,,progressive ,,morality ,,fowler ,illustration ,,progressive ,,morality ,,an ,,essay ,,in ,,ethics ,,by ,,thomas ,,fowler1 ,m4,a41 ,,ll4,d41 ,f4,s4,a4 ,,president ,,of ,,corpus ,,christi ,,college ,,wykeham ,,professor ,,of ,,logic ,,in ,,the ,,university ,,of ,,oxford #ahhd ,,preface4 ,these pages represent an attempt to exhibit a scientific conception of morality in a popular form1 and with a view to practical applications rather than the discussion of theoretical difficulties4 ,for this purpose it has been necessary to study brevity and avoid controversy4 ,hence1 ,i have made few references to other authors1 and ,i have almost altogether dispensed with foot-notes4 ,but1 though ,i have attempted to state rather than to defend my views1 ,i believe that they are1 in the main1 those which1 making exception for a few back eddies in the stream of modern thought1 are winning their way to general acceptance among the more instructed and reflective men of our day4 ,it is necessary that ,i should state that this ,essay is independent of a much larger work1 entitled the ',principles of ,morals1' on which ,i was1 some years ago1 engaged with my predecessor1 the late ,professor ,wilson4 ,owing to the declining state of his health during the latter years of his life1 that work was1 at the time of his death1 left in a condition which rendered its completion very difficult and its publication probably undesirable4 ,for the present work ,i am solely responsible1 though no one can have been brought into close contact with so powerful a mind as that of ,professor ,wilson1 without deriving from it much stimulus and retaining many traces of its influence4 ,it has long been my belief that the questions of theoretical ,ethics would be far less open to dispute1 as well as far more intelligible1 if they were considered with more direct reference to practice4 ,this little book will1 ,i trust1 furnish an example1 however slight and imperfect1 of such a mode of treatment4 ,c4,c4,c4 ,july #be1 #ahhd4 ,,contents4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,introduction4 ,the ,sanctions of ,conduct4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,the ,moral ,sanction or ,moral ,sentiment4 ,its ,functions and the ,justification of its claims to ,superiority4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,analysis and ,formation of the ,moral ,sentiment4 ,its ,education and ,improvement4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,the ,moral ,test and its ,justification4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,examples of the ,practical ,application of the ,moral ,test to existing ,morality4 ,,progressive ,,morality4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,introduction4 ,,the ,,sanctions ,,of ,,conduct4 ,all reflecting men acknowledge that both the theory and the practice of morality have advanced with the general advance in the intelligence and civilisation of the human race4 ,but1 if this be so1 morality must be a matter capable of being reasoned about1 a subject of investigation and of teaching1 in which the less intelligent members of a community have always something to learn from the more intelligent1 and the more intelligent1 in their turn1 have ever fresh problems to solve and new material to study4 ,it becomes1 then1 of prime importance to every educated man1 to ask what are the data of ,ethics1 what is the method by which its general principles are investigated1 what are the considerations which the moralist ought to apply to the solution of the complex difficulties of life and action4 ,and still1 in spite of these obvious facts1 ethical investigation1 or any approach to an independent review of the current morality1 is always unpopular with the great mass of mankind4 ,though the conduct of their own lives is the subject which most concerns men1 it is that in which they are least patient of speculation4 ,nothing is so wounding to the self-complacency of a man of indolent habits of mind as to call in question any of the moral principles on which he habitually acts4 ,praise and blame are usually apportioned1 even by educated men1 according to vague and general rules1 with little or no regard to the individual circumstances of the case4 ,and of all innovators1 the innovator on ethical theory is apt to be the most unpopular and to be the least able to secure impartial attention to his speculations4 ,and hence it is that vague theories1 couched in unintelligible or only half-intelligible language1 and almost totally inapplicable to practice1 have usually done duty for what is called a system of moral philosophy4 ,the authors or exponents of such theories have the good fortune at once to avoid odium and to acquire a reputation for profundity4 ,in the following pages1 ,i shall attempt 7#a7 to discriminate morality1 properly so called1 from other sanctions of conduct2 7#b7 to determine the precise functions1 and the ultimate justification1 of the moral sentiment1 or1 in other words1 of the moral sanction2 7#c7 to enquire how this sentiment has been formed1 and how it may be further educated and improved2 7#d7 to discover some general test of conduct2 7#e7 to give examples of the application of this test to existing moral rules and moral feelings1 with a view to shew how far they may be justified and how far they require extension or reformation4 ,as my subject is almost exclusively practical1 ,i shall studiously avoid mere theoretical puzzles1 such as is pre-eminently that of the freedom of the will1 which1 in whatever way resolved1 probably never influences1 and never will influence1 any sane man's conduct4 ,questions of this kind will always excite interest in the sphere of speculation1 and speculation is a necessity of the cultivated human intellect2 but it does not seem to me that they can be profitably discussed in a treatise1 the aim of which is simply to suggest principles for examining1 for testing1 and1 if possible1 for improving the prevailing sentiment on matters of practical morals4 ,to begin with the first division of my subject1 ,how is morality1 properly so called1 discriminated from other sanctions of conduct8 ,by a sanction ,i may premise that ,i mean any pleasure which attracts to as well as any pain which deters from a given course of action4 ,in books on ,jurisprudence1 this word is usually employed to designate merely pains or penalties1 but this circumstance arises from the fact that1 at least in modern times1 the law seldom has recourse to rewards1 and effects its ends almost exclusively by means of punishments4 ,when we are considering conduct1 however1 in its general aspects and not exclusively in its relations to law1 we appear to need a word to express any inducement1 whether of a pleasureable or painful nature1 which may influence a man's actions1 and such a word the term 'sanction' seems conveniently to supply4 ,taking the word in this extended sense1 the sanctions of conduct may be enumerated as the physical1 the legal1 the social1 the religious1 and the moral4 ,of the physical sanction familiar examples may be found in the headache from which a man suffers after a night's debauch1 the pleasure of relaxation which awaits a well-earned holiday1 the danger to life or limb which is attendant on reckless exercise1 or the glow of constant satisfaction which rewards a healthy habit of life4 ,these pleasures and pains1 when once experienced1 exercise1 for the future1 an attracting or a deterring influence1 as the case may be1 on the courses of conduct with which they have respectively become associated4 ,thus1 a man who has once suffered from a severe headache1 after a night's drinking-bout1 will be likely to exercise more discretion in future1 or the prospect of agreeable diversion1 at the end of a hard day's work1 will quicken a man's efforts to execute his task4 ,the legal sanction is too familiar to need illustration4 ,without penal laws1 no society of any size could exist for a day4 ,there are1 however1 two characteristics of this sanction which it is important to point out4 ,one is that it works almost exclusively#a by means of penalties4 ,it would be an endless and thankless business1 in a society of any size1 even if it were possible1 to attempt to reward the virtuous for their consideration in not breaking the laws4 ,the cheap1 the effective1 indeed1 in most cases1 the only possible method is to punish the transgressor4 ,by a carefully devised and properly graduated system of penalties each citizen is thus furnished with the strongest inducement to refrain from those acts which may injure or annoy his neighbour4 ,another characteristic of the legal sanction is that1 though it is professedly addressed to all citizens alike1 it actually affects the uneducated and lower classes far more than the educated and higher classes of society4 ,this circumstance arises partly from the fact that persons in a comfortable position of life are under little temptation to commit the more ordinary crimes forbidden by law1 such as are theft1 assault1 and the like1 and partly from the fact that their education and associations make them more amenable to the social1 and1 in most cases1 to the moral and religious sanctions1 about to be described presently4 ,few persons in what are called the higher or middle ranks of life have any temptation to commit1 say1 an act of theft1 and1 if they experienced any such temptation1 they would be at least as likely to be restrained by the consideration of what their neighbours would think or say about them1 even apart from their own moral and religious convictions1 as by the fear of imprisonment4 ,footnote #a3 ,there are a few exceptions to the rule that the sanctions employed by the state assume the form of punishments rather than of rewards4 ,such are titles and honours1 pensions awarded for distinguished service1 rewards to informers1 c4 ,but these exceptions are almost insignificant1 when compared with the numerous examples of the general rule4 ,one of the most effective sanctions in all conditions of life1 but especially in the upper and better educated circles of a civilized society1 is what may be called the social sanction1 that is to say1 a regard for the good opinion and a dread of the evil opinion of those who know us1 and especially of those amongst whom we habitually live4 ,it is one of the characteristics of this sanction that it is much more far-reaching than the legal sanction4 ,not only does it extend to many acts of a moral character which are not affected1 in most countries1 by the legal sanction1 such as lying1 backbiting1 ingratitude1 unkindness1 cowardice1 but also to mere matters of taste or fashion1 such as dress1 etiquette1 and even the proprieties of language4 ,indeed1 as to the latter class of actions1 there is always considerable danger of the social sanction becoming too strong4 ,society is apt to insist on all men being cast in one mould1 without much caring to examine the character of the mould which it has adopted4 ,and it frequently happens that a wholly disproportionate value thus comes to be attached to the observance of mere rules of etiquette and good-breeding as compared with acts and feelings which really concern the moral and social welfare of mankind4 ,there is many a man1 moving in good society1 who would rather be guilty of1 and even detected in1 an act of unkindness or mendacity1 than be seen in an unfashionable dress or commit a grammatical solecism or a broach of social etiquette4 ,vulgarity to such men is a worse reproach than hardness of heart or indifferent morality4 ,in these cases1 as we shall see hereafter1 the social sanction requires to be corrected by the moral and religious sanctions1 and it is the special province of the moral and religious teacher in each generation to take care that this correction shall be duly and effectively applied4 ,the task may1 from time to time1 require the drastic hand of the moral or religious reformer1 but1 unless some one has the courage to undertake it1 we are in constant danger of neglecting the weightier matters of the law1 while we are busy with the mint and cummin and anise of fashion and convention4 ,but1 notwithstanding the danger of exaggeration and misapplication1 there can be no doubt of the vast importance and the generally beneficial results of a keen sensitiveness to the opinions of our fellow-men4 ,without the powerful aid of this sanction1 the restraints of morality and religion would often be totally ineffective4 ,when the social sanction operates1 not through society generally1 but through particular sections of society1 it may be called a ,law of ,honour1 a term which originated in the usages of ,chivalry4 ,in a complex and civilized form of society1 such as our own1 there may be many such laws of honour1 and the same individual may be subject to several of them4 ,thus each profession1 the army1 the navy1 the clerical1 the legal1 the medical1 the artistic1 the dramatic profession1 has its own peculiar code of honour or rules of professional etiquette1 which its members can only infringe on pain of ostracism1 or1 at least1 of loss of professional reputation4 ,the same is the case with trades1 and is specially exemplified in the instance of trades-unions1 or1 their mediaeval prototypes1 the guilds4 ,a college or a school1 again1 has its own rules and traditions1 which the tutor or undergraduate1 the master or boy1 can often only violate at his extreme peril4 ,almost every club1 institution1 and society affords another instance in point4 ,the class of 'gentlemen1' too1 that is to say1 speaking roughly1 the upper and upper middle ranks of society1 claim to have a code of honour of their own1 superior to that of the ordinary citizen4 ,a breach of this code is called 'ungentlemanly' rather than wrong or immoral or unjust or unkind4 ,so far as this code insists on courtesy of demeanour and delicacy of feeling and conduct1 it is a valuable complement to the ordinary rules of morality1 though1 so far as it fulfils this function1 it plainly ought not to be the exclusive possession of one class1 but ought to be communicated1 by means of example and education1 to the classes who are now supposed to be bereft of it4 ,there are points in this code1 however1 such as that the payment of 'debts of honour' should take precedence of that of tradesmen's bills1 and that less courtesy is due to persons in an inferior station than to those in our own1 which at least merit re-consideration4 ,it may1 indeed1 be said of all these laws or codes of honour1 that1 though they have probably1 on the whole1 a salutary effect in maintaining a high standard of conduct in the various bodies or classes where they obtain1 they require to be constantly watched1 lest they should become capricious or tyrannical1 and specially lest they should conflict with the wider interests of society or the deeper instincts of morality4 ,it must not be forgotten that we are 'men' before we are 'gentlemen1' and that no claims of any profession1 institution1 or class can replace or supplant those of humanity and citizenship4 ,we see1 then1 or rather we are obliged at the present stage of our enquiry to assume1 that the social sanction1 whether it be derived from the average sentiment of society at large or from the customs and opinions of particular aggregates of society1 requires constant correction at the hands of the moralist4 ,the sentiment which it represents may be only the sentiment of men of average moral tone1 or it may even be that of men of an inferior or degraded morality1 and hence it often needs to be tested by the application of rules derived from a higher standard both of feeling and intelligence4 ,nor is it the moral standard only which may be used to correct the social standard4 ,we may often advantageously have recourse to the legal standard for the same purpose4 ,for the laws of a country express1 as a rule1 the sentiments of the wisest and most experienced of its citizens1 and hence we might naturally expect that they would be in advance of the average moral sentiment of the people1 as well as of the social traditions of particular professions or classes4 ,and this ,i believe to be usually the case4 ,for instances1 we have to go no further than the comparison between the laws and the popular or professional sentiment on bribery at elections1 on smuggling1 on evasion of taxation1 on fraudulent business transactions1 on duelling1 on prize-fighting1 or on gambling4 ,at the same time it must be confessed that1 as laws sometimes become antiquated1 and the leanings of lawyers are proverbially conservative1 it occasionally happens that1 on some points1 the average moral sentiment is in advance of the law4 ,i may select as examples1 from comparatively recent legal history1 the continuance of religious disabilities and the excessive punishment of ordinary or even trivial crimes2 and1 perhaps1 ,i may venture to add1 as a possible reform in the future now largely demanded by popular sentiment1 some considerable modifications of the laws regulating the transfer of and the succession to landed property4 ,thus it will be seen that law and the sentiment of society may each be employed as corrective of the other1 and that1 consequently1 their comparison implies a higher standard than either1 by means of which each may be tested1 and to which each1 in its turn1 may be referred4 ,this higher or common standard it will be our business to consider in a subsequent part of this ,essay4 ,meanwhile1 it may be pointed out that1 in addition to its function as an occasional corrective of the legal sanction1 the social sanction subserves two great objects3 first1 it largely complements the legal sanction1 being applicable to numberless cases which that sanction does not1 and1 in fact1 cannot reach2 secondly1 the legal sanction1 even in those cases which it reaches1 is greatly reinforced by the social sanction1 which adds the pains arising from an evil reputation1 and all the indefinable social inconveniences which an evil reputation brings with it1 to the actual penalties inflicted by the law4 ,the religious sanction varies1 of course1 with the different religious creeds1 and1 in the more imperfect forms of religion1 by no means always operates in favour of morality4 ,but it will be sufficient here to consider the religious sanction solely in relation to ,christianity4 ,as enforced by the ,bible and the ,church1 the religious sanctions of conduct are two1 which ,i shall call the higher and the lower sanctions4 ,by the latter ,i mean the hope of the divine reward or the fear of the divine punishment1 either in this world or the next2 by the former1 the love of ,god and that veneration for ,his nature which irresistibly inspires the effort to imitate ,his perfections4 ,the lower religious sanction is plainly the same in kind with the legal sanction4 ,if a man is induced to do or to refrain from doing a certain action from fear of punishment1 the motive is the same1 whether the punishment be for a long time or a short one1 whether it is to take immediate effect or to be deferred for a term of years4 ,and1 similarly1 the same is the case with rewards4 ,no peculiar merit1 as it appears to me1 can be claimed by a man because he acts from fear of divine punishment rather than of human punishment1 or from hope of divine rewards rather than of human rewards4 ,the only differences between the two sanctions are 7#a7 that the hopes and fears inspired by the religious sanction are1 to one who believes in their reality1 far more intense than those inspired by the legal sanction1 the two being related as the temporal to the eternal1 and 7#b7 that1 inasmuch as ,god is regarded as omnipresent and omniscient1 the religious sanction is immeasurably more far-reaching than the legal sanction or even than the legal and the social sanctions combined4 ,thus the lower religious sanction is1 to those who really believe in it1 far more effective than the legal sanction1 though it is the same in kind4 ,but the higher religious sanction appeals to a totally different class of motives1 the motives of love and reverence rather than of hope and fear4 ,in this higher frame of mind1 we keep ,god's commandments1 because we love ,him1 not because we hope for ,his rewards or fear ,his punishments4 ,we reverence ,god1 and1 therefore1 we strive to be like ,him1 to be perfect even as ,he is perfect4 ,we have attained to that state of mind in which perfect love has cast out fear1 and1 hence1 we simply do good and act righteously because ,god1 who is the supreme object of our love and the supreme ideal of conduct1 is good and righteous4 ,there can be no question that1 in this case1 the motives are far loftier and purer than in the case of the legal and the lower religious sanctions4 ,but there are few men1 probably1 capable of these exalted feelings1 and1 therefore1 for the great mass of mankind the external inducements to right conduct must1 probably1 continue to be sought in the coarser motives4 ,it may be mentioned1 before concluding this notice of the religious sanctions1 that there is a close affinity between the higher religious sanction and that form of the social sanction which operates through respect for the good opinions of those of our fellow-men whom we love1 reverence1 or admire4 ,but1 quite distinct from all the sanctions thus far enumerated1 there is another sanction which is derived from our own reflexion on our own actions1 and the approbation or disapprobation which1 after such reflexion1 we bestow upon them4 ,there are actions which1 on no reasonable estimate of probabilities1 can ever come to the knowledge of any other person than ourselves1 but which we look back on with pleasure or regret4 ,it may be said that1 though1 in these cases1 the legal and the social sanctions are confessedly excluded1 the sanction which really operates is the religious sanction1 in either its higher or its lower form4 ,but it can hardly be denied that1 even where there is no belief in ,god1 or1 at least1 no vivid sense of ,his presence nor any effective expectation of ,his intervention1 the same feelings are experienced4 ,these feelings1 then1 appear to be distinct in character from any of the others which we have so far considered1 and they constitute what may appropriately be called the moral sanction1 in the strict sense of the term4 ,it is one of the faults of ,bentham's system that he confounds this sanction with the social sanction1 speaking indifferently of the moral or popular 7that is to say1 social7 sanction2 but let any one examine carefully for himself the feelings of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with which he looks back upon past acts of his own life1 and ask himself whether he can discover in those feelings any reference to the praise or blame of other persons1 actual or possible4 ,there will1 if ,i mistake not1 be many of them in which he can discover no such reference1 but in which the feeling is simply that of satisfaction with himself for having done what he ought to have done1 or dissatisfaction with himself for having done that which he ought not to have done4 ,whether these feelings admit of analysis and explanation is another question1 and one with which ,i shall deal presently1 but of their reality and distinctness no competent and impartial person1 on careful self-examination1 can well doubt4 ,the answer1 then1 to our first question1 ,i conceive to be that the moral sanction1 properly so called1 is distinguished from all other sanctions of conduct in that it has no regard to the prospect of physical pleasure or pain1 or to the hope of reward or fear of punishment1 or to the estimation in which we shall be held by any other being than ourselves1 but that it has regard simply and solely to the internal feeling of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with which1 on reflexion1 we shall look back upon our own acts4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,the ,,moral ,,sanction ,,or ,,moral ,,sentiment4 ,,its ,,functions ,,and ,,the ,,justification ,,of ,,its ,,claims ,,to ,,superiority4 ,i now proceed to consider more at length what are the precise functions of the moral sentiment or moral sanction#a1 and what is the justification of the weight which we attach to it1 or rather of the preference which we assign to it1 or feel that we ought to assign to it1 over all the other sanctions of conduct4 ,we have already seen that the moral sentiment or sanction is the feeling of satisfaction or dissatisfaction which we experience when we reflect on our own acts1 without any reference to any external authority or external opinion4 ,now it is important to ask whether this feeling is uniformly felt on the occurrence of the same acts1 or whether it ever varies1 so that acts1 for instance1 which are at one