit either ,aramaic or ,hebrew4 v4 #bg 4 ,adduced as ,hebraism in ,winer's ,g4,t4 ,grammar 7,e4,t4 #ahgj1 p4 #bad72 apparently1 but not very clearly1 on the strength of the phrase 4 v4 #cf 4 ,the genitive absolute is ,greek in character1 but does not occur in 4 v4 #dd 4 444 4 ,a ,hebraism1 as in ,gen4 xxi4 #ag1 and often4 v4 #ec 1 4 ,the quotation is exact in both versions from the ,,lxx of ,lev4 xxiii4 #g4 ,this fact may be thought to tell slightly in favour of a ,greek original4 ,in the canonical ,dan4 ix4 #ac there is a reference1 without precise quotation1 to ,moses' law1 so that this mention is not out of character4 ,the phraseology of the verse in has a distinctly ,hebraistic look1 much more so than in 4 v4 #ee 1 4 1 ,isai4 xliii4 #d4 v4 #ef 4 ,the epithet 1 as applied to the of the ,elder1 is inappropriate1 and suggests an error of translation4 ,now is rendered by in ,josh4 xxii4 #aidj1 and this word would yield a very good sense in a ,semitic original here1 supposed to lie in the background4 v4 #eg 1 4 ,if an animus against ,israel1 as ,judah's inferior1 is really shewn here it would point to a ,babylonian1 and therefore ,semitic1 original1 inasmuch as the enmity between ,israel and ,judah does not appear to have been so strong at ,alexandria4 ,the use of ',israel1' however1 in v4 #dh seems to include all in the first instance1 and to be employed of ,susanna specially in the second1 who was presumably of ,judah4 ,the ,syro-,hexaplar omits what was most likely deemed an invidious reflection4 ,the reference to ,hos4 iv4 #ae in the ,speaker's ,comm4 7note7 does not seem apposite as to its mention of ,israel and ,judah in the ,,lxx2 only in the ,hebrew4 ,the phrase comes in strangely1 as 1 by omitting it1 apparently thought4 ,it is suggestive of a translation1 perhaps of 1 which seems to be used of moral disease in ,hos4 v4 #ac1 and is there rendered by 4 v4 #ei 1 4 ,why 8 ,in ,,lxx it comes in very awkwardly1 where would naturally be expected4 ,scholz1 not improbably1 suggests that 77 and 77 have been caused by reading and respectively1 renderings which are actually found of those words elsewhere in the ,,lxx1 e4g4 ,isai4 v4 #b and ,dan4 ii4 #ca4 ,that confusion sometimes occurred between and the final is known4 v4 #fa 4 1 though referring to ,susanna1 may be a translation of 1 a word apparently regarded by ,gesenius as epicene2 so in ,gen4 xxiii4 #c1 #d1 #h is the rendering of 1 meaning ,sarah's corpse1 sine sexus discrimine 7,ges474 ,but may be used here of 'neighbour' collectively without exclusive reference to ,susanna4 v4 #fb 4 1 a frequent translation of or 4 ,as it does not appear that there are any natural ravines in ,babylon1 this might refer to a deep moat outside the wall4 v4 #fd 7#fb7 4 ,scholz says1 ist sclavische ,uebersetzung von das der ,hervorhebung des ,objektes dienen soll4 ,this is probable1 though 'sclavische' seems an unnecessary epithet4 ,,style4 ,the style is that of a clearly-told narrative1 with little of a strained or rhetorical character about it2 indeed there is less of this than in much of the canonical ,daniel4 ,ideas are well expressed and the story well proportioned4 ,there is nothing superfluous2 everything bears on the main theme4 ,nor is it unnatural that ,daniel is made to use a play on words out of the ,elders' own mouths in order to render his sentence of condemnation more strikingly emphatic4 ,there is high literary skill in the simple yet effective way of narration4 ,the story is a practical example of the saying1 ,ars est celare artem1 a fact which will be best appreciated by any who will try to tell the tale as well in their own words4#da ,holtzmann calls it1 besonders von der ,kunst vielfach gefeierte ,novelle 7,schenkel's ,bibel ,lex4 #ahge74 ,the lack of spontaneity and original freshness sometimes charged,a against the apocryphal books is by no means conspicuous here1 nor1 though perhaps less decisively1 in the next addition1 ,bel and the ,dragon4 ,the exciting interview between ,daniel and the ,elders is so drawn as to arouse much interest4 ,by the first incident the whole current of ,susanna's life is abruptly changed1 and her destiny is made to hang in the balance for some time in a natural1 but very effective1 manner4 ,the writer has a deep knowledge of the principles and actions of human feeling1 and a thorough grasp of the art1 by no means so easy as it looks1 of telling a short story in a very engaging style4 ,plot1 surprise1 struggle1 unfolding of character1 and much else which is regarded as contributing to excellence in such a composition1 we find here4 ,in the so-called ,harklensian 7,w of ,salmon ,churton's ,syr4#db7 various details are added1 such as the judgment chair brought out1 which ,daniel refuses1 standing up to judge2 ,susanna's chains 7#bg1 #ej72 her tears 7#cc1 #db72 and her condemnation to death at the ninth hour 7#da74 ,these are obviously designed to heighten1 by the introduction of more detailed particulars1 the effect of the narrative4 ,the tale is so interesting and so true to nature that its popularity is easily explained4 ,that it became a favourite story1 in an age not given to prudery1 for reading and for oral repetition1 is not surprising4 ,like all such1 it was subject to changes of form and gradual accretions4 ,oral repetition1 as well as non-canonicity amongst the ,jews will1 to a considerable extent1 account for the divergences between the ,,lxx and ,theodotion's recensions4 ,the latter1 in ,reuss' opinion 7,,vi4 #dab71 ist reicher an ,einzelnheiten und auch besser stilisiert4 ,with this view1 in the main1 most will feel themselves in accord4 ,,religious ,,and ,,social ,,state4 ,,religious4 ,an unexceptionable ,o4,t4 moral standard on the part of the writer is maintained throughout1 so that no 'difficulties' arise on this score4 ,there is not a suggestion of any worship beside that of the ,lord2 no idolatry is even hinted at4 ,the ,captivity had done its work in that respect4 ,nor is there any symptom of the later developments of rabbinism2 not even in their inception4#dc ,it requires a very sharp eye to find here so much as the germs of error in faith4 ,the ,law of ,moses is acted upon2 taught by parents to children 7v4 #c72 regarded as the great authority 7v4 #fb74 ,the institution of ,elders is in full force1 as contemplated in ,jer4 xix4 #a and xxvi4 #ag4 ,i4 ,kings xx4 #g and xxi4 #h1 #aa shew that this body had been continued among the separated tribes1 and so naturally carried with them to their new home4 ,the appearance of corruption among officials in high places1 who ought to have been most free from it1 is quite in accord with the religious history of mankind in general1 and of ,israel in particular4 ,such references as the above to ,jeremiah1 and that in v4 #e to ,jer4 xxix4 #bc1 are paralleled by a reference in the canonical ,dan4 ix4 #b to ,jer4 xxxv4 #ab4 ,when ,daniel's plan was efficacious for revealing the ,elders' guilt1 the just decision was approved2 the right is thoroughly commended and the wrong condemned4 ,the heart of the people rings sound2 their instincts at the trials are in favour of justice4 ,morality is supported by popular sympathy1 which has been purified and elevated by the discipline of exile4 ,in v4 #eg some prejudice is suggested as existing in the writer's mind against the women of ,israel as being less chaste than those of ,judah4 ,possibly he was of the latter tribe himself 7see ',language' on v4 #eg1 p4 #acg74 ,the reproach to the second ,elder of ,canaanitish descent is in keeping with ,ezek4 xvi4 #c1 where it is hurled against ,jerusalem and her abominations4 ,it is objected in ,hastings' ,d4,b4 7,,iv4 #fca;b7 that ,daniel loudly condemns both culprits before he adduces any proof of their guilt4 ,but surely this was justified by the prophetic office and the spirit within him1 which endowed him with an abnormal insight into the true state of affairs4 ,personally he was assured1 from the outset1 of their guilt1 but secured public proof to satisfy the people4 ,this objection is rather poor ground on which to assail the historic character of the piece4 ,in fine1 a religious tone1 befitting the time intended1 is consistently maintained throughout4 ,,social4 ,incidentally a pleasing picture of home life is outlined1 before the ,elders tried to corrupt it4 ,some of the ,jews were apparently living in wealth and comfort during the ,captivity2 but the end of v4 #d shews that ,joacim's estate was pre-eminent1 not a sample of the general condition of the exiles4 ,if not royal 7as ,jul4 ,afric4 in his letter to ,origen hints1 and ,origen doubts in his reply1 #ad71 it was evidently of an upper class2 and a kind of tribunal was held at his house4 ,the state of life here depicted agrees with ,jeremiah's advice in xxix4 #e2 and with ,,ii4 ,esd4 iii4 #b1 if that too could be applied to the captives4 ,the ,king of ,babylon was content with the subjugation and deportation of the ,jews1 allowing them considerable liberty when he got them into ,babylonia4 ,in this connection ,ps4 cv4 #df naturally occurs to the mind4 ,the captives evidently had alleviations granted them in ,babylon by their conquerors1 witness ,evil-,merodach's kindness to ,jehoiachin1 ,,ii4 ,kings xxv4 #bh4 ,there is1 however1 no indication even of the beginnings of that trade and commerce which was so characteristic of much of the dispersion in later years4 ,great freedom to regulate their own affairs is shewn1 including1 to all appearance1 the power of inflicting the death-penalty1 v4 #fb4 ,this last power has been objected to as unhistoric4 ,but ,j4,j4 ,blunt#dd illustrates the possibility of this1 by citing ,origen's letter to ,africanus to shew that the ,jews under the ,romans enjoyed a similar power in his day4 ,origen defends the correctness of v4 #fb by adducing this as a similar instance in his own knowledge4 ,blunt treats the matter as a kind of undesigned coincidence1 rendering credible the death penalties spoken of in ,acts ix4 #a1 xxii4 #d1 xxiv4 #f4de ,so ,edersheim 7,d4,c4,b4 art4 ,philo1 p4 #cfe;b71 ,the rule of the ,jewish community in ,alexandria had been committed by ,augustus to a council of ,elders4 ,this is also stated in the ,jewish ,encyclopdia 7,new ,york and ,lond41 ,alexandria ,i41 #cfb;a73 ,philo distinctly states that at the time of ,augustus the 'gerusia' assumed the position of the 'genarch4' ,this is the word he uses for 'ethnarch1' ,contra ,flaccum1 #aj4 ,origen to ,africanus1 #ad1 writes of this privilege as having been granted by ',csar' without specifying which ,csar1 and though he does not name ,alexandria1 his words probably imply that place4 ,these references do not of course prove that the ,jews in ,babylonia had the like privileges1 but they shew1 as ,origen saw1 a parallel case4 ,perhaps those who are in favour of the ,alexandrian origin of ,susanna might use this to shew that the writer had transferred to ,babylonia the circumstances of his own day2 but his own day would almost certainly be before the time of ,augustus4 ,there is no mention of any government except the ,jews' internal administration2 but then the native population of ,babylon 7unless perchance it be in the shape of the servants7 does not enter into the story4 ,the legal working at ,babylon of this little imperium in imperio had plainly an unsatisfactory side1 although ,susanna's rights were vindicated by another power against injustice and oppression4 ,still1 it may not be fair to condemn the whole system on the strength of this single instance4 ,the main drift of the tale indicates the existence of much corruption#df in the presbytery2 yet the heart of the exiled people in general had a healthy tone2 witness the sorrowful sympathy with ,susanna 7v4 #cc71 and the delight at justice being ultimately done 7vv4 #fj1 #fc74 ,the ,elders grossly abused ,joacim's hospitality4 ,seemingly they had plenty of time to waste1 and worse4 ,it is noteworthy that two 'judges' were chosen1 annually1 it would seem1 from the 'elders of the people4' ,this last phrase occurs in ,numb4 xi4 #af1 and is frequent in the ,n4,t41 but not with as here4 ,the modest veiling of ,susanna in v4 #cb1 more distinctly expressed 7 7 in than in 1 reminds one of ,rebekah's veiling in ,gen4 xxiv4 #fe1 and is quite in accordance with the custom of the country4 ,so are the oil and washing balls of v4 #ag 7,a4,v4 and ,r4,v472 this last term is peculiar1 and is used apparently for soap4#dg ,it is so employed in ,gerard's ,herbal1 ed4 #afcc1 p4 #aebf1 where he says1 of this gum storax there are made sundry excellent perfumes444 and sweet washing balls4 ,the 'sawing' or 'cutting asunder' of v4 #ce was a ,babylonian punishment1 as is shewn in ii4 #e and iii4 #bi of the canonical book4 ,the death penalty for adultery 7vv4 #dc1 #de7 is in agreement with ,lev4 xx4 #aj1 ,deut4 xxii4 #bb1 and ,ezek4 xvi4 #ch1 though not with the laxity of later times 7see art4 ,adultery1 ,smith's ,d4,b42 ,marriage1 ,hastings' ,d4,b474 ,the ,syriac ,w interpolation after v4 #da seems to regard precipitation as equivalent to stoning4 ,in the of v4 #fb both this punishment and that of fire are meted out to the ,elders as retributive justice4 ,reuss' note on the trial is amusing1 die ,richter sich als ,dummkpfe erwissen und ,susanna vollstndig den ihrigen verloren hatte4 ,but we are disposed on the whole to agree with ,j4,m4 ,fuller 7,s4,p4,c4,k4 ,comm41 ,introd4 to ,sus47 when he writes1 ,the facts underlying the story are in themselves probable1 rather more than with ,churton 7p4 #cib71 who deems the narrative to be probably apocryphal1 without strict regard to historical facts4 ,,theology4 ,this ',history' does not appear to have been written with a view of supporting any erroneous or debateable points in theology4 ,god is represented as being in heaven1 as ,one on whom the heart relies 7v4 #ce72 as eternal1 a knower of secrets1 of entire foreknowledge 7v4 #db72 ,one to be appealed to by ,his servants in danger 7v4 #dc71 efficaciously answering humble requests4 ,the value of ejaculatory prayer to ,him in sudden peril is shewn 7v4 #dd74 ,god had not so entirely cast off ,his people as to cease from caring for separate souls4 ,he hears the prayers of individuals 7v4 #ce1 end1 71 for the individual1 as well as the nation1 is under ,his eye4 ,he is spoken of as raising up the holy spirit of a man 7v4 #de72 as conferring the eldership1 regarded as a divine institution 7v4 #ej72 as forbidding injustice 7v4 #ec72 as giving sentence to an angel to execute upon an individual 7v4 #ee72 as worthy to be praised for saving those who hope in ,him 7v4 #fa74 ,a special ,providence is recognised as watching over the destinies of separate souls2 inspiring ,daniel for a special effort2 rescuing ,susanna from a special danger4 ,heaven is regarded as the seat of the ,divine ,judge1 towards which the innocent ,susanna turned her eyes 7v4 #ce71 but from which the guilty ,elders averted theirs 7v4 #i74 ,in v4 #e ,god is termed 7cf4 ,st4 ,luke ii4 #bi1 ,acts iv4 #bd72 in vv4 #bd1 #dd1 in vv4 #ee1 #ei 77 1 for which has 1 a word which it seems to prefer1 as in i4 #ag1 ii4 #de1 ix4 #ah4 ,the fear of the ,lord is evidently approved 7v4 #b71 and instruction in the ,law of ,moses regarded as proper 7v4 #c71 which is also referred to in vv4 #cc and #fb 7 only71 and in act in v4 #cd4 ,it would appear likely too that ,,ii4 ,sam4 xxiv4 #ad is quoted in v4 #bb 771 ,susanna in her strait borrowing the exclamation of ,david in his1 and the words of both may well be contrasted with the idea of ,hos4 iv4 #af;b4 ,adultery is condemned as sin before the ,lord 7v4 #bc74 ,an angel is spoken of in vv4 #dd1 #de 7 only7 as giving a spirit of understanding to ,daniel4 ,the former verse might be taken to mean that he was visible4#dh ,he enabled ,daniel to clear ,susanna from her false accusation4 ,an angel is also named in v4 #ee1 in both versions1 as likely to execute ,god's vengeance on the lying ,elders4 ,he is also mentioned in v4 #fb of as bringing a judgment of fire4 ,this frequent mention of angels is quite in keeping with the canonical ,daniel and other late books4 ,and as ,e4 ,bunsen remarks1 the apocryphal doctrine about angels and evil spirits is sanctioned by the recorded doctrine of ,christ 7,hidden ,wisd4 of ,christ1 #ahfe1 ,i4 #ahf74 ,but it is singular that what has generally been considered the later recension should have less of it in this case than the earlier4 ,the description 7v4 #i7 of the workings of conscience1 while overt sin was under consideration1 but before it was actually committed1 shews a deep knowledge of the human heart1 such as is found in the biblical writers4 ,a process the reverse of 'turning unto ,god1' 'having the eyes unto ,him' 7,,ii4 ,chron4 xx4 #ab1 ,ps4 xxv4 #ad71 is very accurately depicted1 as the dwelling upon some attractive lust is allowed to engage the mind4 ,a better way of narrating such a matter it would be hard to devise4 ,hippolytus1 in his ,comm4 on ,dan41 treats the whole story as having an allegoric meaning4 ,joacim represents ,christ1 ,susanna the ,christian ,church2 the bath represents ,holy ,baptism2 and the two ,elders the ,jews and ,gentiles persecuting the faithful 7,d4,c4,b4 art4 ,hippolytus1 p4 #ajd;a4 ,for ,christian sarcophagi with like symbolism1 see ',art'74 ,m4 de ,castillo 7,madrid1 #afeh7 reflects in symbolism the increments of a later age when he sees in ,susanna a type of the ,virgin ,mary--,maria ,virgo in illa figurata4 ,there does not appear to be anything ',messianic' in this writing1 unless ,daniel himself be regarded as a type of ,christ1 executing just judgment1 separating the righteous publicly from the wicked4 ,there is also ,origen's statement bearing upon this matter 7ad ,afric41 see ,speaker's ,comm4 #cbg;b71 as to the prospect of becoming ,messiah's mother1 which the ,elders held out to ,susanna4 ,st4 ,jerome1 at the end of his ,commentary on ,jeremiah1 has a slightly different version of their outrageous pretences4 ,standing on surer ground than such speculations the theology of the piece itself is sound and proper4 ,,chronology4 ,the period in which this trial befel ,susanna is plainly that of the ,babylonian ,captivity1 after the ,jews were well settled in their conqueror's land1 but not very long after4 ,the time covered by the narrative itself is obviously a very short one1 probably only a few days at the outside4 ,if the suggestion in ,julius ,africanus' letter to ,origen is correct1 ,joacim1 ,susanna's husband1 was none other than ,jehoiachin1 the captive king of ,judah4 ,but ,africanus is not by any means confident of this2 nor does ,hippolytus so identify them1#di but contents himself with commenting on the statement of the text 7v4 #d7 that ,joacim was a very rich man4 ,nor is there anything in the ,greek of either version to indicate his royalty1 though the assertion that he was more honourable than all others fits in well with the notion4 ,but if the story was coval in its first form with the events narrated in it1 the fact might be taken as universally known2 or it might be thought politic to suppress it1 as likely to be unpalatable to the reigning ,babylonian monarch1 in the written record4 ,thus it is possible to answer to a great extent ,bissell's objection on v4 #g1 that there seems to be no good reason why it should not have been definitely stated4 ,his name is given as both here1 in ,,ii4 ,kings xxiv4 #h1 #ab1 and in ,i4 ,esd4 i4 #dc1 exactly the same as that of his father and predecessor ,jehoiakim in ,i4 ,esd4 i4 #cg 7#ci74 ,elsewhere the name is transliterated and 7,bar4 i4 #c1 ,jer4 xxii4 #bd1 var4 lect41 ,,ii4 ,chron4 xxxvi4 #h1 #i74 ,in ,judith iv4 #f1 xx4 #h we have without variation1 as the name of the high priest4 ,if this identification be correct the date must be subsequent to #eig ,b4,c41 the year of ,jehoiachin's captivity2 and probably not long after1 since ,daniel1 who was taken to ,babylon in or soon after the third year of ,jehoiakim's reign in #fjc-d1ej is represented as being still in v4 #de4 ,this phrase is somewhat tautologically rendered by ,a4,v4 as a 'young youth1' an instance which might be cited in support of the view that the ,english of the apocryphal was less excellent than that of the canonical books#ea2 but1 strange to say1 the awkward expression is continued in ,r4,v4 ,without necessarily implying it1 v4 #b might easily be taken to convey the impression that ,jehoiachin married in ,babylon4 ,thus ,hippolytus asserts1 7,migne1 ,patr4 gr4 ,x4 #fhi74 ,and1 on 'the same year' of v4 #e1 ,reuss gives the interrogative note1 ,im ,jahre der ,verheiratung des ,joakim8 ,if ,susanna's husband really be ,jehoiachin1 he is the ,jechonias who finds a place in the genealogy of ,christ1 ,st4 ,matt4 i4 #aa1 #ab1 ,jehoiakim 7,eliakim7 being omitted4 ,bugati 7,dan4 p4 #aff7 argues that ,joakim is not ,jehoiachin because of the name3 quo circa erroris arguendus est ,jacobus ,edessenus1 sive auctor scholii ad calcem historiae ,susannas adjecti in codice ,parisiensi1 qui ,joacem virum ,susann eum ,joachin rege confundat4 ,bugati was probably unaware of the above-mentioned variations in the spelling of the name1 which neutralize the force of his argument4 ,two other doubtful indications of time are given by ,hippolytus1 viz4 that ,chelchias was ,jeremiah's brother1 making ,susanna therefore his niece 7,westcott's art4 ,chelcias1 ,smith's ,d4,b471 and that 'a fit time' in v4 #ae intimated the ,feast of the ,passover4 ,unsupported tradition and conjecture look like the grounds of these two indications respectively4 ,bardenhewer 7op4 cit4 p4 #ge7 not unreasonably deems that ,hippolytus is thinking of ,christian ,baptism in connection with ,easter1 and so throws back the idea into the 'bath' and 'the fit time' of the ,passover4 ,the ,harklensian ,syriac 7,w1 ,walton's second ,syriac#eb7 asserts both in vv4 #a and #de that ,daniel was twelve years old at the date of the story2 also that ,susanna was a widow after a married life of a few days only 7v4 #e71 a statement to which neither ,greek version lends any countenance4 ,in fact1 v4 #fc 77 supposes ,joakim to be alive at the end of the tale4 ,now we know from ,,ii4 ,kings xxv4 #bg and ,jer4 xxviii4 7xxxv47 #a-d that ,jehoiachin lived some years at least after his deportation4 ,these ,syriac insertions therefore as to ,daniel's age and ,susanna's widowhood are hardly compatible with one another on the supposition that she was the wife of ,jehoiachin1 king of ,judah4 ,it has been pointed out in the ,speaker's ,commentary1 xlvib1 that the insertion of 'twelve years old' into the text of the ,syriac of ,susanna may be due to ,christian re-handling1 as also the extension of the final verse about ,daniel's fame1 and he increased in favour with the family of ,susanna1 etc41 so as to produce a correspondence with ,st4 ,luke ii4 #db1 #eb4 ,this is a possible theory1 but one lacking1 so far1 the support of evidence4 ,the condemnation of ,susanna at the ninth hour 7v4 #da7 might likewise be attributed to the same ,christian influence4 ,this was no doubt operative here1 as it was with ,hippolytus4 ,in this connection it is worthy of note that in the longer recension of the ,ignatian ,epist4 ad ,magnes41 ,,iii41 ,daniel is spoken of as when he 1 a phrase evidently reminiscent of the history of ,susanna4 ,bishop ,lightfoot notes on this3 ,his age is not given in the narrative1 and it is difficult to see whence it could have been derived4 ,he dates the longer ,ignatian epistles in the second half of the #dth century 7,i4 #bdf71 while ,thomas of ,harkel lived in the #fth and #gth centres4 ,but1 though so much later1 this ,syriac translation may perhaps afford some clue to the ultimate discovery of ,ignatius'1 or rather his expander's1 source of information4 ,the words do not of course necessarily imply such extreme youth as twelve years2 nor are we in any way tied to the accuracy of this or other ,harklensian variations4 ,though this ,addition therefore has its chronological difficulties1 they need not be regarded as absolutely insurmountable4 ,,canonicity4 ,before the correspondence of ,origen with ,julius ,africanus1 whose letter is a model of sober criticism 7,swete1 ,patristic ,study1 p4 #ef7--;a correspondence renewed between ,eusebius of ,csarea and ,porphyry#ec1 and between ,rufinus and ,jerome1 with less sobriety--we have no record of the point having been mooted4 ,for1 as ,bissell writes 7p4 #ddh71 ,we have no evidence that these pieces were not regarded as fully on a level with the remainder of the book4 ,africanus heard ,origen use ,susanna in controversy with one ,bassus1 and subsequently wrote to remonstrate1 he himself being resident in ,palestine4 ,some of his objections in this famous letter have considerable force1 while others are very weak 7,d4,c4,b4 ,i4 p4 #ed;b74 ,origen deems ,susanna part of the genuine ,daniel1 cut out by the ,jews1 as he suggests in his ,epistle to ,africanus4 ,bishop ,gray 7,o4,t4 p4 #fab7 describes this ,epistle as 'suspected'2 but it appears now to be generally accepted4 ,origen thinks that the motive of ,susanna's exclusion was its relation of particulars discreditable to the ,jewish nation4 ,but the ,bishop truly says1 there is no foundation for this improbable fancy4 ,it is1 however1 maintained by ,philippe in ,vigouroux' ,dict4 7cf4 ',title and ,position1' p4 #aji74 ,origen also asserts the canonicity of ,susanna in ,hom4 in ,levit4 #a 7middle73 ,sed tempus est nos adversus improbos presbyteros uti sanct ,susann vocibus1 quas illi quidem repudiantes1 historiam ,susann de catalogo divinorum voluminum desecrarunt4 ,nos autem et suscipimus1 et opportune contra ipsos proferimus1 dicentes ',angusti mihi undique1' etc4 7v4 #bb74 ,again1 ,origen refers to the matter in his ,in ,matthum ,commentariorum ,series4 ,he quotes ,daniel's words in v4 #ee1 angelus ,domini habens gladium scindet te medium1 and also ausi sumus uti in hoc loco1 ,dan4 exemplo1 non ignorantes quoniam in ,hebro positum non est1 sed quoniam in ecclesiis tenetur4 ,alterius autem temporis est requirere de huiusmodi 7,migne1 ,patr4 gr4 ,,xiii4 #afif74 ,delitzsch 7op4 cit4 p4 #ajc7 says1 on second thoughts1 that he adductum esse1 ut ipsos libros apocryphos ab ,origine pro et divinis habitos esse censeam4 ,about the same time1 or probably a little earlier1 ,st4 ,hippolytus 7#bcj7 gives a similar reason for the extrusion of this episode4 ,he notes on v4 #h1 1 4 ,on which ,bardenhewer 7op4 cit4 p4 #gf7 remarks1 ,susanna soll also frher auch in dem jdischen ,kanon gestanden haben und erst spter 7unliebsamen ,vorwrfen gegenber7 aus demselben entfernt worden sein4 ,a4 ,scholz1 however1 who treats the book allegorically as a 'vision1' attributes early opinions adverse to its canonicity to the ,missverstehen der ,erzhlung und die unlsbaren ,schwierigkeiten1 die dieselbe bei der historischen ,auffassung macht 7p4 #aci74 ,the 'vision' theory1 however1 is a difficult one to maintain1 serviceable though it may be in evading historic difficulties4 ,lists of books of the canon do not help us much1 as it is often uncertain whether ',daniel' covers the ,additions or not4 ,we may safely conclude1 however1 that it does in ,origen's own list1 as preserved for us by ,eusebius 7,h4,e4 ,,vi4 #be74 ,in the pseudo-,athanasius' ,synopsis sacr4 script4 #gd1 ,susanna is named1 after the books he deems canonical1 as 1 along with four books of ,maccabees and the ,psalms of ,solomon4 ,in this case we might conclude that does not cover ,susanna2 but in the beginning of the ,synopsis of ,daniel 7 #da7 the story is mentioned as part of that book1 and ,bel and the ,dragon1 at the end1 in the same way4 ,this author's view1 then1 for and against the canonicity looks somewhat undecided4 ,so in ,cyril of ,jerusalem's list in ,catech4 ,,iv4 #ce1 ',daniel' pretty certainly includes ,susanna and probably the other two ,additions1 because in ,cat4 ,,xvi4 #ca1 de ,spiritu sancto1 he quotes ,susanna #de in company with ,dan4 iv4 #f as if on an equal footing4 ,it is quoted as ,scripture before ,origen's time by ,irenus ,,iv4 xxxv4 #b1 xli4 #a2 ,tert4 de ,cor4 ,,iv42 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,proph4 ,ecl4 #a4 ,methodius1 ,bishop of ,tyre1 introduces ,susanna into his ,virgins' ,songs as an example of brave sanctity1 calling upon ,christ#ed 7see exact words under',early ,christian ,literature1' p4 #aff74 ,in the ,apost4 ,const4 ,,ii4 #di1 'concerning accusers and witnesses1' this trial is instanced 1 and again in cap4 #ea 7,mansi1 ,concil4 ,florence1 #agei1 ,i4 #ceb1 #cec74 ,though ,jerome 7,pref4 to ,dan47 calls this and the other ,additions 'fabul' 7twice71 it is pointed out by ,peronne in his note to ,corn4 ,lap4 on ,dan4 xiii4 #a 7,paris1 #ahgd7 that ,jerome uses the same word of the story of ,samson 7no ref4 given71 which he certainly regarded as canonical4 ,he claims therefore that here it has verum et nativum sensum vocis fabul1 qu quidem significat 'historiam1 sermonem4' ,but even if any disparaging sense could be eliminated from this particular word1 ,jerome's opinion is otherwise expressed4 ,the only possible reference to ,susanna observable1 ,i think1 in the ,n4,t4 is in ,matt1 xxvii4 #bd1 unless the name of ,susanna in ,st4 ,luke viii4 #c be taken from our heroine's4 ,it is of course emblematic of lily-like purity1 and therefore very suitable for a woman4 ,the story1 with some omissions1 forms the ,epistle for ,saturday after the third ,sunday in ,lent in the ,sarum and ,roman ,missals4 ,luther says that this and ,bel are beautiful and spiritual compositions1 just as ,judith and ,tobias 7,bleek1 ,o4,t41 ,venables' transl41 #ahfi1 ,,ii4 #cci74 ,in the ,greek ,church the ,synods of ,constantinople and ,jerusalem in #afgb expressly decided1 in opposition to ,cyril ,lucar and the ,calvinists1 that ,susanna and ,bel 7with some other apocryphal books7 were genuine elements of ,divine ,scripture1 and denounced ,cyril ,lucar's conduct in styling them ,apocrypha as ignorance or wickedness 7,bleek1 ,,ii4 #cdc2 ,loisy1 ,o4,t4 p4 #bdc74 ,the present ,eastern ,church reckons them1 with the ,song of the ,three1 canonical1 as ,bishop ,nectarius expressly states 7,greek ,manuals of ,church ,doctrine1 publ4 by ,eng4 ,ch4 ,assoc41 ,lond41 #aija1 p4 #ai74 ,also ,bar-,hebrus 7#abhf71 the ,monophysite1 comments on these fragments as if ,holy ,scripture 7,loisy1 p4 #bde74 ,we see then that the testimonies to canonicity are of considerable strength1 more so than is perhaps generally realised1 even though the arguments to the contrary may be still stronger4 ,the statement of ,fritzsche 7,libri apocryphi1 #ahga1 p4 xiii7 is moderate and reasonable1 fitting in well as it does with the views of our own ,church1 ,liber ,danielis canonicus iam eo ipso tempore1 quo primum in linguam grcam transferebatur1 additamentis grcis auctus est1 quorum tria maiora fere inde a seeulo quarto in eccl4 christiana vulgo a viris doctis apocrypha iudicata sunt4 ,,early ,,christian ,,literature ,,and ,,art4 ,,literature4 ,,new ,,testament4 ,in ,st4 ,matt4 xxvii4 #bd ,pilate possibly adopts ,daniel's words in v4 #df1 or at least accidentally falls in with them4 ,in ,heb4 xi4 #bc and ,sus4 #g 77 there is a strong similarity in the use of the word 1 as well as in ,exod4 ii4 #b4 ,among names taken from the ,o4,t41 that of ,susanna is not uncommon 7,d4,c4,a4 art4 ,names1 #acgd;a74 ,not improbably therefore ,susanna1 in ,st4 ,luke viii4 #c1 may have been named after the ,susanna of this history1 as already mentioned under ',canonicity1' p4 #afa4 ,st4 ,susanna of the ,roman ,calendar1 who is dated circ4 #bic1 is most likely an example of this4 ,she is not given an article in ,d4,c4,b41 but there is a short notice of her in ,d4,c4,a41 as commemorated in various ,martyrologies on ,august #aath4 ,,iren,,us 7#bjj74 ,in ,adv4 ,hr4,,iii4 xlii4 #a there is an apparent reference to v4 #ee2 in ,,iv1 xxxv4 #b to v4 #db2 and in ,,iv4 xli4 #a1 'de presbyteris injustis1' vv4 #bj1 #bf are quoted as a ,daniele propheta voces in reproof of ,christian presbyters4 ,it is probable1 too1 that ,deum qui absconsa manifestat 7,,iv4 xxxi4 #b7 may be a reminiscence of the phrase in v4 #db2 and still more probably perhaps qui est absconsorum cognitor in ,,iv4 xxxv4 #b has its origin in this same verse4 ,,clement or ,,alexandria 7#bbj74 ,in ,strom4 ,,iv4 7,heinsius' ed41 ,paris1 #afbi1 p4 #ebb7 he speaks of ,susanna and ,miriam together1 as if their biblical positions were on a par4 ,in ,hort and ,mayor's edit4 7#aijb7 of ,strom4 ,,vii4 the words in #cg are referred to ,susanna #dc 772 but it is hardly safe to assume that we have here more than an accidental approximation of wording4 ,,hippolytus 7#bcj7 distinctly recognizes ,susanna at the end of his ,preface to ,daniel1 as well as in his ,commentary itself4 ,this last1 ,bardenhewer 7,freiburg im ,breisgau1 #ahgg1 p4 #fi7 deems1 on account of its homiletic phrases1 to be ,bruchstcke einer ,homilie 7cf4 art4 ,hippolytus1 ,d4,c4,b4 iii4 #ajb;a74 ,,apostolic ,,constitutions 7third century874 ,susanna's trial is instanced in ,,ii4 #di1 ,concerning accusers and witnesses 7see quotation under ',canonicity1' p4 #afa71 and again in cap4 #ea4 ,,tertullian 7#bdj74 ,in de ,corona militis1 #d1 after instancing ,rebecca1 he goes on to say of ,susanna3 si et ,susanna in iudicio revelata argumentum velandi prstat1 possum dicere3 et his velamen arbitrii fuit1 etc4 ,also de ,pudic4 #ag1 etc4 ,,origen 7#bed7 frequently refers to ,susanna in his commentaries1 many references to which are collected by ,schrer1 ,h4,j4,p41 ,,ii4 ,,iii4 #ahf4 ,in the middle of #a of his ,hom4 ,i4 in ,levitic4 he quotes ,susanna's words in v4 #bb as if appropriate to the mouth of the book itself1 surrounded1 by those who doubted its canonicity 7words quoted under ',canonicity1' p4 #aeh74 ,in ,eusebius' ,prp4 ,ev4 ,,vi4 #aa1 ,origen is given as quoting v4 #db as a proof of ,god's foreknowledge1 4 ,in his ,commentary on ,st4 ,john 7bk4 ,,xx4 #e7 he quotes v4 #ef with 4 ,,cyprian 7#beh71 in ,ep4 ,,xliii4 #d1 illustrates his remarks by a reference to ,susannam pudicam4 ,bleek 7,o4,t4 ,,ii4 #caf7 says that ,bel and the ,dragon and ,susanna were used by both ,irenus and ,cyprian in a similar way to the ,scriptures of the ,hebrew canon4 ,,methodius 7#ccj71 in his ,song of the ,virgins 7,,ii4 #b74 1 1 includes ,judith and ,susanna3 1 1 1 1 444 7,migne1 ,patr4 gr4 ,,xviii4 #bab74 ,,hilary ,,of ,,poitiers 7#cfg71 de ,trin4 ,,iv4 #h 7,migne1 ,patr4 lat4 #aj1 #aja71 quotes ,susanna #db1 ,sicut beata ,sus4 dicit1 ,deus ternus absconditorum cognitor1 sciens omnia1 etc4 ,,athanasius 7#cgc7 also1 in his ,disc1 against ,arians1 ,i4 #ac1 quotes this popular verse 7#db7 as in ,daniel4 ,in the ,life of ,anthony1 #dc1 he refers to ,susanna1 as well as in the 'doubtful' ,synopsis ,s4,s4 ,,ephrem ,,syrus 7#cgh7 refers both in his ,ep4 ad ,johann4 monachum1 and in his #aeth ,parnesis1 to the blessed ,susanna4 ,,gratian 7#chc7 notes on ,can4 ,,xi4 of ,neocsarea 7#cae ,a4,d47 in ,decreta ,i4 #gh1 c4 iv41 ,daniel1 we read1 received the spirit of prophecy before he had arrived even at youth4 ,the ,canon itself1 as given by ,hefele1 makes no mention of ,daniel4 ,,cyril ,,of ,,jerusalem 7#chf7 refers 7,catech4 ,i4 #ca7 to ,daniel's inspiration to rescue ,susanna1 and quotes v4 #de with 4 ,,gregory ,,of ,,nyssa 7#cif7 quotes1 in his ,hexameron 7,migne1 ,patr4 gr4 ,,xliv4 p4 #ga7 and in his ,making of ,man1 v4 #db1 twice as a prophetic writing 7,,xxix4 #a74 ,,ambrose 7#cig7 has1 ,sermons ,,xlix4 and ,l41 de accusato ,domino apud ,pilatum et de ,susanna1 in which he draws a parallel between them1 as to silence under false charges1 at considerable length 7,basel1 ed4 #aebg1 ,,iii4 #edi74 ,,sulpicius ,,severus 7#djj871 in his ,hist4 ,sacr4 lib4 ,,ii4 #a1 gives an outline of the story of ,susanna1 after the events of ,dan4 i4 and before those of chap1 ii41 evidently regarding it as historical4 ,,chrysostom 7#djg7 has a sermon de ,susanna1 in which he compares her to the garden enclosed of ,solomon's ,song iv4 #ab 7quoted in ,arnald's ,commentary74 ,,jerome 7#dbj71 in his de ,nominibus ,hebraicis1 includes1 under the ,book of ,daniel1 ,susanna and ,joacim without any distinction from the names in the rest of the book 7ed4 ,vallarsi1 vol4 ,,iii474 ,,augustine 7#dcj7 draws1 in de ,civ4 ,dei1 ,i4 #ai1 a parallel between ,susanna and ,lucretia1 greatly to the advantage of the former4 ,arnald1 on v4 #bc1 gives some extracts from this4 ,,cyril ,,of ,,alexandria 7#ddd7 quotes v4 #ef at least twice1 viz4 on ,hos4 xii4 #h and on ,zeph4 i4 #aa4 ,in the latter case he speaks of it as 1 giving it thus explicitly a high position4 ,,theodoret 7#deg7 quotes in ,letter ,,cx41 ,susanna #bb2 but in his comment on ,daniel1 ,susanna is not contained4 ,,mamertus ,,claudianus 7#dgd74 ,the following occurs in a hymn attributed to this writer1 ,in ,jacobum magistrum equitum1 but which ,migne says is 'dubi auctoritatis'3 ,sic tibi det vires sancta ,susanna suas4 ,,nicephorus ,,of ,,constantinople 7#hbh7 classes ,susanna among his antilegomena4 ,as he makes no separate mention in his lists of the ,song1 or of ,bel and the ,dragon1 he presumably reckons them under ',daniel'#ee 7,migne1 ,patr4 gr4 c4 #ajef74 ,at the end of pseudo-,athanasius' ,synopsis ,s4,s4 comes a list of 1 so similar to ,nicephorus' list in order and contents as to suggest that they had some close connection2 and it is possible that this appendage may be of even later date than the ,synopsis itself1 which may be attributed to the #fth century 7,loisy1 ,a4,t41 p4 #adg74 ,the above are specimens of the numerous references made to ,susanna by early ,christian writers1 both ,greek and ,latin1 who evidently found in her a favourite instance to adduce in support of their teaching4 ,nor ought we1 in such a matter1 to treat lightly the tenor of ,christian antiquity so remarkably manifested4 ,,art4 ,from early times scenes from ,susanna were often chosen for artistic treatment4 ,in a list of the symbols most frequently represented in painting or sculpture by the ,church of the first seven centuries ,susanna is included 7,d4,c4,a4 art4 ,symbolism74 ,frescoes of ,susanna and the ,elders occur1 though not with great frequency1 in the ,catacombs 7,d4,c4,a4 ,i4 art4 ,fresco1 #gjj;a74 ,w4 ,lowrie1 in his ,christian ,art 7,n4,y4 and ,lond4 #aija1 p4 #baj71 mentions a second-century fresco of ,susanna and the ,elders judged by ,daniel1 in the cemetery of ,callistus2 also he says1 in the ,capella grca in ,st4 ,priscilla the story is depicted with unusual dramatic interest in several scenes4 ,three old ,italian sarcophagi have bas-reliefs of ,susanna and the ,elders as emblematic of the ,church enduring persecution2 others are known in southern ,gaul 7,d4,c4,a4 art4 ,church1 ,symbols of74 ,a woodcut is given in this article of a sheep 7ewe87 between two wild beasts 7wolves871 ',susanna' and ',senioris' being written over them respectively1 the artist evidently fearing that the symbolism might otherwise not be perceived4 ,scenes from the history of ,susanna carved on sarcophagi are more frequent in ,france than in ,italy4 ,it has been thought that the two ,elders may be taken to represent the two older forms of religion1 the ,pagan and the ,jewish 7,d4,c4,a41 ,o4,t4 in ,art1 ,,ii4 #adei;b74 ,in the same ,dict4 7,sculpture1 ,,ii4 #ahfg;a7 it is noted that the cycle of subjects has a remarkable correspondence with those named in the ,roman ,breviary ,ordo commendationis anim1 where ,libera1 ,dom4 animam servi tui sicut liberasti ,sus4 de falso crimine1 is one of the petitions4 ,it is fair to presume that ,delitzsch refers to some of the above when he writes1 ,susann historia in sarcophagis veterum ,christianorum cum sacris historiis insculpta conspicitur 7op4 cit4 #bf74 ,in the ,brit4 ,mus41 #bnd ,north ,gallery1 ,room ,v41 there is a glass fragment of the #dth century1 found at ,cologne1 representing 7probably7 ,susanna amongst other subjects4 ,she also appears on a carved ivory reliquary of ,brescia1 which is most likely not later in date than #hjj 7,d4,c4,a4 art4 ,reliquary1 ,,ii4 #aghj;b74 ,in the ,byzantine ,guide to ,painting 7 71 given in ,didron's ,christian ,iconography 7,bohn's ed41 ,lond4 #ahhf1 ,i4 #den1 ,,ii4 #bhd71 ',daniel defends ,susanna' is put immediately after the scene in ,dan4 i4 #ae1 and before the other scenes given out of ,daniel 7cf4 ',position1' p4 #aji74 ,didron's ,,ms4 of this work is probably of the #aeth century1 though the monks of ,athos1 whence it appears to have come1 regarded it as some five centuries older4 ,there is a window of stained glass1 said to be cinque-cento1 in the westernmost bay of the south aisle of ,st4 ,james' ,church1 ,bury ,st4 ,edmunds1 of which the three lower lights represent the trial of ,susanna4 ,in the centre ,susanna's bath takes the form of a deep font1 in which she is standing4 ,the ,elders are clothed in purple4#ef ,in ,sumner's ,antiquities of ,canterbury1 #agjc1 the second figure in the third window of the cathedral is described as ,daniel in medio seniorum1 and this inscription is given3 ,mirantur pueri seniores voce doceri ,sic responsa dei sensum stupent ,pharasaei4 7,reprinted in ,ancient ,glass ,painting1 by an ,amateur1 ,oxf4 #ahdh1 p4 #cee47 ,in the scheme of stained glass for ,truro cathedral there are several apocryphal subjects1 including a window in the south-east transept having ,susanna and the ,mother of the ,seven ,martyrs for its subjects 7,donaldson1 ,bishopric of ,truro1 #aijb1 ,app4 ,v474 ,a carved chimney-piece exists in ,chillingham ,castle1 ,northumberland1 representing ,susanna and the ,elders 7,murray1 ,handbook to ,northumberland1 #ahgc1 p4 #cbf74 ,this scene has been a wonderfully popular one with painters4 ,altdorfer1 ,carracci1 ,correggio1 ,a4 ,coypel1 van ,dyck1 ,guercino1 ,rembrandt1 ,rubens1 ,santerre1 ,tintoretto1 ,valentin1 and ,p4 ,veronese may be named amongst those who have treated it4 ,a picture entitled ',susanna' was exhibited in the ,royal ,academy1 ,london1 in #ahhf1 by ,fred4 ,goodall1 ,r4,a4 ,thus we see that the many picturesque incidents in this ,addition have not been overlooked by ,christian artists in search of subjects for the brush or the chisel4 ,of these three supplementary sections of ,daniel the ,history of ,susanna has1 in this respect1 been found much the most suggestive2 probably as the one which is thought to contain the highest passion and feeling4 ,,example ,,of ,,life ,,and ,,instruction ,,of ,,manners4 ,in the character of ,susanna we see unconquerable ,purity in thought and deed2 prayerful ,trust in ,god under a false and cruel accusation1#eg and1 in the face of death1 securing deliverance from an unexpected quarter 7cf4 v4 #fj with ,,ii4 ,cor4 i4 #aj74 ,with v4 #ee ,hippolytus compares ,tob4 iii4 #b 7,vulgate74 ,the parallels drawn by ,st4 ,chrysostom and ,st4 ,augustine will be found under ',early ,christian ,literature1' p4 #afg4 ,susanna's trouble may be taken as a conspicuous illustration of ,ps4 xxxiv4 #ai4 ,susanna was conscientious as well as pure2 would not lie1 being tenderly nurtured morally as well as physically4#eh ,she had the virtue of bodily cleanliness as well as social purity1 and affords an early instance of the use of the prepared bath4 ,it is noticeable1 too1 that no unfavourable traits develop themselves on the re-establishment of her happiness and the condemnation of her slanderers2 there is no excessive reaction to unbecoming laxity1 no 4 ,in the character of the ,elders we see judicial position and feigned piety used as a cloak for lust and slander2 great hardness of heart in condemning ,susanna to death1 with the full knowledge that she was innocent2 unblushing effrontery 7v4 #ej72 sins of the tongue in 'lying and slandering4' ,hooker 7,ecc4 ,pol4 ,v4 #b7 refers1 according to the marginal note 7though they are not named in the text71 to these ,elders as examples of affected atheism1 where the windows of the soul are of very set purpose closed2 they turned away their mind and cast down their eyes1 that they might not see heaven nor remember just judgments4 ,st4 ,hippolytus on v4 #fa quotes ,prov4 xxvi4 #bg very appositely4 ,the fall of the ,elders shews the need for our ,lord's order in ,st4 ,matt4 v4 #bh1 and the terrible results of acting otherwise4 ,the individual character of each ,elder has a little light thrown upon it by the form of condemnation framed by ,daniel4 ,that of the first is chiefly based on his unjust judgment1 that of the second on his lewd conduct1 each judgment being varied in this way according to the form of his previous iniquities4 ,the knowledge which ,daniel possessed of these appropriately determined the cast of his sentence4 ,that he had some acquaintance with their former habits is shewn by vv44 #eb1 #ec1 #ef4 ,the change to the plural in v4 #eg is difficult to explain1 and does not receive attention at the hands of the commentators2 in fact ,ball applies this verse1 without mentioning the change of number1 to the one ,elder only4 ,although these godless judges failed in accomplishing their purpose1 they were not on this account less scandalous betrayers of virtue4 ,in ,susanna's ,servants we see fidelity1 sympathy1 and no eagerness to believe an ill report4 ,as regards ,susanna1 this fact speaks volumes for the excellence of her conduct4 ,in ,daniel we see the courage and penetrating acumen which are so characteristic of his whole career1 impressing all with whom he was brought into contact4 ,he weighs a matter carefully before coming to a decision4 ,by unmasking hypocrisy and securing justice he is delighted to set right a grievous wrong4#ei ,he appears as the best judge 7cf4 the estimation shewn of the justice of ,god by ,azarias1 ,song of the ,three1 #d--h74 ,daniel further exhibits a decision and an absence of self-distrust1 in undertaking tasks of great risk1 quite in accordance with his character as portrayed in the canonical book1 and in ,bel and the ,dragon4 ,in each case he is alert1 acute1 and fearless2 his conduct in different circumstances is quite in keeping with itself4 ,using his talents thoroughly1 he makes full proof of his ministry4 ,there is a strong resemblance in ideas1 though not much in words1 between ,daniel's sentence in v4 #ee and ,st4 ,matt4 xxiv4 #ea4 ,the judgment of ,daniel in this case may be taken as a type of the ,last ,judgment1 correcting the unjust judgments of this world4 ,a high value is set on ,scripture1 as v4 #ec shews1 where it is quoted as an authoritative rule of conduct2 v4 #e1 too1 if it is to be regarded as a reference to ,jer4 xxix4 #bc1 points to a similar high esteem for it as the word of the ,lord4 ,susanna herself in v4 #bb evidently remembers ,david's words in ,,ii4 ,sam4 xxiv4 #ad1 when he too had to make his choice between falling into the hand of the ,lord or the hand of man1 thus shewing her ready knowledge of the ,o4,t4 ,much admirable moral teaching therefore may be drawn from the characters of this little work of world-wide interest1 teaching which is needed in all nations and in all periods4 ,,part ,,iv ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,bel ,,and ,,the ,,dragon 7 7 ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,bel ,,and ,,the ,,dragon4 ,,analysis4 v4 #a1 #b4 ,introduces ,cyrus and ,daniel4 #c4 ,how ,bel was worshipped by the ,babylonians4 #d--g4 ,discussion as to ,bel's worship#fj between the ,king and ,daniel4 #h1 #i4 ,the ,king enquires of ,bel's priests1 and says that they or ,daniel must die4 #aj--ad4 ,the test agreed upon to prove whether ,bel partook of the offerings or no4 #ae--bb4 ,decided in the negative by discovery of the ,priests' trick1 who are slain and their idol destroyed4 #bc4 ,introduces the other object of worship#fj1 the ,dragon4 #bd--bg4 ,conversation as to its divinity between the ,king and ,daniel1 who1 with the former's permission1 ingeniously slays it4 #bh1 #bi4 ,anger of the ,babylonians with them both4 #cj--cb4 ,they cause ,daniel to be cast into the lions' den4 #cc--dj4 ,he is miraculously saved by ,habakkuk4 #dj1 #db4 ,the ,king acknowledges the ,lord1 sets ,daniel free1 and delivers his persecutors to the fate intended for the prophet4 ,endnote3 ,n4,b4--,it is unaccountable why the 'heading' in ,a4,v4 begins with v4 #ai4 ,cf4 ,sus4 for a similar peculiarity4 ,,title ,,and ,,position4 ,,title4 is the usual title of this booklet4 ,it is obviously derived from the names of the two idols destroyed in the two portions of the story4 ,but ,cod4 ,chis4 has the curious heading1 7cf4 v4 #cc74 ,the ,syriac also has the equivalent of this4 ,in some ,syriac ,,mss4 ',dragon' is given as a separate title before v4 #bc2 and ,luther's version1 at the same point1 expands this into 'von ,drachen zu ,babel4' ,in ,codd4 ,a1 ,q1 the entire piece is headed 1 and is thus treated as an integral part of ,daniel1 finishing the book1 the #abth chapter of which ends in ,cod4 ,a with 4#fa ,in ,b it follows1 if possible1 still more closely1 there being no intermediate heading#fb1 ,in ,cod4 ,a1 at the end1 there is 4 1 which1 except in the case of ,ruth1 is not ,a's usual way of terminating works4 ,the ,arabic ,version in ,walton also superscribes it as a 'vision' 7,scholz1 p4 #aci74 ,the title 'the book of the little ,daniel' seems applied to ,bel and the ,dragon in a ,nestorian list mentioned by ,churton 7p4 #chi71 and seemingly in ,ebed ,jesu's list of ,hippolytus' works 7,d4,c44,b art4 ,hippolytus1 ,,iii4 p4 #ajd;a74 ,this title1 which usually belongs to ,susanna1 when applied to ,bel and the ,dragon1 must refer1 not to ,daniel's age1 but to the size of the book4 ,delitzsch 7op4 cit4 #ben7 mentions1 without further description1 one ,,ms4 from ,mount ,athos which entitles it 4 ,the source of the marginal reading of ,a4,v4 ,bel's ,dragon 7also given in the title to ,susanna7 does not appear to be identified4 ,,position4 ,as to the place of this piece in some of the ,greek ,,mss4 see above4 ,professor ,a4 ,scholz 7,judith und ,bel und der ,drache1 ,wrzburg1 #ahif1 p4 #bjj7 finds fault with ,holmes and ,parsons for having disturbed the position of this book without offering sufficient indication of having done so3 die ,stcke willkrlich versetzt sind4 ,in the ,vulgate it is reckoned as chap4 xiv4 of ,daniel1 coming after ,susanna1 which forms chap4 xiii41 as also in the ,hexaplar ,syriac4 ,caj4 ,bugati1 in his edition of this text1 regards its ascription to ,habakkuk as a reason for its detached position at the end 7see ',authorship1' p4 #ahf74 ,j4 ,frst's idea 7quoted by ,bissell1 p4 #ddd71 that the work was originally incorporated in chap4 vi41 seems far less likely than his conjecture with regard to the position of ,susanna 7q4v474 ,indeed1 except for a certain similarity in the lions' den miracle1 it is not easy to see why it should be joined to any part of chap4 vi4 ,nor do the similar points of the den incidents seem any real ground for making one story follow directly upon the other4 ,e4 ,philippe 7,vigouroux ,dict4 ,,ii4 #abff7 attempts1 rather feebly1 to account for its omission from the ,hebrew ,bibles4 ,he says1 elle parut tort aux ,juifs faire double emploi avec un rcit pareil1 ,,vi4 ,this seems to be a gratuitous supposition of no great probability4 ,as the story deals with the latter part of ,daniel's life1 its place at the conclusion of the book is very fitting4 ,in ,cod4 ,a the subscription mentioned above1 marking it as the end of ,daniel the prophet1 distinctly attaches it to the ,book of ,daniel1 and precludes further additions4 ,on the whole1 if its connection with the ,book of ,daniel is to be recognized1 this position at the close may be regarded as the most suitable4 ,,authorship4 ,in 1 ,bel and the ,dragon is apparently assumed to be by the same writer as the rest of the ,book of ,daniel4 ,so in ,breshith ,rabbah#fc on ,gen4 xxxvii4 #bd we have nearly the words of v4 #bh sq41 introduced by ,this is as it is written in ,daniel 7,ball1 #cdd;a74 ,in ,raymund ,martini's ,pugio fidei 7,paris1 #afea1 p4 #gdj7 the ,aramaic is given as 7see under ',chronology1' p4 #bbi74 ,if1 however1 it be presumed that ,daniel is not the author1 we are left without any clue to the writer's name1 except what is afforded us by the ,,lxx title1 which treats the piece as an extract from a prophecy of ,habakkuk1 son of ,jesus4 ,most probably the minor prophet of that name is intended1 though this has been doubted on chronological and on genealogical grounds2 and the position of ,bel and the ,dragon in the ,,mss4 lends no countenance to a connection with ,habakkuk's prophecy4 ,rothstein nevertheless1 in ,kautzsch1 ,apocr4 7p4 #agh71 regards it as certain that the minor prophet is meant2 and so likewise do ,schrer and ,driver in their articles in ,hauck's ,encyclopdia 7,i4 #fci71 and in ,hastings' ,d4,b4 respectively2 and ,keil1 who is referred to below 7p4 #ahh74 ,still1 it is curious that a ,levite of the name of ,jesus1 who had sons1 is mentioned in ,i4 ,esd4 v4 #eh1 and elsewhere in the same book4 ,further evidence1 however1 which might connect him with the ,,lxx title1 is not forthcoming4 ,but it is noticeable that in ,hab4 ii4 #ah sq4 idolatry1 probably ,chaldean1 is scoffed at in a tone not dissimilar to that of this work4 ,eusebius and ,apollinarius1 in controversy with ,porphyry1 accept this title as correct 7,churton1 #cij;b74 ,so ,bugati 7,milan1 #aghh1 p4 #afc7 treats the authorship of ,habakkuk as the reason of the detached position of the fragment at the end of the book4 ,hesychius of ,jerusalem1 quoted under ',early ,christian ,literature1' declines to express an opinion as to the identity of ,habakkuk4 ,the ,synopsis sacr4 ,script4--referred to by ,ball 7#cej;b7 and ,bissell 7#ddg7 as if a genuine work of ,athanasius--perhaps affords ground for a third theory4 ,for it makes mention 7after ,n4,t4 books1 #ge7 of a certain pseudo-epigraphic writing of which might perhaps be the named in the ,,lxx title4 ,all things considered1 the theory that the well-known prophet ,habakkuk was meant by ,,lxx seems the most probable4 ,but if ,bel and the ,dragon be merely the crystallization of what is called a 'fluid myth1' or traditional floating story1 its original authorship is not merely unknown1 but is undiscoverable1 and was probably a doubtful matter even to those who first rendered it into ,greek4 ,this view accounts too1 as nothing else seems satisfactorily to do1 for the many changes1 insertions1 and omissions in different versions4 ,such stories1 at any rate in their earlier days1 are subject to variation in many points as the result of oral repetition4 ,still1 the 'fluidity' of this piece is by no means so great as that of ,tobit1 where the variations are on a much wider scale4 ,if the 'fluid myth' theory be accepted1 the original becomes an anonymous story1 built up on the renown of ,daniel1 a piece of ,haggadah in fact1 as some1 not unreasonably1 have ventured to think2 such as ,j4,w4 ,etheridge1 who classes these pieces under that head1 or1 as he styles them1 histories coloured with fable 7,jerusalem and ,tiberias1 ,lond4 #ahef1 p4 #aji74 ,reuss regards it as still more imaginative1 deeming all except the temple to be