time viewed with satisfaction1 are at another time regarded with indifference or with positive dissatisfaction4 ,it would seem as if no man who reflects on ethical subjects1 and profits by the observation and experience of life1 could possibly answer this question in any other than one way4 ,there must be very few educated and reflective men who have not seen reason1 with advancing years1 to alter their opinion on many of1 at least1 the minor points of morality in which they were instructed as children4 ,a familiar instance occurs at once in the different way in which most of us view card-playing or attendance at balls or theatres from the much stricter views which prevailed in many respectable ,english households a generation ago4 ,on the other hand1 excess in eating and drinking is regarded with far less indulgence now than it was in the days of our fathers and grandfathers4 ,on these points1 then1 at least1 and such as these1 it must be allowed that there is a variation of moral sentiment1 or1 in other words1 that the acts condemned or approved by the moral sanction are not invariably the same4 ,moreover1 any of us who are accustomed to reason on moral questions1 and can observe carefully the processes through which the mind passes1 will notice that there is constantly going on a re-adjustment1 so to speak1 of our ethical opinions1 whether we are reviewing abstract questions of morality or the specific acts of ourselves or others4 ,we at one time think ourselves or others more1 and1 at another time1 less blameable for the self-same acts1 or we come to regard some particular class of acts in a different light from what we used to do1 either modifying our praise or blame1 or1 in extreme cases1 actually substituting one for the other4 ,but1 though these facts are patent1 and may be verified by any one in his experience either of himself or others1 there have actually been moralists who have appeared to maintain the position that1 when a man is unbiassed by passion or interest1 his moral judgments are and must be invariably the same4 ,this error has1 undoubtedly1 been largely fostered by the loose and popular use of the terms conscience and moral sense4 ,these terms1 and especially the word conscience1 are often employed to designate a sort of mysterious entity1 supposed to have been implanted in the mind by ,god ,himself1 and endowed by ,him with the unique prerogative of infallibility4 ,even so philosophical and sober a writer as ,bishop ,butler has given some countenance to this extravagant supposition1 and to the exaggerated language which he employs on the prerogatives of conscience1 and to the emphatic manner in which he insists on the absolute1 if not the infallible1 character of its decisions1 may be traced much of the misconception which still prevails on the subject4 ,but we have only to take account of the notorious fact that the consciences of two equally conscientious men may point in entirely opposite directions1 in order to see that the decisions of conscience cannot1 at all events1 be credited with infallibility4 ,those who denounce and those who defend religious persecution1 those who insist on the removal and those who insist on the retention of religious disabilities1 those who are in favour of and those who are opposed to a relaxation of the marriage laws1 those who advocate a total abstention from intoxicating liquors and those who allow of a moderate use of them1--men on both sides in these controversies1 or1 at least1 the majority of them1 doubtless act conscientiously1 and yet1 as they arrive at opposite conclusions1 the conscience of one side or other must be at fault4 ,there is no act of religious persecution1 there are few acts of political or personal cruelty1 for which the authority of conscience might not be invoked4 ,i doubt not that ,queen ,mary acted as conscientiously in burning the ,reformers as they did in promulgating their opinions or we do in condemning her acts4 ,it is plain1 then1 not only that the decisions of conscience are not infallible1 but that they must1 to a very large extent1 be relative to the circumstances and opinions of those who form them4 ,in any intelligible or tenable sense of the term1 conscience stands simply for the aggregate of our moral opinions reinforced by the moral sanction of self-approbation or self-disapprobation4 ,that we ought to act in accordance with these opinions1 and that we are acting wrongly if we act in opposition to them1 is a truism4 ',follow ,conscience' is the only safe guide1 when the moment of action has arrived4 ,but it is equally important to insist on the fallibility of conscience1 and to urge men1 by all means in their power1 to be constantly improving and instructing their consciences1 or1 in plain words1 to review and1 wherever occasion offers1 to correct their conceptions of right and wrong4 ,the 'plain1 honest man' of ,bishop ,butler would1 undoubtedly1 always follow his conscience1 but it is by no means certain that his conscience would always guide him rightly1 and it is quite certain that it would often prompt him differently from the consciences of other 'plain1 honest men' trained elsewhere and under other circumstances4 ,to act contrary to our opinions of right and wrong would be treason to our moral nature1 but it does not follow that those opinions are not susceptible of improvement and correction1 or that it is not as much our duty to take pains to form true opinions as to act in accordance with our opinions when we have formed them4 ,footnote #a3 ,i use the expressions 'moral sanction' and 'moral sentiment' as equivalent terms1 because the pleasures and pains1 which constitute the moral sanction1 are inseparable1 even in thought1 from the moral feeling4 ,the moral feeling of self-approbation or self-disapprobation cannot even be conceived apart from the pleasures or pains which are attendant on it1 and by means of which it reveals itself to us4 ,it should be noticed that the expression 'moral sentiment' is habitually used in two senses1 as the equivalent 7#a7 of the moral feeling only1 7#b7 of the entire moral process1 which1 as we shall see in the third chapter1 consists partly of a judgment1 partly of a feeling4 ,it is in the latter sense1 for instance1 that we speak of the 'current moral sentiment' of any given age or country1 meaning the opinions then or there prevalent on moral questions1 reinforced by the feeling of approbation or disapprobation4 ,as1 however1 the moral feeling always follows immediately and necessarily on the moral judgment1 whenever that judgment pronounces decisively for or against an action1 and always implies a previous judgment 7,i am here again obliged to anticipate the discussion in chapter #c71 the ambiguity is of no practical importance at the present stage of our enquiry4 ,it is almost needless to add that the word 'sentiment1' when used alone1 has the double meaning of a feeling and an opinion1 an ambiguity which is sometimes not without practical inconvenience4 ,the terms 'conscience' and 'moral sense' are very convenient expressions for popular use1 provided we always bear in mind that 'illuminate' or 'instruct' your 'conscience' or 'moral sense' is quite as essential a rule as 'follow' your 'conscience' or 'moral sense4' ,but the scientific moralist1 in attempting to analyse the springs of moral action and to detect the ultimate sanctions of conduct1 would do well to avoid these terms altogether4 ,the analysis of moral as well as of intellectual acts is often only obscured by our introducing the conception of 'faculties1' and1 in the present instance1 it is far better to confine ourselves to the expressions 'acts' of 'approbation or disapprobation1' 'satisfaction or dissatisfaction1' which we shall hereafter attempt to analyse1 than to feign1 or at least assume1 certain 'faculties' or 'senses' as distinct entities from which such acts are supposed to proceed4 ,i shall1 therefore1 in the sequel of this work1 say little or nothing of 'conscience' or 'moral sense1' not because ,i think it desirable to banish those words from popular terminology1 but because ,i think that1 in an attempt to present the principles of ethics in a scientific form1 they introduce needless complexity and obscurity4 ,if the statements thus far made in this chapter be accepted1 it follows that the feelings of self-approbation and self-disapprobation1 which constitute the moral sanction1 by no means invariably supervene on acts of the same kind even in the case of the same individual1 much less in the case of different individuals1 and that the acts which elicit the moral sanction depend1 to a considerable extent1 on the circumstances and education of the person who passes judgment on them4 ,the moral sanction1 therefore1 though it always consists in the feelings of self-approbation1 or self-disapprobation1 of satisfaction or dissatisfaction at one's own acts1 is neither uniform1 absolute1 nor infallible2 but varies1 as applied not only by different individuals but by the same individual at different times1 in relation to varying conditions of education1 temperament1 nationality1 and1 generally1 of circumstances both external and internal4 ,lastly1 it admits of constant improvement and correction4 ,how1 then1 it may be asked1 do we justify the application of this sanction1 and why do we regard it as not only a legitimate sanction of conduct1 but as the most important of all sanctions1 and1 in cases of conflict1 the supreme and final sanction8 ,the answer to this question is that1 if we regard an action as wrong1 no matter whether our opinion be correct or not1 no external considerations whatsoever can compensate us for acting contrary to our convictions4 ,human nature1 in its normal condition1 is so constituted that the remorse felt1 when we look back upon a wrong action1 far outweighs any pleasure we may have derived from it1 just as the satisfaction with which we look back upon a right action far more than compensates for any pain with which it may have been attended4 ,the 'mens sibi conscia recti' is the highest reward which a man can have1 as1 on the other hand1 the retrospect on base1 unjust1 or cruel actions constitutes the most acute of torments4 ,now1 when a man looks back upon his past actions1 what he regards is not so much the result of his acts as the intention and the motives by which the intention was actuated4 ,it is not1 therefore1 what he would now think of the act so much as what he then thought of it that is the object of his approbation or disapprobation4 ,and1 consequently1 even though his opinions as to the nature of the act may meanwhile have undergone alteration1 he approves or disapproves of what was his intention at the moment of performing it and of the state of mind from which it then proceeded4 ,it is true that the subsequent results of our acts and any change in our estimate of their moral character may considerably modify the feelings with which we look back upon them1 but1 still1 in the main1 it holds good that the approval or disapproval with which we regard our past conduct depends rather upon the opinions of right and wrong which we entertained at the moment of action than those which we have come to entertain since4 ,to have acted1 at any time1 in a manner contrary to what we then supposed to be right leaves behind it a trace of dissatisfaction and pain1 which may1 at any future time1 reappear to trouble and distress us2 just as to have acted1 in spite of all conflicting considerations1 in a manner which we then conceived to be right1 may1 in after years1 be a perennial source of pleasure and satisfaction4 ,it is characteristic of the pleasures and pains of reflexion on our past acts 7which pleasures and pains of reflexion may1 of course1 connect themselves with other than purely moral considerations71 not only that they admit of being more intense than any other pleasures and pains1 but that1 whenever there is any conflict between the moral sanction and any other sanction1 it is to the moral sanction that they attach themselves4 ,thus1 if a man has incurred physical suffering1 or braved the penalties of the law or the ill word of society1 in pursuance of a course of conduct which he deemed to be right1 he looks back upon his actions with satisfaction1 and the more important the actions1 and the clearer his convictions of right and the stronger the inducements to act otherwise1 the more intense will his satisfaction be4 ,but no such satisfaction is felt1 when a man has sacrificed his convictions of right to avoid physical pain1 or to escape the penalties of the law1 or to conciliate the goodwill of society2 the feeling1 on the other hand1 will be that of dissatisfaction with himself1 varying1 according to circumstances1 from regret to remorse4 ,and1 if no similar remark has to be made with reference to the religious sanction1 it is because1 in all the higher forms of religion1 the religious sanction is conceived of as applying to exactly the same actions as the moral sanction4 ,what a man himself deems right1 that he conceives ,god to approve of1 and what he conceives ,god as disapproving of1 that he deems wrong4 ,but in a religion in which ,god was not regarded as holy1 just1 and true1 or in which there was a plurality of gods1 some good and some evil1 ,i conceive that a man would look back with satisfaction1 and not with dissatisfaction1 on those acts in which he had followed his own sense of right rather than the supposed will of the ,deity1 just as1 when there is a conflict between the two1 he now congratulates himself on having submitted to the claims of conscience rather than to those of the law4 ,the justification1 then1 of that claim to superiority1 which is asserted by the moral sanction1 consists1 ,i conceive1 in two circumstances3 first1 that the pleasures and pains1 the feelings of satisfaction and dissatisfaction1 of self-approbation and self-disapprobation1 by means of which it works1 are1 in the normally constituted mind1 far more intense and durable than any other pleasures and pains2 secondly1 that1 whenever this sanction comes into conflict with any other sanction1 its defeat is sure1 on a careful retrospect of our acts1 to bring regret or remorse1 whereas its victory is equally certain to bring pleasure and satisfaction4 ,we arrive1 then1 at the conclusion that it is the moral sanction which is the distinctive guide of conduct1 and to which we must look1 in the last resort1 to enforce right action1 while the other sanctions are mainly valuable in so far as they reinforce the moral sanction or correct its aberrations4 ,a man must1 ultimately1 be the judge of his own conduct1 and1 as he acts or does not act according to his own best judgment1 so he will subsequently feel satisfaction or remorse2 but these facts afford no reason why he should not take pains to inform his judgment by all the means which physical knowledge1 law1 society1 and religion place at his disposal4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,analysis ,,and ,,formation ,,of ,,the ,,moral ,,sentiment4 ,,its ,,education ,,and ,,improvement4 ,before proceeding to our third question1 namely1 how the moral sentiment1 which is the source of the moral sanction1 has been formed1 and how it may be further educated and improved1 it is desirable to discriminate carefully between the intellectual and the emotional elements in an act of approbation or disapprobation4 ,we sometimes speak of moral judgment1 sometimes of moral feeling4 ,these expressions ought not to be regarded as the symbols of rival theories on the nature of the act of moral approbation1 as has sometimes been the case1 but as designating distinct parts of the process1 or1 to put the same statement rather differently1 separate elements in the analysis4 ,hume1 whose treatment of this subject is peculiarly lucid1 as compared with that of most writers on ethics1 after reviewing the reasons assigned by those authors respectively who resolve the act of approbation into an act of judgment or an act of feeling1 adds#a3 ',these arguments on each side 7and many more might be produced7 are so plausible1 that ,i am apt to suspect they may1 the one as well as the other1 be solid and satisfactory1 and that reason and sentiment concur in almost all moral determinations and conclusions4 ,the final sentence2 it is probable1 which pronounces characters and actions amiable or odious1 praiseworthy or blameable2 that which stamps on them the mark of honour or infamy1 approbation or censure2 that which renders morality an active principle1 and constitutes virtue our happiness and vice our misery3 it is probable1 ,i say1 that this final sentence depends on some internal sense or feeling1 which nature has made universal in the whole species4 ,for what else can have an influence of this nature8 ,but1 in order to pave the way for such a sentiment and give a proper discernment of its object1 it is often necessary1 we find1 that much reasoning should precede1 that nice distinctions be made1 just conclusions drawn1 distant comparisons formed1 complicated relations examined1 and general facts fixed and ascertained4 ,some species of beauty1 especially the natural kinds1 on their first appearance1 command our affection and approbation2 and1 where they fail of this effect1 it is impossible for any reasoning to redress their influence1 or adapt them better to our taste and sentiment4 ,but in many orders of beauty1 particularly those of the finer arts1 it is requisite to employ much reasoning1 in order to feel the proper sentiment2 and a false relish may frequently be corrected by argument and reflexion4 ,there are just grounds to conclude that moral beauty partakes much of this latter species1 and demands the assistance of our intellectual faculties1 in order to give it a suitable influence on the human mind4' ,footnote #a3 ,enquiry concerning the ,principles of ,morals1 ,section ,i4 ,this passage1 which ,i have thought it worth while to quote at length1 exhibits1 with sufficient clearness1 the respective provinces of reason and feeling in the ethical estimation of action4 ,whether we are reviewing the actions of ourselves or of others1 what we seem to do1 in the first instance1 is to refer them to some class1 or associate them with certain actions of a similar kind which are familiar to us1 and1 then1 when their character has thus been determined1 they excite the appropriate feeling of approbation or disapprobation1 praise or censure4 ,thus1 as soon as we have realised that a statement is a lie or an act is fraudulent1 we at once experience a feeling of indignation or disgust at the person who has made the statement or committed the act4 ,and1 in the same way1 as soon as we have recognised that an act is brave or generous1 we regard with esteem or admiration the doer of it4 ,but1 though the feeling of approbation or disapprobation follows instantaneously on the act of judgment1 the recognition of the character of the action1 or its reference to a class1 which constitutes this act of judgment1 may be1 and often is1 a process of considerable length and complexity4 ,take the case of a lie4 ,what did the man really say8 ,in what sense did he employ the words used8 ,what was the extent of his knowledge at the time that he made the statement8 ,and what was his intention8 ,these and possibly other questions have to be answered1 before we are justified in accusing him of having told a lie4 ,when the offence is not only a moral but a legal one1 the act of determining the character of the action in question is often the result of a prolonged enquiry1 extending over weeks or months4 ,no sooner1 however1 is the intellectual process completed1 and the action duly labelled as a lie1 or a theft1 or a fraud1 or an act of cruelty or ingratitude1 or the like1 than the appropriate ethical emotion is at once excited4 ,the intellectual process may also be exceedingly rapid1 or even instantaneous1 and always is so when we have no doubt as to the nature either of the action or of the intention or of the motives1 but its characteristic1 as distinguished from the ethical emotion1 is that it may take time1 and1 except in perfectly clear cases or on very sudden emergencies requiring subsequent action1 always ought to do so4 ,we are now in a position to see the source of much confusion in the ordinary mode of speaking and writing on the subject of the moral faculty1 the moral judgment1 the moral feeling1 the moral sense1 the conscience1 and kindred terms4 ,the instantaneous1 and the apparently instinctive1 authoritative1 and absolute character of the act of moral approbation or disapprobation attaches to the emotional1 and not to the intellectual part of the process4 ,when an action has once been pronounced to be right or wrong1 morally good or evil1 or has been referred to some well-known class of actions whose ethical character is already determined1 the emotion of approval or disapproval is excited and follows as a matter of course4 ,there is no reasoning or hesitation about it1 simply because the act is not a reasoning act4 ,hence1 it appears to be instinctive1 and becomes invested with those superior attributes of authoritativeness1 absoluteness1 and even infallibility1 which are not unnaturally ascribed to an act in which1 there being no process of reasoning1 there seems to be no room for error4 ,and1 indeed1 the feelings of moral approbation and disapprobation can never be properly described as erroneous1 though they are frequently misapplied4 ,the error attaches to the preliminary process of reasoning1 reference1 or classification1 and1 if this be wrongly conducted1 there is no justification for the feeling which is consequent upon it4 ,but1 instead of our asking for the justification of the feeling in the rational process which has preceded it1 we often unconsciously justify our reasoning by the feeling1 and thus the whole process assumes the unreflective character which properly belongs only to the emotional part of it4 ,it is the want of a clear distinction between the logical process which determines the character of an act1--the moral judgment1--and the emotion which immediately supervenes when the character of the act is determined1--the moral feeling1--that accounts for the exaggerated epithets which are often attributed to the operations of the moral faculty1 and for the haste and negligence in which men are consequently encouraged to indulge1 when arriving at their moral decisions4 ,let it be recollected that1 when we have time for reflexion1 we cannot take too much pains in forming our decisions upon conduct1 for there is always a possibility of error in our judgments1 but that1 when our judgments are formed1 we ought to give free scope to the emotions which they naturally evoke1 and then we shall develope a conscience1 so to speak1 at once enlightened and sensitive1 we shall combine accuracy and justness of judgment with delicacy and strength of feeling4 ,there remains the question whether the feelings of approval and disapproval1 which supervene on our moral judgments1 admit of any explanation1 or whether they are to be regarded as ultimate facts of our mental constitution4 ,it seems to me that1 on a little reflexion1 we are led to adopt the former alternative4 ,what are the classes of acts1 under their most general aspect1 which elicit the feelings of moral approbation and disapprobation8 ,they are such as promote1 or tend to promote1 the good either of ourselves or of others4 ,now the feelings of which these classes of acts are the direct object are respectively the self-regarding and the sympathetic feelings1 or1 as they have been somewhat uncouthly called1 the egoistic and altruistic feelings4 ,we have a variety of appetites and desires1 which centre in ourselves1 including what has been called rational self-love1 or a desire for what1 on cool reflexion1 we conceive to be our own highest good on the whole1 as well as self-respect1 or a regard for our own dignity and character1 and for our own opinion of ourselves4 ,when any of these various appetites or desires are gratified1 we feel satisfaction1 and1 on the other hand1 when they are thwarted1 we feel dissatisfaction4 ,similarly1 we have a number of affections1 of which others are the object1 some of them of a malevolent or resentful1 but most of them of a benevolent character1 including a general desire to confer all the happiness that we can4 ,here1 again1 we feel satisfaction1 when our affections are gratified1 and dissatisfaction1 when they are thwarted4 ,now these feelings of satisfaction and dissatisfaction1 which are called reflex feelings1 because they are reflected1 as it were1 from the objects of our desires1 include1 though they are by no means coextensive with1 the feelings of moral approbation and disapprobation4 ,when1 for instance1 we gratify the appetites of hunger or thirst1 or our love of curiosity or power1 we feel satisfaction1 but we can hardly be said to regard the gratification of these appetites or feelings with moral approval or disapproval4 ,we perform thousands of acts1 and see thousands of acts performed1 every day1 which never excite any moral feeling whatever4 ,but there are few men in whom an undoubted act of kindness or generosity or resistance to temptation would not at once elicit admiration or respect1 or1 if they reflected on such acts in their own case1 of self-approval4 ,now1 what are the circumstances which distinguish these acts which merely cause us satisfaction from those which elicit the moral feeling of approbation8 ,this question is one by no means easy to answer1 and the solution of it must obviously depend to some extent on the moral surroundings and prepossessions of the person who undertakes to answer it4 ,but1 attempting to take as wide a survey as possible of those acts which1 in different persons1 elicit moral approbation or disapprobation1 ,i will endeavour to discriminate the characteristics which they have in common4 ,all those acts1 then1 it seems to me1 which elicit a distinctively moral feeling have been the result of some conflict amongst the various desires and affections1 or1 to adopt the more ordinary phraseology1 of a conflict of motives4 ,we neither approve nor disapprove of acts with regard to which there seems to have been little or no choice1 which appear to have resulted naturally from the pre-existing circumstances4 ,thus1 if a well-to-do man pays his debts promptly1 or a man of known poverty asks to have the time of payment deferred1 we neither visit the one with praise nor the other with censure1 though1 if their conduct were reversed1 we should censure the former and praise the latter4 ,the reason of this difference of treatment is plain4 ,there is not1 or at least need not be1 any conflict1 in the case of the well-to-do man1 between his own convenience or any reasonable gratification of his desires and the satisfaction of a just claim4 ,hence1 in paying the debt promptly1 he is only acting as we might expect him to act1 and his conduct excites no moral feeling on our part1 though1 if he were to act differently1 he would incur our censure4 ,the poor man1 on the other hand1 must have put himself to some inconvenience and exercised some self-denial in order to meet his engagement at the exact time at which the payment became due1 and hence he merits our praise1 though1 if he had acted otherwise1 the circumstances might have excused him4 ,another characteristic of acts which we praise or blame1 in the case of others1 or approve or disapprove1 on reflexion1 in our own case1 seems to be that they must possess some importance4 ,the great majority of our acts are too trivial to merit any notice1 such as is implied in a moral judgment4 ,when a man makes way for another in the street1 or refrains from eating or drinking more than is good for him1 neither he nor the bystander probably ever thinks of regarding the act as a meritorious one4 ,it is taken as a matter of course1 though the opposite conduct might1 under certain circumstances1 be of sufficient importance to incur censure4 ,it is impossible here1 as in most other cases where we speak of 'importance1' to draw a definite line1 but it may at least be laid down that an act1 in order to be regarded as moral or immoral1 must be of sufficient importance to arrest attention1 and stimulate reflexion4 ,thus far1 then1 we have arrived at the conclusion that acts which are the objects of moral approbation and disapprobation must have a certain importance1 and must be the result of a certain amount of conflict between different motives4 ,but we have not as yet attempted to detect any principle of discrimination between those acts which are the objects of praise or approbation and those which are the objects of censure or disapprobation4 ,now it seems to me that such a principle may be found in the fact that all those acts of others which we praise or those acts of ourselves which1 on reflexion1 we approve involve some amount of sacrifice1 whereas all those acts of others which we blame1 or those acts of ourselves which1 on reflexion1 we disapprove involve some amount of self-indulgence4 ,the conflict is between a man's own lower and higher good1 or between his own good and the greater good of others1 or1 in certain cases1 as we shall see presently1 between the lesser good of some1 reinforced by considerations of self-interest or partiality1 and the greater good of others1 not so reinforced1 or even1 occasionally1 between the pleasure or advantage of others and a disproportionate injury to himself2 and he who1 in the struggle1 gives the preference to the former of these motives usually becomes the object of censure or1 on reflexion1 of self-disapprobation1 while he who gives the preference to the latter becomes the object of praise or1 on reflexion1 of self-approbation4 ,i shall endeavour to illustrate this position by a few instances mostly taken from common life4 ,we praise a man who1 by due economy1 makes decent provision for himself in old age1 as we blame a man who fails to do so4 ,quite apart from any public or social considerations1 we admire and applaud in the one man the power of self-restraint and the habit of foresight1 which enable him to subordinate his immediate gratifications to his larger interests in the remote future1 and to forego sensual and passing pleasures for the purpose of preserving his self-respect and personal independence in later life4 ,and we admire and applaud him still more1 if to these purely self-regarding considerations he adds the social one of wishing to avoid becoming a burden on his family or his friends or the public4 ,just in the same way1 we condemn the other man1 who1 rather than sacrifice his immediate gratification1 will incur the risk of forfeiting his self-respect and independence in after years as well as of making others suffer for his improvidence4 ,a man who1 by the exercise of similar economy and forethought1 makes provision for his family or relations we esteem still more than the man who simply makes provision for himself1 because the sacrifice of passing pleasures is generally still greater1 and because there is also1 in this case1 a total sacrifice of all self-regarding interests1 except1 perhaps1 self-respect and reputation1 for the sake of others4 ,similarly1 the man who has a family or relations dependent upon him1 and who neglects to make future provision for them1 deservedly incurs our censure far more than the man who merely neglects to make provision for himself1 because his self-indulgence has to contend against the full force of the social as well as the higher self-regarding motives1 and its persistence is1 therefore1 the less excusable4 ,i will next take the familiar case of a trust1 voluntarily undertaken1 but involving considerable trouble to the trustee1 a case of a much more complicated character than the last4 ,if the trustee altogether neglects or does not devote a reasonable amount of attention to the affairs of the trust1 there is no doubt that1 besides any legal penalties which he may incur1 he merits moral censure4 ,rather than sacrifice his own ease or his own interests1 he violates the obligation which he has undertaken and brings inconvenience1 or possibly disaster1 to those whose interests he has bound himself to protect4 ,but the demands of the trust may become so excessive as to tax the time and pains of the trustee to a far greater extent than could ever have been anticipated1 and to interfere seriously with his other employments4 ,in this case no reasonable person1 ,i presume1 would censure the trustee for endeavouring1 even at some inconvenience or expense to the persons for whose benefit the trust existed1 to release himself from his obligation or to devolve part of the work on a professional adviser4 ,while1 however1 the work connected with the trust did not interfere with other obligations or with the promotion of the welfare of others1 no one1 ,i imagine1 would censure the trustee for continuing to perform it1 to his own inconvenience or disadvantage1 if he chose to do so4 ,his neighbours might1 perhaps1 say that he was foolish1 but they would hardly go to the length of saying that he acted wrongly4 ,neither1 on the other hand1 would they be likely to praise him1 as the sacrifice he was undergoing would be out of proportion to the good attained by it1 and the interests of others to which he was postponing his own interests would not be so distinctly greater as to warrant the act of self-effacement4 ,but now let us suppose that1 in attending to the interests of the trust1 he is neglecting the interests of others who have a claim upon him1 or impairing his own efficiency as a public servant or a professional man4 ,if the interests thus at stake were plainly much greater than those of the trust1 as they might well be1 the attitude of neutrality would soon be converted into one of positive censure1 unless he took means to extricate himself from the difficulty in which he was placed4 ,the supposition just made illustrates the fact that the moral feelings may attach themselves not only to cases in which the collision is between a man's own higher and lower good1 or between his own good and that of another1 but also to those in which the competition is entirely between the good of others4 ,it may be worth while to illustrate this last class of cases by one or two additional examples4 ,a man tells a lie in order to screen a friend4 ,the act is a purely social one1 for he stands in no fear of his friend1 and expects no return4 ,it might be said that the competition1 in this example1 is between serving his friend and wounding his own self-respect4 ,but the consciousness of cowardice and meanness which attends a lie spoken in a man's own interest hardly attaches to a lie spoken for the purpose of protecting another4 ,and1 any way1 a little reflexion might show that the apparently benevolent intention comes into collision with a very extensive and very stringent social obligation1 that of not impairing our confidence in one another's assertions4 ,without maintaining that there are no conceivable circumstances under which a man would be justified in committing a breach of veracity1 it may at least be said that1 in the lives of most men1 there is not likely to occur any case in which the greater social good would not be attained by the observation of the general rule to tell the truth rather than by the recognition of an exception in favour of a lie1 even though that lie were told for purely benevolent reasons4 ,in all those circumstances in which there is a keen sense of comradeship1 as at school or college1 or in the army or navy1 this is a principle which requires to be constantly kept in view1 and to be constantly enforced4 ,the not infrequent breach of it1 under such circumstances1 affords a striking illustration of the manner in which the laws of honour1 spoken of in the first chapter1 occasionally over-ride the wider social sentiment and even the dictates of personal morality1 ,esprit de corps is1 doubtless1 a noble sentiment1 and1 on the whole1 productive of much good1 but1 when it comes into collision with the more general rules of morality1 its effects are simply pernicious4 ,i will next take an example of the conflict between two impulses1 each having for its object the good of others1 from the very familiar case of a man having to appoint to1 or vote in the election to1 a vacant office or situation4 ,the interests of the public service or of some institution require that the most competent candidate should be preferred4 ,but a relative1 or a friend1 or a political ally is standing4 ,affection1 therefore1 or friendship1 or loyalty to party ties often dictates one course of conduct1 and regard for the public interests another4 ,when the case is thus plainly stated1 there are probably few men who would seriously maintain that we ought to subordinate the wider to the narrower considerations1 and still1 in practice1 there are few men who have the courage to act constantly on what is surely the right principle in this matter1 and1 what is worse still1 even if they did1 they would not always be sustained by public opinion1 while they would be almost certain to be condemned by the circle in which they move4 ,so frequently do the difficulties of this position recur1 that ,i have often heard a shrewd friend observe that no man who was fit for the exercise of patronage would ever desire to be entrusted with it4 ,the moral rule in ordinary cases is plain enough2 it is to appoint or vote for the candidate who is most competent to fulfil the duties of the post to be filled up4 ,there are exceptional cases in which it may be allowable slightly to modify this rule1 as where it is desirable to encourage particular services1 or particular nationalities1 or the like1 but1 even in these cases1 the rule of superior competency ought to be the preponderating consideration4 ,parliamentary and1 in a lesser degree1 municipal elections1 of course1 form a class apart4 ,here1 in the selection of candidates within the party1 superior competency ought to be the guiding consideration1 but1 in the election itself1 the main object being to promote or prevent the passing of certain public measures1 the elector quite rightly votes for those who will give effect to his opinions1 irrespectively of personal qualifications1 though1 even in these cases1 there might be an amount of unfitness which would warrant neutrality or opposition4 ,peculiarly perplexing cases of competition between the rival claims of others sometimes occur in the domain of the resentful feelings1 which1 in their purified and rationalised form1 constitute the sense of justice4 ,my servant1 or a friend1 or a relative1 has committed a theft4 ,shall ,i prosecute him8 ,a general regard to the public welfare undoubtedly demands that ,i should do so4 ,there are few obligations more imperative on the individual citizen than that of denouncing and prosecuting crime4 ,but1 in the present case1 there is the personal tie1 involving the obligation of protection and assistance4 ,this tie1 obviously1 must count for something1 as a rival consideration4 ,no man1 except under the most extreme circumstances1 would prosecute his wife1 or his father1 or his mother4 ,the question1 then1 is how far this consideration is to count against the other1 and much must1 evidently1 depend on the degree of relationship or of previous intimacy1 the time and amount and kind of service1 and the like4 ,a similar conflict of motives arises when the punishment invoked would entail the culprit's ruin1 or that of his wife or family or others who are dependent upon him4 ,it is impossible1 in cases of this kind1 to lay down beforehand any strict rules of conduct1 and the rectitude of the decision must largely turn on the experience1 skill1 and honesty of the person who attempts to resolve the difficulty4 ,instances of the last division1 where the conflict is between the pleasure or advantage of others and a disproportionate injury to oneself1 are of comparatively infrequent occurrence4 ,it is not often that a man hesitates sufficiently between his own manifest disadvantage and the small gains or pleasures of his neighbours to make this class of cases of much importance to the moralist4 ,as a rule1 we may be trusted to take care of ourselves1 and other people credit us sufficiently with this capacity not to trade very much upon the weakness of mere good-nature1 however much they may trade upon our ignorance and folly4 ,the most familiar example1 perhaps1 of acts of imprudence of the kind here contemplated is to be found in the facility with which some people yield to social temptations1 as where they drink too much1 or bet1 or play cards1 when they know that they will most likely lose their money1 out of a feeling of mere good fellowship2 or where1 from the mere desire to amuse others1 they give parties which are beyond their means4 ,the gravest example is to be found in certain cases of seduction4 ,instances of men making large and imprudent sacrifices of money for inadequate objects are very rare1 and are rather designated as foolish than wrong4 ,with regard to all the failings and offences which fall under this head1 it may be remarked that1 from their false show of generosity1 society is apt to treat them too venially1 except where they entail degradation or disgrace4 ,if it be asked how actions of this kind1 seeing that they are done out of some regard to others1 can be described as involving self-indulgence1 or the resistance to them can be looked on in the light of sacrifice1 it may be replied that the conflict is between a feeling of sociality or a spirit of over-complaisance or the like1 on the one side1 and a man's self-respect or a regard to his own highest interests1 on the other1 and that some natures find it much easier to yield to the former than to maintain the latter4 ,it is quite possible that the spirit of sacrifice may be exhibited in the maintenance1 against temptation1 of a man's own higher interests1 and the spirit of self-indulgence in weakly yielding to a perverted sympathy or an exaggerated regard for the opinions of others4 ,before concluding this chapter1 there are a few objections to be met and explanations to be made4 ,in the first place1 it may be objected that the theory ,i have adopted1 that the moral feeling is excited only where there has been a conflict of motives1 runs counter to the ordinary view1 that acts proceeding from a virtuous or vicious habit are done without any struggle and almost without any consciousness of their import4 ,i do not at all deny that a habit may become so perfect that the acts proceeding from it cease to involve any struggle between conflicting motives1 but1 in this case1 ,i conceive that our approbation or disapprobation is transferred from the individual acts to the habit from which they spring1 and that what we really applaud or condemn is the character rather than the actions1 or at least the actions simply as indicative of the character4 ,and the reason that we often praise or blame acts proceeding from habit more than acts proceeding from momentary impulse is that we associate such acts with a good or evil character1 as the case may be1 and1 therefore1 include the character as well as the acts in the judgment which we pass upon them4 ,it may possibly have occurred to the reader that1 in the latter part of this chapter1 ,i have been somewhat inconsistent in referring usually to the social sanction of praise and blame rather than to the distinctively moral sanction of self-approbation and self-disapprobation4 ,i have employed this language solely for the sake of convenience1 and to avoid the cumbrous phraseology which the employment of the other phrases would sometimes have occasioned4 ,in a civilized and educated community1 the social sentiment may1 on almost all points except those which involve obscure or delicate considerations of morality1 be taken to be identical with the moral sentiment of the most reflective members of the society1 and hence in the tolerably obvious instances which ,i have selected there was no need to draw any distinction between the two1 and ,i have felt myself at liberty to be guided purely by considerations of convenience4 ,all that ,i have said of the praise or blame1 the applause or censure1 of others1 of course1 admits of being transferred to the feelings with which1 on reflexion1 we regard our own acts4 ,i am aware that the expressions1 'higher and lower good1' 'greater and lesser good1' are more or less vague4 ,but the traditional acceptation of the terms sufficiently fixes their meaning to enable them to serve as a guide to moral conduct and moral feeling1 especially when modified by the experience and reflexion of men who have given habitual attention to the working of their own motives and the results of their own practice4 ,as ,i shall shew in the next chapter1 any terms which we employ to designate the test of moral action and the objects of the moral feeling are indefinite1 and must depend1 to some extent1 on the subjective interpretation of the individual4 ,all that we can do is to avail ourselves of the most adequate and intelligible terms that we can find4 ,but1 admitting the necessary indefiniteness of the terms1 it may be asked whether it can really be meant1 as a general proposition1 that the praise of others and our approbation of ourselves1 on reflexion1 attach to acts in which we subordinate our own good to the greater good of others1 however slight the preponderance of our neighbour's good over out own may be4 ,if we have to undergo an almost equal risk in order to save another1 or1 in order to promote another's interests1 to forego interests almost as great1 is not our conduct more properly designated as weak or quixotic1 than noble or generous8 ,this would not1 ,i think1 be the answer of mankind at large to the question1 or that of any person whose moral sentiments had been developed under healthy influences4 ,when a man1 at the risk of his own life1 saves another from drowning1 or1 at a similar risk1 protects his comrade in battle1 or1 rushing into the midst of a fire1 attempts to rescue the helpless victims1 surely the feeling of the bystanders is that of admiration1 and not of pity or contempt4 ,when a man1 with his life in his hands1 goes forth on a missionary or a philanthropic enterprise1 like ,xavier1 or ,henry ,martyn1 or ,howard1 or ,livingstone1 or ,patteson1 or when a man1 like ,frederick ,vyner1 insists on transferring his own chance of escape from a murderous gang of brigands to his married friend1 humanity at large rightly regards itself as his debtor1 and ordinary men feel that their very nature has been ennobled and exalted by his example4 ,but it is not only these acts of widely recognised heroism that exact a response from mankind4 ,in many a domestic circle1 there are men and women1 who habitually sacrifice their own ease and comfort to the needs of an aged or sick or helpless relative1 and1 surely1 it is not with scorn for their weakness that their neighbours1 who know their privations1 regard them1 but with sympathy and respect for their patience and self-denial4 ,the pecuniary risks and sacrifices which men are ready to make for one another1 in the shape of sureties and bonds and loans and gifts1 are familiar to us all1 and1 though these are often unscrupulously wrung from a thoughtless or over-pliant good-nature1 yet there are many instances in which men knowingly1 deliberately1 and at considerable danger or loss to themselves1 postpone their own security or convenience to the protection or relief of their friends4 ,it is in cases of this kind1 perhaps1 that the line between weakness and generosity is most difficult to draw1 and1 where a man has others dependent on him for assistance or support1 the weakness which yields to the solicitations of a reckless or unscrupulous friend may become positively culpable4 ,the last class of instances will be sufficient to shew that it is not always easy to determine where the good of others is greater than our own4 ,nor is it ever possible to determine this question with mathematical exactness4 ,men may1 therefore1 be at least excused if1 before sacrificing their own interests or pleasures1 they require that the good of others for which they make the sacrifice shall be plainly preponderant4 ,and1 even then1 there is a wide margin between the acts which we praise for their heroism1 or generosity1 or self-denial1 and those which we condemn for their baseness1 or meanness1 or selfishness4 ,it must never be forgotten1 in the treatment of questions of morality1 that there is a large number of acts which we neither praise nor blame1 and this is emphatically the case where the competition is between a man's own interests and those of his neighbours4 ,we applaud generosity2 we censure meanness3 but there is a large intermediate class of acts which can neither be designated as generous nor mean4 ,it will be observed that1 in my enumeration of the classes of acts to which praise and blame1 self-approbation and self-disapprobation attach1 ,i have carefully drawn a distinction between the invariable connexion which obtains between certain acts and the ethical approval of ourselves or others1 and the only general connexion which obtains between the omission of those acts and the ethical feeling of disapproval4 ,simply to fall short of the ethical standard which we approve neither merits nor receives censure1 though there is a degree of deficiency1 determined roughly by society at large and by each individual for himself1 at which this indifference is converted into positive condemnation4 ,a like neutral zone of acts which we neither applaud nor condemn1 of course1 exists also in the case of acts which simply affect ourselves or simply affect others1 though it does not seem to be so extensive as in the case where the conflict of motives is between the interests of others and those of ourselves4 ,in determining the cases in which we shall subordinate our own interests to those of others1 or do good to others at our own risk or loss1 it is essential that we should take account of the remote as well as the immediate effects of actions2 and1 moreover1 that we should enquire into their general tendencies1 or1 in other words1 ask ourselves what would happen if everybody or many people acted as we propose to act4 ,thus1 at first sight1 it might seem as if a rich man1 at a comparatively small sacrifice to himself1 might promote the greater good of his poor neighbours by distributing amongst them what to them would be considerable sums of money4 ,if ,i have ten thousand a year1 why should ,i not make fifty poor families happy by endowing them with a hundred a year each1 which to them would be a handsome competency8 ,the loss of five thousand a year would be to me simply an abridgment of superfluous luxuries1 which ,i could soon learn to dispense with1 while to them the gain of a hundred a year would be the substitution of comfort for penury and of case for perpetual struggle4 ,the answer is that1 in the first place1 ,i should probably not1 in the long run1 be making these families really happy4 ,the change of circumstances would1 undoubtedly1 confer considerable pleasure1 while it continued to be a novelty1 but their improved circumstances1 when they became accustomed to them1 would soon be out-balanced by the ennui produced by want of employment2 while1 the motive to exertion being removed1 and the taste for luxuries stimulated1 they or the next generation would probably lapse again into poverty1 which would be all the more keenly felt for their temporary enjoyment of prosperity4 ,moreover1 ,i should be injuring the community at large1 by withdrawing a number of persons from industrial employments and transferring them to the non-productive classes4 ,again1 if the five thousand a year were withdrawn not from my personal expenditure1 but from industrial enterprises in which ,i was engaged1 ,i should be actually depriving the families of many workmen and artisans of the fruits of their honest labour for the purpose of enabling a smaller number of families to live in sloth and indolence4 ,but1 now1 suppose the case ,i have imagined to become a general one1 and that it was a common occurrence for rich men to dispense their superfluous wealth amongst their poorer neighbours1 without demanding any return in labour or services4 ,the result would inevitably be the creation of a large class of idle persons1 who would probably soon become a torment to themselves1 while their descendants1 often brought up to no employment and with an insufficient income to support them1 would probably lapse into pauperism4 ,the effect on the community at large1 if the evil became widely spread1 would be the paralysis of trade and commerce4 ,of course1 ,i am aware that these evils would be1 to a certain extent1 modified in practice by the good sense of the recipients1 some of whom might employ their money on reproductive industries instead of on merely furnishing themselves with the means of living at their ease2 but that the general tendency would be that which ,i have intimated no one1 ,i think1 who is acquainted with the indolent propensities of human nature1 can well doubt4 ,similar results might be shewn to follow from an indiscriminate distribution of charity on a smaller scale4 ,it seems hard-hearted to refuse a shilling to a beggar1 or a guinea to a charitable association1 when one would hardly miss the sum at the end of the week or the month4 ,but1 if we could trace all the consequences1 direct and remote1 of these apparent acts of benevolence1 we should often see that the small act of sacrifice on our own part was by no means efficacious in promoting the 'greater good' of the recipient1 and still less of society at large4 ,a life of vagrancy or indolence may easily be made more attractive than one of honest industry1 and well-meant efforts to anticipate all the wants and misfortunes of the poor may often have the effect of making them careless of the future and of destroying all elements of independence and providence in their character4 ,another instance of the contrast between the immediate and remote1 or apparent and real1 results of acts of intended beneficence is to be found in the prodigality with which well-to-do persons often distribute gratuities amongst servants4 ,these gratuities have the immediate effect of giving gratification to the recipients and securing better service to the donors1 but they have often the remote and more permanent effect of rendering the recipients servile and corrupt1 and 7as in the case of railway porters7 of depriving poorer or less prodigal persons of services to which they are equally entitled4 ,in adducing these illustrations1 ,i must not be understood to be advocating or defending a selfish employment of superfluous wealth1 but to be shewing the evils which may result from an unenlightened benevolence1 and the importance of ascertaining that the 'greater good of others1' to which we sacrifice our own interests or enjoyments1 is a real1 and not merely an apparent good1 and1 moreover1 that our conduct1 if it became general1 would promote the welfare of the community at large1 and not merely particular sections of it to the injury of the rest4 ,to sum up the results of this chapter1 we may repeat that we must distinguish carefully between the intellectual act of moral judgment1 or the judgment we pass on matters of conduct1 and the emotional act of moral feeling1 or the feeling which supervenes upon that judgment1 and that1 so far as we can give a precise definition of the latter1 it is an indirect or reflex form of one or other of the sympathetic1 resentful1 or self-regarding feelings1 occurring when1 on consideration1 we realise that1 in matters involving a conflict of motives and of sufficient importance to arrest our attention and stimulate our reflexion1 one or other of these feelings has been gratified or thwarted3 moreover1 that we praise1 in the case of others1 and approve1 in our own case1 all those actions of the above kind1 in which a man subordinates his own lower to his higher good1 or his own good to the greater good of others1 or1 when the interests only of others are at stake1 the lesser good of some to the greater good of others1 as well as1 under certain circumstances1 those actions in which he refuses to subordinate his own greater good to the lesser good of others2 while we blame1 in the case of others1 and disapprove1 in our own case1 all those actions of the above kind1 in which he manifestly and distinctly 7for there is a large neutral zone of actions1 which we neither applaud nor condemn7 subordinates his own higher to his lower good1 or the greater good of others to his own lesser good1 or1 where the interests only of others are at stake1 the greater good of some to the lesser good of others1 or1 lastly1 under certain circumstances1 the lesser good of others to the greater good of himself1 especially where that greater good is the good of his higher nature4 ,even at the present stage of our enquiry1 it must be tolerably evident to the reader that moral progress1 if such a fact exist1 will be due mainly to the increasing accuracy and the extended applications of our moral judgments1 or1 in other words1 to the development of the rational rather than the emotional element in the ethical act4 ,the moral feeling follows on the moral judgment1 and awards praise or blame1 experiences satisfaction or dissatisfaction1 in accordance with the intellectual decisions which have preceded it4 ,the character of the feeling1 therefore1 as distinct from its intensity1 is already determined for it by a previous process4 ,and its intensity is undoubtedly greater amongst primitive and uneducated men than it is in civilized life4 ,amongst ourselves1 not only are the feelings of approbation and disapprobation themselves largely modified by the account we take of mixed motives1 qualifying circumstances1 and the like1 but the expression of1 them is still further restrained by the caution which the civilized man habitually practises in the presence of others4 ,indeed1 great1 in many respects1 as are the advantages of this moderation and restraint1 there is a certain danger that1 as civilisation advances1 the approval of virtue and the disapproval of vice may cease to be expressed in sufficiently plain and emphatic terms4 ,but1 on the other hand1 with the extension of experience and the ever-improving discipline of the intellectual faculties1 the moral judgment1 we may already presume 7for the confirmation of this presumption ,i must refer to the next chapter71 will always be growing in accuracy1 receiving further applications1 and becoming a more and more adequate representative of facts4 ,the analysis1 therefore1 of the moral act1 with which we have been mainly engaged in the foregoing chapter1 besides being essential to the determination of any theoretical problem of ethics1 has a most important practical bearing from the indication which it affords of the direction in which moral progress is1 in the future1 most likely to be found4 ,it must never be forgotten1 however1 that men may know what is right and do what is wrong1 and1 hence1 the due stimulation of the moral emotions1 so that they may respond to the improved moral judgments1 is at once an indispensable branch of moral education and an indispensable condition of moral progress4 ,but this is the function1 not so much of the scientific moralist1 as of the parent1 the instructor of youth1 the poet1 the dramatist1 the novelist1 the journalist1 the artist1 and1 above all1 of the religious teacher4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,the ,,moral ,,test ,,and ,,its ,,justification4 ,the moral feeling1 as we have seen1 follows immediately and necessarily on the moral judgment4 ,but what considerations guide the moral judgment8 ,our moral judgments1 as we have also seen1 are the result of a logical process of reference to a class or of association with similars4 ,this particular action is like certain other actions1 or belongs to a class of actions1 which we habitually regard as right or wrong1 and1 consequently1 as soon as the reference or association is made1 the moral feeling supervenes4 ,now1 in this process1 there are two possible sources of error4 ,in the first place1 the act of reference or association may be faulty1 and the action may not really belong to the class to which we refer or really be like the other actions with which we associate it4 ,this fault is one of classification1 and can only be remedied1 as all other faulty acts of classification1 by learning to discriminate between the essential and the non-essential marks of similarity1 and insisting on the presence of the essential marks4 ,in criminal cases1 this is one of the functions of the jury1 and1 unless they exercise great care1 they may easily be mistaken as to whether an alleged act of fraud1 theft1 assault1 c41 was really an act of that kind4 ,but1 even if the action be referred to its right head1 there remains the second question whether we are really justified in regarding the class of actions itself as right or wrong4 ,failure to prosecute for or punish heresy or witchcraft was at one time regarded at least as wrong as failure to punish or prosecute for theft or murder would now be4 ,to decline to fight a duel was1 till quite recently1 to place yourself outside the pale of gentlemen4 ,a reluctance to sacrifice herself on the funeral pile of her dead husband was1 till the practice of ,suttee was abolished by the ,british government1 one of the most immoral traits which a ,brahman widow could exhibit4 ,now1 have we any means of discriminating1 and1 if so1 how do we discriminate1 between those acts which are really1 and those which are only reputed1 right or wrong8 ,that there is great need of such a test1 if it can be discovered1 is plain4 ,the wide divergences of opinion on matters of conduct in different ages1 in different countries1 in different classes of society1 and even amongst men of the same class ,in the same country and at the same time1 shew at once the vast importance of ascertaining some common measure of actions1 and that there is no uniform rule of right and wrong to be found in the human mind itself4 ,if there is such a rule1 it must be derived from some external considerations1 and1 if there is no such rule1 then morality must be1 to a large extent1 a matter of prejudice1 fancy1 and caprice4 ,now ,i conceive that there is a simple mode of ascertaining whether there is any test of actions other than the merely subjective determinations of our own minds1 or1 in other words1 whether there are any reasons or external considerations by which the mind guides itself in its decisions on matters of conduct4 ,do our moral opinions merely vary1 or do they grow8 ,is there any progress to be traced in morality1 or does it simply oscillate1 within certain limits1 round a fixed point8 ,if some 'simple' and 'innate' idea of right1 or some universal sense1 were the test of morality1 then we might expect that the moral decisions of all men would be uniform1 or1 at least1 approximately uniform2 if1 on the other hand1 there were no test at all1 or1 what amounts to much the same thing1 a merely personal test1 then we might expect that the moral judgments of mankind would vary arbitrarily according to the disposition and temperament of each individual man4 ,but1 if there be a test derived from external considerations and capable of being applied to particular cases by the ordinary processes of reasoning1 then we may fairly expect that1 as the opportunities of observation and experience increase1 the test will be applied more widely and more accurately1 and that the science of conduct will grow1 like all other sciences1 with the advance of knowledge and of general civilisation4 ,now1 what1 as a mutter of fact1 has been the case8 ,can anyone affect to doubt that the morality of civilized countries is far higher and purer1 and far better adapted to secure the preservation and progress of society1 than the customs of savage or barbaric tribes8 ,or1 however enamoured a man may be of classical antiquity1 is there any one who would be prepared to change the ethical code and the prevailing ethical sentiment of modern times for those of the ,greeks or ,romans8 ,or1 again1 should we be willing1 in this respect1 to go back three hundred1 or two hundred1 or even one hundred years in our own history8 ,are not the abolition of slavery1 the improved and improving treatment of captives taken in war1 of women and children1 of the distressed and unfortunate1 and even of the lower animals1 alone sufficient to mark the difference between the morality of earlier and of later times8 ,i shall assume1 then1 that there is a test of conduct1 and that this test is of such a character that its continued application1 by individual thinkers or by mankind at large1 consciously or semi-consciously1 is sufficient to account for the existence of a progressive morality4 ,but1 if so1 it must be a test which experience enables us to apply with increasing accuracy1 and which is derived from external considerations1 or1 in other words1 from the observation of the effects and tendencies of actions4 ,and here ,i may observe1 parenthetically1 that to make 'conscience' or 'moral reason' or 'moral sense' the test of action1 as1 for instance1 ,bishop ,butler appears to do in the case of conscience1 is1 even on the supposition of the independent existence of these so-called 'faculties1' to confound the judge with the law which governs his decisions1 the 'faculty' with the rules in accordance with which it operates4 ,limiting ourselves1 therefore1 to a test which is derived from a consideration of the results1 direct and indirect1 immediate and remote1 of our actions1 we simply have to enquire what is the characteristic in these results which men have in view when they try to act rightly1 and which they mistake1 ignore1 or lose sight of1 when they act wrongly4 ,there are1 in the main1 three answers to this question1 though they are rather different modes1 ,i conceive1 of presenting the same idea1 than distinct and independent explanations4 ,it may be said that we look to the manner in which the action will affect the happiness or pleasure of those whom it concerns1 or their welfare or well-being1 or the development or perfection of their character4 ,now it seems to me that these are by no means necessarily antagonistic modes of speaking1 and that1 in attempting to determine the test of right action1 they are all useful as complementing each other4 ,there is1 however1 a view of the measure of actions which1 though derived from external considerations1 is opposed to them all1 and which it may be desirable to notice at once1 with the object of eliminating it from our enquiry4 ,it is that we are only concerned with actions so far as they affect ourselves1 and that1 providing we observe the law of the land1 which will punish us if we do not observe it1 we are under no further obligations to our fellow-citizens4 ,this paradox1 for such it is1 has mainly acquired notoriety though the advocacy of ,hobbes1 though it has sometimes been ignorantly attributed to ,bentham and other writers of what is called the utilitarian school4 ,but1 be this as it may1 it is so plainly inconsistent with some of the most obvious facts of human nature1 and specially with the existence of that large and essential group of emotions which we call the sympathetic feelings1 as well as with the constitution of family1 social1 and civic life1 that it is unnecessary here further to discuss it4 ,the views now generally accepted as to the origin of society in the family or tribal relations are alike irreconcileable with the selfish psychology from which ,hobbes educes his system of morality and with that 'state of nature in which every man was at war with every man' from which he traces the growth of law and government4 ,reverting1 therefore1 to those tests of conduct which recognise1 the independent existence of social as well as self-regarding springs of action1 ,i shall now make some remarks on the appropriateness and adequacy1 for the purpose of designating such tests1 of the three classes of terms1 noticed above4 ,to begin with happiness or pleasure4 ,taking happiness to mean the balance of pleasures over pains1 and degrees of happiness the proportions of this balance1 it will be sufficient if ,i confine myself to the word 'pleasure4' ,one statement1 then1 of the test of the morality or rightness of an action is that it should result in a larger amount of pleasure than pain to all those whom it affects4 ,but it is at once objected that there is the greatest variety of pleasures and pains1 intellectual1 moral1 aesthetic1 sympathetic1 sensual1 and so on2 and it is asked how are we to determine their respective values1 and to strike the balance between the conflicting kinds8 ,how much sensual pleasure would compensate for the pangs of an evil conscience1 or what amount of intellectual enjoyment would allay the cravings of hunger or thirst8 ,the only escape from this difficulty is frankly to acknowledge that there are some pleasures and pains which are incommensurable with one other1 and that1 therefore1 where they are concerned1 we must forego the attempt at comparison1 and so act as to compass the immeasurably greater pleasure or avoid the immeasurably greater pain4 ,especially is this the case with the pleasures and pains attendant on the exercise of the moral feelings4 ,a man who is tormented with the recollection of having committed a great crime will1 as the phrase goes1 'take pleasure in nothing2' while1 similarly1 a man who is enjoying the retrospect of having done his duty1 in some important crisis1 will care little for obloquy or even for the infliction of physical suffering4 ,making this admission1 then1 as well as recognising the fact that our pleasures differ in quality as well as in volume1 so that the pleasures of the higher part of our nature1 the religious1 the intellectual1 the moral1 the aesthetic1 the sympathetic nature1 affect us with a different kind of enjoyment from the sensual pleasures1 or those which are derived from them1 we may rightly regard the tendency to produce a balance of pleasure over pain as the test of the goodness of an action1 and the effort and intention to perform acts having this tendency as the test of the morality of the agent4 ,but when we enunciate the production of pleasure as our aim1 or the balance of pleasure-producing over pain-producing results as the test of right action1 we are not always understood to have admitted these explanations1 and1 consequently1 there is always a danger of our being supposed to degrade morality by identifying it with the gratification1 in ourselves and others1 of the coarser and more material impulses of our nature4 ,though1 then1 if due distinctions and admissions be made1 the tendency to produce1 in the long run1 the greatest amount of happiness or misery1 pleasure or pain1 may be taken as the test of the goodness or badness of an action1 the phraseology is so misleading1 and so liable to frustrate the practical objects of the moralist1 that it is desirable1 if possible1 to find terms not equally lending themselves to misinterpretation and perversion4 ,let us now1 then1 consider whether we are supplied with such terms in the phrases 'perfection' or 'development' of 'character4' ,it is a noble idea of human action to suppose that its end is the perfection of individual men1 or the development of their various capacities to the utmost extent that is available4 ,and yet1 as the phrases 'pleasure' and 'happiness' are apt too exclusively to suggest material well-being and the gratification of the more animal parts of our nature1 so the phrases 'perfection' or 'development' of 'character' are apt altogether to keep out of sight these necessary pre-suppositions of a healthy and progressive condition of humanity4 ,unless there were some standard of comfortable living1 and a constant effort not only to maintain but to improve it1 and unless some zest were given to every-day life by the gratification of the appetites1 within reasonable limits1 and the endeavour to obtain the means of indulging them1 men1 constituted as they are1 would be in danger of sinking into sloth1 squalor1 and indigence1 and1 to the great mass of mankind1 the opportunity of developing and perfecting their higher nature would never occur4 ,we seem1 therefore1 to require some term which will not only suggest the highest results of moral endeavour1 but also the conditions which1 in the case of humanity1 are essential to the attainment of those results4 ,moreover1 to a greater extent even than the words 'pleasure' and 'happiness1' the expressions 'perfection' and 'development' of 'character' are in danger of being supposed to imply an exclusive reference to self4 ,it is true that we cannot properly develope our characters1 much less attain to all the perfection of which they are capable1 without quickening the moral feeling and giving larger scope to the sympathetic emotions2 but1 in the mere attempt to improve their own nature1 men are very apt to lose sight of their relations to others4 ,the phrases ought1 however1 to be taken1 and usually are intended to be taken1 to include the effort to improve the character of others as well as our own2 and if this extension of their meaning be well understood1 and it is also understood that the development or perfection of character implies certain conditions of material comfort and the gratification1 within reasonable limits1 of our appetitive nature1 there ought to be no objection on the part of the moralist to their employment for the purpose of designating the test of right conduct2 and1 any way1 they are useful as supplementing1 correcting1 and elevating the associations attached to the more commonly employed terms1 pleasure and happiness4 ,but are there no terms by which the somewhat exclusive associations connected with the two sets of phrases already examined may be avoided8 ,i venture to suggest that such terms may be found by reverting to the old1 but now usually discarded1 expressions 'welfare' and 'well-being4' ,these words1 it seems to me1 do not primarily suggest material