reine ,erfindung1 und zwar eine ziemlich geistlose 7,o4,t4 ,,vii4 #bfi74 ,but ,prof4 ,sayce thinks that the author was better acquainted with ,babylon and ,babylonian history than the other apocryphal writers 7,temple ,bible1 ',tobit1' etc41 ,lond4 #aijc1 pp4 xiv1 #ie74 ,furthermore it must be remembered that even if ,bel and the ,dragon was added to ,daniel as an appendix by a later hand1 there may still be truth in the story2 its erroneousness is not necessarily proved1 nor is it needful to assume1 as is sometimes done1 that all its events are fictitious4 ,this seems to be done by ,g4,h4 ,curteis 7,s4,p4,c4,k4 ,comm41 ',introd4 to ,hab4'71 who writes3 ,the absurd legends with which the ,rabbis and the author of ,bel and the ,dragon amused themselves are not worthy of serious attention4 ,and ,keil also1 in his ,commentary on the ,minor ,prophets1 while accepting the superscription of ,cod4 ,chis4 as supporting ,habakkuk's ,levitic origin1 regards the rest of the legend as quite worthless 7,clark's translation1 pp4 #di1 #ej74 ,so1 too1 ,w4,j4 ,deane 7,pulpit ,bible1 #ahih1 ',hab4' p4 #aaa7 says1 ,the whole account is plainly unhistorical1 and its connection with the canonical writer cannot be maintained for a moment4 ,supposing the story to be true1 however1 it may form an instance1 both at its outset and its close1 of what is recorded in ,dan4 vi4 #bh1 of ,daniel prospering in the reign of ,cyrus the ,persian4 ,but1 in the present state of our knowledge1 speculations lead to no positive result1 for the real author cannot be determined4 ,,date ,,and ,,place ,,of ,,writing4 ,,date4 ,the idea1 which may be a true one1 that this is the latest of these three appendices1 seems chiefly founded on its position at the end of ,daniel1 and on its subject-matter1 which contains indications of belonging to the prophet's latter years4 ,having passed safely through many trials1 he now boldly laughs at the idols of ,babylon 7vv4 #g1 #ai74 ,his contempt is unconcealed1 and he again confidently risks his life for the true ,god4 ,in v4 #ai we also find him venturing to hold the king back-- 774 ,long experience in surmounting great difficulties by divine help had strengthened his nerve and confirmed his faith4 ,original4 ,if the ,,lxx be taken as a translation1 the original is of course older than the ,greek text1 but not necessarily much older4 ,if the statement at the head1 however1 be accepted as referring to ,habakkuk the prophet1 the original is of course thrown back to a much earlier date1 say circ4 #fjj ,b4,c41 and ,hebrew1 not ,aramaic1 would be the language4 ,but this theory will scarcely commend itself to many 7cf4 ',chronology1' p4 #bbc74 ,,lxx4 ,there seems no reason to doubt that ,bel and the ,dragon always formed a part of this ,greek version of ,daniel4 ,pusey 7quoted in ,churton1 ,uncan4 and ,apocr4 ,script1 p4 #chi7 speaks of it as 'contemporary with the ,,lxx1' while ,rothstein 7,kautzsch1 #agh1 #i7 attributes it to the second century ,b4,c41 being probably of the same date as ,susanna4 ,theodotion4 ,this version may reasonably be assigned to the second century ,a4,d4 ,but it has been pretty clearly shewn that ,theodotion worked up some ,greek version other than the ,,lxx4 ,many of the quotations from ,daniel in the ,n4,t41 and especially those tn ,revelation 7specified in ,d4,c4,b4 art4 ,theodotion1 ,,iv4 #ige;b71 shew that a version largely corresponding with his existed at the time when these quotations were made4 ,the ,book of ,baruch also 7same art4 #igf;a7 bears evidence of the employment of this ,theodotionic ground-version1 the origin of which is at present unknown4 ,in this connection compare ,prof4 ,swete's ,introd4 to ,greek ,o4,t4 ed4 #b1 p4 #dh1 and ,schrer's pointed saying1 quoted there in note 7#c71 ,entweder ,th4 selbst ist lter als die ,apostel1 oder es hat einen ',th4' vor ,th4 gegeben4 ,there seems little reason to doubt that the unnamed previous version extended to this and the other ,additions to ,daniel4 ,,place4 ,original 7,semitic874 ,babylonia1 or possibly ,palestine4 ,the writer1 says ,bissell on v4 #b1 shews a familiar acquaintance with what was the probable state of things in ,babylon when the event narrated is supposed to have occurred4 ,of the things mentioned1 clay is common in ,babylonia1 and brass or bronze was used as a material for images2 and the lion was an inhabitant of the country4 ,there is no sign 7in this piece7 of ,hellenic thought influencing ,jewish belief1 such as would have been likely to shew itself in a purely ,alexandrian production4 ,the strong hatred of idolatry is quite in accordance with a ,babylonish origin2 more so perhaps than with an ,alexandrian4 ,cf4 ,jer4 xliv4 #h1 which seems to shew that1 at any rate in the early days of the dispersion in ,egypt1 the severance from idolatry was not so sharp as in ,babylonia4 ,the mention of pitch 7v4 #bg7 as a readily obtainable commodity is inconclusive1 as stated under the corresponding section of ,part ,,ii4 ,the possible confusion between 7storm-wind7 and 7pitch71 pointed out by ,marshall in his article on ,bel and the ,dragon in ,hastings' ,dict41 does not look probable as occurring in a list of substances of this kind4 ,,lxx4 ,alexandria may be pretty certainly named4 ,what ,bishop ,westcott calls an ,alexandrine hand 7,d4,b4 ,i4 p4 #ddh ed4 #a1 #gad ed4 #b7 has been generally deemed apparent4 ,so ,bissell says3 ,the contents furnish tolerably safe evidence of its ,egyptian origin4 ,but this does not seem to agree very well with his note on v4 #b1 quoted at the beginning of this chapter4 ,it might have been thought that the weights and measures which enter into this story in v4 #c of both versions1 and in v4 #bg of ,,lxx1 would have afforded some valuable local indications4 ,but unfortunately for this requirement1 the weights and measures of the ancient world were so much assimilated as to yield1 in the question before us1 no certain clue4 ,alexandria too1 being a great commercial centre1 had become somewhat syncretistic4 ,as ,p4 ,smith remarks1 in his article ,mensura1 in ,d4 ,gk4 ,rom4 ,a4 7#ahgb1 p4 #ged;b71 ,the ,roman system1 which was probably derived from the ,greek1 agreed with the ,babylonian both in weights and measures4 ,it is stated1 however1 in ,hastings' ,d4,b4 7,,iv4 #iaa;b1 #iac;b7 that and were identified at ,alexandria1 in which case they may have been used here as rough equivalents for the translation of some ,semitic words1 such as and in ,isai4 v4 #aj and ,i4 ,kings xviii4 #cb respectively4 ,the of v4 #bg is also both ,babylonian and ,alexandrian 7see ,hastings' ,d4,b4 iv4 #ijd;a74 ,the signs1 from this source1 of local origin must not therefore be pressed4 ,theodotion4 ,from what little we know of this translator's life1 it is not improbable that he made his version at ,ephesus4 ,the genitive form in v4 #bf1 thought to be ,ionic1 may lend a little support to this4 ,cf4 ,heb4 xi4 #cd1 ,rev4 xiii4 #ad1 in ,a2 ,b here failing2 yet it is found in ,b1 by the first corrector1 in ,st4 ,luke xxi4 #bd4 ,but cf4 ,swete's ,introd4 p4 #cjd4 ,on the other hand1 the use of in v4 #cb 7 only7 for 'slaves' is given by ,deissmann 7p4 #afj7 as an example of ,egyptian usage4 ,it is found in ,gen4 xxxiv4 #bi1 ,tob4 x4 #aj1 and elsewhere4 ,its use by ,polybius 7mentioned without reference by ,deissmann7 does not give us much 'local' assistance1 for his travels were so extensive that he may have picked it up in various places4 ,but its occurrence in ,rev4 xviii4 #ac may suggest that it was in use at ,ephesus also4 ,deissmann 7p4 #aag7 also thinks 7v4 #c7 to be an ,alexandrian idiom2 but in the same verse we find the spelling 1 which is considered by ,liddell and ,scott to be an ,ionic form4 ,the indications therefore of this linguistic kind nearly counterbalance one another4 ,,for ,,whom ,,and ,,with ,,what ,,object ,,written4 ,this story was evidently composed for ,jewish use1 not improbably for ,jews who had returned from the ,captivity1 as a popular memorial of ,babylonish days4 ,and perhaps the general tenor of the piece implies that it was written to serve1 not so much to convert idolaters1 as for the encouragement of those who were striving1 or had striven1 to maintain the faith among the heathen4 ,its tone and subject make its composition in the first instance for ,babylonian ,jews1 or ,palestinian ,jews returned from captivity1 more likely than for their ,alexandrian brethren4 ,to these latter1 however1 it soon found its way4 ,but it is amongst ,christian people that this narrative has had its longest and deepest influence4 ,the more it was valued by ,christians the less it seemed regarded by ,jews4 ,in this respect its fate was similar to that of the entire ,,lxx4 ,a distinct moral purpose is not obscurely indicated by the trend of the whole story4 ,it is not merely a record of two interesting episodes in the prophet's later days1 but it also aims at a definite religious object4 ,that object is to throw contempt on idolatry1 whether directed to inanimate or animate things2 to honour ,daniel as vindicator of the true worship2 and to shew that the adoration of heathen deities is lying and deceptive1 and ought to be supplanted by that of the ,lord4 ,it is evidently desired to put both idols and idolaters into ridiculous positions1 not for mere amusement1 but in order to destroy the confidence which was groundlessly placed in them4 ,the weapons of sarcasm and contemptuous treatment are used with success1 even as ,elijah employed them on ,baal and his worshippers at an earlier time 7,i4 ,kings xviii4 #bg74 ,a desire to convert the heathen1 by proving the absurdity of their idol-worship1 may be inferred from the last clause of v4 #bg1 compared with vv4 #e1 #be4 ,as the history of ,susanna deals with errors of ,jewish practice1 so does this writing with the errors of heathenism4 ,the providence of ,god in protecting those who suffer for ,his sake is clearly inculcated in the latter portion of the work4 ,a sense of this would1 with other results1 give confidence in the fight against idolatry2 the more needed because ,bel was evidently a very popular deity with high and low1 and difficult to dislodge4 ,the frequent compounding of ',bel' with proper names 7,belshazzar and ,belteshazzar7#fd shews the regard in which he was held4 ,compare the similar compounding of ',jehovah' amongst the ,jews4 ,but1 although ,bel was deemed a beneficent deity1 being1 as ,gesenius calls him 7s4v4 1 sub 71 'agathodemon1 omnis felicitatis auctor1' ,daniel does not spare him on that account4 ,thomas ,wintle#fe suggests that the image in chap4 iii4 was ,bel1 or some of the ,assyrian deities1 as we may collect from iii4 #ad2 and ,bar-,hebrus' notion that the gift of ,bel to ,daniel1 in v4 #bb of our story1 was in order that he might be rewarded by the gold with which the image was plated1 agrees well enough with iii4 ,i 7,berlin1 #ahhh1 p4 #bh74 ,the aim is to depict ,daniel1 distinguished for his wisdom and piety1 as the successful1 though sorely tried1 opponent of heathenism1 and as the representative of the ,living ,god4 ,his character to a great extent resembles that pourtrayed in the rest of the work bearing his name4 ,it is shewn how he continued to face and to solve the difficult problems of court life in ,babylon4 ,and albeit he secured no small measure of fame1 and perhaps of popularity1 at the time1 these earthly results1 in their abiding form1 it has lain with posterity to give him4 ,on the supposition that ,alexandria was the birthplace of the piece1 it has been suggested that the aim of the writer was to warn against the sin of idolatry some of his brethren who had embraced ,egyptian superstition4#ff ,but no special reference to ,egyptian forms of idolatry is apparent in support of this view1 which seems based on little more than a wish to fit in the idolatry with the theory of the story having an ,alexandrian origin4 ,a4 ,scholz's notion that the whole piece is a 'vision' with allegoric or apocalyptic meanings only1 and never intended to be taken as history1 looks like a wonderfully forced hypothesis1 laying a great strain on the imaginations both of the writer and the reader4 ,the book having been received as canonical in the ,roman communion1 its contents must at all hazards be reconciled with the maintenance of that position4 ,yet it is fair to note that ,luther1 on other grounds1 regarded ,susanna and ,bel and the ,dragon as pretty spiritual fictions1 in which history must take its chance 7,zckler1 p4 #baf74 ,,integrity ,,and ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,text4 ,this double story seems to have been treated as one in the ,greek4 ,in the ,syriac and ,arabic versions the ,dragon has a separate title 7noticed in ,a4,v4 margin1 ,some add this title of the ,dragon'74 ,the former1 strangely enough1 has 'end of ,daniel' before this title4 ,and in the ,syro-,chaldee version1 given in ,midrash ,rabbah de ,rabbah1 ,bel has a subscription1 and the ,dragon a fresh title 7see ,ball1 #cde;a74 ,in v4 #bc 77 are wanting as connecting words in ,b1 but the reference to ,bel in v4 #bh serves to consolidate the two portions of the story4 ,a and ,q also1 as well as correctors of ,b1 have an additional clause in v4 #bd1 which pre-supposes the former portion of the piece1 a clause given in ,a4,v4 and ,r4,v4 ,the of in answers the same purpose4 ,daniel's mocking tone at the end of v4 #bg agrees well with his sense of humour in v4 #g4 ,cyrus' ready compliance1 too1 in v4 #bf is only accounted for fully by the shock given to his idolatrous beliefs in the ,bel part of the story4 ,and so far the internal evidence argues for the unity of the piece4 ,but it is noticeable that the ,epistle for ,tuesday after the ,fifth ,sunday in ,lent in the ,sarum and ,roman ,missals consists of the ,dragon story only1 beginning at v4 #bi1 with some slight introductory changes4 ,and ,gaster's recovered ,aramaic text 7which he believes to have been the basis of ,theodotion's ,greek7 consists of the ,dragon story only4 ,the notion that it had a separate currency is therefore1 to a certain extent1 supported2 and this would still be the case1 even if ,gaster's text is not an original1 but a translation4 ,if ,gaster's ,aramaic were really the basis of 's version1 it would follow that he did not confine himself to making a mere recension of the text1 though he evidently availed himself of it as far as he thought proper4 ,it is highly probable that this would apply to the ,bel as well as to the ,dragon story1 although the corresponding ,aramaic of the former is not at present forthcoming4 ,neither the nor 's original text seem to have been materially tampered with1 either in the way of addition or omission4 ,each has some clauses not contained in the other3 in vv4 #i1 #ae1 #ca1 #ci2 in vv4 #a1 #ab1 #ac1 #cf1 #dj4 ,yet ,westcott 7,smith's ,d4,b4 ,i4 #cig;a1 ed4 #b1 #gad;a7 thinks that some of 's changes arose from a desire to give consistency to the facts4 ,the change at the end of v4 #bg1 however1 is hardly a happy one1 being put immediately after 1 thus suggesting the idea that the latter drew attention to the fact that he was destroyed4 ,the ,,lxx4 avoided this4 ,it is remarkable that ,theodoret1 in his ,commentary on ,daniel1 comments on vv4 #a and #b of ,bel and the ,dragon 77 only1 treating them as the closing verse 7#ad7 of chap4 xii41 and introducing them with the words1 1 444 ,this curious fact1 combined with that of their omission from the 1 points to some arrangement of the text with which we are not acquainted4 ,theodoret also refers to these same verses previously1 in commenting on chaps4 v4 #c and x4 #a4 ,though he says nothing of the rest of ,bel and the ,dragon1 he shews1 by his referring in ,ep4 cxlv4 7latter part7 to ,habakkuk's miraculous flight through the air1 that he was well acquainted with the story1 and approved of it4 ,the principal ,,mss4 available are ,a1 ,b1 ,q1 7vv4 #b--d only71 and from v4 #ba to #da1 which has recently reinforced our somewhat scanty uncial authorities4 ,the text of ,a appears to have slightly better ,greek 7vv4 #i1 #aj1 #ai1 #ba1 #bg72 but the form 7occurs in ,heb4 xi4 #cd in ,a71 if not a slip1#fg seems ,ionic 7,wordsworth's ,greek ,gram4 #af1 ,obs471 as has been already mentioned 7',authorship1' p4 #aic71 and might perhaps be accounted for by 's connection with ,ephesus4 ,the substitution of for 1 however1 in v4 #cd seems no improvement1 ,a in this1 as in several other instances 7vv4 #aj1 #bh1 #ce71 agreeing with the reading4 ,taking1 for convenience1 ,b as the norm1 we find that ,a's departures from it are somewhat larger than in the ,song of the ,three4 ,in v4 #g is added1 as also in ,q1 to the description of ,bel's inability to consume food4 ,in v4 #aa is curiously substituted by ,a for 2 in v4 #ac for 4 ,both these are suggestive of carelessness or of error ex ore dictantis 7,scrivener1 ,n4,t4 ,criticism1 ed4 #b1 p4 #aj74 ,in v4 #cf the substitution of for is peculiar4 ,the alteration of gender in v4 #ag1 for in its first occurrence1 but not in its second1 may come under the head of those somewhat officious corrections with which the editors of ,i4 ,macc4 in the ,camb4 ,bible for ,schools 7p4 #dh7 charge this ,,ms41 as likewise perhaps the reading for in v4 #aj4 ,q not unfrequently agrees with it in differing from ,b4 ,it stands alone1 however1 in reading for in v4 #bb1 and in omitting the last six words of v4 #da1 perhaps as improbable when coming from ,cyrus4 ,together with ,a1 it contains an additional clause in v4 #bd1 putting words into ,cyrus' mouth which connect the two stories together4 1 having vv4 #b--d only1 contains no important variation4 7only from v4 #ba to v4 #da7 contains in v4 #bb the curious word instead of 4 ,all things considered1 the text of both versions may be said to be in as fair condition as in the canonical part of ,daniel4 ,,language ,,and ,,style4 ,,language4 ,see corresponding title in ,susanna4 ,the indications of a ,semitic original give this fragment1 in that respect1 a middle place between the other two4 ,less numerous than in the ,song of the ,three1 they are more so than in the ,history of ,susanna1 though this is a shorter piece than that4 ,the non-discovery by ,origen and others of ,hebrew originals in their own day by no means goes so far as to prove that such never existed1 as ,rothstein in ,kautzsch 7,i4 #agi7 truly says4 ,since ,gaster's discovery of an ,aramaic text of the ,dragon 7not of ,bel71 the probability of a ,semitic rather than a ,greek original seems strengthened4 ,but see what ,schrer thinks1 under the corresponding title in the ,song of the ,three1 as also of the ,syriac version at the end of ,neubauer's ,tobit4 ,c4,h4 ,toy1 too1 in his article in the ,jewish ,encyclopdia1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 says3 ,in the present state of knowledge it seems better to reserve opinion as to its antiquity4 ,delitzsch1 at the end of his ,commentatio de ,hab4 proph4 vita atque oetate 7,lips4 #ahdb71 prints in ,rabbinic characters a ,persian rendering1 ex codice ,paris-,reg4 judaico-persico1 which he says ex textu hebraico vel aramaico factam esse1 ex crebris hebraismis patet 7p4 #aje74 ,and on pp4 #bf1 #bg he prints the ,,lxx from v4 #bh to the end1 and adds3 ,hc omnia ad verbum ,hebraico vel ,aramaico translata esse dictionis simplicitas1 structura ac tota indoles clamat atque testatur4 ,but on p4 #da he quotes the opinion of ,prof4 ,solomon ,munk1 of ,paris 7,notice sur ,rab4 ,saadia ,gaon1 p4 #hd71 that this ,hebrew text1 translated into ,persian1 was itself made by some ,european ,rabbi from the ,greek or ,latin ,bible4 ,and a similar origin for ,gaster's text is now thought far from unlikely4 ,it may be well here to give a few brief notes on the separate phrases as they occur3 v4 #c 4 ,with 1 cf4 of ,deut4 xxxii4 #bc 7,i will spend my arrows upon1 etc474 occurs with and in ,n4,t4 ,greek1 but apparently not with 1 nor yet in the canonical ,o4,t4 ,deissmann1 however1 attempts to shew that this use of 1 instead of 'dativus commodi1' is an ,alexandrian idiom 7,bible ,studies1 ,eng4 tr41 ,edinb4 #aijj1 p4 #abg74 is also used in ,aramaic in the same sense in ,pahel4 v4 #f 4 ,the same phrase as the last recurs1 inverted3 4 v4 #g 4 ,here the accusative after might be taken as favouring a ,greek original1 since for would seem natural in a translation of ,hebrew or ,aramaic4 v4 #g 2 v4 #aa 1 2 v4 #bg 4 ,the occurrence of in these verses suggests a rendering of which is used several times in the ,aramaic portion of ,daniel1 while it never occurs in the vocative in the ,hebrew portion4 ,this indication1 small though it be1 inclines of course towards an ,aramaic rather than a ,hebrew original4 v4 #aj 1 4 ,scholz's suggestion that and are translations of is more probable than some of his ideas1 for it is rendered by both these words more than once in the ,greek ,o4,t4 v4 #ab 4 might be a translation of or 4 is occasionally rendered by 1 as in ,job xxxiii4 #aj1 in a hostile sense4 ,liddell and ,scott1 however1 give one example of with 1 and ,arnold an anonymous one in his ,greek ,grammar 7#ahdh1 p4 #bfe74 v4 #ac 4 looks like a translation of 7or 71 as in ,i4 ,kings x4 #h1 where it is so rendered4 v4 #ad 4 presents a difficulty here1 which may be solved by supposing that had been read by mistake for 1 a kind of error characteristic of the ,,lxx translators4 ,to 'shut' seems more in place here than to 'seal1' which naturally follows later in the verse2 shutting first1 sealing second1 seems the only intelligible order4 vv4 #ad1 #bh 2 vv4 #ae1 #cc 4 ,the of these verses is suggestive of in the original4 v4 #ah 4 77 has an 'ungreek' look1 and may have been a rendering of 1 as in ,exod4 xiv4 #bh4 77 for 77 might account for the king's 'rejoicing' in becoming his 'seeing' in 4 v4 #ai 1 4 ,the reading of by instead of by may be accounted for by supposing to have been substituted for 1 as suggested in ,hastings' ,dict4 v4 #bf 1 4 ,the use of instead of 1 to begin a clause signifying purpose1 is very ,hebraic4 v4 #bg 1 4 ,the ingenious idea of ,a4 ,scholz that and are renderings of and respectively1 in the first case being the article1 and in the second merely the interrogative particle1 like other conjectures on p4 #bjb of his ,commentary1 can hardly stand4 ,he appears to have forgotten that the article must not be placed before a noun with a pronominal suffix4#fh v4 #bh 1 4 looks like a translation of 7cf4 ,sus4 #bi74 ,in it is used against ,daniel1 and in against the king4 v4 #cc 4 ,delitzsch suggests 7p4 #bg7 for the beginning of this verse1 with much likelihood4 v4 #cf 4 ,the reading in ,a for may have arisen from being corrupted by homoeoteleuton into 1 for which ,a has read 4 ,a4 ,scholz's notion of explaining this by ,isai4 xlv4 #a 7where is used1 not 7 is unsatisfactory4 v4 #dj 1 4 ,the attempt to explain 7,marshall in ,hastings' ,d4,b4 art4 ,bel and the ,dragon7 the 'in medio' of ,vulg4 v4 #ci by a reading for is not very likely1 since they do not occur in corresponding clauses4 v4 #db 4 is used of the king here in a good sense1 in v4 #bb in a bad one4 ,this is possibly a rendering of in the latter case1 of in the former4 ,the ,greek of the writer is hardly such as we should expect1 unless he was narrating a story which had reached him from a ,hebrew source4 ,the frequency with which verbs occur very early in the construction of sentences is a point in favour of a ,semitic original1 which does appear to have been dwelt upon1 e4g4 vv4 #aa1 #bj 771 and #ad1 #af1 #bb 774 ,it is a matter of considerable nicety to estimate the value of these and similar indications4 ,they are not decisive4 ,they tell with varying force upon varying minds2 but they distinctly tend1 in the writer's opinion1 to increase the probability of the ,greek having been grounded upon a ,hebrew or an ,aramaic form of the story1 the likelihood of the latter being slightly the stronger4 ,in view of the introduction of ,habakkuk into the story of the ,dragon1 ,delitzsch's opinion as to the similarity of ,daniel's ,hebrew to the ,hebrew of that prophet 7see ,streane1 ,age of ,macc4 p4 #bfb7 becomes of importance4 ,a4 ,scholz1 too1 is of opinion 7p4 #adf7 that the ,habakkuk title makes for a ,hebrew original1 because the real prophecy of ,habakkuk was undoubtedly ,hebrew1 and this piece1 whether genuine or fictitious1 would hardly have been appended in another language4 ,the ,,lxx version was certainly known to ,theodotion1 since he copies much of it1 yet not quite so largely as in the ,song of the ,three4 ,but it is evident that he had other documents or traditions to use1 of which he freely availed himself2 possibly some previous translation other than ,,lxx1 as has been suggested under ,susanna 7',date and ,place1' p4 #aad74 ,there seems nothing in either ,greek recension to imply that the two parts of ,bel and the ,dragon 7separated in ,luther's version7 are not by the same hand4 ,it is noteworthy that the word 1 applied to ,bel when handed over to ,daniel 7v4 #bb1 71 is used of our ,lord in ,acts ii4 #bc1 these two being its only ,biblical occurrences4 ,,style4 ,the style is that of simple1 clear1 and well-told narrative1 with very little rhetorical embellishment about it1 yet bearing somewhat of a dramatic cast1 like much of the canonical book to which it is appended4 ,it is not tedious 7though there is much to tell which might have been easily spun out71 but is brief and spirited4 ,there is nothing superfluous to the aim of the story4#fi ,moreover1 the narrative is told in such a way as ever to be a story of captivating interest to the young1 being full of movement and interesting incident4 ,the style of the composition is much more in accordance with ,syrian than with ,alexandrian models4 ,there is nothing of ,hellenistic speculation or philosophy1 though the subject of idolatry would have lent itself to such treatment 7as that of injustice would in ,susanna74 ,no figurative or hyperbolic phraseology is employed4 ,an idea has been revived and maintained that the lions' den episode at the end is a mere adaptation and embellishment of that in ,dan4 vi4#gj 7,churton1 #cib2 ,streane1 #aji1 distortions of ,o4,t4 narratives2 ,j4,m4 ,fuller1 ,s4,p4,c4,k4 ,comm4 in loc474 ,this idea is successfully opposed by ,arnald1 who 7on v4 #ca7 gives three reasons against it1 and by ,bishop ,gray 7,introd4 to ,o4,t4 in loc474 ,delitzsch 7p4 #cj7 calls this section of 's version partem dignissimam4 ,attempts to prove the falsity of this martyrdom1 if such it may be called1 by first assuming the identity of these two events1 treating the latter as an ornamental exaggeration of the former1 and then pointing out what are taken for irreconcileable discrepancies1 are beside the mark4 ,nor does the supposition that the one night in the den 7of ,dan4 vi47 was increased to six1 nor that the detail of withholding the lions' usual food to sharpen their appetites 7in only71 were added for the purpose of heightening the effect1 carry much weight4 ,the omission of ,daniel's speech1 with the detail#ga of the angel closing the lions' mouths 7vv4 #ba1 #bb71 tells in the opposite direction4 ,it is no more necessary to reckon these two den episodes as one event than our ,lord's feeding of the four and five thousand1 or his healing of the centurion's servant and the nobleman's son4 ,,religious ,,and ,,social ,,state4 ,,religious4 ,a religious feeling1 strong though misdirected1 evidently existed both in king and people1 involving considerable expenditure on objects and places of worship4 ,it was not as to the propriety of worship in itself1 but of the object towards which it ought to be directed1 that the controversy arose4 ,two sorts of worship were in vogue3-- 7a7 ,bel-worship4 ,as to the practice of this in ,babylon no question appears to be raised2 he was the supreme god and guardian of ,babylon4 ,the representation of ,cyrus as a worshipper of ,bel agrees with the account of himself in the ,annals of ,nabu-nahid1 cited by ,ball on v4 #d2 and ,sayce 7,temple ,bible1 ,tobit1 p4 #ie7 notes that the cuneiform monuments have shewn that ,cyrus was politic enough to conform to the religion of his ,babylonian subjects4 ,the unabashed effrontery of the idol-priests 7vv4 #aa1 #ab7 is very characteristic4 ,see1 however1 ,blakesley's note on ,herodot4 ,,viii4 #da4 7b7 ,dragon-worship4 ,this is not otherwise known to have existed in ,babylonia1 but snake-worship1 which may be the same1 is asserted by ,j4,t4 ,marshall 7end of art4 ,bel and the ,dragon1 ,hastings' ,d4,b4474 ,in support of this it is noteworthy that is identified with in ,rev4 xii4 #i1 and that and seem identified in ,ex4 iv4 #c and vii4 #i4 ,a4 ,kamphausen1 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 thinks that ,gnkel has conclusively shewn that the primeval ,babylonian myth of the conquest of the chaos-monster or the great dragon ,tiamat by the god ,marduk lies at the root4 ,so ,j4,m4 ,fuller1 in the ,s4,p4,c4,k4 ,comm41 says that in ,babylonian inscriptions dealing with the fall1 a dragon1 generally female1 appears4 ,daniel plans his scheme in accordance with the dragon's known voracity 7,jer4 li4 #cd74 ,the of ,rev4 xiii4 #d may have been suggested by the dragon-worship here2 is used in v4 #bc1 7with dat47 in v4 #bd 7both versions74 ,daniel set himself1 in reply to the king1 who suggested to him the propriety of ,bel-worship1 to detach the ,babylonians from these superstitious follies1 to interpret ,god's will in the matter1 and to free them from the service of idols4 ,yet his own name1 ',belteshazzar1' may have implied#gb ,bel's existence2 still1 even if it was so1 we must remember that it was not self-assumed1 but given by the chief eunuch4 ,the king's question shews that he misunderstood ,daniel's character4 ,it is noticeable1 as a link of connection between the two parts of the story1 that ,daniel attacks the former superstition1 ,bel1 by disproving the belief in the god's powers of eating2 and the latter1 the ,dragon1 by destroying the supposed divinity by means of what he ate4 ,as described in the ,greek1 ,daniel's method of destroying the ,dragon appears quite inadequate to effect his purpose4 ,the ingredients named as composing the ball do not seem capable of achieving the result which followed4 ,but in ,gaster's ,aramaic a different light is thrown upon the matter2 for the ball is merely used as a vehicle to conceal sharp teeth embedded in it1 so that the ,dragon might swallow them unawares1 and sustain internally a fatal laceration4 ,if this be accepted as correct1 ,sir ,thomas ,browne's discussion1 as to how such unlikely ingredients might bring about a death of the kind described1 is naturally set aside4 ,s4 ,wilkin1 however1 in his edition of ,browne's ,works1 #ahce 7,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #ccg71 does not treat ,sir ,t4 ,browne's discussion as a serious one2 but in this view all will not concur4 ,schrer1 in ,hauck's ,dict4 7,i4 #fci71 writes of the ,dragon as having been slain mit unverdaulichen ,kitchen2 and ,toy1 in the ,jewish ,encyclopdia1 regards the iron comb insertion as a natural embellishment4 ,it is1 however1 not at all out of keeping with ,daniel's clever devices for the detection of error1 and looks like a practicable plan4 ,and ,josippon1 quoted by ,heppner1 op4 cit4 p4 #cc1 gives a similar account of the ,dragon's destruction1 4 ,the consequence of the prophet's triumph in each case appears to have been that the king was convinced of the vanity of idols much more than his people4 ,and as ,daniel's demonstrations were not1 so far as we see1 made before the general public1 this is what might have been expected4 ,a similar conviction on ,nebuchadnezzar's part1 without any spontaneous assent of his people1 may be noticed in ,dan4 iii4 #bh--cj1 vi4 #be--bh4 ,a lack of popular adhesion to the king's change of mind would sufficiently account for the early restoration of ,bel's temple 7see ',chronology1' p4 #bbe74 ,in v4 #ba the ,,lxx states that it was ,daniel who shewed the king the privy doors4 ,this1 on the whole1 has more vraisemblance than the idea of ,theodotion1 who states that it was the priests who undertook the task4 ,ball suggests that they did so because they were in fear of their lives2 but if so1 this plan of saving them1 by making a clean breast of the matter1 was unsuccessful4 ,another religious feature shews itself in v4 #bh1 viz4 the scorn in which the ,babylonian zealots held the ,jewish religion4 ,it would evidently have been regarded as a degradation for the king to become a ,jew1 and social would probably here combine with religious grounds in giving force to this feeling4 ,compare ,pilate's contempt of such an idea with regard to himself1 as expressed in ,st4 ,john xviii4 #ce4 ,grotius proposed a translation which inverted the phrase in such a way as to make it apply to ,daniel3 ,a ,jew has become king4 ,this1 however1 is not natural in the ,greek1 has no countenance lent to it by the ,aramaic text1 and is clearly opposed by the ,syriac marginal title as given in ,swete's manual ,,lxx1 tit4 adpinx4 ut vid4 1 ,syr'mg994 ,cajetanus ,bugati also 7,daniel1 ,milan1 #aghh1 p4 #afb7 thinks ,grotius wrong4#gc ,for a similarly imagined instance of a king embracing ,judaism1 cf4 ,,ii4 ,macc4 ix4 #ag1 headed by ,a4,v41 ,antiochus promiseth to become a ,jew1 on which ,rawlinson notes1 it is extremely improbable that ,epiphanes ever expressed any such intention1 an opinion in which most will agree4 ,the withholding of food1 in order to sharpen the lions' appetites 7v4 #cb71 shews a spirit similar to that which directed the sevenfold heating of the furnace in chap4 iii4 ,the numbers in vv4 #b1 #aj1 etc41 are quite in keeping with ,daniel's use of symbolic numeration for purposes of religious teaching2 and the zeal displayed against idolatry is characteristic of the ,jewish captivity1 as depicted in the canonical book which bears his name4 ,these three points1 therefore1 so far as they go1 tell in favour of the religious unity of the whole4 ,,social ,daniel appears on the same terms of intimacy with royalty as in the canonical book1 and speaks his mind a little more freely and intimately perhaps1 as becomes his added years and experience4 ,he still acts as a divine messenger to a heathen king1 and he successfully unmasks his fallacy of judging by appearances in the matter of ,bel's food4 ,his laughter in vv4 #g1ai1 may have been amusement at the king's simplicity or at the priests' cunning1 the king's wrath in vv4 #h1 #ba1 being compatible with either4 ,but this laughter of v4 #g only appears in 's version4 ,as in ,susanna1 he stands as the willing exposer of fraud1 intellectually acute as well as morally upright4 v4 #bi has been objected to by ,ball and by ,zckler as an unlikely mode of address by the conquered ,babylonians to ,cyrus their conqueror4 ,probably some tumultous rising took place1 which the king1 a true oriental monarch1 pacified at the expense of ,daniel4 ,on such outbreaks courtly politeness often vanishes1 and the tyrant is subject to tyranny4 ,such an occurrence agrees with ,habakkuk's description of the ,chaldees as bitter and hasty 7i4 #f71 and 'senseless' and 'absurd' are scarcely the terms to apply to it4 ,the slaughter of the priests 7vv4 #bb1 #bh7 is quite in accordance with the practice as shewn in the canonical chapters ii4 and vi4#gd2 also the destruction of false accusers 7v4 #db7 with vi4 #be2 so also the keeping of lions by the king2 and so1 too1 the method of double sealing 7v4 #aa 1 #ad 2 vi4 #ag74 ,that should be under the command of ,daniel 7v4 #ad and ,syr47 is what would be likely for one in his position4 ,the term is used of himself in ,sus4 #de as a page of superior rank4 ,the idea of an image being made of more materials than one 7v4 #g7 is paralleled in ii4 #cb1 #cc4 ,cyrus' cowardice in giving up ,daniel to the threatening mob is very like ,pilate's in delivering up ,christ 7,st4 ,matt1 xxvii4 #bf1 ,st4 ,john xix4 #af74 is used in each case 7v4 #bi 1 #cj and 74 ,similar1 too1 is ,nebuchadnezzar's conduct with ,daniel1 and that of ,herod ,antipas with ,st4 ,john ,baptist4 ,despotic rulers are often frightened by popular clamour4 ,but ,cyrus1 however weak in yielding1 appears at the close of the story in a less odious light than ,pilate4 ,as in ,susanna1 there is no indication of rabbinism in the legal1 religious1 or social standpoints of the story4 ,,theology4 ,the whole piece makes a mock at idolatry#ge with a view of turning men from false worships to that of the living ,god4 ,indeed the end of v4 #e seems an echo of ,gen4 i4 #a4 ,jehovah's power to vindicate ,himself and ,his servants is of course also exhibited1 and this in contrast to the idols1 who make no resistance to their overthrow4 ,he is represented as ,sole ,sovereign1 the only ,god worthy of worship1 with full power to deliver by wonderful providence ,his faithful people1 who make their acknowledgments to ,him4 ,however far they may be scattered1 ,his eye is still upon them2 ,he forsakes not those who seek and love ,him 7v4 #ch74 vv4 #c1 #d1 #ad are quoted by ,irenus 7,,iv4 ix4 #a7 to prove that the one living ,god was the ,god worshipped by the prophets1 as the ,god of the living4 ,even the heathen king is forced to confess that ,he is great and unique1 and 7in ,vulg4 only1 v4 #db7 calls ,him ,saviour1 and desires the whole world to worship ,him4 ,it is noteworthy that the king is represented as the party complaining in the first instance2 it is his question 7v4 #d7 which draws forth from ,daniel his practical proof of the vanity of idols1 inanimate or animate1 culminating in the triumphant exclamation at the end of v4 #bg4 ,and thus the imposture of idol-worship is revealed1 as well as the value of devotion to the true ,lord of all1 by a process commenced in the opposite interest4 ,daniel resists the king's invitation to worship ,bel1 which might have led him under the ban of ,deut4 xviii4 #bj 7end7 as speaking in the name of other gods4 ,false theological opinions are corrected by ,daniel1 who not only dissuades from idol-worship1 but persuades to that of the true deity4 ,hence the beautiful appropriateness of 7v4 #ch7 instead of in the corresponding point of delivery in ,sus4 #fj 4 ,for ,daniel was fighting for ,god1 while ,susanna was defending herself4 ,the one was an active plaintiff for ,god1 the other a passive defendant of herself4 ,thus ,love in ,daniel's case1 ,hope in ,susanna's1 has its own special appropriateness4 ,in v4 #e ,daniel claims ,god to be 1 but ,cyrus claims for ,bel to be only 2 in v4 #bd ,cyrus makes the same claim for the ,dragon1 and then in v4 #be ,daniel makes only a like claim for ,god 7anarthrous71 for ,daniel takes here the words out of ,cyrus' mouth2 in the former instance it was vice vers4 ,the same phrases are used by ,darius in vi4 #bj1 #bf 4 ,thus the prophet makes a more exclusive claim for the divinity of his ,god4 ,in v4 #f a contrast is afforded with what is said of ,god in ,ps4 xvi4 #b 7,p4,b4 aft4 ,vulg4 and ,,lxx71 as the ,creator who still retains power over living beings4 ,as in the canonical ,dan4 vi4 #bb 7and in the other additions thereto71 so here an angel intervenes on behalf of the right1 rescuing ,god's persecuted prophet4 ,a man is employed in each case also to carry out the miraculous purposes of ,god4 ,further1 compare the angel helping ,daniel1 after conflict with the ,dragon1 with ,rev4 xii4 #g1 #h4 ,the sudden transportation of ,habakkuk 7v4 #cf7 is parallelled by that of ,st4 ,philip in ,acts viii4 #ci by the ,spirit of the ,lord4 ,ezek4 viii4 #c1 which is printed as a parallel in the margin of ,a4,v4 at iii4 #ab1 #ad of that book1 may also be compared1#gf as well as ,i4 ,kings xviii4 #ab and ,st4 ,matt4 iv4 ,i4 ,for the latter part of this verse 7#cf71 barely intelligible in the ,greek1 ,gaster's ,aramaic gives an excellent sense4 ,there does not seem to be any undue love of the marvellous or straining to bring it into prominence4 ,both the statue and the ,dragon are destroyed by ordinary means2 and their false position in the imagination of the people is unmasked without any resort to the miraculous4#gg ,this element does not enter into the story till the rescue of the persecuted ,daniel1 who has been so zealous for the honour of his ,god4 ,though1 with its two companion pieces1 it has been cavilled at 7not to reckon ,africanus' enquiries7 from the time of the ,jewish teacher whom ,jerome tells us of in his preface to ,daniel1 yet even the most contemptuous deprecators of the ',additions' can find little seriously to condemn in the theology of this story4#gh ,considering the strong desire which has existed in some quarters to charge these apocryphal books with grievous doctrinal error1 this fact says much4 ,the knowledge of ,god and of divine things is what would be probable at the time it represents1 and is not incongruous with the book to which it is appended1 nor with its fellow-appendices4 ,this speaks well for its excellence and its consistency4 ,,chronology4 ,the principal chronological points1 concerning which difficulties have been felt1 arise3 7,a7 in vv4 #a1 #b1 concerning ,astyages1 ,cyrus1 and ,daniel2 7,b7 in v4 #bb1 as to the destruction of ,bel's temple2 and 7,c7 in v4 #cc1 as to ,habakkuk being a contemporary of ,daniel4 ,in connection with ,a1 it is remarkable that v4 #a forms in the ,vulgate the last verse of the preceding chapter1 i4e4 the last verse of ,susanna4 ,this arrangement may have been made from chronological reasons1 possibly to escape an apparent difficulty2 and in the ,,lxx the verse is wanting altogether4 ,either plan1 the attachment of the verse to ,susanna1 or its entire omission1 has the effect of leaving the king in this piece nameless1 and so solves the imagined difficulty of ,cyrus and ,daniel acting together as represented4 ,the text commented on by ,theodoret offers the same solution in another form1 viz4 by transferring v4 #a to the end of chap1 xii41 and so concluding the book4 ,he thus introduces it3 1 444 ,theodoret comments no further on ,bel and the ,dragon1 though his remarks in other parts of the commentary shew that he favourably regarded it4 ,see his observations on v4 #ca1 x4 #a4 ,the disappearance in one case1 and the displacements in the others of this verse1 evidently point to some uncertainty in early times as to its right connection4 ,but the difficulties raised as to this verse even where it stands are not so serious as was once thought4 ,as ,ball says in loc41 ,the cuneiform records have thrown unexpected light on difficulties which were the despair of bygone generations of scholars1 and quotes one which makes ,astyages the captive of ,cyrus4 ,j4,h4 ,blunt attempts to shew1 not very satisfactorily1 that the king of v4 #b was ,darius4 ,a note in ,husenbeth's ,douay version1 still less so1 quietly says ,astyages1 or ,darius6 ,it has also been suggested1 with regard to this and difficulty ,c1 that another ,daniel is here intended1 to be identified with the ,daniel of ,ezra viii4 #b 7,bissell74 ,the second difficulty1 ,b1 is raised by the asserted destruction of ,bel's temple in v4 #bb4 ,now this is said not to have been destroyed till ,xerxes' return from ,greece in #dgi4 ,even then ,herodotus 7,i4 #ahc7 merely says that he 'took' 77 a golden statue1 and slew the protesting priest2 ,strabo1 on hearsay1 7,,xvi4 #a7 and ,arrian 7,exp4 ,alex4 ,,vii4 #ag71 however1 assert its destruction4 ,but this forms a small obstacle1 unduly magnified4 ,supposing ,bel's temple to have been destroyed1 as v4 #bb narrates1 it is far from improbable that another temple may have been raised before ,xerxes' arrival4 ,the people were evidently attached to ,bel's worship1 as v4 #bh shews1 notwithstanding the conviction of their king as to the truth of ,daniel's ,god4 ,it is noticeable that the ,,lxx has no mention of the temple's1 but only of the idol's1 destruction2 and that 1 according to the manuscript ,q1 has not but in v4 #bb4 ,a4 ,scholz entertains the strange opinion that this and other historic difficulties were purposely introduced by the writer3 ,der ,verfasser unserer ,erzhlung kennt sichtlich die ,verhltnisse in ,babylon1 und hat seine ,darstellung so eingerichtet1 dass es einfach unmglich ist1 sie geschichtlich zu verstehen 7p4 #bai74 ,but this is a desperate expedient to support his view of the whole story being intended for a 'vision1' and it would be hard to find any parallel to such a proceeding on the part of the sacred writers4#gi ,so far as ,babylon is concerned1 there is no indication of anything but a time of peace1 which is quite in accordance with the supposed period of the narrative4 ,there is perhaps more difficulty1 ,c1 in making ,habakkuk than in making ,cyrus1 a contemporary of the grown-up ,daniel4 ,indeed1 with the earlier date formerly assigned to ,habakkuk1 the difficulty seemed all but insuperable1 except by postulating two ,habakkuks or two ,daniels4 ,and1 much as it may lack vraisemblance1 either of those suppositions is of course within the bounds of possibility4 ,so ,trapp notes1 rather sneeringly1 on ,hab4 i4 #a3 ,those apocryphal ,additions to ,daniel1 which either are false1 or there were two ,habakkuks2 and ,j4,h4 ,blunt1 more seriously1 to a similar effect on ,hab4 i4 #a and ,bel #cc4 ,josippon ben ,gorion 7,i4 #g7 joins the whole story with the canonical history1 but1 as given by ,delitzsch 7op4 cit4 p4 #dj71 transposes1 presumably from chronological motives1 the den incident to the beginning of the story1 in ordine chronologico iudaic traditioni de ,habacuci tate se accommodantem4 ,josippon1 around whom considerable obscurity hangs1 is dated as of the eighth or ninth century in the ,biog4 ,univ4 art4 ,gorionides1 ,paris1 #aheg2 but in ,hastings' ,d4,b4 art ,bel and the ,dragon1 p4 #bfg;b1 c4 ,a4,d4 #idj is given as his time4 ,habakkuk's prophecy is now dated as late as #fjj 7,driver in ,hastings' ,d4,b4 art4 ,habakkuk2 ,kirkpatrick in ,smith's ,d4,b4 art4 ,habakkuk1 #abef;b1 says not later than the sixth year of ,jehoiakim72 and if ,habakkuk prophesied in his youth1 our story is not an impossible one4 ,so ,cornelius ,jansen 7,analecta1 p4 #aed71 ,quapropter nihil obstabit quo minus idem ,habacuc iam senex prandium in ,babylonem detulerit1 and he quotes a tradition of ,isidore ,hispalensis 7de vit4 ,proph47 that ,habakkuk lived to see the return from the ,captivity1 and two years after4 ,rosenmller1 quoted in a note on ,hab4 i4 #a by ,maurer 7neither of whom were too partial to traditional views71 thinks that the time of ,habakkuk is consistent with the vetus fama in apocryphis ,danielis additamentis4 ,he even places chap4 iii4 of ,habakkuk under ,zedekiah1 though with this ,maurer does not agree 7cf4 ,henderson1 ,min4 ,proph41 ,introd4 to ,hab474 ,jamieson1 ,brown1 and ,faussett in their ,commentary1 ,introd4 to ,hab4 7#ahfi71 by no means inclined to favour the ,apocrypha1 say that ,bel and the ,dragon agrees with the notion of ,habakkuk prophesying in ,jehoiakim's reign4 ,g4,a4 ,smith1 however1 in his ,book of the ,twelve ,prophets1 #aijj1 ,,ii4 #acj1 contents himself with calling it an extraordinary story of ,habakkuk's miraculous carriage of food to ,daniel in the lions' den1 soon after ,cyrus had taken ,babylon4 ,but ,a4,c4 ,jennings1 in ,bishop ,ellicott's ,comm4 for ,english ,readers1 ,introd4 to ,hab41 pp4 #ebc--e1 says3 ,the story1 worthless in itself1 nevertheless1 indirectly confirms the theory of date which we have accepted below in these words1 ,habakkuk's prophecy dates from the reign of ,jehoiakim1 not more than five years at most before the battle of ,carchemish--how much nearer that great event it is impossible to say4 ,dean ,farrar also curiously observes1 ,habakkuk's appearance in apocryphal legend 7vv4 #cc--ci7 shews the impression he had made on the mind of his people1 and perhaps indicates his date as a contemporary of ,daniel4 7,minor ,prophets in ',men of the ,bible' series1 n4d41 p4 #afj74 ,another instance of belief in the contemporaneity of ,daniel and ,habakkuk is afforded by ,raymund ,martini 7c4 #abej7 in his ,pugio fidei 7,paris1 #afea1 p4 #gdj73 ,habacuc vero ,prophetam fuisse contemporaneum ,danieli inde colligitur ubi in ,bereschit ,rabba hoc modo scribitur de ,joseph1 he says before quoting a long passage from the ,b4,r4 on ,gen4 xxxvii4 #bd4 ,this passage is none other than a portion of ,bel and the ,dragon in ,chaldee1 and is headed without reserve as 4 ,it proceeds with v4 #bh to the end3 4 ,then follows a ,latin translation1 after which ,martini adds ,hucusque traditio1 and1 after quoting ,hab4 i4 #f1 finishes his work4 ,martini's good faith in quotation is defended by ,neubauer in his ,chaldee ,tobit 7,oxf1 #ahhh1 xviii4 to xxiv474 ,he also identifies the ,breshith ,rabbah quoted with the ,midrash ,rabbah de ,rabbah4 ,the real ,breshith is probably as early as the #dth century2 but neither in the ,venice edition of #aeff1 nor the ,leipzig one of #ahfd1 is the passage to be found under ,gen4 xxxvii4 ,cf4 ,payne-,smith's note1 as to ,martini's quotations1 in ,pearson on the ,creed1 ,oxf4 #ahgj1 p4 #cjf1 where it is shewn that by ,breshith ,rabbah the book by ,moses ,haddarshan 7of the #aath century7 is sometimes meant4 ,etheridge states that only fragments of this book are extant 7p4 #djf74 ,delitzsch 7de ,habacuci ,proph4 vita atque tate1 ,lips4 #ahdb1 p4 #cd7 also defends ,martini's sincerity1 and says ,non dubito fore1 ut fragmentum a ,raymundo nobiscum communicatum aliquando in antiquis ,genesis ,rabba ,codd41 qui sane rarissimi sunt1 inveniatur4 ,the fact incidentally brought out in the story that ,habakkuk was not engaged in reaping1 but was occupied in taking out food for the reapers1 fits in well with the idea of his advanced age4 ,such a task might well be undertaken by one who was no longer strong enough for field labour4#hj ,all these difficulties would1 on other grounds1 be deprived of much of their importance by the theory of ,a4 ,scholz1 if that could be accepted as true4 ,he regards the entire book of ,daniel1 including of course the ,additions1 as a series of apocalyptic visions 7p4 #bja74 ,this he considers as the earliest explanation1 supported by the heading to each chapter of ,daniel in ,a and some other ,,mss4 ,but while removing one set of difficulties1 this theory introduces others of a character at least as serious2 and it is by no means easy to convince oneself that there is an apocalyptic tone about this or the other ,additions4 ,this remarkable theory cuts1 rather than unties1 such knots as are above noted1 and carries with it to most minds a strange and improbable air4 ,,canonicity4 ,what is said as to ,susanna on this point holds almost entirely good here4 ,both pieces have been called in question on nearly the same ground1 and have stood or fallen together4 ,possibly this one presents rather more difficulty in some of its details4 ,it is often included in ,scripture lists under the title ,daniel2#ha and is often quoted in the same manner1 e4g4 by ,st4 ,cyprian1 ad ,fortunatum1 #aa1 ,daniel1 ,deo devotus sancto spiritu plenus exclamat et dicit1 v4 #d4 ,the quotations given under ',early ,christian ,literature and ,art' will shew how strong a hold this story had in many quarters1 and what use was made of it4 ,pseudo-,athanasius1 in his ,synops4 ,s4,s41 mentions the story at the end of ,section #da as included in ,daniel1 but he does not name it at the close of the ,synopsis as being outside the canonical books1 as he does in the case of ,susanna4 ,the writer of ,de ,mirabilibus ,script4 ,sacr41 often attached to ,st4 ,augustine's works 7,migne1 ,patr4 lat4 ,,xxxv42 ,benedict1 ed4 appx4 to ,vol4 ,,iii471 expressly declares against its canonicity4 ,this treatise is thought to have been composed in ,england or ,ireland in the #gth or #hth century 7,loisy1 ,o4,t4 p4 #aed74 ,the hesitation of the earlier ,church1 however1 found no counterpart in the canonizing decree of the ,council of ,trent2 while1 on the other hand1 ,protestant opinion has run almost entirely against canonicity4 ,diametrically opposite views are steadily maintained by authorities on both sides2 although among ,english-speaking ,protestants there is perhaps a decrease in the contempt with which this story was once treated4 ,among the ,syriac-using ,christians of the ,malabar coast1 ,bel and the ,dragon1 with the other additions1 is reckoned as part and parcel of the book of ,daniel 7,letter to present writer of ,aug4 #h1 #aijb1 from ,rev4 ,f4,v4,j4 ,givargese1 ,principal of ,mar ,dionysius ,seminary1 ,kottayam74 ,bar-,hebrus1 too1 comments on it1 but says at the head of his remarks that some do not receive this story 7op4 cit4 p4 #bg74 ,the many1 resemblances and coincidences between this and the canonical book pointed out under other heads 7',language and ,style1' ',religious and ,social ,state1' etc47 of course tell1 so far as they go1 in its favour4 ,schrader 7,schenkel's ,bibel ,lex4 #ahfi1 art4 ,habak4 p4 #eef7 classes ,bel and the ,dragon with pseudo-,epiphanius' and ,rabbinic legends of the same tale1 as reine ,fabeln und ,legenden zu erkennen4 ,this seems too positive an opinion of their untrustworthiness4 ,it is agreed with1 however1 by ,orelli 7,introd4to ,hab41 ,clarke's ,transl471 who styles ,bel and the ,dragon1 or at least the ,habakkuk incident in it1 an idle story4 ,a4,b4 ,davidson also 7,encyclop4 ,brit4 ed4 #i1 ,,ii4 #aha7 writes of it as being completely fabulous2 and ,ewald speaks of the episode of ,habakkuk as an example of an unhistoric spirit1 growing rapidly and dangerously 7v4 #dhg74 ,cloquet's plea that non-canonicity is 'proved' 7,,xxxix ,arts4 #ahhe1 pp4 #aab1 #aac7 by six days being named here1 and one day in the canonical book1 as the length of ,daniel's incarceration in the den1 is beside the mark4 ,it assumes for controversial purposes that the two passages must refer to the same event4 ,this writer also speaks generally 7p4 #aae7 of ,bel and the ,dragon's direct contradictions of ,scripture4 ,such strictures are only worth noticing as specimens of many instances in which possible discrepancies between canonical and uncanonical books are treated by a particular class of writers as certain1 in the hope of depreciating the latter4 ,these are sometimes attacked with extreme violence as full of fables1 superstitions1 and impieties--apocryphal in the worst sense4 ,but they deserve to be saved from this unmerited contempt1 indulged in usually for polemical purposes1 and only rendered possible by an insufficient study of the works themselves and the many admirable points which they contain4 ,our own ,church indulges in no rash or sweeping assertions1 but follows the golden mean4 ,she states in ,art4 ,,vi4 her present practical view of this and the other ,additions in common with the rest of the ,apocrypha4 ,while not making any special doctrine to turn upon an apocryphal text1 she directs the perusal of this1 with the other books of its class1 for purposes of practical edification4 ,in singularly guarded and cautious terms she is careful not to commit herself to anything more than a statement of