prosperity1 like happiness1 nor the gratification of the lower parts of our nature1 like pleasure1 nor the exclusive development of the higher parts of our nature1 like perfection1 but cover the whole ground of healthy human activity and the conditions which are favourable to it4 ,corresponding1 too1 almost exactly with the ,greek3 eudaimonia of ,aristotle1 they have the advantage of venerable historic associations4 ,lastly1 they seem to have less of a personal and more of a social reference than any of the other terms employed4 ,we speak1 ,i think1 more naturally of the well-being or welfare of society1 than of the happiness1 pleasure1 or perfection of society4 ,i cannot1 therefore1 but think that the moralist would be wise in at least trying the experiment of recurring to these terms in place of those which1 in recent systems of ethics1 have usually superseded them4 ,if it be said that they are vague1 and that different people will attach different meanings to them1 according to their own prepossessions and their own theories of life1 ,i can only reply that this objection applies with at least equal force to any of the other terms which we have passed in review4 ,and1 if it be said that our conceptions of well-being and welfare are not fixed1 but that our ideas of the nature and proper proportions of their constituents are undergoing constant modification and growth1 ,i may ask if this is less the case with regard to happiness1 or the sum of pleasures1 or the balance of pleasures over pains1 or the perfection or due development of human character1 all of which expressions1 indeed1 when properly qualified and explained1 ,i acknowledge to be the equivalents of those for which ,i have stated a preference4 ,and here occurs a difficulty with respect to all these expressions and ideas4 ,if their meaning or content is not fixed1 and specially if they are undergoing a constant change1 in the way of growth1 with the progress of reason and society1 how can we employ them as a test of morality1 which is itself also a variable conception8 ,surely this is to make one indefinite idea the gauge of another indefinite idea4 ,the answer to this question will1 ,i trust1 bring out clearly the nature of a moral test1 as well as the different modes of its application4 ,the ultimate origin of moral rules1 ,i conceive1 so far at least as science can trace them1 is to be found in the effort of men to adapt themselves to the circumstances1 social and physical1 in which they are placed4 ,at first1 probably1 this process of adaptation was almost automatic and unconscious1 but1 when men once began consciously to adapt means to ends1 they would soon begin to reflect on their acts1 and to ask themselves the reasons why they had selected this course of conduct rather than another4 ,the justifying reasons of their past acts1 like the impelling motives of their future acts1 could have reference to nothing but the convenience or gratification of themselves or those amongst whom they lived4 ,and the acts which they justified in themselves they would approve of in others4 ,here1 then1 already we have a test consciously applied to the estimation of conduct4 ,experience shews that this or that action promotes some object which is included in the narrow conception of well-being entertained by the primitive man4 ,he1 therefore1 continues to act in accordance with the rule which prescribes it1 or the habit from which it proceeds4 ,and1 in like manner1 if he finds from experience that the action does not promote that object1 and he is free to exercise his own choice1 he desists from it and1 perhaps1 tries the experiment of substituting another4 ,now1 in these cases1 it is plain that any judgment which the man exercises independently1 and apart from the society of which he is a member1 is guided solely by the consideration whether the course of conduct is efficacious in attaining its end1 that end being part of his conception of the well-being of himself1 his family1 or his tribe4 ,if he thinks about the matter for himself at all1 this is the only consideration of which he can take account4 ,there are three courses open to him4 ,he need not reflect on the action at all1 but simply follow in the wake of his neighbours 7and this1 of course1 is far the commonest case72 or1 if there is any divergence of opinion about it amongst his neighbours1 he may deliberate as to whose opinion it is safest to follow2 or1 lastly1 he may consider for himself1 whether the action is really the best means of attaining the end aimed at1 that is to say1 he may test the means by its conduciveness to the end1 which is always1 in some shape1 the welfare of himself or others4 ,if he follows the opinion of others1 it is plain that their opinion1 so far as it has been formed independently1 has been formed in the manner above described4 ,the only alternative1 therefore1 is between the acceptance of existing opinions1 without any consideration or examination1 and their reference to the conception of well-being1 or however else the idea may be expressed1 as a measure of their appropriateness and sufficiency4 ,the idea of well-being itself may be inadequate1 and even in parts incorrect1 and1 as society advances1 it is undoubtedly undergoing a constant process of expansion and rectification2 but it seems to me that this regard for their own welfare or that of others1 however we may phrase it1 is the only guiding-principle of conduct1 in the light of which men can reconsider and review their rules4 ,unless they follow the mere blind impulses of feeling 7in which case they do not follow rules at all1 but simply act irrationally71 or else observe implicitly the maxims of conduct which they find prevalent around them1 they must1 and can only1 ask the question whether it is possible to alter their conduct for the better1 that is to say1 whether they can better promote their own welfare or that of others by some modification of their actions4 ,take the case of ,slavery4 ,there was a time when savage or barbaric tribes1 moved by a regard to their own interests1 and also1 we may trust1 touched by some compassion for their victims1 began to substitute1 for the wholesale butchery of their enemies defeated in war1 the practice of retaining some or all of them for the purposes of domestic or agrarian service4 ,again1 there came a time when1 viewed by the side of other forms of service which had meanwhile come into existence1 slavery1 with its various incidents1 began to shock the philanthropic sentiments of the more civilized races of mankind1 while the question also began to be raised whether slave-labour was not economically at a disadvantage1 when compared with free labour1 and the result of these combined considerations1 often aided by a strong and enthusiastic outburst of popular feeling1 has been the total disappearance of slavery amongst civilized1 and its almost total disappearance even amongst barbaric or semi-civilized races4 ,take1 too1 the revolting practice1 common among many savage tribes1 past and present1 of killing and eating aged parents or other infirm members of the tribe1 when engaged in war4 ,this practice which1 at first sight1 seems so utterly unnatural1 was doubtless dictated1 in part at least1 by the desire to save their victims from the worse fate of being tortured and mutilated by their enemies4 ,subsequently1 in the history of some of these tribes1 there has come a time when it has been discovered that a more humane mode of attaining the same object is to build strong places and leave the feebler folk at home4 ,if we follow the varying marriage customs of savage or barbaric tribes1 we shall find1 in the same way1 that they have always been originally framed on reasons of convenience1 and that1 when they have been changed1 it has been because different views of well-being1 including the needs of purity1 closer attachment1 increased care of children1 and the like1 have begun to prevail4 ,in all these examples1 which might be multiplied to any extent1 it is plain that changes of conduct are moulded and determined by changes of opinion as to what is best and most suitable for the circumstances of the individual1 the family1 the tribe1 or whatever the social aggregate may be4 ,and ,i may venture to affirm that1 wherever any change of moral conduct takes place1 unless it be dictated by blind passion1 or mere submission to authority1 enforced or voluntary1 the change is invariably due to some change of opinion on what constitutes the advantage of the persons whom it affects4 ,it is true1 therefore1 that moral conduct varies1 and it is true that our conceptions of well-being vary1 but the two do not vary independently of one another1 or either of them capriciously4 ,increased experience of ourselves and of others1 enlarged observation of the external world1 more matured reflexion are constantly expanding and rectifying our conceptions of what constitutes human welfare1 and to this constantly amended conception are readjusted1 from time to time1 our conduct and our sentiments on the conduct both of ourselves and of others4 ,in brief1 then1 the conduct of men and the sentiments of men on conduct vary with their conceptions of well-being1 and their conceptions of well-being are determined by experience 7including the opportunity for experience7 and reflexion4 ,my conclusion may1 perhaps1 be illustrated and enforced by one further consideration4 ,it generally happens1 in the progress of society1 that1 after a number of rules of conduct have been accumulated1 they become enshrined in some sacred book1 some code1 or1 at least1 some constant and authoritative tradition4 ,in this manner they may be stereotyped for ages4 ,now1 after a time1 these rules1 especially if they are numerous and minute1 become unsuited1 at least in part1 to the altered circumstances of the society1 and probably bear hardly on many of the individuals composing it4 ,when this condition of things is beginning to be intolerable1 there often arises the social reformer1 and what is the course which he pursues8 ,he endeavours to shew how unsuitable the rules have become to attain the ends which they were originally intended to compass1 in how much better a manner other rules would attain these objects1 how grievously the present rules bear on many classes and individuals in the state1 how unequal they are in their incidence1 at what a disadvantage they place the community in comparison with neighbouring communities1 how easily they may be altered1 and the like4 ,in fact1 the considerations which he urges may all be included in the one argument that the existing rules are opposed to the well-being of the state1 and that the advantages resulting from their abrogation will more than compensate for any disturbance of existing relations which may ensue from the change4 ,apart from force1 or mere rant1 rhetoric1 or imposture1 it is difficult to see what other resource the reformer has open to him4 ,and1 in those cases where there is no accumulation of antiquated rules and no need of the individual reformer1 but where society at large has the happy knack of imperceptibly accommodating its practice and principles of action to altered circumstances1 there can be no doubt that it is by considerations of well-being1 half conscious though the process of application may be1 that the change is directed4 ,the plastic power by which men accommodate their actions and even their maxims of conduct to modifications in surrounding circumstances is one of the advantages which they gain by the progress of civilisation4 ,in ancient society the tyranny of custom is often almost absolute4 ,in modern society changes1 which would otherwise require the drastic hand of the reformer1 are often quietly effected by the gradual and almost imperceptible action of the people themselves4 ,it is thus that the equity branch of ,english law1 and much of our case law1 grew up1 giving expression to changes which had already occurred in the current of popular opinion4 ,it is thus that the obligation of 'gentlemen' to offer1 on the slightest provocation1 and to accept1 without questioning1 a 'challenge' to take each other's lives1 has1 in most civilized countries1 now grown obsolete1 having gradually become enfeebled together with the exaggerated military spirit which gave it birth4 ,it is thus also that1 with an increase of the industrial spirit1 with softened manners1 and with that quickening of our sympathetic nature which has gradually been effected by the teaching of ,christianity1 a strong sentiment against slavery1 a respect for human life as such1 a regard for the weak1 the suffering1 the oppressed1 and many tender feelings of a similar kind1 have almost insensibly been developed as an essential element in modern civilisation4 ,these considerations naturally lead me to notice the two different ways in which the test of conduct may be1 and as a fact is1 applied4 ,one mode is the conscious and intentional application of it by the reflective man4 ,the other is the semi-conscious and almost instinctive application of it by the community at large4 ,in morals1 as in the arts1 men1 almost without knowing it1 are constantly re-adjusting their means to their ends1 feeling their way to some tentative solution of a new difficulty or a better solution of an old one1 shaping their conduct with reference to the special needs of the situation in which they are placed4 ,it is thus1 for the most part1 that new circumstances develope new rules1 and that the simple maxims of a primitive people are gradually replaced by the multifarious code of law and morals with which we are now familiar4 ,the guiding principle throughout the process is the conception of their own good1 comprehending1 as it does1 not only ease1 personal comfort1 and gratification of the various appetites and desires1 which1 in the early stages of society1 are the preponderating considerations1 but also those higher constituents of welfare1 both individual and social1 which attain an ever-increasing importance as society advances1 such as are the development of the moral1 the intellectual1 and the aesthetic faculties2 the purification of the religious sentiments1 the expansion of the sympathetic feelings1 the diffusion of liberty and prosperity1 the consolidation of national unity1 the elevation of human life4 ,this principle works throughout the community1 actuating some men in its higher1 others in its lower forms2 but1 except where the force of tradition or prejudice is too strong for it1 invariably moulding conduct into accordance with the more complex requirements of advancing civilisation4 ,its action1 of course1 is not wholly advantageous4 ,growing needs and more complicated relations suggest to men fresh devices for compassing their selfish ends1 such as the various forms of fraud1 forgery1 and conspiracy1 as well as more enlarged or more effective schemes of beneficence1 stricter or more intelligent applications of the principle of justice1 and possibilities of higher and freer developments of their faculties4 ,but1 on the whole1 and setting aside as exceptional certain periods of retrogression1 such as the decline of the ,roman ,empire1 the evolution of society seems to be attended by the progress of morality1 and specially by the amelioration of social relations1 whether between individuals1 families1 or states4 ,the intelligence that apprehends the greater good re-acts upon the desire to attain it1 and the result is the combination of more rational aims with a purer interest in the pursuit of them4 ,this tendency in society at large to modify and re-adjust its conduct in conformity with fuller and more improved conceptions of well-being1 which are themselves suggested by a growing experience1 is reinforced1 especially in the later stages of civilisation1 by the consciously reflective action of philosophers and reformers4 ,it is the function of these classes not only to give expression to the thoughts which are working obscurely in the minds of other men1 but also to detect those aspects and bearings of conduct which are not obvious to the general intelligence4 ,this task is effected partly by tracing actions to their indirect and remote results1 partly by more distinctly realising their results1 whether immediate or remote1 direct or indirect1 and partly by generalising them1 that is to say1 by considering what would happen to society if men generally were to act in that manner4 ,thus1 take the case of lying4 ,in primitive states of society1 and even in some more advanced nations1 no great opprobrium attaches to telling a lie4 ,in ancient ,greece1 for instance1 veracity by no means occupied the same prominent position among the virtues that it does among ourselves1 and1 even now1 ,teutonic races are generally credited with a peculiar sensitiveness on the subject of truthfulness4 ,this improved sentiment as regards veracity is1 no doubt1 partly due to the realisation of its importance and of the inconveniences which result from the breaches of it1 especially in commercial affairs1 by the members of a community at large2 but it must also1 to a great extent1 have been produced by the definite teaching conveyed in books1 and by moral and religious instructors4 ,follow out a lie to all its consequences1 realise the feelings of the person deceived by it1 when he has discovered the deception1 above all1 consider what would be the result if men were commonly to deceive one another1 and no man could place any dependence on the information which his neighbour gave him2 and then a falsehood excites very different feelings from what it does when regarded simply as an isolated act4 ,or1 again1 take the evasion of taxes4 ,there is probably1 even yet1 no country in which the popular sentiment on this subject is sufficiently enlightened and severe4 ,a man smuggles a box of cigars1 or evades paying a tax for his dog1 or makes an insufficient return of his income1 and few of his neighbours1 if the fact come to their knowledge1 think the worse of him4 ,the character and consequences of the action are not obvious1 and hence they do not perceive what1 on reflexion1 or1 if guided by proper instruction1 they could hardly fail to realise1 that the act is really a theft1 only practised on the community at large instead of on an individual member of it1 and that1 if every one were to act in the same way1 the collection of taxes and1 consequently1 the administration and defence of the country1 the maintenance of its army and navy1 its police1 its harbours and roads1 would become an impossibility1 and it would quickly relapse into barbarism4 ,other familiar instances of the advantage to be derived from the conscious and intentional application of the reasoning powers to matters of conduct may be found in the successive reforms of the penal code of any civilized country1 or in the abolition of slavery4 ,punishment is1 in all very early stages of society1 capricious1 mostly unregulated by any definite customs or enactments1 and1 consequently1 often disproportioned1 either in the way of excess or defect1 to the character of the offence4 ,as the community advances in complexity and intelligence1 successive reformers arise who attempt1 by definite enactment1 to regulate the amount of punishment due to each description of offence1 and1 from time to time1 to increase or diminish1 as occasion seems to require1 the severity of the existing code4 ,the considerations by which1 at least in our own time1 these reforms are determined are such as these3 the adequacy or inadequacy of the punishment to deter men from the commission of the offence1 the tendency of excessive punishment to produce a reaction of sentiment in favour of the criminal1 and a reluctance on the part of the judge or jury to convict1 the superfluous suffering inflicted by that part of the punishment which is in excess of the requirements of the case1 due publicity and notoriety as a means of warning others1 the reform of the criminal himself1 and so on4 ,all these considerations1 it will be observed1 are derived from tracing the effects of the punishment either on the criminal himself1 or on persons who are under a similar temptation to commit the crime1 or on the sentiment of society at large1 or of that portion of society which is connected with the administration of justice1 and it is only by the exercise of great circumspection1 and of a keen intelligence on the part of the statesman1 the jurist1 or the moralist1 that grave errors can be avoided1 and an adequate estimate of the probable results can be formed4 ,the mere instinct of the community1 unmodified and uncorrected by the conscious speculations of its more thoughtful members1 would be in much danger of either causing a large amount of needless suffering to the criminal1 or of seriously diminishing the security of society4 ,it would almost certainly be guilty of grave inequalities in the apportionment of punishment to specific crimes4 ,the history of slavery similarly shews the importance of the functions of the moralist and the reformer4 ,it must have been at the suggestion of some prominent member of a tribe1 whose intelligence was in advance of that of his fellows1 that men first took to capturing their defeated enemies1 with a view to future service1 instead of slaughtering them on the field of battle4 ,and we know that1 in the time of ,plato and ,aristotle1 there had already arisen a strong sentiment against the enslaving of ,greeks by ,greeks1 originating probably in the instinctive sympathy of race1 but quickened and fostered1 doubtless1 by the superior capacity which men possess of realising suffering and misfortune in those who are constituted and endowed like themselves1 by the new conception of a ,pan-hellenic unity1 and by the vivid sense which1 on reflexion1 the citizens of each state must have entertained of their own liability to be reduced1 in turn1 to the same condition4 ,in modern times1 the movement which has led to the entire abolition of slavery in civilized countries owes much1 undoubtedly1 to the softened manners and wider sympathies of a society largely transformed by the combined operation of ,christianity and culture1 but it has been promoted1 to no inconsiderable degree1 by conscious reflexion and direct argument4 ,social and religious reasons1 derived from the community of nature and origin in man1 reinforced by a vivid realisation of the sufferings of others1 and appealing forcibly to the tender and sympathetic feelings1 have co-operated with the economical considerations drawn from the wastefulness and comparative inefficiency of slave labour1 and with what may be called the self-regarding reason of the hardening and debasing effect of slave-owning on the character of the slave-owner himself4 ,it will be sufficient1 in this connexion1 simply to allude to the ideals of mercy1 purity1 humility1 long-suffering1 and self-denial1 which are pourtrayed in the ,christian teaching and have1 ever since the early days of ,christianity1 exercised so vast and powerful an influence on large sections of mankind4 ,there is1 of course1 a process of constant ,interaction going on between the two elements in the constitution of moral sentiment which ,i have been attempting to describe4 ,the circumstances1 opinions1 and feelings of the society of which he is a member1 must necessarily contribute to determine the opinions and feelings1 the character and aims1 of the moralist or the reformer4 ,in turn1 the moralist or reformer modifies1 corrects1 and elevates the current moral sentiment of those who are brought within the influence of his work4 ,and this result is usually a permanent one4 ,when the average moral sentiment on a particular point of conduct has been consciously raised1 and the change is fully realised1 it seldom happens that it afterwards recedes1 though the automatic or semi-conscious adaptations of society to new needs and circumstances1 when regarded from a more general point of view1 are not infrequently found to be regressive as well as progressive4 ,thus1 though we may imagine the distinctions between the different classes of society becoming more numerous or more accentuated 7as ,i believe to have actually occurred in ,england during the present century71 or the evasion of taxation becoming more general than it at present is1 we can hardly conceive a recurrence to slavery1 or a needless increase in the severity of punishments1 or a revival of the hard-drinking habits of the last century4 ,when society is fully aware of its moral gains1 it is not likely knowingly to surrender them4 ,hence1 allowing for occasional oscillations and for possible exceptions in certain departments of conduct1 morality1 as a whole1 almost necessarily advances with the general progress of intelligence4 ,it is not altogether