her authorized practice4 ,thus she has not closed the door1 as the ,council of ,trent is supposed to have done1#hb against the entry of fresh knowledge1 with its corresponding changes of view or modifications of usage4 ,,early ,,christian ,,literature ,,and ,,art ,,literature4 ,the following examples from primitive ,christian writings bear more or less directly upon this book4 ,,new ,,testament4 ,compare ,b4,v4,m4's words in ,st4 ,luke i4 #ch with ,daniel's at the end of v4 #i1 4 ,with ,john xviii4 #ce compare ,bel #ch1 and 1 as to a ,gentile being taken for a ,jew4 ,moreover the phrase in ,acts xvii4 #bc is very like a reminiscence of ,bel #bg1 1 end4 ,but ,a4 ,scholz's idea that our ,lord's words in ,john x4 #i are based on vv4 #c1 #f1 #ac has little likelihood3 gegenstzlich so nahe verwandt1 dass in den ,evangelium darauf ,bezug genommen sein knnte 7note on v4 #ac74 ,,iren,,us 7#bjj7 in ,,iv4 ix4 #a quotes vv4 #d1 #e1 #bd1 as coming from ,daniel1 apparently without the smallest misgiving4 ,his quotations accord with as against 1 v4 #d being the same in both4 ,as ,schrer says in ,hauck's ,encyclopdia 7,i4 #fdj73 ,irenus benuzt die ,uebersetzung des ,theodotion und so alle ,folgenden4 ,but see under ,cyprian4 ,,clement ,,of ,,alexandria 7#bbj7 refers1 ,strom4 ,i4 #ba 7middle1 ed4 ,potter1 ,oxf4 #agae71 among a chain of historic events1 to the closing scene in this piece3 1 #hc 1 4 ,,tertullian 7#bdj74 ,in de ,jejun4 ,,vii4 7end7 reference is made to vv4 #ce--ci2 and in ,,ix4 the story is again mentioned4 ,in de ,oratione1 #bi1 he quotes vv4 #cc1 #cd1 seemingly with full acceptance4 ,in de ,idol4 ,,xix4 he says that ,daniel nec ,belum nec draconem colere4 ,,origen 7#bed74 ,besides the question dealt with in his controversy with ,julius ,africanus1 ,origen in the ,fragment of his ,strom1 bk4 ,x4 expounds ,bel4 ,he also quotes it in his ,exhort1 ad martyrium1 #cc4 ,,cyprian 7#beh7 in ad ,fortunatum1 #aa1 quotes v4 #e1 apparently following a translation of the 1 and not of 's1 text4 ,the same verse is again quoted by him in ,ep4 lviii4 #e in exactly the same words4 ,it is curious that both passages are preceded1 in the same sections1 by a quotation of ,dan4 iii4 #af--ah1 apparently based on 's version4 ,in the case of v4 #e in ,ep4 lviii4 there is a slight variation in the readings of some ,,mss4 as given by ,hartel4 ,cf4 ,prof4 ,swete's ,introd4 #aijb1 p4 #dg4 ,,pseudo-,,cyprian 7#crd century87 gives parts of vv4 #cg1 #ch1 in ,oratio ,,ii4 #b1 following a little more closely than 4 ,,passing ,,of ,,mary 7#crd or #dth century1 see ,d4,c4,b41 ,mary1 #aadb;b74 ,in the ,first ,latin form vv4 #cc--ci are clearly referred to4 ,,athanasius 7#cgc7 in his ,discourse against ,arians1 ,,ii4 #h1 quotes v4 #e as words of ,daniel1 which he also refers to in ,,iii4 #cj4 ,,ephrem ,,syrus 7#cgh74 ,in the hymn de ,jejunio there is1 according to ,t4,j4 ,lamy 7,mechlin1 #ahhf71 a reference to ,bel and the ,dragon1 cum ,daniel jejunavit4 ,,gregory ,,nazianzen 7#cij7 in his poetical ,prcepta ad ,virgines has the line1 speaking of ,daniel1 4 ,,ambrose 7#cig71 in his ,commentary in ,ep4 ad ,rom4 ,i4 #bc1 writes1 ,coluerunt et serpentem draconem quem occidit ,daniel1 homo dei 7,basel1 #aebg1 ,,iv4 p4 #gfh74 ,,chrysostom 7#djg71 ,in ,danielem1 cap4 ,,xiii4 7,,xiv47 comments on ,bel and the ,dragon as part of the book1 seemingly without reserve or alteration of tone4 ,,prudentius 7#daj71 in his ,cathemerinon1 ,,iv41 has several verses on the den episode1 of which this is one3 ,cernit forte procul dapes ineuntas ,quas messoribus ,habakkuk propheta ,agresti bonus exhibebat arte4 ,,jerome 7#dbj71 though excluding this and the other ,additions from the canon1 according to what he writes in his preface to ,daniel1 veru anteposito easque jugulante subjecimus1 retains it in his ,bible4 ,in his ,onomasticon de ,nominibus ,hebraicis he includes under ,daniel1 ,astyages1 ,bel1 ,ambacum1 without distinction from the rest of the names in ,daniel4 ,but for this last work he was chiefly indebted to ,eusebius1 4 7,d4,c4,b4 ,,ii4 #ccf;a74 ,,hesychius ,,of ,,jerusalem 7#dch71 in his on the ,,xii prophets1 says of ,habakkuk that1 whether he was the same ,habakkuk as an angel carried to ,babylon1 4 ,,theodoret7#deg71 towards the close of ,ep4 ,,cxlv41 quotes v4 #cf with clear belief in the miracle4 ,he also comments on vv4 #a1 #b as if forming v4 #ad of ,dan4 xii42 and then ceases4 ,we see1 then1 that the more than respectful references to this piece in the writers of ancient ,christendom1 if not quite so frequent as the citations of the ,song and of ,susanna1 are still numerous and clear4 ,,art4 ,this apocryphal tract has afforded two fairly popular subjects for artistic illustration1 viz41 ,daniel destroying the dragon1 and ,daniel and ,habakkuk in the lions' den4 ,daniel destroying the ,dragon is a subject represented on glass from the catacombs 7,d4,c4,a4 art4 ,glass1 p4 #gcc;a74 ,garrucci 7,vetri1 ,,xiii4 #ac7 has a glass vessel in which ,christ is represented with ,daniel1 who is giving cakes to the dragon 7,d4,c4,a4 ,jesus ,christ1 ,representations of1 p4 #hgg;b74 ,in ,paganism in ,christian ,art in the same ,dictionary 7p4 #aece;a71 it is said1 ,hercules feeding the fabled dragon with cakes of poppy-seed appears to have furnished the motive for the representation of the apocryphal story of ,daniel killing the dragon at ,babylon4 ,presumably this means the dragon ,ladon in the garden of the ,hesperides4 ,but the connection between the two dragon episodes of ,hercules and ,daniel seems a little difficult to establish by indisputable evidence4 ,in ,walter ,lowrie's ,christian ,art and ,archology 7,lond4 and ,new ,york1 #aija1 p4 #cfc7 is a woodcut of a fragment of gold glass1 with ,daniel slaying the ,dragon4 ,this is correctly described on p4 #bji1 but is wrongly entitled under the figure itself1 as ',daniel slaying ,bel4' ,the picture is said to be taken from ,garrucci1 ,storia dell' ,arte1 but no further reference is given4 ,on p4 #cfe of ,lowrie's book is a smaller scene of the same in glass1 again with an erroneous description on p4 xxi4 as ,daniel and ,bel4 ,no dates are suggested for the above pieces of glass1 but they appear to be very ancient4 ,in the ,vatican cemetery a representation of ,daniel's destruction of the dragon has been found on a sarcophagus2 nor is this a solitary instance4 7,see ,o4,t4 in ,art1 ,d4,c4,a4 p4 #adei;a47 ,and on the south side of the ,angel ,choir in ,lincoln ,minster1 among a series of sculptures in the spandrils of the triforium arches1 occurs a figure1 described by ,cockerell1 the architect1 as that of the ,angel of ,daniel1 with a monster under his feet1 deemed to be the old ,dragon 7,archol4 ,institute's ,memoirs of ,lincoln1 ,lond4 #ahej1 p4 #bbb74 ,habakkuk with the loaves often appears in representations of the lions' den 7,o4,t4 in ,art1 #adei;a74 ,in fact there is reason to think that this apocryphal scene was at least as frequently represented as the corresponding canonical one2 e4g4 on a sarcophagus at ,rome figured in the frontispiece to ,burgon's ,letters from ,rome1 thought by him to be of about the #eth century 7p4 #bdd74 ,there is also a woodcut of this in ,d4,c4,a4 art4 ,sculpture1 p4 #ahfh4 ,a sarcophagus of the #dth century also1 like ,burgon's1 in the ,lateran ,museum 7though not1 it would seem1 identical7 is mentioned in ,w4 ,lowrie's ,art and ,archology1 p4 #bfj1 as carved with the same subject of ,daniel and ,habakkuk4 ,in ,bohn's edition of ,didron's ,christian ,iconography 7,lond4 #ahhf1 ,,ii4 #baj7 there is a woodcut of a miniature in the ,speculum hum4 salv4 7circ4 #acej71 in the library of ,lord ,coleridge1 portraying ,daniel among the lions4 ,the appearance of ,habakkuk guided by the angel in the background1 carrying food1 identifies the scene with ,bel and the ,dragon1 and not with the history of ,dan4 vi4 ,even in representations of this1 the canonical den-scene1 it is noteworthy how often ,daniel is shown in a sitting posture1 although all mention of this is confined to v4 #dj of the apocryphal story4 ,it is a little remarkable that ,daniel's dramatic disclosure of the priests' trick 7v4 #ba7 has not1 so far as the writer is aware1 commended itself to artists4 ,the ash-strewn floor of ,bel's temple1 the tell-tale footmarks1 and the emotions of exultation and surprise on the face of ,daniel and the ,king respectively1 with a possible introduction of the detected impostors at the side1 might make1 in capable hands1 a very effective picture4 ,,example ,,of ,,life ,,and ,,instruction ,,of ,,manners4 ,the whole story1 in addition to proving the vanity of idols1 shews how ,god watches over the fate of those who bravely discharge his work2 while idolaters and persecutors meet with punishment4 ,religious fraud1 deceit under mask of piety1 is dealt with very severely4 ,retribution is not to be escaped4 ,even ,j4,m4 ,fuller 7,s4,p4,c4,k4 ,comm4 ,introd471 who regards the story as essentially apocryphal1 admits an edifying element4#hd4 ,this element might perhaps be used with advantage more than it is by missionaries to idolatrous peoples4 ,the sordidness and trickery of heathen priests#he is contrasted with the uprightness and single-minded devotion of ,daniel4 ,his ,god moreover delivers him1 but their gods do not deliver them4 ,the ,bel of this history is as dumb as the ,baal of ,i4 ,kings xviii42 their names and characters quite agree4 ,the once flourishing temples of iniquity are conspicuously brought to nought1 affording a lesson of confidence and patience to those who fear the ,lord4 ,thus the angry opponents1 who made certain of slaying ,daniel1 were disappointed1 and judgment quickly overtook them4 ,with v4 #f ,arnald1 in loc41 finely contrasts the ,p4,b4,v4 of ,ps4 xvi4 #b--the ,god who was estimated by the amount of provisions he consumed1 and the ,god to whom earthly goods were nothing4 ,but the ,hebrew will hardly bear the ,p4,b4,v4 rendering4 ,the character of ,daniel1 without fear or reproach1 is not out of keeping with that displayed in the canonical book1 and in the companion story of ,susanna4 ,he affords an example of3 7a7 ,courage in his fearless attacks upon idolatry1 attacks which1 as the event proved1 could not be indulged in with safety4 ,he faces terrible crises at much personal risk1 with decision and absence of self-distrust1 as in the canonical chapters and in ,susanna4 ,he boldly defends his religion when it is called in question1 and ousts rival worships4 7b7 ,resistance to temptation in refusing to worship as the king wished4 ,no half compliance is suggested1 such as worshipping ,bel and ,god together4 ,observe how he claims for ,god to be 1 while ,cyrus only claims for ,bel to be 7vv4 #e1 #f1 71 as noticed under ',theology4' 7c7 ,wisdom1 'of the serpent1' in his plan for detecting fraud1 and in his skill and versatility in choosing suitable means for unveiling each kind of imposture2 of which another striking instance occurs in ,susanna4 ,he was a man of right understanding1 clear insight1 and practical sagacity1 as shewn by his methods of dealing with opposing forces1 moral or physical4 ,as a man of great resource he rapidly adapts himself to fresh conditions4 7d7 ,endurance of persecution for righteousness' sake4 ,one trial overcome1 a yet greater presents itself2 but with unflinching constancy he faces it and passes unharmed1 ,ps4 lvii4 #c1 #d4 7e7 ,perseverance1 in not resting upon his laurels1 won over ,bel1 but proceeding against the ,dragon4 ,his promptitude of resource is not mere rashness1 but is combined with steady determination in pursuing his task4 ,as an active and diligent worker he is far-sighted and firm of purpose4 7f7 ,gratitude4 ,on receiving ,habakkuk's visit he at once acknowledges ,god's faithfulness1 and addresses himself to the great ,first ,cause immediately 7v4 #ch71 as the ever-watchful shaper of events4 7g7 ,mindfulness of faith and duty1 by being ever foremost1 even in association with a heathen king whose eyes he opens and to whom he acts as a missionary1 in shewing hatred of falsehood and love of truth 7as in ,susanna74 ,absence of selfishness and willingness to undertake responsibility are manifested4 7h7 ,disinterested service of ,god in clearing away two great obstacles to his worship4 ,his aims are realised without any trace of self-aggrandisement2 for those aims are directed to his ,maker's rather than to his own glory4 7i7 ,pleasure in ,god's service4 ,the tone of the whole story implicitly conveys the idea that ,daniel enjoyed1 and was happy in the achievement of these works1 because they were designed to honour ,god and to benefit man4 ,thus he finds his tasks thoroughly interesting and congenial4 ,it is to be observed that ,daniel's character is in contrast with that of everyone in the story1 except ,habakkuk4 ,per contra1 ,daniel might perhaps be accused of cruelty in his method of slaying the dragon1#hf especially as described in ,gaster's ,aramaic1 and by ,josippon ben ,gorion1 given by ,arnald1 in loc41 from ,selden4 ,in ,habakkuk we see obedience to a divine command1 apparently impossible of execution1 for which the way is suddenly made plain4 ,he becomes instrumental in alleviating such a state of affairs as he deplores in i4 #d of his ,prophecy3 for the wicked doth compass about the righteous1 etc4 ,so in the hymn ,warum betrbst du dich mein ,herz8 doubtfully attributed to ,hans ,sachs1 we find the seventh stanza bearing upon this matter3 ,des ,daniels ,gott ihm nicht rergass1 ,da er unter den ,lwen sass3 ,sein ,engel sandt er hin1 ,und liess ihm ,speise bringen gut1 ,durch seiner ,diener ,habakkuk4 ,habakkuk's obedience served ,god's purpose4 ,in ,cyrus' character we see something of the impulsiveness of the despotic monarch1 giving hasty directions on the spur of the moment as to matters of much importance4 ,but the events of the story exert an educative influence upon his mind1 culminating in his sentiments as expressed in v4 #da1 which apparently imply that ,daniel's ,god was to be his ,god4 ,certainly the monarch's testimony proves that his religious opinions had been corrected1 and raised above the stage represented in v4 #f4 ,probably some allegoric1 or more strictly 'tropological1' instruction may be drawn from the story4 ,in ,bel we are taught to fight against crafty deception however generally believed in2 in the ,dragon1 against fierce1 repulsive1 and terrifying adversaries4 ,this kind of interpretation is sometimes strained however1 as when in ,neale's edition of the ,moral ,concordances of ,st4 ,antony of ,padua 7p4 #abe1 n4d471 v4 #bg is given as applicable to ,st4 ,bartholomew4 ,an unexpectedly adverse opinion on the use of ,bel and the ,dragon as a lesson 7,nov4 #bc1 matins1 old ,lectionary7 is expressed by ,j4,h4 ,blunt in his ,directorium ,pastorale 7#ahfd1 p4 #ei73 ,i confess ,i can see no good which can arise from the public reading to a congregation1 composed principally perhaps of young persons1 of such lessons as ,bel and the ,dragon1 or ,lev4 xviii41 ,deut4 xxii41 xxv4 ,then he adds the following curious note3 ,it is a fact that a man was once sent into a fit of loud and uncontrollable laughter1 although he was honestly preparing for holy orders1 by hearing this lesson 7,bel and the ,dragon7 read for the first time in the chapel of a ,theological ,college4 ,one cannot help thinking that this gentleman must have had an abnormally developed sense of humour under exceptionally bad control4 ,john ,wesley exhibits in his ,journal 7,july #eth1 #aggc7 an equally low opinion of the story1 though free from ill-timed mirth3 ,st4 ,patrick converting #cj1jjj at one sermon ,i rank with the ,history of ,bel and the ,dragon 7,quoted in ,church ,quarterly ,review1 ,jan4 #aijb1 p4 #cbc74 ,these opinions seem too contemptuous and inimical to a narrative which yields many valuable lessons4 ,indeed it may be said of this1 as in the ,bishops' reply at the ,savoy ,conference to the ,puritan objection to reading the ,apocryphal lessons in general3 ,it is heartily to be wished that sermons were as good 7,procter-,frere1 ,hist4 of ,p4,b4 #aijb1 p4 #agd74 ,,index ,i4 ,,proper ,,names4 ,addison ,africanus ,alexander1 ,abp4 ,altdorfer ,ambrose ,antony of ,padua ,apollinarius ,aquila ,arnald ,adrian ,athanasius ,athanasius1 pseudo1 ,augustine1 ,ball1 ,c4,j4 ,barclay1 ,p4 ,bardenhewer ,barnes1 ,a4 ,barry1 ,bp4 ,bassus ,bayer1 ,f4,p4 ,behrmann ,bengel ,bevan1 ,prof4 ,blackie1 ,j4,s4 ,blakesley1 ,dean ,bleek ,blunt1 ,j4,h4 ,blunt1 ,j4,j4 ,boys1 ,dean ,breshith ,rabba ,brightman1 ,canon ,brown1 ,sir ,thos4 ,brll ,bugati ,buhl ,bullock1 ,w4,t4 ,bunsen ,burbidge ,burgon1 ,dean ,bury ,st4 ,edmunds ,csarius of ,aries ,calvin ,cambridge1 ,trinity ,college ,chapel ,cappellus1 ,ludovione ,carr ,carracci ,castillo1 de ,ceriani ,chaplin1 ,child ,charles ,chigi1 ,cardinal ,chrysostom ,churton ,clement of ,alexandria ,cloquet ,cockerell ,congreve ,cope1 ,l4,c4 ,cornelius ,lapide ,cornely ,cornish1 ,h4,p4 ,correggio ,coypel ,curteis1 ,g4,h4 ,curtis1 ,e4,l4 ,curtius1 ,quintus ,cyprian ,cyprian1 pseudo- ,cyril of ,alexandria ,cyril of ,jerusalem ,damasus ,i4 ,daniel1 ,e4 ,davidson ,deane1 ,h4 ,deane1 ,w4 ,deissmann ,delitzsch 7elder7 ,denys1 the ,carthusian ,dereser ,didron ,donaldson ,driver1 ,dr4 ,duehesne ,dyck1 van ,ebed ,jesu ,edersheim ,eichhorn ,ephrem ,syrus ,epiphanius ,epiphanius1 pseudo- ,etheridge ,eusebius ,ewald ,farrar1 ,dean ,faussett ,feltoe1 ,dr4 ,florence1 ,council of ,forbes1 ,bp4 ,frank1 ,archd4 ,freeman1 ,archd4 ,fritzsche ,fuller1 ,j4,m4 ,frst1 ,j4 ,garrucci ,gaster ,gerard ,gesenius ,givargese1 ,f4 ,goodall1 ,f4 ,gorionides ,gratian ,gray1 ,bp4 ,gregory of ,nazianzus ,gregory of ,nyssa ,grenfell ,grotius ,guercino ,gnkel ,gwillim ,gwynne1 ,prof4 ,hauck ,hebrus1 ,bar ,henderson ,heppner1 ,a4 ,herodotus ,hesychius ,hieronymus ,graecus ,hilary of ,poitiers ,hippolytus ,holmes ,hooker ,home1 ,t4,h4 ,hotham ,humphry1 ,w4 ,hunt ,irenus ,isaacson1 ,s4 ,isidore ,hispalensis ,jacobus ,edessenus ,jahn1,g4 ,jahn1 ,j4 ,jamieson ,jansen1 ,cornelius ,jennings ,jephet ibn ,ali ,jerahmeel ,jerome ,jocelin of ,brakelond ,johnson1 ,s4 ,josephus ,josippon ,julian1 ,dr4 ,justin ,martyr ,kamphausen ,karlstadt ,kautzsch ,keil ,keilah ,kells ,kennedy1 ,j4 ,kirkpatrick1 ,prof4 ,lagarde ,liddon ,lightfoot1 ,bp4 ,littledale ,loisy ,lowrie1 ,w4 ,lucar1 ,cyril ,lucretia ,luther ,lyra1 ,nich4 de ,maccabaeus1 ,simon ,mamertus1 ,claudianus ,margoliouth1 ,d4,s4 ,marshall ,marti ,martin1 ,d4 ,martini ,mary1 ,passing of ,maskell ,mattathias ,maurer ,melito ,merrick ,methodius ,meyer ,milton ,moone ,abbey ,moses ,haddarshan ,movers ,mozley ,m',swiney ,m',whirter ,muis1 de ,munk1 ,s4 ,nachman1 ,rabba bar ,nachmanides ,nectarius ,nestle ,neubauer ,nicephorus1 of ,constantinople4 ,nobilius1 ,flaminius ,orelli ,origen ,parker1 ,m4 ,parsons ,patrick1 ,st4 ,pearson1 ,bp4 ,peronne ,perowne1 ,bp4 ,philippe1 ,e4 ,philo ,pilate ,polychronius ,porphyry ,procter1 ,f4 ,prudentius ,pusey ,quignon1 ,card4 ,rembrandt ,reuss ,rose1 ,h4,p4 ,rosenmller ,rothstein ,rubens ,rufinus ,ryle1 ,bp4 ,h4,e4 ,ryssel1 ,prof4 ,sabatier ,sachs1 ,hans ,salmon1 ,prof4 ,sanday1 ,prof4 ,santerre ,sayce ,scholz1 ,a4 ,schrader ,schrer ,scrivener ,sedulius ,selden ,selwyn1 ,prof4 ,severus1 ,sulpicius ,shann1 ,g4,v4 ,shetach1 ,simon ben ,shushan ,sidon ,smith1 ,prof4 ,smith1 ,prof4 ,robertson ,sozomen ,spenser ,sthelin1 ,o4 ,stephens1 ,a4,j4 ,stephens1 ,dean ,stokes1 ,m4 ,strabo ,streane1 ,dr4 ,susanna1 ,st4 ,swete1 ,prof4 ,syncellus ,tertullian ,thackeray ,theodoret ,theodotion ,thomas of ,harkel ,tintoretto ,toledo1 #dth ,council of ,toy1 ,c4,h4 ,trapp ,trent1 ,council of ,trommius ,valentin ,van ,ess ,vatican1 ,council of ,verecundus ,veronese1 ,p4 ,waldo1 ,p4 ,warren1 ,canon ,f4,e4 ,walton1 ,bp4 ,b4 ,wesley1 ,j4 ,westcott1 ,bp4 ,wheatley ,wilson1 ,bp4 ,wilton1 ,r4 ,wintle1 ,j4 ,wordsworth1 ,bp4 ,chas4 ,wordsworth1 ,bp4 ,chris4 ,wyon1 ,w4,g4 ,xerxes ,yonge1 ,miss ,zimmer ,zckler ,,index ,,ii4 ,,scripture ,,texts4 ,,genesis4 i4 #a ii4 #b1 #c vii4 #ad x4 #ae xxi4 #ag xxii4 #ah xxiii4 #c1 #d1 #h xxiv4 #fe xxvi4 #d xxxi4 #e xxxiv4 #bi xxxvii4 xxxvii4 #bd ,,exodus4 ii4 #b iv4 #c vii4 #i ix4 #af ,,leviticus ii4 #i1 #aa xviii4 xx4 #aj xxiii4 #g xxvi4 #ba ,,numbers4 xi4 #ae xi4 #af ,,deuteronomy4 v4 #ba x4 #ag xviii4 #bj xxii4 xxii4 #bb xxv4 xxviii4 #di1 #ej xxxii4 #d xxxii4 #bc ,,joshua4 xxii4 #ai ,i4 ,,samuel xxiii4 #a ,,ii4 ,,samuel4 xxiv4 #ad ,i4 ,,kings4 iii4 x4 #h xv4 #ai xvi4 #bh xviii4 #ab xviii4 #bg xviii4 #cb xx4 #g xxi4 #h1 #aa ,,ii4 ,,kings4 xiii4 #e xxiv4 #h1 #ab xxv4 #bh xxv4 #bg ,i4 ,,chornicles4 ii4 #ca1 #cd1 #ce xxi4 #ac ,,ii4 ,,chronicles4 iv4 #e xii4 #ab xx4 #ab xxxv4 #c xxxv4 #ae xxxvi4 #h1 #i ,,ezra4 iv4 #ab iv4 #ae viii4 #b ,,nehemiah4 ix4 #cc ,,esther4 ii4 #c ii4 #i ii4 #ab vii4 #h ,,job4 i4 #a i4 #h ii4 #c xxxiii4 #aj xlii4 #ag ,,psalms4 xv4 #aa xvi4 #b xxiii4 xxv4 #ad xxviii4 #g xxxiv4 #ai xlix4 #a xlix4 #ah lvii4 #c1 #d lx4 #c lxxiv4 #i lxxx4 #a xcix4 #a civ4 #d cv4 #df cxxxvi4 cxxxvi4 #b cxlviii4 ,,proverbs4 xxiv4 #bb xxvi4 #bg ,,solomon',s ,,song4 ii4 #a1 #b iv4 #ab ,,isaiah4 v4 #b v4 #g v4 #aj xvii4 #a xliii4 #b xliii #d xlv4 #a ,,jeremiah4 x4 #ae xi4 #aj xiv4 #ba xix4 #a xxii4 #bd xxv4 #ab xxvi4 #ag xxxviii4 #a-d xxix4 #e xxix4 #ba xxix4 #bc xxix4 #bb xxix4 #bc xlii4 #aa xliv4 #h l4 #b li4 #cd li4 #dd ,,ezekiel4 iii4 #ab1 #ad viii4 #c xvi4 #c xvi4 #ch xxxviii4 #f ,,daniel4 i4 #a i4 #c i4 #ae i4 #ag i4 #bj ii4 #e ii4 #i ii4 #bh1 #bi ii4 #ca ii4 #cb1 #cc ii4 #de ii4 #dg iii4 #a iii4 #ad iii4 #af-ah iii4 #ba iii4 #bb iii4 #bc iii4 #bd iii4 #bh-cj iv4 #f iv4 #h iv4 #ad iv4 #be iv4 #bg iv4 #cf v4 #c v4 #bc v4 #be-bh v4 #ca vi4 #ag vi4 #bj vi4 #ba1 #bb vi4 #be-bh vi4 #bf vi4 #bh vii4 #i vii4 #aa viii4 #aj ix4 #b ix4 #d ix4 #e ix4 #ac ix4 #ad ix4 #ae ix4 #ag ix4 #ah x4 #a x4 #a xi4 #cf xii4 #c xii4 #ad xiii4 #a ,,hosea4 iii4 #d iv4 #ae iv4 #af v4 #ac xii4 #f xiv4 #e ,,jonah4 ii4 #b ,,micah4 ii4 #b ,,habakkuk4 i4 #a i4 #d i4 #f ii4 #ah ,,zephaniah4 i4 #aa ,i4 ,,esdras4 i4 #cg i4 #dc iv4 #eb iv4 #fb v4 #eh ,,ii4 ,,esdras4 iii4 #b ,,judith4 iv4 #f xx4 #h ,,tobit4 iii4 #b viii4 #e x4 #aj xii4 #f xiii4 #aj ,,esther4 xiv4 #f1 #g ,,ecclesiasticus4 xvi4 #ac xliii4 #d1 #bb xliv4 ,,baruch4 i4 #c ii4 #i ,,song ,,of ,,the ,,three ,,children4 7,greek verse numbers47 #bd #be #bf #bg #bh #bi #cj #ca #cb #cc #cd #cf #cg #ch #ci #dj #da #dd #dg #dh #di #ej #ea #eb #ec #ed #ef #eg #ei #fc #fd #fe #fg #fh #gg #hd #hf #hg #hh #hi #ij #ia ,,susanna4 #a-e #b #c #d #e #f #g #h #i #aa #ac #ad #ae #ag #ai #bj #bb #bc #bd #bf #bg #bh #bi #cj #cb #cc #cd #ce #cf #ci #da #db #dc #dd #de #df #dh #ej #eb #ec #ed #ee #ef #eg #ei #fj #fa #fb #fc #fd ,,bel ,,and ,,the ,,dragon4 #a #b #c #d #e #f #g #h #i #aj #aa #ab #ac #ad #ae #ag #ah #ai #ba #bb #bc #bd #be #bf #bg #bh #bi #cj #ca #cb #cc #cd #ce #cf #cg #ch #ci #dj #da #db ,i4 ,,maccabees4 ii4 #ag ii4 #ei xv4 #f ,,ii4 ,,maccabees4 ix4 #ag ,,iii4 ,,maccabees4 vi4 #f ,,st4 ,,matthew4 i4 #aa1 #ab iv4 #a v4 #bh xi4 #ba xi4 #bi xii4 #ah xiii4 #db1 #ej xxiv4 #ea xxvii4 #bd xxvii4 #bf ,,st4 ,,luke4 i4 #ch ii4 #bi ii4 #db ii4 #eb viii4 #c xxi4 #bd ,,st4 ,,john4 x4 #i xi4 #a xviii4 #ah xviii4 #ce xix4 #af ,,acts4 ii4 #aj ii4 #bc iv4 #bd vi4 #i viii4 #ci ix4 #a xiii4 #ac xvii4 #ag xvii4 #bc xxii4 #d xxiv4 #f ,,romans4 i4 #bc ,,ii4 ,,corinthians4 i4 #aj ,,ephesians4 ii4 #ab ,,ii ,,timothy4 i4 #ah ,,hebrews4 i4 #g ix4 #e x4 #cd xi4 #bc xi4 #cd xii4 #bc ,,revelation4 ix4 #bj xii4 #g1 #h xii4 #i xiii4 #d xiii4 #ad xxi4 #ac ,,footnotes3 #a ,he refers to ,theiner1 ,acta 444 concil4 ,trident1 i4 #gg4 #b ,so ,raymund ,martini1 at the end of his ,pugio fidei2 but his quotation has been doubted4 ,see ,b4 and ,d4 ',chronology1' p4 #bbi4 #c ,the ,vatican ,council confirmed the ,tridentine decree on ,scripture 7,const4 ,dei ,filius ,,ii41 ,loisy1 p4 #bci74 #d ,the first and most gifted of creatures 7,m',swiney1 ,psalms and ,canticles1 #aija1 p4 #fdd74 #e ,perhaps in default of better explanation the earth verse may have been put into the third person in order to mark the transition from things celestial to those terrestrial4 #f ,this may refer to the titles he gives from the ,vatican ,,lxx2 but see above1 p4 #ah1 as to the absence of these4 #g ,psalms1 ,lond4 #ahga1 ,,ii4 #dfb4 #h ,proc4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,archol4 #ahie1 p4 #ha4 #i ,rational ittuitrat4 of ,p4,b4 #aj ,but ,j4,t4 ,marshall 7,hastings' ,d4,b4 ,,iv4 #gee71 ,the hymn is modelled after ,ps4 #acf1 and has equal claim to be considered poetical4 #aa ,he appears1 on p4 #cjc1 to date ,daniel between #afj and #agj ,b4,c4 #ab ,this particularly is unsuggestive of ,egypt4 #ac ,commentary on ,canticles in ,divine ,service1 ,lond4 #ahec1 p4 #ha4 #ad ,swete1 ,introd4 to ,greek ,o4,t41 p4 #dc4 #ae ,op4 cit41 pp4 #dh1 #cif1 #djc4 #af ,cf4 ,ewald in ',date1' p4 #bi4 #ag ,some slight warrant1 or at least precedent1 for using our ,r4,v41 in which dissenters had a hand1 might perhaps be found in this fact4 #ah ,g4 ,jahn in his restoration of the ,hebrew text of ,daniel from the ,,lxx1 admits vv4 #bh and #di--ea into his canonical text 7,leipzig1 #aijd74 #ai ,as to the possibility of the fact1 cf4 ,yorkshire ,post1 ,april #abth1 #aijb1 on ,coronation bonfires3 ,spectators should keep clear of the lee side4 ,the flame of such bonfires has been known to stream in a flash #aej;ft4 out4 #bj ,dr4 ,julian 7,diet4 ,hymnol4 p4 #acd7 has the following strange sentence as to ,benedicite1 ,it is not in the ,hebrew version 7sic7 of the ,scriptures1 and on this ground1 among others1 it is omitted from ,a4,v4 #ba ,g4 ,jahn in loc4 thinks this fact an indication of a later hand1 as shewing that they severed themselves in the furnace from contact with heathenism1 and were giving themselves to intercourse with ,jahwe alone4 ,but surely an interpolator must have been aware that this was their attitude from the outset4 #bb ,proc4 ,sac4 ,bibl4 ,archol4 #ahie1 p4 #hj4 #bc ,in the ,hebrew of this verse the parallel is less striking4 #bd 1 v4 #bc 7#df71 attendants probably holding some official position superior to that of slaves4 ,cf4 ,st4 ,john xviii4 #ah4 #be ,cf4 ,ps4 lxxiv4 #i4 #bf ,see also ,h4,j4 ,rose's ,paper ,on the ,heb4 coins called shekels1 ,beds4 ,architect4 ,soc4 ,rep4 ,i41 p4 #cfg1 #ahea4 #bg ,in the ,bk4 of private ,prayer 7,lond4 #ahhg1 p4 #cb71 approved by the ,lower ,house of ,canterbury ,convocation1 these six verses are employed as a separate canticle1 under the title ,benedictus es1 probably suggested by the ,ambrosian rite above mentioned4 ,the same canticle had also appeared previously in ,an ,additional ,order for ,evening ,prayer1 put forth by the same authority in #ahgc1 for singing after the first lesson4 #bh ,its use declined in the #ahth century as is shewn by ,p4 ,barclay 7,letter to ,people of ,scotland on ,comm4 ,pr41 ,lond4 #agac1 p4 #cf71 who says1 ,benedicite is very good2 but because it is seldom or never used1 ,i don't insist upon it4 ,p4 ,waldo 7,commentary on ,liturgy1 #agge1 p4 #ih71 also deplores its disuse4 ,and even in the #aith century ,c4 ,chaplin 7,benedicite1 #ahgi1 p4 #aa7 says1 ,in a few churches it seems to be banished from the service altogether4 #bi ,it is stated in ,dr4 ,swete's ,introd4 7#aijb1 p4 #bfj7 that ,susanna is excluded from the visions1 ,dan4 i4 #a commencing the first of them4 ,but this is not borne out by the 'apparatus criticus' to his ,greek text1 where i4 #a in ,a and ,q begins '1 and ' is the subscription of ,susanna in ,a4 #cj ,the name is used of an actual woman in ,st4 ,luke viii4 #c4 #ca ,kothstein 7,kautzsch i41 #agf7 gives the first quarter of the last century ,b4,c4 as the latest possible date for the ,,lxx version of ,daniel4 ,exceedingly little time therefore would be allowed1 on ,ball's theory1 for the original publication1 the translation1 and the incorporation into the ,alexandrian canon1 of this ,susanna-book4 #cb ,if not1 as ,bissell in his note elegantly puts it1 it would be a bungling lapsus penn4 #cc ,this may be merely an echo of ,reuss1 who reckons ,susanna in die ,reihe der moralischen ,mrchen 7,o4,t4 #ahid1 ,,vii4 #aei74 #cd ,see ,j4,m4 ,fuller in ,s4,p4,c4,k4 ,comm4 ,introd4 to ,sus4 #ce ,these names1 however1 do not agree with the ,jewish identification of them1 as the ,ahab and ,zedekiah of ,jer4 xxix4 #ba1 which ,origen reports in his ,ep4 ad ,afric4 7,speaker's ,comm4 #cbe;b74 #cf ,so in ,n4,t41 ,st4 ,mark v4 #ai4 #cg ,adv4 ,christ41 ,bk4 ,,xii4 #ch ,for similar instances of word-play see accounts of ,melito's pseudo-,clavis1 ,d4,c4,b4 iii4 #hig;b1 and ,muratorian ,fragment1 line #fg4 #ci ,jerome in his ,prol4 gal4 shews how it might be done in ,latin2 and in the ,vulgate some attempt is made to reproduce it in vv4 #ed1 #ee 7'schinus1 scindit'74 ,luther tried after rhymes in ,german1 ',linden1' 'finden1' ',eiche1' 'zeichnen4' ,in the ,french version of ,martin no play is attempted2 but in the ,arabic1 according to ,delitzsch 7op4 cit4 #ajb71 an easy one is produced4 #dj for would yield good sense1 but evidence for such a reading is absent4 #da ,and that which all faire workes doth most aggrace1 ,the art which all that wrought appeared in no place4 ,,spenser1 ,faery ,queene1 ,,ii4 ,,xii4 #eh4 #db ,i4 ,macc41 ,fairweather and ,black1 ,camb4 #ahig1 p4 #ad2 ,streane1 ,age of ,macc41 ,lond4 #ahih1 pp4 #bdg1 #bdh4 #dc ,curiously enough the canonical ,daniel has not escaped this accusation1 for ,g4 ,jahn 7,leips4 #aijd1 p4 #fd7 says of vi4 #bh1 ,der ,knig wie ein jdischen ,rabbiner predigt4 #dd ,right use of ,early ,fathers1 ,lond41 #aheg1 p4 #fdi4 #de ,see ,wordsworth1 ,gk4 ,test41 note in loc4 #df ,quintus ,curtius 7v4 #a7 gives a terrible account1 in connection with ,alexander's capture of this city1 of ,babylonian debauchery1 which must have been of long standing when it had attained the pitch he indicates4 #dg ,soap making is the chief industry of modern ,palestine 7,hastings' ,d4,b4 art4 ,soap74 #dh #di ,in ,hastings' ,d4,b4 art4 ,jehoiachin1 it is stated that he does2 but ,hippolytus' ,comm4 in ,migne1 ,patr4 gr4 x4 #fhi1 does not shew this4 ,it is apparently based on a quotation from ,hippolytus by ,georgius ,syncellus1 given among the critical notes of ,bonwetsch's ed4 of ,hipp4 p4 #aj 7,lips4 #ahig74 #ej ,but see ,g4 ,jahn1 in loc41 and art4 ,jehoiakim in ,hastings' ,d4,b4 as to making the date in ,dan4 i4 #a a little later4 #ea ,scrivener1 ,introd4 to ,a4,v4 vii41 and ,sayce1 ,tobit1 #aijc1 p4 xvi4 #eb ,speaker's ,comm41 end of ,introd4 to ,sus4 #ec ,see ,jerome's ,pref4 to ,daniel1 end4 #ed ,warren1 ,ante-,nicene ,liturgy1 #ahig1 p4 #ahh4 #ee ,but may refer to them4 #ef ,there is a very quaint note in ,gwillim's ,heraldry 7#afaa1 p4 #aji7 as to a mulberry figured on a shield1 ,this fruit hath a purple blushing colour1 in the one resembling the judges' attire who attempted ,susanna1 in the other that hue of their face which should have been in them1 if they had been so gracious to blush at their fault1 etc4 #eg ,there are similar instances in chaps4 iii4 and vi4 of the canonical ,daniel4 ,see also the ,notes on ,scripture1 in loco1 of ,bishop ,wilson1 of ,sodor and ,man1 who tells what comfort he derived from hearing ,susanna read in the daily service when himself falsely accused4 #eh ,thackeray's mention of ,susanna in ,tht ,newcomes1 chap1 lvi41 seems pointless1 though that in chap4 xix4 is suitable enough4 ,steele has an absurd reference in the ,spectator1 ,no4 #ad1 to the opera of ,susanna1 or ,innocence ,betrayed1 which will be exhibited next week1 with a pair of new ,elders4 #ei ,st4 ,antony of ,padua curiously gives vv44 #eb1 #ef1 as an example of the ,zeal of prelates 7,moral ,concordance1 ,neale's edit41 n4d41 p4 #aje74 #fj ,in each case it is not clear from the text that the 'worship' consisted in anything else than supplying food4 #fa ,the title is also used in ,q in some of ,isaiah's visions1 e4g4 xvii4 #a4 #fb ,see under ,theodoret in ',early ,christian ,literature1' and ',chronology1' p4 #bbd4 #fc ,this has been attributed to ,rabba bar ,nachman of ,pumbaditha1 about ,a4,d4 #cjj1 but is probably later4 ,see1 however1 ,etheridge1 ,jerus4 and ,tiberias1 p4 #adc4 #fd ,schrader1 ,cuneiform ,inscriptions of ,o4,t4 ,,ii4 #abe1 considers ,bel not to enter explicitly into the second of these names1 which he takes to mean 'may his life protect'2 but even in this case the mention of a ,deity is evidently understood4 ,but cf4 ,dan4 iv4 #h4 ,gesenius and ,longfield 7,chaldee ,grammar1 #ahei1 p4 #aae7 take the older view4 ,see also ,sayce's art4 in ,hastings' ,d4,b4 on ,merodach-,baladan1 where ,m4 seems identified with ,bel2 also art4 ,merodach4 #fe ,daniel1 ,oxf4 #agib1 p4 #dj4 #ff ,chambers's ,encyclop41 #ahhh1 art4 ,bel4 #fg ,there is clearly a slip in v4 #ce of for 1 and probably in v4 #aa of for 1 indicating some mistakes on the scribe's part1 or errors in his copy4 #fh ,the same writer1 on p4 #bbd1 spells with a final 4 #fi ,it is even given in ,l4,c4 ,cope's ,english ,composition 7,lond41 #aijj71 as an example of the four essentials of composition1 viz4 invention1 selection1 disposition1 diction4 ,he also speaks 7p4 #bi7 of the superb workmanship in framing the narrative4 #gj ,bar ,hebrus 7op4 cit41 p4 #bg71 gives this as a reason why some would not receive ,bel and the ,dragon4 #ga ,not in 4 #gb ,see note to ',for ,whom and with ,what ,object' p4 #aif4 #gc ,compare the ,aramaic of the passage1 given under ',chronology1' p4 #bbi4 #gd ,on the propriety of such a sentence1 accordant with ,babylonian ideas of justice1 see ,mozley1 ,ruling ,o4,t4 ,ideas1 #ahgh1 pp4 #hh1 #ie1 #ii4 #ge ,more withering sarcasm could scarcely be poured on heathenism than in the apocryphal story of ,bel and the ,dragon 7,edersheim1 ,life and ,times of ,messiah1 #ahhf1 ,i4 #ca74 ,daniel's laugh in v4 #g accords with ,jeremiah's view of idols 7,x4 #ae74 ,other coincidences with ,jeremiah may be noted in #a4 #b1 li4 #dd of that prophet4 #gf ,ezekiel is transported in the opposite direction1 and bothcprophets went unwillingly 7,trapp74 ,both1 too1 were concerned in suppression of idolatry4 #gg ,the destruction of the ,dragon1 by means which in ,a4,v4 and the ,greek appear inadequate1 does not come under this head1 since the ,aramaic explains it by iron teeth concealed in the ball 7v4 #bg71 an intelligible and practical device4 #gh ,of general condemnations1 ,alb4 ,barnes' may be taken as a sample3 ,this foolish story444 is wholly unworthy a place in any volume claiming ,divine origin1 or any volume of respectable authorship whatever 7,comment4 on ,dan4 ,vol4 ,i4 pp4 #gi1 #ha74 #gi ,the phrase applied to the ,additions in the ,introd4 to ,daniel in the ,speaker's ,comm4 7p4 #baf;a71 if we take to mean 'poet1' would fall in with this view4 ,j4,m4 ,fuller does not make quite clear his source for this phrase4 #hj ,sozomen1 ,h4,e4 vii4 #bi1 says that ,habakkuk's tomb was found at ,keilah1 1 444 7sic7 4 ,now ,keilah is mentioned in ,i ,sam4 xxiii4 #a as having threshing-floors worth robbing1 and so presumably lay in a corn-growing district4 #ha ,delitzech thought it likely1 though not certain1 that the mentioned by ,josephus 7,ant4 x4 #aa4 #g7 as left by ,daniel refer to the ,additions as portions of the canonical hook 7,de ,hab4 vita1 etc41 ,lips4 #ahdb1 p4 #be74 #hb ,cf4 ,revue biblique internationale 7,dominican7 ,paris1 ,jan4 #aija1 p4 #adi1 ,l'glise romaine s'est prononce ds ce moment1 et si elle ne pas ds lors impos sa solution comme dfinitive et irrformable1 elle ne s'en est du moins jamais carte et c'est cette solution qui explique l'unanimit pratique de l'glise latine1 o les doutes n'taient plus que le reflet rudit d'anciennes controverses4 ,see also ,sanday on ,inspiration1 ,note ,b4 to ,lect4 ,v4 ,the ,use of the term ,deutero-oanonical in the ,roman ,church4 #hc ,so spelt in ,migne in this instance1 though elsewhere with final 4 ,a misprint may he suspected4 #hd ,it was told as a story to ,miss ,yonge when a child by her father 7,life1 #aijc1 p4 #gh71 and apparently remembered with pleasure through life4 ,so ,saml4 ,johnson3 ,when ,i was a boy ,i have read or heard ,bel and the ,dragon1 ,susanna1 etc4 7,prayers and ,meditations1 ,lond4 #aije1 p4 #gh74 #he ,so ,butler in his ,hudibras of the ,presbyterian ,assembly of ,divines3 ,bell 7sic7 and the ,dragon's chaplains were ,more moderate than those by far4--7,i4 ,,iii4 #aaha74 #hf ,j4,h4 ,blunt 7,comm4 on v4 #bg7 makes an unaccountable mistake in supposing that the balls were put into the statue of ,bel1 not eaten by the ,dragon4 ,the composition would not of itself burst the hollow statue either by chymical explosion or mechanical expansion4 ,almost as ridiculous is the abusive phrase ,offspring of ,bel and the ,dragon1 which ,congreve puts into the mouth of ,fondlewife in his play of ,the ,old ,bachelor1 ,act ,,iv4 sc4 #d4