easy to adjust the respective claims of society at large and of the individual thinker in the constitution of moral theory1 or1 in other words1 to determine the limits within which the speculative moralist may legitimately endeavour to reform the existing moral sentiment4 ,it is plain that it must be open to the moralist1 and1 in fact1 to every intelligent citizen1 to criticize the current morality1 or else moral progress1 even if it took place at all1 would1 on many points of conduct1 be exceedingly slow4 ,but1 on the other hand1 it is equally plain that a constant discussion of the accepted rules of conduct would weaken the moral sentiment1 lessen the sense of obligation1 and suggest a general uncertainty as to the validity of the maxims which1 in their relations to one another1 men usually take for granted4 ,hence1 though it would be almost fatal to moral progress to discourage speculation on moral topics1 the moralist must always bear in mind that his task is one which is not lightly to be undertaken1 and that1 with an exception to be noticed presently1 the presumption should always be in favour of existing rules of conduct4 ,if for no other reason1 this presumption ought to be made on the practical ground that a disturbance of the moral sentiment on one point is likely to weaken its force generally1 and1 before we expose men to this danger1 we ought to have some adequate justification4 ,but there is also the speculative ground that any given society1 and indeed mankind generally1 has been engaged for ages in feeling its way1 instinctively or semi-consciously1 towards a solution of the self-same problems which the philosopher is attempting to solve consciously and of set purpose4 ,that1 on the whole1 a society has solved these problems in the manner best suited to its existing needs and circumstances may fairly be taken for granted1 and1 even where the ethical stand-point of the reformer is very superior to the stand-point of the society which he wishes to reform1 he will be wise in endeavouring to introduce his reforms gradually1 and1 if possible1 in connexion with principles already acknowledged1 rather than in attempting to effect a moral revolution1 the ultimate results of which it may be impossible to foresee4 ,the work of the moralist is1 therefore1 best regarded as corrective of1 and supplementary to1 the work which mankind is constantly doing for itself1 and not as antagonistic to it4 ,the method is the same in both cases3 only it is applied semi-consciously1 and merely as occasions suggest it1 in the one case2 consciously and spontaneously in the other4 ,in both cases alike the guiding principle1 whether of action or of speculation upon action1 is the adaptation of conduct to surrounding circumstances1 physical and social1 with a view to promote1 to the utmost extent possible1 the well-being of the individual and of the society of which he is a member4 ,where the interests of the individual and of the society clash1 society1 that is to say1 a man's fellow-citizens1 usually approves1 as we saw in the last chapter1 of the sacrifice of individual to social interests1 a course of conduct which is also1 on reflexion1 usually stamped by the individual's own approbation1 and hence we may say briefly that their tendency to promote or impair the welfare of society is the test by which1 in different ways1 all actions are estimated alike by the philosopher1 in his hours of speculation1 and by the community at large1 in the practical work of life4 ,in laying down the principle that the presumption of the moralist should always be in favour of existing rules of conduct1 ,i intimated that there was one exception to this principle4 ,the exception includes all those cases which are legitimate1 though not obvious1 applications of existing rules1 and to which1 therefore1 the ordinary moral sentiment does not attach in the same way that it does to the plainer and more direct applications4 ,thus1 if it can be shewn1 as it undoubtedly can be1 that smuggling falls under the head of stealing1 and holding out false hopes under that of lying1 the moralist need take no account of the lax moral sentiment which exists with regard to these practices1 though1 of course1 in estimating the guilt of the individual as distinct from the character of the act1 due allowance must be made for his imperfect appreciation of the moral bearings of his conduct4 ,this exception1 as will be found in the next chapter1 covers1 and therefore at once justifies1 a large proportion of the criticisms which1 in the present advanced stage of morality1 when the more fundamental principles have been already settled1 it is still open to us to make4 ,it remains now to enquire what is the justification of the test propounded in this chapter4 ,i do not found it on any external considerations1 whether of ,law or ,revelation1 both of which1 ,i conceive1 presuppose morality1 but on the very make and constitution of our nature4 ,the justification of the moral test and the source of the moral feeling are alike1 ,i conceive1 to be discovered by an examination of human nature1 and1 so far as that nature has a divine origin1 so far is the origin of morality divine4 ,whatever the ultimate source of morality may be1 to us1 at all events1 it can only be known as revealed or reflected in ourselves4 ,what1 then1 is it in the constitution of our nature1 which leads us to aim at the well-being of ourselves and those around us1 and to measure our own conduct and that of others by the extent to which it promotes these ends8 ,in answering this question1 ,i must give a brief account of the ultimate principles of human nature1 though this account has been partly anticipated in the last chapter4 ,human nature1 in its last analysis1 seems1 so far as it is concerned with action1 to consist of certain impulses or feelings1 and a power of comparing with one another the results which follow from the gratification of these feelings1 which power reacts upon the several feelings themselves by way of intensifying1 checking1 or controlling them4 ,this power we call ,reason4 ,the feelings themselves fall into two principal groups1 the egoistic or self-regarding feelings1 which centre in a man's self1 and are developed by his personal needs1 and the altruistic or sympathetic feelings1 which centre in others and are developed by the social surroundings in which he finds himself placed4 ,these two groups of feelings1 ,i conceive1 were independent of one another from the first1 or at least as soon as man could be called man1 and neither of them admits of being resolved into the other4 ,as the one was developed by and adapted to personal needs1 so the other was developed by and adapted to the manifold requirements of family or tribal life1 which1 from the first1 was inseparable from the life of the individual4 ,intermediate between these two groups of feelings1 the purely self-regarding and the purely sympathetic1 and derived probably from the interaction of both1 is another group1 which may be called the semi-social group4 ,this group includes shame1 love of reputation1 love of notoriety1 desire of fame1 and the like1 but1 on analysis1 it will be found that all these feelings admit of being referred to two heads1 the love of approbation and the fear of disapprobation4 ,lastly1 if any of our desires or feelings are thwarted by the intentional action of other men1 the result in our minds is a feeling which we call ,resentment1 and which1 though it regards others1 is1 unlike the sympathetic feelings1 a malevolent and not a benevolent feeling4 ,it is important1 in considering the economy of human nature1 to notice that ,resentment1 as is also the case with the love of cruelty1 is a secondary not a primary1 a derived not an original affection of our minds2 for1 apart from the desire to gratify some self-regarding or sympathetic feeling1 or disappointment when that desire is not gratified1 there is1 ,i conceive1 no such thing as ill-feeling in one human being towards another4 ,resentment is properly a reflex form of sympathy or self-regard1 arising when our sympathetic feelings are wounded by an injury done to another1 or our self-regarding desires are frustrated by an injury done to ourselves2 when1 in fact1 any emotional element in our nature is1 by the intentional intervention of another1 disappointed of attaining its end4 ,each of these groups of feelings admits of being studied apart1 though in the actual conduct of life they are seldom found to operate alone1 and each1 under the continued action of reason1 assumes a form or forms in which its various elements are brought into harmonious working with each other1 so as best to promote the ends which the whole group subserves4 ,these forms1 thus rationalised or moralised1 if ,i may be allowed the use of such expressions1 are1 in the case of the self-regarding feelings1 self-respect and rational self-love2 in the case of the sympathetic feelings1 rational benevolence2 in the case of the semi-social feelings1 a reasonable regard for the opinion of others2 and in the case of the resentful feelings1 a sense of justice4 ,these higher forms of the several groups of feelings themselves require to be harmonised1 before man can satisfy the needs of his nature as a whole4 ,and1 when co-ordinated under the control of reason1 they become a rational desire for the combined welfare of the individual and of society1 or1 if we choose to use different but equivalent expressions1 of the individual considered as an unit of society1 or of society considered as including the individual4 ,in a settled state of existence1 the interests of the individual and of society1 even leaving out of account the pleasures and pains of the moral sanction1 are1 for the most part1 identical4 ,if an individual pursues a selfish course of conduct1 neglecting the interests and feelings of others1 he is almost certain to suffer for it in the long run4 ,and the prosperity and general well-being of the community in which they live is1 to citizens1 living a normal life and pursuing ordinary avocations1 an essential condition of their own prosperity and well-being4 ,on the other hand1 it is by each man attending to his own business and directing his efforts to the promotion of his own interests or those of his family1 his firm1 or whatever may be the smaller social aggregate in which his work chiefly lies1 that the interests of the community at large are best secured4 ,men whose time is mainly taken up with philanthropic enterprises are very likely to neglect the duties which lie immediately before them4 ',to learn and labour truly to get mine own living1 and to do my duty in that state of life1 unto which it shall please ,god to call me' is a very homely1 but it is an essential lesson4 ,that the great mass of the citizens of a country should lay it well to heart1 and act habitually on it1 is the first condition of national prosperity4 ,of course1 this primary regard to our own interests1 or those of the persons with whom we are more immediately connected1 must be limited by wider considerations4 ,a man has duties1 not only to himself and his own family1 but to his neighbours1 to the various institutions with which he is connected1 to his town1 his country1 mankind at large1 and even the whole sentient creation4 ,how far these should limit each other or a man's individual or family interests is a question by no means easy to answer1 and is the main problem which each man has to be perpetually solving for himself1 and society at large for us all4 ,there is hardly any waking hour in which we have not to attempt to settle rival claims of this kind1 and1 according as we settle them to our own satisfaction or not1 so have we peace or trouble of mind4 ,no one can reasonably deny that the more immediate interests of the individual and of the various social aggregates1 including society at large1 are frequently in conflict4 ,it seems to me1 ,i must confess1 that it is also futile to deny that there are occasions1 though such occasions may be rare1 in which even a man's interests in the long run are incompatible with his social duties4 ,to take one or two instances4 ,it may sometimes be for the good of society that a man should speak out his mind freely on some question of private conduct or public policy1 though his utterances may be on the unpopular side or offend persons of consideration and influence4 ,the man performs what he conceives to be his duty1 but he knows that1 in doing so1 he is sacrificing his prospects4 ,or1 again1 he is invited to join in some popular movement which he believes to be of a questionable or pernicious tendency1 and1 because he believes that to take part in it would be untrue to his own convictions and possibly harmful to others1 he refrains from doing so1 at the risk of losing preferment1 or custom1 or patronage4 ,then1 we are all familiar with the difficulties in which men are often placed1 when they have to record a vote2 their convictions and the claims of the public service being on one side1 and their own interests and prospects on the other4 ,in all these cases it is true that1 if their moral nature be in a healthy condition1 they approve1 on reflexion1 of having taken the more generous course1 while it is often a matter of life-long regret if they have sacrificed their nobler impulses to their selfish interests4 ,and1 taking into account these after-feelings of self-approbation and self-disapprobation1 it is often the case1 and is always the case where these feelings are very strong1 that a man gains more happiness1 in the long run1 by following the path of duty and obeying his social impulses than by confining himself to the narrow view which would be dictated by a cool calculation of what is most likely to conduce to his own private good4 ,but1 where the moral feelings are not strong1 and still more where they are almost in abeyance1 ,i fear that the theory that virtue and happiness are invariably coincident will hardly be supported by a candid examination of facts4 ,to some men1 ,i fear it must be acknowledged1 present wealth and power and dignity are more than a sufficient recompense for any remorse which they may continue to feel for past greed or lack of candour or truthfulness4 ,these considerations will serve to shew the immense importance of moral education1 alike in the family1 the school1 and the state4 ,if we are to depend on men acting rightly1 and with a due regard to wider interests than their own1 we must take pains to develope in them moral feelings sufficiently strong and sensitive to make the reflexion on wrong or selfish acts more painful to them than the sacrifice which is needed for dutiful and generous conduct4 ,so far as society1 through its various instruments of law and opinion1 of education and domestic influences1 can effect this object1 so far will it promote its own security and advancement4 ,our adoption1 then1 of a tendency to promote social welfare or well-being1 as the test of conduct1 is justified1 ,i conceive1 by an examination of the internal constitution of human nature and of the conditions which are necessary to secure the harmonious working of its various parts4 ,it may be objected that this test is vague in its conception and difficult in its application4 ,both objections1 to a great extent1 hold good4 ,if they did not1 moral theory and moral practice would be very easy matters1 but1 as a fact1 we know that they are by no means easy4 ,the conception of social well-being must be more or less vague1 because we are constantly filling it up by experience2 it is not a fixed1 but a growing conception1 and1 though we may be certain of the character and importance of many of the elements which have already been detected in it by the experience of past generations1 it seems impossible to fix any limits to its development in the future history of mankind4 ,man will constantly be discovering new wants1 new and more refined susceptibilities of his nature1 and with them his conception of human well-being must necessarily grow4 ,but1 though not a fixed or final conception1 the idea of social well-being is sufficiently definite1 in each generation1 to act as a guide and incentive to conduct4 ,it is the star1 gradually growing brighter and brighter1 which lights our path1 and1 any way1 we know that1 if it were not above us in the heavens1 we should be walking in the darkness4 ,it must be confessed that the test of social well-being is not always easy of application4 ,even1 when we know what the good of the community consists in1 it is not always easy to say what course of action will promote it1 or what course of action is likely to retard it4 ,society arrives1 in a comparatively early period of its development1 at certain broad rules of conduct1 such as those which condemn murder1 theft1 ingratitude to friends1 disobedience to parents4 ,but the more remote applications of these rules1 the nicer shades of conduct1 such as those relating to social intercourse1 the choice between clashing duties1 the realisation of our obligations to the community at large1 require for their appreciation a large amount of intelligence and an accumulated stock of experience which are not to be found in primitive societies4 ,hence1 the rules of conduct1 which at first are few and simple1 gradually become more numerous and complex4 ,nor have we yet arrived at the time1 nor do we seem to be within any appreciable distance of it1 when the code is complete1 or even the parts of it which already exist are altogether free from doubt and discussion4 ,in the simpler relations of life1 he that runs may read1 but with increasing complications comes increasing uncertainty4 ,to remove1 as far as may be1 this uncertainty from the domain of conduct is the task of advancing civilisation1 and specially of those members of a community who have sufficient leisure1 education1 and intelligence to review the motives and compare the results of actions4 ,the task has doubtless its special difficulties1 and the conclusions of the moralist will by no means always command assent1 but that the art of life is an easy one1 who is there1 at all experienced in affairs or accustomed to reflexion1 that will contend8 ,i may here pause for a moment1 in order to emphasise the fact1 which is already abundantly apparent from what has preceded1 that1 with ever widening and deepening conceptions of well-being1 man is constantly learning to subordinate his individual interests to those of society at large1 or rather to identify his interests with those of the larger organism of which he is a part4 ,it is thus that we may justify the peculiar characteristic of the moral sentiment1 indicated in the last chapter1 which seems1 in all acts of which it approves1 to demand an element of sacrifice1 whether of the lower to the higher self1 or of the individual to his fellows4 ,in order thoroughly to realise ourselves1 we must be conscious of our absorption1 or at least of our inclusion1 in a greater and grander system than that of our individual surroundings2 in order to find our lives1 we must first discover the art of losing them4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,practical ,,applications ,,of ,,the ,,moral ,,test4 ,in this chapter ,i propose1 without any attempt to be exhaustive or systematic1 to give some examples of the manner in which the test of conduct may be applied to practical questions1 either by extending existing rules to cases which do not obviously fall under them1 or by suggesting more refined maxims of conduct than those which are commonly prevalent4 ,in either case1 ,i am accepting the somewhat invidious task of pointing out defects in the commonly received theory1 or the commonly approved practice1 of morality4 ,but1 if morality is progressive1 as ,i contend that it is1 and progresses by the application to conduct of a test which itself involves a growing conception1 the best mode of exhibiting the application of that test will be in the more recent acquisitions or the more subtle deductions of morality1 rather than in its fundamental rules or most acknowledged maxims4 ,i shall begin with a topic1 the examples of which are ready to hand1 and may easily be multiplied1 to almost any extent1 by the reader for himself--the better realisation of our duties to society at large as distinct from particular individuals4 ,when the primary mischief resulting from a wrong act falls upon individuals1 and especially upon our neighbours or those with whom we are constantly associating1 it can hardly escape our observation4 ,and1 even if it does1 the probability is that our attention will be quickly called to it by the reprobation of others4 ,but1 when the consequences of the act are diffused over the whole community1 or a large aggregate of persons1 so that the effect on each individual is almost imperceptible1 we are very apt to overlook the mischief resulting from it1 and so not to recognise its wrongful character1 while1 at the same time1 from lack of personal interest1 others fail to call us to account4 ,hence it is that men1 almost without any thought1 and certainly often without any scruple1 commit offences against the public or against corporations or societies or companies1 which they would themselves deem it impossible for them to commit against individuals4 ,and yet the character of the acts is exactly the same4 ,take smuggling4 ,a man smuggles cigars or tobacco to an amount by which he saves himself twenty shillings1 and defrauds the state to the same extent4 ,this is simply an act of theft1 only that the object of the theft is the community at large and not an individual4 ,so far as the mischief or wrongfulness of the act goes1 apart from the intention of the agent1 he might as well put his hands into the pocket of one of his fellow-passengers and extract the same amount of money4 ,the twenty shillings which1 by evading payment of the duty1 he has appropriated to his own uses1 has been taken from the rest of the tax-payers1 and he has simply shifted on to them the obligation which properly attached to himself4 ,sooner or later they must make up the deficit4 ,if many men were to act in the same way1 the burden of the honest tax-payer would be largely increased1 and1 if the practice became general1 the state would have to resort to some other mode of taxation or collect its customs-revenue at a most disproportionate cost4 ,thus1 a little reflexion shows that smuggling is really theft1 and ,i cannot but think that it would be to the moral as well as the material advantage of the community if it were called by that name1 and were visited with the same punishment as petty larceny4 ,exactly the same remarks1 of course1 apply to the evasion of income-tax1 or of rates or taxes of any kind1 which are imposed by a legitimate authority4 ,travelling on a railway without a ticket or in a higher class or for a greater distance than that for which the ticket was taken is1 similarly1 only a thinly disguised case of theft1 and should be treated accordingly4 ,the sale or purchase of pirated editions of books is another case of the same kind1 the persons from whom the money is stolen being the authors or publishers4 ,many paltry acts of pilfering1 such as the unauthorised use of government-paper or franks1 or purloining novels or letter-paper from a club1 or plucking flowers in a public garden1 fall under the same head of real1 though not always obvious1 thefts4 ,there is1 of course1 a certain degree of pettiness which makes them insignificant1 but there is always a danger lest men should think too lightly of acts of this kind1 whether done by themselves or others4 ,the best safeguard1 perhaps1 against thoughtless wrong-doing to the community or large social aggregates is to ask ourselves these two questions3 ,should we commit this act1 or what should we think of a man who did commit it1 in the case of a private individual8 ,what would be the result1 if every one who had the opportunity were to do the same8 ,many of these acts would1 then1 stand out in their true light1 and we should recognise that they are not only mean but criminal4 ,other1 but analogous1 instances of the failure of men to realise their obligations to society or to large social aggregates are to be found in the careless and perfunctory manner in which persons employed by government1 or by corporations1 or large companies1 often perform their duties4 ,if they were in the service of a private employer1 they would at all events realise1 even if they did not act on their conviction1 that they were defrauding him by idling away their time or attending to their own affairs1 or those of charities or institutions in which they were interested1 when they ought to be attending to the concerns of their employer4 ,but in a government or municipal office1 or the establishment of a large company1 no one in particular seems to be injured by the ineffective discharge of their functions2 and hence it does not occur to them that they are receiving their wages without rendering the equivalent of them4 ,the inadequate supervision which overlooks or condones this listlessness is1 of course1 itself also the result of a similar failure to realise responsibility4 ,the spirit in which patronage is often administered affords an instance of a similar kind4 ,if a man were engaging a person to perform some service for himself or his family1 or one of his intimate friends1 he would simply look to competency1 including1 perhaps1 moral character1 for the special work to be done4 ,but1 when he has to appoint to a public post1 and especially if he is only one of a board of electors1 he is very apt to think that there is no great harm in appointing or voting for a relative or friend1 or a person who has some special bond of connexion with him1 such as that of political party1 though he may not be the candidate best qualified for the position4 ,and1 if it does occur to him that he is acting wrongly1 he is more likely to think of the wrong which he is doing to the individual who possesses the highest qualifications 7and to him it is an undoubted wrong1 for it frustrates just expectations7 than of the wrong which he is doing to the community or the institution which he is depriving of the services of the fittest man4 ,and yet1 if he takes the trouble to reflect1 he must see that he is guilty of a breach of trust2 that1 having undertaken a public duty1 he has abused the confidence reposed in him4 ,a vote given in return for a bribe1 a case which now seldom occurs except in parliamentary elections1 is open to the same ethical objections as a vote given on grounds of partiality2 and1 as the motive which dictates the breach of trust is purely selfish1 it incurs the additional reproach of meanness4 ,but why1 it may be asked1 should not a man accept a bribe1 if1 on other grounds1 he would vote for the candidate who offers it8 ,simply1 because he is encouraging a practice which would1 in time1 deprive ,parliament of most of its more competent members1 and reduce it to an oligarchy of millionaires1 as well as degrading himself by a sordid act4 ,to receive a present for a vote1 even if the vote be given conscientiously1 is to lend countenance to a practice which must inevitably corrupt the consciences1 and pervert the judgment1 of others4 ,it hardly needs to be pointed out that the man who offers the bribe is acting still more immorally than the man who accepts it4 ,he is not only causing others to act immorally1 but1 as no man can be a proper judge of his own competency1 he is attempting to thrust himself into an office of trust without any regard to his fitness to fill it4 ,intimidation1 on the part of the man who practises it1 is on the same ethical level as bribery1 with respect to the two points just mentioned2 but1 as it appeals to the fears of men instead of their love of gain1 and costs nothing to him who employs it1 it is more odious1 and deserves1 at the hands of the law1 a still more severe punishment4 ,to yield to intimidation is1 under most circumstances1 more excusable than to yield to bribery2 for the fear of losing what one has is to most men a more powerful inducement than the hope of gaining what one has not1 and1 generally speaking1 the penalty threatened by the intimidator is far in excess of the advantage offered by the briber4 ,as it betrays a vain and grasping disposition1 when a man attempts to thrust himself into an office to which he is not called by the spontaneous voice of his fellow-citizens1 so to refuse office1 when there is an evident opportunity of doing good service to the community1 betrays pride or indolence1 coupled with an indifference to the public welfare4 ,in democratic communities1 there is always a tendency on the part of what may be called superfine persons to hold aloof from public1 and especially municipal1 life4 ,if this sentiment of fastidiousness or indifference were to spread widely1 and a fashion which begins in one social stratum quickly permeates to those immediately below it1 there would be great danger1 as there seems to be in ,america1 of the public administration becoming seriously and permanently deteriorated4 ,to prevent this evil1 it is desirable to create1 in every community1 a strong sentiment against the practice of persons1 who have the requisite means1 leisure1 and ability1 withholding themselves from public life1 when invited by their fellow-citizens to take their part in it4 ,there may1 of course1 be paramount claims of another kind1 such as those of science1 or art1 or literature1 or education1 but the superior importance of these claims on the individuals themselves1 where they obviously exist1 and where the claims of the public service are not urgent1 would readily be allowed4 ,it seems to be a rapid transition from cases of this kind to suicide1 but1 amongst the many reasons1 moral and religious1 which may be urged against suicide1 there is one which connects itself closely with the considerations which have just been under our notice4 ,as pointed out long ago by ,aristotle1 the suicide wrongs the state rather than himself4 ,where a man is still able to do any service to the state1 in either a private or a public capacity1 he is under a social1 and1 therefore1 a moral obligation to perform that service1 and1 consequently1 to withdraw from it by a voluntary death is to desert the post of duty4 ,this consideration1 of course1 holds only where a man's life is still of value to society1 but it should be pointed out that1 where this ceases to be the case1 many other considerations often1 and some always do1 intervene4 ,there are few men who have not relatives1 friends1 or neighbours1 who will be pained1 even if they are not injured materially1 by an act of suicide1 and1 wherever the injury is a material one1 as in the case of leaving helpless relatives unprovided for1 it becomes an act of cruelty4 ,then1 under all circumstances1 there remain the evil example of cowardice and1 to those who acknowledge the obligations of religion1 the sin of cutting short the period of probation which ,god has assigned us4 ,amongst duties to society1 which are seldom fully realised in their social aspect1 is the duty of bringing up children in such a manner as to render them useful to the state1 instead of a burden upon it4 ,under this head1 there are two distinct cases1 that of the rich and that of the poor1 or1 more precisely1 that of those who are in sufficiently good circumstances to educate their children without the assistance of the state or of their neighbours1 and that of those who require such assistance4 ,in the latter case1 it is the duty of society to co-operate with the parent in giving the child an education which shall fit it for the industrial occupations of life1 and hence the moral obligation on the richer members of a community to provide elementary schools1 aided by the state or by some smaller political aggregate1 or else by voluntary efforts4 ,the object of this assistance is not so much charity to the parent or the individual children1 as the prevention of crime and pauperism1 and the supply of an orderly and competent industrial class4 ,in rendering the assistance1 whether it come from public or private funds1 great care ought to be taken not to weaken1 but1 rather to stimulate1 the interest of the parent in the child's progress1 both by assigning to him a share of the responsibility of supervision1 and1 if possible1 by compelling him to contribute an equitable proportion of the cost4 ,so largely1 if not so fully1 are the duties of the state and of individuals of the wealthier classes1 in the matter of educating the children of the poor1 now recognised1 that the dangers arising from a defective or injudicious education seem1 in the immediate future1 to threaten the richer rather than the poorer classes4 ,over-indulgence and the encouragement of luxurious habits during childhood2 the weakened sense of responsibility1 on the part of the parent1 which is often caused by the transference to others of authority and supervision during boyhood or girlhood2 the undue stimulation of the love of amusement1 or of the craving for material comforts1 during the opening years of manhood or womanhood2 the failure to create serious interests or teach adequately the social responsibilities which wealth and position bring with them1--all these mistakes or defects in the education of the children of the upper classes constitute a grave peril to society1 unless they are remedied in time4 ,it seems1 so far as we can forecast the future1 that it is only by all classes taking pains to ascertain their respective duties and functions in sustaining and promoting the well-being of the community1 and making serious efforts to perform them1 that the society of the next few generations can be saved from constant convulsions4 ,as intelligence expands1 and a sense of the importance of social co-operation becomes diffused1 it is almost certain that the existence of a merely idle and self-indulgent class will no longer be tolerated4 ,hence1 it is as much to the interests of the wealthier classes themselves as of society at large1 that their children should be educated with a full sense of their social responsibilities1 and equipped with all the moral and intellectual aptitudes which are requisite to enable them to take a lead in the development of the community of which they are members4 ,and here1 perhaps1 ,i may take occasion to draw attention to the importance of the acquisition of political knowledge by all citizens of the state1 and especially by those who belong to the leisured classes4 ,it is a plain duty to society1 that men should not exercise political power1 unless they have some knowledge of the questions at issue4 ,the amount of this knowledge may vary almost infinitely1 from that of the veteran statesman to that of the newly enfranchised elector1 but it is within the power of every one1 who can observe and reason1 to acquire some knowledge of at least the questions which affect his own employment and the welfare of his own family and neighbourhood1 and1 unless he will take thus much pains1 he might surely have the modesty to forego his vote4 ,to record a vote simply to please some one else is only one degree baser than to barter it for money or money's worth1 and indeed it is often only an indirect mode of doing the same thing4 ,there is a large class of cases1 primarily affecting individuals rather than society at large1 which1 if we look a little below the surface and trace their results1 are of a much more pernicious character than is usually recognised1 and1 as ethical knowledge increases1 ought to incur far more severe reprobation than they now do4 ,foremost amongst these is what ,i may call the current morality of debts4 ,a man incurs a debt with a tradesman which he has no intention or no reasonable prospect of paying1 knowing that the tradesman has no grounds for suspecting his inability to pay4 ,the tradesman parts with the goods1 supposing that he will receive the equivalent2 the customer carries them off1 knowing that this equivalent is not1 and is not likely to be1 forthcoming4 ,i confess that ,i am entirely unable to distinguish this case from that of ordinary theft4 ,and still there is many a man1 well received in society1 who habitually acts in this manner1 and whose practice must be more than suspected by his friends and associates4 ,he and his friends would be much astonished if he were accosted as a thief1 and still ,i cannot see how he could reasonably repudiate this title4 ,short of this extreme case1 which1 however1 is by no means uncommon1 there are many degrees of what may be called criminal negligence or imprudence in contracting debts1 as where a man runs up a large bill with only a slender probability of meeting it1 or a larger bill than he can probably meet in full1 or one of which he must defer the payment beyond a reasonable time4 ,in all these cases1 which are much aggravated1 if the goods obtained are luxuries and not necessaries 7for it is one of the plainest duties of every man1 who is removed from absolute want1 to live within his means71 there is either actual dishonesty or a dangerous approximation to it1 and it would be a great advance in every-day morality if society were to recognise this fact distinctly1 and apportion its censures accordingly4 ,where the tradesman knows that he is running a risk1 the customer being also aware that he knows it1 and adapts his charges to the fact1 it is a case of ',greek meet ,greek1' and1 even if the customer deserves reprobation1 the tradesman certainly deserves no compassion4 ,but this is a case outside the range of honest dealing altogether1 and must be regulated by other sentiments and other laws than those which prevail in ordinary commerce4 ,there is another well-known1 and to many men only too familiar1 exception to the ordinary relation of debtor and creditor4 ,a friend 'borrows' money of you1 though it is understood on both sides that he will have no opportunity of repaying it1 and that it is virtually a gift4 ,here1 as the creditor does not expect any repayment1 and the debtor knows that he does not1 there is no act of dishonesty1 but the debtor1 by asking for a loan and not a gift1 evades the obligation of gratitude and reciprocal service which would attach to the latter1 and thus takes a certain advantage of his benefactor4 ,in this case it would be far more straightforward1 even if it involved some humiliation1 to use plain words1 and to accept at once the true position of a recipient1 and not affect the seeming one of a borrower4 ,connected with the subject of debtor and creditor is the ungrounded notion1 to which ,i have already adverted1 that the payment of what are called debts of honour ought to take precedence of all other pecuniary obligations4 ,as these 'debts of honour' generally arise from bets or play or loans contracted with friends1 the position assumed is simply that debts incurred to members of our own class or persons whom we know place us under a greater obligation than debts incurred to strangers or persons belonging to a lower grade in society4 ,as thus stated1 the maxim is evidently preposterous and indefensible1 and affords a good instance1 as ,i have noticed in a previous chapter1 of the subordination of the laws of general morality to the convenience and prejudices of particular cliques and classes4 ,if there is any competition at all admissible between just debts1 surely those which have been incurred in return for commodities supplied have a stronger claim than those1 arising from play or bets1 which represent no sacrifice on the part of the creditor4 ,another instance of the class of cases which ,i am now considering is to be found in reckless gambling4 ,men who indulge in this practice are usually condemned as being simply hare-brained or foolish2 but1 if we look a little below the surface1 we shall find that their conduct is often highly criminal4 ,many a time a man risks on play or a bet or a horse-race or a transaction on the stock exchange the permanent welfare1 sometimes even the very subsistence1 of his wife and children or others depending on him2 or1 if he loses1 he cuts short a career of future usefulness1 or he renders himself unable to develope1 or perhaps even to retain1 his business or his estates1 and so involves his tenants1 or clerks1 or workmen in his ruin1 or1 perhaps1 he becomes bankrupt and is thus the cause of wide-spread misery amongst his creditors4 ,and1 even if these extreme results do not follow1 his rash conduct may be the cause of much minor suffering amongst his relatives or tradesmen or dependents1 who may have to forego many legitimate enjoyments in consequence of his one act of greed or thoughtlessness1 while1 in all cases1 he is encouraging by his example a practice which1 if not his own ruin1 is certain to be the ruin of others4 ,the light-heartedness with which many a man risks his whole fortune1 and the welfare of all who are dependent on him1 for what would1 if gained1 be no great addition to his happiness1 is a striking example of the frequent blindness of men to all results except those which are removed but one step from their actions4 ,a gamester1 however sanguine1 sees that he may lose his money1 but he does not see all the ill consequences to himself and others which the loss of his money will involve4 ,hence an act1 which1 if we look to the intention1 is often only thoughtless1 becomes1 in result1 criminal1 and it is of the utmost importance that society1 by its reprobation1 should make men realise what the true nature of such actions is4 ,i pass now to a case of a different character1 which has only1 within recent years1 begun to attract the attention of the moralist and politician at all--the peril to life and health ensuing on the neglect of sanitary precautions4 ,a man carelessly neglects his drains1 or allows a mass of filth to accumulate in his yard1 or uses well-water without testing its qualities or ascertaining its surroundings4 ,after a time a fever breaks out in his household1 and1 perhaps1 communicates itself to his neighbours1 the result being several deaths and much sickness and suffering4 ,these deaths and this suffering are the direct result of his negligence1 and1 though it would1 doubtless1 be hard and unjust to call him a murderer1 he is this in effect4 ,of course1 if1 notwithstanding warning or reflexion1 he persists in his negligence1 with a full consciousness of the results which may possibly ensue from it1 he incurs a grave moral responsibility1 and it is difficult to conceive a case more fit for censure1 or even punishment4 ,nor are the members of a corporation or a board1 in the administration of an area of which they have undertaken the charge1 less guilty1 under these circumstances1 than is a private individual in the management of his own premises4 ,if men were properly instructed in the results of their actions or pretermissions1 in matters of this nature1 and made fully conscious of the responsibility which those results entail upon them1 there would soon be a marked decrease in physical suffering1 disease1 and premature deaths4 ,the average duration of life1 in civilized countries1 has probably already been lengthened by the increased knowledge and the increased sense of responsibility which have even now been attained4 ,closely connected with these considerations on the diminution of death1 disease1 and suffering by improved sanitary arrangements1 is the delicate subject of the propagation of hereditary disease4 ,it is a commonplace that the most important of all the acts of life1 is that on which men and women venture most thoughtlessly4 ,but experience shews1 unmistakably1 that there are many forms of disease1 both mental and bodily1 which are transmitted from the parents to the children1 and that1 consequently1 the marriage of a diseased parent1 or of a parent with a tendency to disease1 will probably be followed by the existence of diseased children4 ,in a matter of this kind1 everything1 of course1 depends on the amount of the risk incurred1 that is to say1 on the extent of the evil and the probability of its transmission4 ,the former of these data is supplied by common observation1 the latter by the researches of the pathologist4 ,it is for the moralist simply to draw attention to the subject1 and to insist on the responsibility attaching to a knowledge of it4 ,the marriages of persons who are very poor1 and have no reasonable prospect of bringing up children in health1 decency1 and comfort1 are open to similar considerations but1 as in the last case1 ,i must content myself with simply adverting to the responsibility attaching to them1 and noting the extent to which that responsibility is usually ignored4 ,in connexion with this question1 it may be added that many of the attempts made by well-meaning people to alleviate poverty and distress have1 unfortunately1 too often the effect of ultimately aggravating those evils by diverting attention from their real causes4 ,a not unnatural reluctance to discuss or reflect on matters of this delicate character1 combined with the survival of maxims and sentiments derived from an entirely different condition of society1 are1 doubtless1 to a great extent1 the reasons of the backward condition of morality on this subject4 ,the importance1 from a social point of view1 of the careful education of children with reference to their future position in life has already been considered1 but1 in connexion with the class of duties ,i am now treating1 ,i may draw attention to the obligation under which parents lie1 in this respect1 to their children themselves4 ,the ancient morality1 which was the product of the patriarchal form of society1 when the patria potestas was still in vigour1 laid peculiar stress on the duties of children to parents1 while it almost ignored the reciprocal duties of parents to children4 ,when the members of a family were seldom separated1 and the pressure of population had not yet begun to be felt1 this was the natural order of ideas with respect to the parental relation4 ,but now that the common labour of the household is replaced by competition amongst individuals1 and most young men and women have1 at an early age1 to leave their families and set about earning their own living1 or carving out their own career1 it is obvious1 on reflexion1 that parents are guilty of a gross breach of duty1 if they do not use their utmost endeavours to facilitate the introduction of their children to the active work of life1 and to fit them for the circumstances in which they are likely to be placed4 ,to bring up a son or daughter in idleness or ignorance ought to be as great a reproach to a parent as it is to a child to dishonour its father or mother4 ,and yet1 in the upper and middle classes at all events1 there are many parents who1 without incurring much reprobation from their friends1 prefer to treat their children like playthings or pet animals rather than to take the pains to train them with a view to their future trials and duties4 ,it ought to be thoroughly realised1 and1 as the moral consciousness becomes better adapted to the existing circumstances of society1 it is to be trusted that it will be realised1 that parents have no moral right to do what they choose with their children1 but that they are under a strict obligation both to society and to their children themselves so to mould their dispositions and develope their faculties and inform their minds and train their bodies as to render them good and useful citizens1 and honest and skilful men4 ,it is to be hoped that1 some day1 people will regard with as much surprise the notion that parents have a right to neglect the education of their children as we now regard with wonder1 when we first hear of it2 the maxim of archaic law1 that a parent had a right to put his child to death4 ,much of the trouble1 vexation1 and misery of which men are the cause to themselves is due to cowardice1 or the false shame which results from attaching undue importance to custom1 fashion1 or the opinion of others1 even when that opinion is not confirmed by their own reflexion4 ,shame is an invaluable protection to men1 as a restraining feeling4 ,but the objects to which it properly attaches are wrong-doing1 unkindness1 discourtesy1 to others1 and1 as regards ourselves1 ignorance1 imprudence1 intemperance1 impurity1 and avoidable defects or misfortunes4 ,while it confines itself to objects such as these1 it is one of the sternest and1 at the same time1 most effective guardians of virtue and self-respect4 ,but1 as soon as a man begins to care about what others will say of circumstances not under his own control1 such as his race1 his origin1 his appearance1 his physical defects1 or his lack of wealth or natural talents1 he may be laying up for himself a store of incalculable misery1 and is certainly enfeebling his character and impairing his chances of future usefulness4 ,it is under the influence of this motive1 for instance1 that many a man lives above his income1 not for the purpose of gratifying any real wants either of himself or his family1 but for the sake of 'keeping up appearances1' though he is exposing his creditors to considerable losses1 his family to many probable disadvantages1 and himself to almost certain disgrace in the future4 ,it is under the influence of this motive1 too1 that many men1 in the upper and middle classes1 rather than marry on a modest income1 and drop out of the society of their fashionable acquaintance1 form irregular sexual connexions1 which are a source of injury to themselves and ruin to their victims4 ,a circumstance which has probably contributed largely1 in recent times1 to aggravate the feeling of false shame is the new departure which1 in commercial communities1 has been taken by class-distinctions4 ,the old line1 which formed a sharp separation between the nobility and all other classes1 has been almost effaced1 and in its place have been substituted many shades of difference between different grades of society1 together with a broad line of demarcation between what may be called the genteel and the ungenteel classes4 ,it was a certain advantage of the old line that it could not be passed1 and1 hence1 though there might be some jealousy felt towards the nobility as a class1 there were none of the heart-burnings which attach to an uncertain position or a futile effort to rise4 ,in modern society1 on the other hand1 there is hardly any one whose position is so fixed1 that he may not easily rise above or fall below it1 and hence there is constant room for social ambition1 social disappointment1 and social jealousy4 ,again1 the broad line of gentility1 which now corresponds most closely with the old distinction of nobility1 is determined by such a number of considerations1--birth1 connexions1 means1 manners1 education1 with the arbitrary1 though almost essential1 condition of not being engaged in retail trade1--that those who are just excluded by it are apt to feel their position somewhat unintelligible1 and1 therefore1 all the more galling to their pride and self-respect ,it would be curious to ascertain what proportion of the minor inconveniences and vexations of modern life is due to the perplexity1 on the one side1 and the soreness1 on the other1 created by the exclusiveness of class-distinctions4 ,that these distinctions are an evil1 in themselves1 there can1 ,i think1 be no doubt4 ,men cannot1 of course1 all know one another1 much less be on terms of intimacy with one another1 and the degree of their acquaintance or intimacy will always be largely dependent on community of tastes1 interests1 occupations1 and early associations4 ,but these facts afford no reason why one set of men should look down with superciliousness and disdain on another set of men who have not enjoyed the same early advantages or are not at present endowed with the same gifts or accomplishments as themselves1 or why they should hold aloof from them when there is any opportunity of common action or social intercourse4 ,the pride of class is eminently unreasonable1 and1 in those who profess to believe in ,christianity1 pre-eminently inconsistent4 ,it will always1 probably1 continue to exist1 but we may hope that it will be progressively modified by the advance of education1 by the spread of social sympathy1 and by a growing habit of reflexion4 ,the ideal social condition would be one in which1 though men continued to form themselves into groups1 no one thought the worse or the more lightly of another1 because he belonged to a different group from himself4 ,connected with exaggerated class-feeling are abuses of-esprit de corps4 ,unlike class-feeling1 esprit de corps is1 in itself1 a good4 ,it binds men together1 as in a vessel or a regiment1 a school or a college1 an institution or a municipality1 and leads them to sacrifice their ease or their selfish aims1 and to act loyally and cordially with one another in view of the common interest4 ,it is only when it sacrifices to the interests of its own body wider interests still1 and subordinates patriotism or morality to the narrower sentiment attaching to a special law of honour1 that it incurs the reprobation of the moralist4 ,but that it does sometimes deservedly incur this reprobation1 admits of no question4 ,a man1 to save the honour of his regiment1 may impair the efficiency of an army1 or1 to promote the interests of his college or school1 may inflict a lasting injury on education1 or1 to protect his associates1 may withhold or pervert evidence1 or1 to aggrandize his trade1 may ruin his country4 ,it is the special province of the moralist1 in these cases1 to intervene1 and point out how the more general is being sacrificed to the more special interest1 the wider to the narrower sentiment1 morality itself to a point of honour or etiquette4 ,but1 at the same time1 he must recollect that the esprit de corps of any small aggregate of men is1 as such1 always an ennobling and inspiriting sentiment1 and that1 unless it plainly detach them from the rest of the community1 and is attended with pernicious consequences to society at large1 it is unwise1 if not reckless1 to seek to impair it4 ,to descend to a subject of less1 though still of considerable1 importance1 ,i may notice that cowardice and fear of 'what people will say' lies at the bottom of much ill-considered charity and of that facility with which men1 often to the injury of themselves or their families1 if not of the very objects pleaded for1 listen to the solicitations of the inconsiderate or interested subscription-monger4 ,it has now become a truism that enormous mischief is done by the indiscriminate distribution of alms to beggars or paupers4 ,it is no less true1 though not so obvious1 that much unintentional harm is often done by subscriptions for what are called public objects4 ,people ought to have sufficient mental independence to ask themselves what will be the ultimate effects of subscribing their money1 and1 if they honestly believe that those effects will be pernicious or of doubtful utility1 they ought to have the courage to refuse it4 ,there is no good reason1 simply because a man asks me and ,i find that others are yielding to him1 why ,i should subscribe a guinea towards disfiguring a church1 or erecting an ugly and useless building1 or extending pauperism1 or encouraging the growth of luxurious habits1 or spreading opinions which ,i do not believe4 ,and ,i may be the more emboldened in my refusal1 when ,i consider how mixed1 or how selfish1 are often the motives of those who solicit me1 and that the love of notoriety1 or the gratification of a feeling of self-importance1 or a fussy restlessness1 or the craving for preferment is frequently quite as powerful an incentive of their activity as a desire to promote the objects explicitly avowed4 ,there is1 moreover1 an important consideration1 connected with this subject1 which often escapes notice1 namely1 the extent to which new and multiplied appeals to charity often interfere with older1 nearer1 and more pressing claims4 ,thus1 the managers of the local hospital or dispensary or charity organisation have often too good cause to regret the enthusiastic philanthropy1 which is sending help1 of questionable utility1 to distant parts of the world4 ,people cannot subscribe to everything1 and they are too apt to fall in with the most recent and most fashionable movement4 ,in venturing on these remarks1 ,i trust it is needless to say that ,i am far from deprecating the general practice of subscribing to charities and public objects1 a form of co-operation which has been rendered indispensable by the habits and circumstances of modern life4 ,i am simply insisting on the importance and responsibility of ascertaining whether the aims proposed are likely to be productive of good or evil1 and deprecating the cowardice or listlessness which yields to a solicitation1 irrespectively of the merits of the proposal4 ,these solicitations often take the offensive form1 which is intentionally embarrassing to the person solicited1 of an appeal to relieve the purveyor of the subscription-list himself from the obligation incurred by a 'guarantee4' ,the issue is thus ingeniously and unfairly transferred from the claims of the object1 which it is designed to promote1 to the question of relieving a friend or a neighbour from a heavy pecuniary obligation4 ',surely you will never allow me to pay all this money myself4' ,but why not1 unless ,i approve of the object1 and1 even if ,i do1 why should ,i increase my subscription1 on account of an obligation voluntarily incurred by you1 without any encouragement from me8 ,in a case of this kind1 the 'guarantee' ought to be regarded as simply irrelevant1 and the question decided solely on the merits of the result to be attained4 ,of course1 ,i must be understood to be speaking here only of those cases in which the 'guarantee' is used as an additional argument for eliciting subscriptions1 not of those cases in which1 for convenience sake1 or in order to secure celerity of execution1 a few wealthy persons generously advance the whole sum required for a project1 being quite willing to pay it themselves1 unless they meet with ready and cheerful co-operation4 ,in the department of social intercourse1 there are several applications of existing moral principles1 and specially of the softer virtues of kindness1 courtesy1 and consideration for others1 the observance of which would sensibly sweeten our relations to our fellow-men and1 to persons of a sensitive temperament1 render life far more agreeable and better worth living than it actually is4 ,a few of these applications ,i shall attempt to point out4 ,amongst savage races1 and in the less polished ranks of civilized life1 men who disagree1 or have any grudge against one another1 resort to physical blows or coarse invective4 ,in polite and educated circles1 these weapons are replaced by sarcasm and innuendo4 ,there are1 of course1 many advantages gained by the substitution of this more refined mode of warfare1 but the mere fact that the intellectual skill which it displays gives pleasure to the bystanders1 and wins social applause1 renders its employment far more frequent than1 on cool reflexion1 could be justified by the occasions for it4 ,there can be no doubt that it gives pain1 often intense pain1 especially where the victim is not ready enough to retaliate effectively in kind4 ,and there can be no more justification for inflicting this peculiar kind of pain than any other1 unless the circumstances are such as to demand it4 ,any one1 who will take the trouble to analyse his acts and motives1 will generally find1 when he employs these weapons1 that he is actuated not so much by any desire to reform the object of his attack or to deter1 by these means1 him or others from wrong-doing1 as by a desire to show off his own cleverness and to leave behind him a mark of his power in the smart which he inflicts4 ,these unamiable motives are least justifiable1 when the victim is a social inferior1 or a person who1 by his age or position1 is unable to retaliate on equal terms4 ,to vanity and cruelty are then added cowardice1 and1 though all these vices may only be displayed on a very small scale1 they are none the less really present4 ,it may be laid down1 however difficult1 with our present social habits1 it may be to keep the rule1 that sarcasm should never be employed1 except deliberately1 and as a punishment1 and that for innuendo1 if justifiable by facts1 men should always have the courage to substitute direct assertion4 ,of the minor social vices1 one of the commonest is a disregard1 in conversation1 of other persons' feelings4 ,men who lay claim to the character of gentlemen are specially bound to shew their tact and delicacy of feeling by avoiding all subjects which have a disagreeable personal reference or are likely to revive unpleasant associations in the minds of any of those who are present4 ,and yet these are qualities which are often strangely conspicuous by their absence even in educated and cultivated society4 ,one of the most repulsive and least excusable forms which this indifference to other persons' feelings takes is in impertinent curiosity4 ,there are some people who1 for the sake of satisfying a purposeless curiosity1 will ask questions which they know it cannot be agreeable to answer4 ,in all cases1 curiosity of this kind is evidence of want of real refinement1 and is a breach of the finer rules of social morality2 but1 when the questions asked are intended to extract1 directly or indirectly1 unwilling information on a man's private life or circumstances1 they assume the character of sheer vulgarity4 ,a man's private affairs1 providing his conduct of them does not injuriously affect society1 are no one's business but his own1 and much pain and vexation of the smaller kind would be saved1 if this very plain fact were duly recognised in social intercourse4 ,it may be noticed in passing1 that there still lingers on in society a minor form of persecution1 a sort of inquisition on a small scale1 which consists in attempting to extract from a man a frank statement of his religious1 social1 or political opinions1 though it is known or suspected all the time1 that1 if he responds to the invitation1 it will be to his social or material disadvantage4 ,in cases of this kind1 it becomes a casuistical question how far a man is called on to disclose his real sentiments at the bidding of any impertinent questioner4 ,that the free expression of opinion should be attended with this danger is1 of course1 a proof how far removed we still are from perfect intellectual toleration4 ,impertinent curiosity is offensive1 not only because it shews an indifference to the feelings of the person questioned1 but because it savours of gratuitous interference in his affairs4 ,this quality it shares with another of the minor social vices1 the tendering of unasked for advice1 or1 in brief1 impertinent advice4 ,there are certain circumstances and relations in which men have the right1 even if they are not under the obligation1 to give unsolicited advice1 as where a man is incurring an unknown danger or foregoing some unsuspected advantage1 or to their servants1 or children1 or wards1 or pupils2 but1 in all these cases1 either the special circumstance or the special relation implies superiority of knowledge or superiority of position on the part of the person tendering the advice1 and to assume this superiority1 where it does not plainly exist1 is an act of impertinence4 ,just as the assumption of superiority wounds a man's self-respect1 so does the disposition to meddle in his affairs1 which is generally founded on that assumption1 affect his sense of independence1 and1 hence1 an act which includes both grounds of offence seems to be a peculiarly legitimate object of resentment4 ,the lesson of letting other people alone is one which men are slow to learn1 though there are few who1 in their own case1 do not resent any attack on their liberty of judgment or action4 ,this is emphatically one of the cases in which we should try to put ourselves in the place of others1 and act to them as we would that they should act towards us4 ,excessive1 and often ill-natured1 criticism of others is one of the minor vices which seem to grow up with advancing civilisation and intelligence rather than to retreat before them4 ,it seems1 as a rule1 to prevail much more in educated than in uneducated society4 ,the reason is not difficult to find4 ,education naturally makes men more fastidious and more keenly alive to the defects of those with whom they associate4 ,and then1 when educated men converse together1 they are apt1 merely from the facility with which they deal with language1 to express in an exaggerated form the unfavourable estimate which they have formed of others1 especially if this exaggerated form can be compressed into an epigram4 ,but it requires little reflexion to see that this keen and exaggerated habit of criticism must be productive of much discomfort in a society in which it is general1 and that1 when applied to literary work1 even though it may be a protection against inaccuracy and breaches of taste1 it must be a great discouragement to the young and repressive of much honest and valuable effort4 ,to restrain the critical spirit1 whether applied to mind or conduct1 with proper limits1 it is necessary1 keeping these considerations in view1 to ask how much we can reasonably or profitably require of men1 and1 above all1 never to lose that sympathetic touch with others which renders us as keenly alive to their difficulties as their errors1 to their aspirations as their failure to fulfil them4 ,i shall say nothing here of detraction1 backbiting1 or malicious representation1 because these are social vices which are too obvious and too generally acknowledged to be of any service as illustrations of those extensions or new applications of morality which ,i have in view in the present chapter4 ,i may1 however1 notice in passing1 that the invention or exaggeration of stories1 which have a tendency to bring men into ridicule or contempt1 is a practice which1 from the entertainment it affords1 is too easily tolerated by society1 and usually fails to meet with the reprobation it deserves4 ,i shall advert to only one other topic1 namely1 the treatment of the lower animals4 ,with rare exceptions1 it is only of late that this subject has been regarded as falling within the sphere of ethics1 and it is greatly to the credit of ,bentham that he was amongst the first to recognise its importance and to commend it to the consideration of the legislator4 ,that the lower animals1 as sentient beings1 have a claim on our sympathies1 and that1 consequently1 we have duties in respect of them1 ,i can no more doubt than that we have duties in respect to the inferior members of our own race4 ,but1 at the same time1 considering their place in the economy of nature1 ,i cannot doubt that man has a right1 within certain limits1 to use them1 and even to kill them1 for his own advantage4 ,what these limits are is a question by no means devoid of difficulty4 ,there are those who maintain that we have no right to kill animals for food1 while there are those who1 without maintaining this extreme position1 hold that we have no right to cause them pain for the purposes of our own amusement1 or even for the alleviation of human suffering by means of the advancement of physiological and medical science4 ,it will be seen that the three questions here raised are the legitimacy of the use of animal food1 of field sports1 and of vivisection4 ,as respects the first1 ,i do not doubt that1 considering their relative places in the scale of being1 man is morally justified in sacrificing the lives of the lower animals to the maintenance of his own health and vigour1 let alone the probability that1 if he did not1 they would multiply to such an extent as to endanger his existence1 and would themselves1 in the aggregate1 experience more suffering from the privation caused by the struggle for life than they now do by incurring violent deaths4 ,at the same time1 though man may kill the lower animals for his own convenience1 he is bound not to inflict needless suffering on them4 ,the torture of an animal1 for no adequate purpose1 is absolutely indefensible4 ,cock-fights1 bull-fights1 and the like seem to me to admit of no more justification than the gladiatorial shows4 ,are field-sports1 then1 in the same category8 ,the answer1 ,i think1 depends on three considerations3 7#a7 would the animal be killed any way1 either for food1 or as a beast of prey2 7#b7 what is the amount of suffering inflicted on it1 in addition to that which would be inflicted by killing it instantaneously2 7#c7 for what purpose is this additional suffering inflicted4 ,i shall not attempt to apply these considerations in detail1 but ,i shall simply state as my opinion that1 amongst the results of a legitimate application of them1 would be the conclusions that worrying a dog or a cat is altogether unjustifiable2 that fox-hunting might be justified on the ground that the additional suffering caused to the fox is far more than counterbalanced by the beneficial effects1 in health and enjoyment1 to the hunter2 that shooting1 if the sportsman be skilful1 is one of the most painless ways of putting a bird or a stag to death1 and1 therefore1 requires no justification1 whereas1 if the sportsman be unskilful1 the sufferings which he is liable to cause1 through a lingering and painful death1 ought to deter him from practising his art4 ,with regard to the much-debated question of vivisection1 it seems to me utterly untenable1 and eminently inconsistent on the part of those who eat animal food or indulge in field-sports1 to maintain that1 under no circumstances1 is it morally justifiable to inflict pain on the lower animals for the purpose of ascertaining the causes or remedies of disease4 ,but1 having once made this admission1 ,i should insist on the necessity of guarding it by confining the power of operating on the living animal to persons duly authorised1 and by limiting it to cases of research as distinct from demonstration4 ,those1 moreover1 who are invested with this serious responsibility1 ought to feel morally bound to inflict no superfluous suffering1 and ought1 consequently1 to employ anaesthetics1 wherever they would not unduly interfere with the conduct of the experiment2 to resort1 as far as possible1 to the lower rather than the higher organisms1 as being less susceptible of pain2 and to limit their experiments1 both in number and duration1 as far as is consistent with the objects for which they are permitted to perform them4 ,this whole question1 however1 of our relation to the lower animals is one which is fraught with much difficulty1 and supplies a good instance of the range of subjects within which the moral sentiment is probably in the course of development4 ,recent researches1 and1 still more1 recent speculations1 have tended to impress us with the nearness of our kinship to other animals1 and1 hence1 our sympathies with them and our interest in their welfare have been sensibly quickened4 ,the word philanthropy no longer expresses the most general of the sympathetic feelings1 and we seem to require some new term which shall denote our fellow-feeling with the whole sentient creation4 ,such is a sample1 and ,i must repeat that it is intended only as a sample1 of the class of questions to which1 as it seems to me1 the moral test still admits of further application4 ,morality1 or the science and art of conduct1 had its small beginnings1 ,i conceive1 in the primeval household and has only attained its present grand proportions by gradual increments1 derived partly from the semi-conscious operations of the human intelligence adapting itself to the circumstances in which it is placed1 partly from the conscious meditations of reflective men4 ,that it is likely to advance in the future1 as it has done in the past1 notwithstanding the many hindrances to its progress which confessedly exist1 is1 ,i think1 an obvious inference from experience4 ,we may not unreasonably hope that there will be a stricter sense of justice1 a more complete realisation of duty1 more delicacy of feeling1 a greater refinement of manners1 more kindliness1 quicker and wider sympathies in the coming generations than there are amongst ourselves4 ,i have attempted1 in this ,essay1 briefly to delineate the nature of the feelings on which this progress depends1 and of the considerations by which it is guided1 as well as to indicate some few out of the many directions which it is likely to take in the future4 ,in the former part of my task1 ,i am aware that ,i have run counter to many prejudices of long standing1 and that the theories which ,i consider to be alone consistent with the fact of the progress of morality1 may by some be thought to impair its authority4 ,but if morality has its foundations in the constitution of human nature1 which itself proceeds from the ,divine ,source of all things1 ,i conceive that its credentials are sufficiently assured4 ,in the present chapter1 ,i have1 in attempting to illustrate the possibility of future improvements in the art and theory of conduct1 been necessarily led to note some deficiencies in the existing moral sentiment4 ,this is always an unwelcome and invidious task4 ,men do not like to be reminded of their moral failings1 and there is hardly any man1 however critical he may be of others1 who1 in the actual conduct of life1 does not appear to delude himself with the idea that his own moral practice is perfect4 ,i appeal1 however1 from the unconscious assumptions of men to their powers of reflexion1 and ,i ask each man who reads this book to consider carefully within himself whether1 on the principles here set out1 much of the conduct and many of the ethical maxims which are now generally accepted do not admit of refinement and improvement4 ,in the sphere of morals1 as in all other departments of human activity1 we are bound to do for our successors what our predecessors were bound to do1 and mostly did1 for us--transmit the heritage we have received with all the additions and adaptations which the new experiences and changing conditions of life have rendered necessary or desirable4